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diff --git a/old/56095-0.txt b/old/56095-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index c3eff58..0000000 --- a/old/56095-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,3783 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Janus in Modern Life, by W. M. Flinders Petrie - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Janus in Modern Life - -Author: W. M. Flinders Petrie - -Release Date: December 1, 2017 [EBook #56095] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK JANUS IN MODERN LIFE *** - - - - -Produced by Larry B. Harrison, MFR and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - - JANUS IN MODERN LIFE - - - - - JANUS - IN - MODERN LIFE - - BY - W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE - D.C.L., LL.D., F.R.S., F.B.A., &c. - - _Fools only learn by their own experience, - Wise men learn by the experience of others._ - - LONDON: - ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE & CO. LTD. - 10 ORANGE STREET, LEICESTER SQUARE W.C. - 1907. - - - - -"There are two roads to reformation for mankind—one through -misfortunes of their own, the other through those of others; the former -is the more unmistakable, the latter the less painful.... For it is -history, and history alone, which, without involving us in actual -danger, will mature our judgment, and prepare us to take right views, -whatever may be the crisis or the posture of affairs." - - POLYBIUS. - - - - -PREFACE. - - -These papers essay an understanding of some of the various principles -which underlie the course of political movements in the present age. -There is no attempt at introducing any considerations which are -not familiar to every intelligent person, nor any comparisons with -other instances which are not already well known in history. Why -considerations which seem so obvious when stated, should yet not be -familiar, may perhaps be due to the estrangement between science and -corporate life, which is an unhappy feature of a time of transition -both in education and in motives. - -The point of view here is that of public and general conditions and -not of private variations of beliefs. Such moral factors, though -all important to the individual, are not so much the subject of -the direct physical causes and effects which are here considered. -Similarly the beneficial result of private benevolence is not added -to these considerations, because it is largely outside of the effects -of conduct, and finds its good in amending or neutralising the evil -consequences of various actions. It will always have its scope, but in -opposition to, rather than in concert with, the direct effects which we -are here to consider. - -Too often the objections to various new views are based upon some -sentiment of one party, rather than upon the reason which is common to -all parties. Here, on the contrary, the aim is to consider the natural -consequences of various actions, apart from personal opinion, and -therefore on a common ground which all readers can equally accept. - -The position of a partisan or an advocate has been avoided so far as -possible. No doubt to many of the statements and deductions here, one -party or another would cry, Anathema. As a whole the results are more -in accord with Individualism than with Collectivism; but an attempt -is made to trace what are the limits of a Collectivism that may not -involve deleterious consequences. It may seem a fault to many minds -that no cut and dried definite system or course of action is advocated; -many people prefer a medicine which is guaranteed to relieve all -their complaints, instead of a physiological research on the obscure -causes of their troubles. But, if we are to advance, we must study -the diseases of bodies politic with the same disinterestedness, and -somewhat of the same unfeeling temper, as that of the physiologist in -dealing with "animated nature." Such a line of study will be useless -to the politician, so long as he is an opportunist or a placeman; -and useless to the socialist, so long as he refuses to learn by the -experience of others. - -The present time seems to most people so infinitely more important -to them than the past or future, that they are impatient at the -introduction of comparisons which seem to reflect upon their immediate -judgment, or of anticipations which would check their present -gratification. They forget that it is only a fiction to speak of the -present, an infinitely thin division between what has been and that -which will be. Every step of the past has been a present, living, -urgent, imperative, to the whole world; and every such present has -been entirely conditioned by its past, just as the future to us is -conditioned by our present. If any race now cares to learn somewhat -from its own past, and that of others, it may benefit its own future; -if it prefers a blind selfishness, a better race will be welcomed to -its place. - -Janus, who looked to the past and to the future, was the god whose -temple stood always open during war, that he might bring peace upon -earth. And in our day it is only the view of the past and the future -which can warn us of evils to come, and save us from violence and -confusion. - - - - -CONTENTS. - - - PAGE - - PREFACE v - - - CHAPTER I. - CHARACTER, THE BASIS OF SOCIETY. - - Production of character the most important object, p. 1. The - known conditions of physical variation, p. 2. Mental equivalents - of physical variation in (1) benefits of ability, p. 4; (2) - Inheritance, p. 4; (3) Artificial increase of variation, p. 5; - (4) Excitement of variation, p. 6; (5) Gain by use, p. 6; - (6) Loss by atrophy, p. 7; (7) Variation made permanent by - competition, p. 10. Immutability of general type, physical and - mental, p. 11. - - - CHAPTER II. - PRESENT CHANGES OF CHARACTER. - - Loss of national character by emigration, p. 13; by promotion - of sloth, p. 16. Lack of adaptability, p. 16. Low type of - public pleasure, p. 17. Repression of character by communism, - p. 20. Conditions of successful communism, p. 20. Communism - in early Christianity, p. 23. Intense competition - among herbivora, p. 25. Communism fatalistic, p. 26. - Destruction of character by municipal communism, p. 26. - - - CHAPTER III. - TRADE UNIONISM, ITS FLOWER AND FRUITION. - - Town influence in Rome, p. 28. Decay of the country, p. 29. - Growth of trade unions, p. 30. Trade unions compulsory, p. 30. - Cheap production for the proletariat, p. 32. Sharing of proletariat - burden by a trade, p. 32. All property hypothecated to - the Trade Unions, p. 33. The social burden the destruction of - Rome, p. 34. The growth of the little-Italy party, p. 35. Devolution - of government, p. 36. The state regulation of prices and - wages, p. 37. - - - CHAPTER IV. - REVOLUTION OR EVOLUTION? - - Great effects best produced by small causes, p. 40. Revolution - leads to greater tyranny, p. 40; also leads to military - despotism, p. 41. Radical changes show ignorance, p. 42. - Scope to be allowed for gradual change, p. 43. Variability - tolerated by bye-laws, p. 44. Effects of small changes as seen - in Death Duties and reduced colonising power, p. 44. Income - tax and expulsion of trade, p. 47; benefits of taxing extravagance, - p. 52; Irish tenant right, p. 53; high interest on loans, - p. 55; equalisation of land values, p. 56; growth of cities, p. 57. - Effect of workmen's compensation, p. 58; of old age pensions, - p. 59; of state help for children, p. 60. Effects of wealth in the - hands of different classes, p. 60. - - - CHAPTER V. - THE NEED OF DIVERSITY. - - Variability needful for advance of a species, p. 65. Large - states a necessary result of rapid communication, p. 66. Diversity - needed therefore within the state, as well as between - states, p. 67. No moral obligation to uniformity, p. 67. - Separate states needed for a doubled-centred diversity, p. 70. - Diversity as yet remaining in marriage-law and custom, p. 71. - Society a mixture of many past stages of culture, p. 72. Present - education a bar to progress by diversity, p. 73. Need of diversity - in education, p. 75. - - - CHAPTER VI. - LINES OF ADVANCE. - - Personal initiative essential, p. 78. Prevention of waste the - main principle of advance, p. 79. Gain in health, p. 79. Gain - in amount of activities of life, p. 80. Gain in rapidity, p. 81. - Gain by working instead of playing, p. 81. Gain by saving - waste in renewal, p. 83. Gain by permanent marriage, p. 84. - Gain by high-tending of families, p. 85. Gain by improving or - weeding of bad stocks, p. 86. Gain by individualism, p. 89. - Gain by free combinations, p. 92. Gain by international - labour, p. 93. The meaning of war, by trade, by armament, - and by violence, p. 95. Improvement of checks, p. 99. The - ultimate type of states, p. 100. The ultimate type of man, - p. 101. - - - INDEX 105 - - - - -JANUS IN MODERN LIFE. - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -CHARACTER, THE BASIS OF SOCIETY. - - -In considering or designing any kind of work the first and most -essential condition is the quality of material that has to be used. -"You cannot make a silk purse out of a sow's ear." And what is -true materially is true also mentally; the character of a people -is the essential basis of all their institutions and government. -If we intend to consider what improvements are possible, or what -degradations may occur, we must treat the matter entirely as a question -of character. "For forms of Government let fools contest, whate'er -is best administered is best," and the administration depends upon -the character of the people. We see on all sides that races of a -low character necessarily pass, by the force of events, under the -domination of other races who have a higher or stronger character. It -is the quality of the race which is the most essential and determining -factor in its history. That every nation has the kind of government -which it deserves, is an old remark, which implies that its character -determines its fate. The diligent but cautious Scot; the slovenly -Slovene; the self-deceived Gaul; the tediously complete and logical -German; these all show the manner in which their administration is the -product of the individual character. Further, happiness is essentially -dependent upon character, and is—by comparison—determined by -character alone, almost apart from external circumstances. - -It is therefore a matter of the first importance to consider how -character is produced or modified. Possibly to some it may appear -presumptuous to apply to the mind those natural laws which it is -now generally agreed apply to bodily development. Yet even the -probabilities of chance distribution may be shown to apply to the -varieties of mind; both by rough observation in general, and also -by a test case quantitatively applied (see _Religion and Conscience -in Ancient Egypt_). A feeling against this treatment of the mind -by material law is based on the idea that it implies an absence of -free-will. But, to take an illustration, a railway company may be -certain of carrying very closely the same number of passengers each -day, without in the least embarrassing the free-will of any passenger -as to whether or no he will travel. Let us notice, therefore, how -the various principles of physical modification are applicable also -to mental change. Whether it may be that changes take place by the -inheritance of acquired characteristics, or whether they occur solely -by accidental variation which proves beneficial, is a much debated -question which is not requisite for us to settle here. It is agreed -that in the physical life of all animals it may be seen that: (1) -Favourable variations give a determining advantage to one individual -over another, or to one more than another against a common enemy; (2) -Useful variations tend to be maintained in successive generations; -(3) Artificial conditions tend to produce variation; (4) Greater -variability accompanies unusual developments; (5) Growth is directed -and encouraged by use; and (6), as the total activity is limited, -therefore disuse causes atrophy and degradation, by favouring of parts -more used. To these follows the important corollary (7): Variation -being only of benefit where there is competition in which it gives an -advantage, its improvements will cease to be maintained in the absence -of competition; it is only competition which makes improved variations -permanent. For instance, if there were no carnivora the swifter deer -would not have found their pace a benefit, and there would be no -sufficient cause for their attaining their present swiftness. In place -of looking on selection as merely a struggle we must look on it as the -sole physical means of permanent elevation, the motor which has raised -every species to its present point of ability. - -To these principles common to all organic nature must be added another -which is almost peculiar to man alone. We often hear that environment -is the determinant of the nature of both animals and man. But the -distinctive quality of man is the subjection of the environment to the -ruling faculty; man is not necessarily conditioned by his environment, -but a direct measure of his civilisation is the extent to which he -creates his own conditions. Other communal animals, as the ant, the -bee, or the beaver, have anticipated this to some extent; but in man -alone can the ruling faculty rise to an entire reversal of almost -every condition of environment. - -The mental equivalents of these physical modifications are obviously -true in common experience and in historical example. - -(1) That a favourable variation of mind gives a determining advantage -needs no illustration, as every sharp and able man of business has -shown this in all ages. - -(2) That mental qualities are inherited has been pretty generally -recognised, and the work of Galton on Hereditary Genius has enforced -this by statistical example. But the historical consequences have not -been sufficiently noticed; for it is obviously possible by selective -action to increase or diminish not only the bodily activity but -also the mental ability seen in the whole community. The series of -proscriptions of all the leading men of Rome, alternately on one side -and then on the other, from Marius down to Octavius, was so disastrous -a drain of political ability, that only the Julian family was left; and -there was never an able emperor of Roman ancestry after that line was -extinct. The expulsion of the Huguenots from France drained it of the -active middle class minds, and left the great gap in the continuity of -sympathy which made the Revolution possible. The later expulsion or -extermination also of the active upper class minds drained that land of -nearly all the hereditary ability of the race: the consequence has been -to leave at the present day a nation of mediocrities, among whom there -is but a fraction of the genius seen in Germany and England on either -side of it. Almost every leading name is that of a foreigner, as for -instance Waddington, Zurlinden, Eiffel, Reinach, Rothschild, Gambetta, -Maspero. Another very important consideration is that sporadic ability -is not inherited in the same manner as long continued family ability. -Not a single Roman Emperor who rose solely from his individual powers -left a worthy and capable son. The Gordians were a good senatorial -family, and ran through three generations on the throne. In England -the same thing is seen. The main source of new men of ability is from -sturdy Puritan or Quaker stocks that have long practised self-denial -and hard work; old families with long traditions of public service -continue usually on the same line of ability; but the _nouveaux riches_ -who have sprung forward on some lucky speculation or trade enterprise -usually go hopelessly to pieces in the next generation. The longer a -useful type has been maintained the more stable it is. - -(3) That artificial conditions tend to produce variation is obvious -in every civilisation. The more intense is the artificiality of life, -the greater are the extremes of ability and incompetence, of riches -and poverty, accompanying it. It is often a problem to kind hearts -that there should be such misery and degradation side by side with the -ease and welfare of civilisation. The answer is that it is inevitable, -because the very same artificiality which gives scope to the capable -to rise, equally gives scope for the incapable to fall. Every chance, -every opening, every benefit attainable by exertion, is a means of -advance to him who uses it; but it is accompanied by equal chances of -failure, equal openings to loss, equal injuries resulting from sloth, -which are the equally sure means of degradation for those who have -not the wit or energy to avoid them. The "submerged tenth" is the -inevitable complement of the leading tenth. - -(4) Greater variability of mind accompanies unusual development; -this is seen in the great outbursts of mental activity which have -occurred along with external expansion in the times of Elizabeth and of -Victoria. Or in earlier times the growth of Greek literature following -the Periclean expansion, or of Roman literature with the Augustan -settlement of the world. - -(5) Mental growth is directed and encouraged by use. This fact is so -obvious that it is proverbial, as in the saying, "The mind grows by -what it feeds upon." All mental training and teaching recognise this, -but it is true in later life as well as in youth. It is well known -how in the least civilised races small children are as advanced—or -more so—than in higher races. The Australian is said to come to a -standstill at ten or twelve years old. The Egyptian seldom advances -mentally after sixteen. A low-class Englishman does not improve after -twenty or so. A capable man will continue to expand till thirty or -forty. And the man of the greatest capacity will continue to grow -mentally, and assimilate new lines of thought, until seventy or eighty. - -Thus the greater the power of use and the activity of the mind, the -longer will it continue to grow. This may well be regarded as one of -the main tests of a great mind; and it is strictly in accord with the -system of the well-known embryonic changes passing from lower to higher -stages, and continuing to grow in development into higher and higher -types. The savage ceased to grow mentally even while in childhood; the -sage continues the expansion of mind to extreme old age. - -(6) Disuse of mind causes atrophy and degradation. This principle -is one of the most important of all in its practical bearings. The -familiar figure of the later Merovings, the _rois fainéants_, is -an historical example: freed from all necessity of thought by the -assiduity of the mayors of the palace, the family mind atrophied -further in each generation, until the king became a puppet without -volition in royal affairs. The same working may be seen in the -upper classes of many countries, where the spur of the necessity -of action ceases. Within a century of the cessation of the Moorish -wars the chivalry of Spain began to atrophy; the same was seen in a -century after the cessation of civil war in France. In England the -strong tradition of training for the public careers in the civil and -military services and parliament, has saved the upper classes more -than elsewhere. But a rich family without active interests almost -always shows atrophy of mind. There is a fine saying of Mencius, -"Those whom God destines for some great part, He first chastens by -suffering and toil." The same tendency to atrophy is equally seen in -the lower classes, when the necessity of self-help is removed. And many -of the modern movements have been of a degrading tendency, leading -to the holding back of the capable and the artificial help of the -incapable. It is obvious that if persons have retrograded and got into -difficulties, they are presumably less capable than those around them. -If then they are relieved independently of their own exertions, their -incapacity is fostered and they retrograde still further. To compensate -them for their incapacity by relief works, by farm colonies, by outdoor -relief doles, by maintenance of their children, will inevitably lead -to further atrophy of mind. The doctrine of equality of wages in a -trade is a double injury, it encourages the most incapable man that can -possibly squeeze into the trade, and it discourages the capable man who -is worth far more than the average. It must tend to drive capable men -out of the trades which they might have raised by their example and -stimulus, into other lines where capacity can still earn its value. -The mental atrophy that has come over ordinary workmen is appalling, -at least in the region of London. In case after case, the common sense -and intelligence seems to have been entirely lost, and the grossest -blunders will be made by well-paid men; and it is safe to say that in -most business a really capable and active man can do from three to six -times as much as the average workman, beside avoiding the loss of time -by mistakes. In short a certified ease of conditions, and absence of -direct penalties of incapacity, has atrophied the ordinary working mind -to a point which is dangerously low in comparison with that of other -races. The remedy lies in training the incapable by a stern discipline -of gradually teaching them the maximum that they can perform in the -day, with good direction and avoidance of bad conditions. After a -couple of years of such intensive training they should be drafted into -ordinary factories, with the warning that if they fall out of work -again, another year's compulsory hard training will be the result. - -In another way this atrophy of mind may be seen and felt as a temporary -condition by members of boards and committees. What is everyone's -business is nobody's business; and when each person feels that he is -not personally responsible, a numbness and inaction ensues which is -characteristic of such bodies. Men, any one of whom would act sensibly -when alone, will succumb to the paralysing sense that they need not -think because nine other men are doing so, and the results are well -known as characterising these assemblies which have "neither a body to -be kicked nor a soul to be damned." There are very few public bodies -which are not really dependent on the individual thought and design of -one person, criticised and amended by the collateral views of others. -In short, all action and rule must be personal and not corporate, -however much the person may be checked and controlled by general -opinion of the public, or of a restricted body. Without personal -initiative atrophy is the result. - -Another great theatre of mental atrophy is officialism, where a man -is bound to follow certain rules and routine rather than to think. -A German has remarked to me that a man who is perfectly reasonable -and intelligent in private life becomes quite foolish as soon as he -enters his office. This constant result is the strongest reason for not -extending official control of affairs needlessly, or the management -of public work by officials. Private enterprise will always be more -effective than an official system, because it is solely the result of -individual initiative. The enormous monopolies of railways in England -are on the whole far more beneficial to the public than the State -railways of other countries. The evils of corporate monopoly, checked -by law and supervision of the Board of Trade, are less than the evil of -stagnation by official atrophy. In the Republic of France the principal -line runs its best trains slower than, and at three times the cost of, -the best trains on great English lines. - -(7) It is only competition which makes permanent the improved mental -variations which occur. The evils of competition in physical things -almost disappear in the mental field; and, unless misused as in a -foolishly designed examination, there seems an unmixed benefit from -unlimited competition of mind. It is only by such competition that -higher types of ability have been established in the past, and it is -to such that we must look for future improvement. It is true that in -various directions we find a dislike of competition; but that is the -surest sign that it is effective, and therefore beneficial to the whole -body. - -We see then that each of those principles which rule in physical -modification is equally true of mental modification. - -But though the modes of mental variation may be fairly clear, we -must not be carried away by the view that therefore great changes in -man are to be expected. The effects of various conditions upon the -body are tolerably familiar, yet the average form of man has varied -extraordinarily little during ten thousand years. The highest type -of ancient man differs almost inappreciably from the highest type of -modern man, certainly by not a tenth of the difference that may be seen -between different types at present. It may be practically said that man -is at a standstill in physical development. Sanitary improvements and -better feeding may do great things, but they leave the essential form -and constitution unaltered. The same is true of mind. When we become -familiar with details of early ages nothing is more astonishing than -to see how unaltered the mind of man is in its essentials. In tales -and maxims six thousand years old we see not only the common stock of -primary instincts, but also the _finesse_ of conduct in public life, -the modes of ensuring respect in dealing with superiors and inferiors, -the attention to very varied elements of character, and a fine suavity -and kindliness pervading the whole. There is not a single class or a -single public body at present that practically stands as high as the -ideal of two hundred generations ago. And when we look at the material -civilisation we see still farther back the appreciation of qualities of -work which only a very small proportion of mankind care for now. The -overwhelming zeal for minute accuracy was as perfect a mental state at -4700 B.C. as it is in a Royal Society paper of our day. The subject -and the method have changed; but the mental attitude is the same in a -man who demanded, and in those who executed, beautifully true plane -surfaces, and long measurements exact to far within the variation of -size caused by a hot or a cold day, and the men now who triangulate -a continent and measure the world. The mind is the same, only the -stock-in-trade of it has increased. At the beginning of history the -palaces were adorned with table services cut in the hardest and most -beautiful stones, exquisitely formed and polished; and such homes -were assuredly inhabited by men whose tastes and artistic sense were -closely the same as the best of ours, and who would, like us, have -revolted at most of the products of the present time. Not only was -there the body of highly skilled and intelligent men to do such work, -but there must have been a widely spread standard of taste demanding -this exquisite work as an aesthetic pleasure. The nature of mind is -unchanged, its motives, its feelings, its sense of life; only in -knowledge and the applications of it do we differ from the earliest -civilisation that we can trace. - -It is, therefore, quite unreal for us to anticipate any change in the -essential nature of man in the next few thousand years. The increase -of knowledge and its applications will not alter that nature, or the -relation of mind to mind. We shall still desire and admire the same -things, and be moved by the same impulses; and we may neglect as -ignorant dreams all speculations about any essential changes in the -motives or constitution of man. - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -PRESENT CHANGES OF CHARACTER. - - -Having now seen how the fluctuations of amendment or deterioration -of character, are subject to the same common laws as those of the -variation of physical structure, we are in a position to see more -clearly the effect of gradual changes around us in England. Emigration -has been very active in the past three generations, and immigration has -recently become important. The loss of the earliest emigrants who moved -for religious and political reasons affected the national character -very little; there was plenty of solid character remaining in England, -and the removal of the more disputatious elements gave added strength -to those who continued at home. The compulsory emigration of convicts -was similarly a gain by removing those who were most out of harmony -with the majority. Happily those whose characters made it most irksome -to them to comply with the legal formulae of life at home, were just -those best suited for the type of a new country, less restrained and -more varied, with greater scope for enterprise. So far there had been -a gain by removal of the two extreme types. But then succeeded a most -serious movement of the voluntary selection of persons who thought that -their energies would have a better and more remunerative scope in the -colonies. This implied a draining away of those who had intelligence -to choose a more promising career, energy to break with their -present life and start afresh, and who possessed most adaptability, -self-reliance, and hopefulness. All of these qualities are greatly -needed at home for a prosperous population; and the incessant natural -selection from the general mass, and removal of those who had most -of such qualities, must have produced a serious effect on the home -population. We see in England undoubtedly a lessening of sturdiness -as a whole, and the deficiency of the abilities which have been most -exported. There is a general outcry about the lack of adaptability in -business; and the general want of self-reliance is shown by all the -grandmotherly legislation which is sought and granted. At first we -succeeded in getting rid of some amount of less desirable stock along -with the capable stock; but in later years most countries will not -admit any but good stock, and we lose the valuable examples of national -character without any compensation. The drain of capacity from the -nation is a most serious feature of life in England; and how far the -prominence of the "submerged tenth," and the large proportion who live -only a week's remove from starvation, is due to the lowering of the -standard of capacity by the emigration of the more capable, is a very -important question. The same consideration applies to Ireland in a far -more acute form, as the emigration has been of much larger proportions. - -A large immigration into England has recently grown up. So far as this -is of more energetic men, who see their way to win over our heads, -they should be welcomed. The German who comes to England to establish -factories and exploit the English market is at least a gain to the -country, as it is far better he should do this in England rather than -expend all that energy and management out of England. The trade and -manufacture of England have been largely built up by immigrations of -Flemings, Huguenots, Dutch, French, and now Germans, who have each -contributed to our capacity for work. In commercial business the -foreign influence is strong. In north-west London one-tenth of the -private residents are of German origin. A movement is going on quite -comparable to other great race movements of past history; but it only -affects the upper classes, and not the hand-labourer. Beside this there -is the large movement of the lowest and most depressed mass of European -humanity, from the sink of poverty in Poland and Western Russia. It is -essentially a bad stock, one of the lowest in Europe; and the large -proportion of criminal cases arising among these immigrants shows how -undesirable they are. To allow such a low type free settlement in -England, after draining the capable Englishmen to the colonies, makes a -serious danger of a national collapse under a sudden pressure of some -new circumstances, which might arise by trade or warfare. - -Some other consequences which flow from recent changes will be dealt -with in the fourth chapter in considering the effects of small causes. - -The low type of character prevailing in all classes in England at -present needs to be fully recognised. No doubt there has been in -past centuries more external coarseness, and this detail strikes the -attention of many people because it differs from their own present -convention. But mere directness and plainness of speech is quite -immaterial compared with the essentials of working power of mind and -body, and the capacity for intelligent interests. Some centuries ago, -when men thought more about the quality of their actions, sloth was -ranked as one of the seven deadly sins. But now, in place of regarding -it as anything wrong, there is an elaborate system of compulsory sloth; -it is enforced by heavy penalties, and drilled into the character by -example and self-interest. One man is forbidden to lay more than three -hundred bricks a day, another forbidden to make more than so many glass -dishes, another forbidden to attend to more than one machine. In every -trade where a selfish short-sighted policy has gained its way, there -is this system, which is doing inconceivable harm to character. The -compulsory glorification of sloth is the most deleterious misfortune -that can happen to a nation. The wreck of wars, pestilence and famine, -will leave a more hopeful prospect than that of a people sunk in -organised sloth. - -Connected with this is the strange lack of thought and adaptability in -common matters of everyday life. The daily loss of time, and cost in -trivial matters, which affects thousands of persons, makes a heavy tax -on the whole. For instance, such a simple matter as putting the offices -of a terminal station at the ends of the platforms is still ignored -at many termini; the name of a station is often hard to find, and is -never once put up in most termini; the price of a ticket is often not -to be discovered; the right types of carriages are only now being -tried, after persevering in a wrong form for two generations. In the -streets the same lack of sense is seen in the immense omnibus system, -which is difficult to use, especially for strangers, owing to the lack -of numbered routes and conveyances. It has been officially decided -that the numbering of routes and omnibuses is beyond the powers of -the London County Council; and we must be compensated by the pleasing -reflection that something at least is too hard for that body. The -thoughtless edict however was enforced that every vehicle must carry a -white light in front, and all the distinctive colours of the tram-car -lights were abolished, causing great inconvenience at night. Even in -the most recent appliances the same dulness is shown; electric fans -are commonly placed where they only stir foul air, and not where they -draw in fresh or expel used air. The whole lighting system still throws -away two thirds of all its cost by lighting sky and walls as much as -streets. In every direction it seems hard to believe that five minutes' -thought has been given to matters costing thousands of pounds. If we -traced such a mixture of design and of chance in any other subject it -would lead to some curious speculations on the implied limitations of -the directing Intellect. And in private matters it is the same; the -extraordinary blunders and oversights in common trade work show that -the most obvious details have not had a minute's real thought given -to their arrangement. The result is an accumulation of difficulty and -muddle which cripples, if not destroys, the purpose of the work. This -persistent dulness, and incapacity for management and design, shows a -defect of character which is a heavy detriment to the whole community. - -The pleasures of the public show the same low type as their business. -The illustrated papers that are read, apart from serious news, are a -revelation of the vacuity of the public mind, as the advertisements -are a testimony to its imbecility. The absence of any thoughts or -information that can enlarge the mind, or give it fresh insight or -understanding, and the fatuity of the illustrations, show the helpless -little round of common ideas of the well-to-do classes: while the -dishing up of legal filth for the lower classes, and the morbid love of -trivial accidents and catastrophes, shows terribly the mere animalism -which fills their horizon. The one subject on which most print is spent -is that which is absolutely futile, sport and games. Whether one group -of men, selected by mere accident, is a minute trifle more active than -another accidental group, is a matter of such utter insignificance that -it would seem impossible to suppose that anyone would turn the head to -see the result decided. Yet such questions absorb most of the interests -and spare thoughts and reading of a great part—perhaps the greater -part—of the population, just as the races of the circus swamped all -other interests of the decadent Roman. The results which they crave for -cannot possibly mean anything to the present or to the future, as the -selection is merely due to accidental causes. Even a lower depth is the -relative excellence of two horses which are completely unknown to the -persons who speculate on them. The utter waste of thought and print in -such interests is a form of insanity which is worse than a drug habit, -as it implies a hopeless atrophy of the mind to interests which would -help it or develop it. - -The whole interest of betting on sport, and also of gambling, is -another evidence of an unwholesome condition. It implies a craving -for excitement apart from personal exertion, which is always a bane -to character; it involves the idea of gain apart from labour of mind -or body, which is demoralising to the sense of work; it results in -unearned fluctuations, which induce a wasteful habit; and it is based -on the essentially ungentlemanly principle of benefiting by the loss -of another, whereas all honourable gain is by the sharing of the -benefits of labour. If a large part of the public are determined on -deteriorating in this manner, it might be better for the community to -satisfy it by public lottery, where one party is the government, which -at least removes the last-named serious detriment to character. The -gaming at Monte Carlo is moral compared with promiscuous betting. - -The objections to such forms of interest are perhaps too often urged by -moralists who wish to cause an alteration in the customs around them. -Even if we can care for the benefit of persons with such interests, -certainly we are not likely to make any difference to them by talking -on the subject. But as students of diseased society we may take a deep -interest in such forms of aberration as a pathologist may in a case -of cancer. And it is difficult to feel any particular wish to change -habits which so obviously belong to a bad stock that is hardly worth -improving. The best hope is that the unmitigated results of such mental -disease may quickly have full effect on the type, and result in its -extermination before a better class or better race. So far as cure -is possible, the most hopeful direction is by an increase of useful -and beneficial interests, which will make such vapid and senseless -amusements decay by mere disgust. - -The distaste for work and craving for amusement extends beyond the -above limits in a manner very deleterious to character. It is a feature -of a decaying civilisation, as shown on the later Mykenaean frescoes, -and the rage for the circus in later Roman times. Besides the waste of -time and labour, it acts injuriously in producing a restless incapable -type of mind, brought more forward lately in motoring; and also by -creating a false social atmosphere, in which the business of life is -contemned and treated as a drudgery, instead of being a main subject of -interest and emulation. As the shrewd Carl Peters remarks on English -society, "Nobody can fail to be struck by its utter recklessness and -shallowness," and "an increasing objection to labour is noticeable -right through the British nation." - -These various forms of a low type of character are on the increase, and -it does not seem at all likely that they will be checked, except by -great disasters which remove the less capable part of the population, -and compel the rest to adopt a more energetic mode of life. - -Among the various movements which are by some expected to benefit -character, the communistic ideals have enthusiastic support. But it -must be remembered that all such types of society tend to repress -ability. If any form of communism is to succeed there must be a fixed -minimum of labour compulsory on each member; and it is certain that -human nature will take the minimum limit as all that need be done. The -tendency will be to drag down all energy to the speed of the weakest. -Moreover, if there is to be any private _peculium_ outside of the share -of common produce, the able man will at once rise into a capitalist; if -no private _peculium_ is tolerated it is certain that ability will be -driven out to other lands, or to other lines of life where communism -cannot be enforced. It must always be kept in view that mediocrity -hates ability, wherever it comes into comparison or competition; and -in a uniform community, mediocrity must be dominant, and ability -persecuted. - -Again the communistic type tends to repress variation and diversity -by making everyone subject to the control of the dull average; and -this repression is most fatal to due advance by natural selection of -beneficial variation. We may see in France how a centralised management -by the State accompanies the lack of enterprise in affairs. It is -notorious that in business the French will not spend freely on creating -new openings and encouraging new demand. Probably the habit of mind and -the type of government act and react by one intensifying the other. - -Where we can study an actual working system of communism in such a -climate as our own, we see that it only succeeded by some elaborate -and very forcible regulations. To outsiders, ignorant of the machine, -the less advanced states of society are generally supposed to be very -simple, and to leave a large amount of liberty. On the contrary, -whenever a barbaric or savage society is really understood, the -complexity which is essential to its success is seen to be even greater -than among ourselves. The movement of society has been from an earlier -complexity of special restriction, to a later generalised simplicity. -The whole of northern Europe appears to have had a very similar system -of communal organisation, which has been mainly brought to light by the -researches of Dr. Seebohm. The peace was kept by making every relation -of a man responsible for his actions; either wounding in any degree, -or murder, had to be compounded for by fines extending even to distant -cousins, which were payable to the similar relations of the injured -or murdered man. The immediate male relatives, father, son, brother, -and first cousin, were responsible for two-thirds of the blood money, -and other relations to the fifteenth degree made up the remainder. -Thus the criminal law was communal in a full sense; and injuries were -fully compensated in a manner which made every man his brother's keeper -in a real communism. How would modern admirers of communism like to -undertake the responsibilities of making up for the misdeeds of every -relative? Yet that is an essential part of communal duties. - -The poor-law system, as revealed in the Norse laws, was that all -the poorer men were bound to do a certain amount of work for their -chief, like the payment of taxes at present, which amounts now to -more than a month's work in the year. In return the chief was bound -to see that they were insured against extreme-poverty or distress. -They were free to accumulate wealth if they had the ability to do so, -but their bargains and marriages had to be ratified by the chief in -order to safeguard them from the follies of incapacity. When a man -wished to resign this position of insurance against misfortune there -was no objection to his independence, and he could do so on paying -a small fee, and having a feast with the chief and witnesses. But if -after that he played the fool, and his family came to naught, no one -was responsible for them, as he had resigned his insurance. There -was but one course left, a wide grave in the churchyard received the -whole family alive, and only the one who survived longest had the -right to live at the cost of his chief afterwards. Such was the price -of communal support; and this decisive treatment, even in Christian -times, ensured the sturdiness of the hardy Norseman, by effectively -weeding the incapable. This was the practical working of the communal -system which did not check ability, and which succeeded in our -climate in past times. It needed a fuller organisation of penalties -and obligations than our present individualism; and whether any -communism could permanently succeed with less compulsion may gravely -be doubted. In using the terms Socialism and Communism they are taken -here in their widest sense, as referring to all the courses opposed to -individualism. Such is the general usage of our language at present, -and we cannot restrict these terms solely to extreme views, as some of -their advocates would wish. Moreover, it is the influence of views on -practical life that we are considering, and not an ideal state which -never has been realised, and probably never can be put in practice. - -A favourite idea has been that the New Testament teaching favours -communism. To many such an authority would be decisive; and those who -would not accept it as authoritative, must consider that the teaching -is at least that of men who had such an instinctive knowledge of human -nature, and such sympathy with the springs of action, that their views -have held Western man more firmly than any other system. The first -point to notice in looking at the teaching, is that it was given to -a very severely selected group of persons. The early disciples were -one of the hardest-weeded bodies of men that ever existed, like the -Huguenots or the Quakers; ready perception, hearty conscientiousness, -and a will to do right at all costs were the first qualifications, -and incessant persecution from various sides weeded out all those who -had no deep root of character. To such a body temporary communism was -almost a need of existence at starting; all the causes and characters -which would ordinarily make it a failure were weeded out, and such a -highly selected group might safely benefit by a system which depended -on self-abnegation. But so soon as the Church spread, no trace of -communism remained; and even in general altruism the injunctions -referred only to the Church and not to the world. The teaching was -"Bear ye one another's burdens"; not, bear the burdens of the Roman -rabble, but only those of the stringently weeded community. The one -saying which survived most strongly of all the Gospel teaching, and is -repeated oftenest, is, "To him that hath shall be given, and from him -that hath not shall be taken away even that which he seemeth to have." -The full benefit of capacity and its utmost gains, and the direst -losses of incapacity, are the main principle that is inculcated. - -In another point of view the parable of the prodigal son is sometimes -felt to inculcate the ignoring of failure in life, and the permitting -of follies to have no effect on the position of a person. The prodigal -son among us is too often allowed to go on draining the resources on -which his brethren rightfully have a claim. But the father in the -parable, who had divided the family property already, was not intending -to give anything more to the prodigal, however penitent he might be; -forgiveness might be his, but the other brother was reassured at once -by the formal declaration, "All that I have is thine." The greatest -penitence, and the fullest forgiveness after it, will not give the -prodigal a farthing beyond those rights which he has already misused. - -Another appeal has been made, to a comparison with nature, in favour of -communism. It is asked why we should be struggling like the carnivora, -instead of peacefully browsing in amity like herbivora. But it would -be hard to find a more intense example of competition than that among -the cattle. Look at the skeleton of a bull, and see how every rib is -broadened out into an armour plating for its vitals, each rib lapping -over the other, so that no opening can be found for the point of its -adversary's horn. None but those thus proof against goring have ever -survived the desperate struggle of the strongest. In place of the -artificial paddocks, where man has placed a single bull to lord the -herd, look at the tragedy of the wild cattle, where the dispossessed -chief of the Chillingham breed mopes apart in sullen anger, a Saturn -dethroned and banished by the Jupiter who now leads the race. Then -reflect how competition is more bitter and more intense in the bovine -commune than among any individualistic carnivora. - -The communistic view appears to tend to fatalism. This is practically -seen for instance in Tolstoi's _Peace and War_, where the gigantic -movements of the French and Russian hosts are looked on as inherent in -the millions of people, and not originating in the leaders. And the -habit of looking to the commune as the source of action will naturally -tend toward a sense of the impossibility of altering the determination -of a whole people, and the powerlessness of the individual against such -forces. Now nothing more surely undermines activity and initiative than -a fatalistic view. It saps the whole springs of action, and destroys -the spirit of advance and improvement. In this aspect therefore we -again see how injurious the communistic ideal is to solid character. - -The recent growth of "municipalising" enterprises is another outcome -of this spirit. The principle of it seems to be to absorb any public -business which appears profitable, whether conveyance, supplies of -material, or contracting for public work. Apart from the fact that -only strong personal interest in management will make such enterprises -profitable, there is also the inherent objection to the bad management -which clings to the atrophy of mind of officials, as such; but there is -also another serious influence upon character, which we should notice. -The energy and initiative needed to start and work improvements, which -is the essential source of profit in business, is easily suppressed or -driven away. Many an enterprise which would succeed well is set aside -because of the risks or the trouble of starting it, many another is -left alone owing to little deterring causes; and if the great incentive -of the possibility of large profits on some schemes, to compensate for -the risks of many failures, is cut away by a municipality having the -right of seizure of whatever succeeds, the whole enterprising character -is cut down at the roots, to the immense injury of the nation at large. -Supposing that some public enterprise makes 20 per cent. profit to its -shareholders, the people who use it are certainly better off, or they -would leave it alone, and the profit is no loss to the community, as -it merely means so much transferred from one pocket to another, and -none wasted. But if such enterprises are choked at the roots by fear -of seizure, the whole community suffers. Who will care to develop -suburbs by starting electric trams when the whole can be seized in -twenty-one years, so soon as it begins to repay the risks incurred? -This short-sighted grasping system has held England back behind most -civilised countries, and been a gigantic public loss, not only by -hindering specific enterprises, but more by thwarting most valuable -characteristics. - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -TRADE UNIONISM, ITS FLOWER AND FRUITION. - - -When we are continually assured that there is a new and better way of -doing anything, it is only reasonable to ask if anyone has tried it -before. "The proof of the pudding is in the eating," and if some one -has eaten such a pudding before us, we may be saved from using up good -materials in a bad concoction. Until now the attention of historians -has been so fixed upon the great military autocracy of Rome, that the -growth of trade unionism and socialism under that government has been -overlooked. Here we will trace and put together such facts as seem -curiously parallel to the growth of modern unionism; and which, when -they outstep our present position, may serve to show what further -developments may be expected by us. - -The first great step, which bore centuries of bitter results, was the -favouring of the townsman as against the countryman. The voter in Rome -could push laws to his own advantage in the hurly-burly of the public -assembly, while the countryman was working hard in his furrow miles -away. The conquered provinces were a great temptation; they had to -yield tribute, grain came pouring into Rome, and why should not this -abundance benefit the citizen by being sold at a low price? They forgot -the countryman. His toil was none the less because Carthage or Sicily -or Egypt were being plundered. But his pay was much the less if his -produce lost its market value. The cheap corn of Gracchus was the knell -of the honest agriculturist, as Professor Oman has pointed out. The -only remedy was to try to cheapen production in Italy. This was done by -giving up the small farmer altogether, and running only big estates by -slave-labour, the human machine which was to Rome what machinery is to -us. This staved off the evil somewhat. But soon the townsman demanded -more and more, and at last free doles of corn were given to him, and -agriculture became impossible in Italy. What tribute-corn did to Italy, -cheap transport has done to England. The townsman is always favoured -at the cost of the countryman, and the country is being depopulated. -Not only cheap bread, but doles of every kind—hospitals, wash-houses, -music, games, libraries—all are given to the townsman, while the -countryman cannot possibly share in such doles. A large policy of -equivalent benefits to the countryman would be the only corrective to -this one-sided and deleterious favouritism. But the votes carry it, as -they did in Rome. - -In the earlier part of the second century, under Trajan, two little -statements show what was going on. A guild or trade union of firemen in -Asia Minor wished to be incorporated: but the emperor forbade, because -such trade guilds became political centres. There must have been -some experience of such movement for it to be anticipated. The other -statement is that the more able and wealthy men avoided entering the -guild of permanent aldermen, or _curia_, because of the burdens which -were thrown upon them. A century later, about 230 A.D., all trades -were organised into corporations or trades unions, recognised by the -government, instead of being only private societies as before. This -seems to have been a compulsory unionism; but there was some difference -in class between this trades unionism and our own. In Rome the trades -were in the hands of smaller men, and not of large firms and companies -as much as with us; and on the other hand the mere mechanic was -usually a slave, this slave labour being economically the equivalent -of machinery in our time. Hence the Roman trades unions were small -employers of the status of our plumbers or upholsterers, more than, as -with us, a large mass of crude labour organised against all capital. -They were trade unions, rather than unions of the mechanics as against -the managers. The compulsory entry of all the master employers into a -union would no doubt be a step very welcome to modern unionism; and the -compulsory extension of it, so as to leave no free labour, would be an -ideal condition, in which picketing would be quite superseded by legal -compulsion to join the union. The differences therefore were mainly -such as our trades unions would desire, and aim at in future; in short -unionism by 230 A.D. was more developed than it is at present with us. - -But here came in a very difficult question, which is before us also -whenever unionism becomes dominant in any trade. It is all very well to -let unions pillage capital, or even pillage each other, but can they be -allowed to pillage the poor? This at once clashes with the favouring of -the proletariat. It has already raised an acute difficulty in England. -The Bricklayers' Union cannot be competed with from abroad, except -very slightly by means of imported wooden houses. Hence this union -has been able to close its grip firmly on the throat of the public; -it has raised wages, and it has cut down work from eight hundred or -nine hundred bricks laid daily to two hundred and seventy or three -hundred and thirty in different standards now. By raising the cost -of labour to about three times the amount, the cost of building as a -whole must be nearly doubled. The dearness of lodging of the poor is -really due to the remorseless extortion of the bricklayers, abetted -by the extravagant building regulations locally in force in their -interest, to increase the expenditure on a building. In the country -there is disgraceful overcrowding for lack of cottage accommodation, -and in towns miserable rooms fetch high rents. The ground-landlord, -who is so much abused, has little to do with this; for ground-rents -are seldom more than a tenth of the house rent and taxes. If all land -were confiscated to-morrow it would not lower most rentals more than a -fraction. If the Bricklayers' Union and all its results were abolished, -rentals would descend to nearly half the present amounts. - -If we were to meet this difficulty in the way that Rome dealt with it, -the Government would give the Bricklayers' Union an absolute monopoly -of building, on condition that dwellings under a certain value were -charged at a third of the cost of labour, that is on the old terms of a -full day's work fifty years ago, leaving all later profits to be gained -from the wealthier classes. In the present straits about housing it is -by no means certain that this would not be a popular course. - -In Rome the grain importers and the bakers were the two trades -which touched the proletariat most closely. And early in the third -century these, and probably other essential trades, were organised -as monopolist unions, on condition that the union was bound over to -do a certain amount of work for the poor at a nominal rate. Thus the -wastrel was favoured and protected, with his right to maintenance; -and all profits of the business were to be made from work done for -those who could afford to pay for it. This is unquestionably an ideal -toward which a great deal of social legislation is tending at present. -Railway companies and tramways are bound to carry workmen at nominal -rates, while all their profits are to be earned from wealth. So far has -this burden been imposed, that the construction of one railway line at -least has been prevented by the heavy toll of cheap transport which was -demanded before sanctioning it. - -If the trade is not in the hands of a single firm for a whole district, -like a railway company, there arises the problem, how is the burden -of cheap work for the poor to be distributed over the constituent -firms? This was solved in Rome by the union, which was the sole body -recognised in law. Each member of the union was assessed by his union, -on the basis of both his capital and his trade returns, and he had to -do so much of the cheap work in proportion. Hence the wealth of each -firm determined the amount of their proletariat taxation. If they could -withdraw temporarily part of the capital from the business, their -assessment would be lighter. Hence to each person the aim was to work -with the smallest amount of capital, and to remove from the business -all spare capital, and invest it elsewhere. This naturally resulted in -business being badly worked. The difficulty was met by the law that -all capital once in the business could never be withdrawn; and all -profits—and, later, all acquired wealth—must be kept in the business, -so that the richer firms should do their full share of proletariat -service. The results of these logical developments of unionism and help -to the proletariat, were that many withdrew altogether from unions, -retiring on a small competence rather than live under such a burden, -and that there was a general decline of commerce and of industry. - -Property having thus become the gauge of responsibility in the union, -the only way to prevent desertions was to declare that the property -was attached to the union permanently, and whosoever acquired it did -so under the implied covenant of supplying the share of union work out -of it. The result of this law was that no one with capital would join -a trade union, as their whole property became attached to the union; -and poor persons were not desired on unions, as they could not take -up a share of the proletariat service. This condition was met by the -law forcibly enrolling capitalists in the unions, and demanding their -personal service as well as the use of their capital. - -By 270 A.D. Aurelian had made unionism compulsory for life so as to -prevent the able men from withdrawing, to better themselves by free -work individually. He also gave a wine dole, and gave bread in place -of corn, to save the wastrel the trouble of baking. In the fourth -century every member, and all his sons, and all his property, belonged -inalienably to the trades union. By 369 A.D. all property however -acquired belonged to the union. - -Yet still men would leave all they had to get out of the hateful -bondage, and so the unpopular trades—such as the moneyers in 380 -A.D. and the bakers in 408—were recruited by requiring that everyone -who married the daughter of a unionist must join his father-in-law's -business. And thus "the Empire was an immense gaol where all worked not -according to taste but by force," as Waltzing remarks in his great work -_Corporations Professionnelles_, where the foregoing facts are stated. - -There was but one end possible to this accumulation of move upon move, -on the false basis of compulsory trade unionism, and work under cost -for the proletariat. The whole system was so destructive of character -and of wealth that it ruined the empire. Slavery was by no means the -destruction of Rome, it flourished in the centuries when the Government -was strongest, and diminished in advance of the social decay. Vice -was by no means the destruction of Rome, it was worst when Rome was -most powerful and was lessened in the decline. The one movement which -grew steadily as Rome declined, and which was intimately connected -with every stage of that decline, was the compulsion of labour and -the maintenance of the wastrel as a burden on society. It was that -which pulled down the greatest political organism, by the crushing of -initiative and character, and by the steady drain on all forms of -wealth. The free Goth was the welcome deliverer from social bondage. -This growth of trade unionism has been followed here as a whole, -without stopping to note other effects of the same type of mind, which -are also very instructive to us. We now turn back to look at some -earlier developments. - -The Empire had a long age of internal peace, from the accession of -Vespasian to the rise of Severus, comprising four or five generations. -Men had forgotten in Italy and the provinces what war meant, as the -only troubles had been frontier fighting. They ceased to value the -strength of unity, and the importance of keeping the empire bound -together. The sayings attributed to Gallienus in the middle of the -third century cannot be looked on as merely wild vagaries, contrary -to all the public opinion around him. Had no one else advocated the -subdivision of the empire, he would never have continued to jest about -not needing the produce of Gaul or of Syria. Such phrases must have -been familiar among a little-Italy party, of whom Gallienus was the -agent and mouthpiece. And such a situation will help to explain his -conduct regarding the captivity of Valerian his father in Persia. A -glance at old Valerian shows him to have been a rigid gentleman of -the old school, like Galba or Nerva. And, when he was captured, the -little-Italy party who had hold of Gallienus were relieved rather than -otherwise. Had George III been captured by the French, probably George -IV and Charles James Fox would not have been very anxious for his -return. - -The policy of the party seems to have been to encourage each province -to start a separate government under its local ruler, in touch with -the Roman Government, but with recognised independence. Britain was -separated, and was only reunited to the empire at later times for -short periods; Postumus, Victorinus, Tetricus, Carausius, Allectus, -Constantius, Magnentius, Magnus Maximus, Jovinus, all ruled without -any check from Italy. Syria was separated with such good will that the -coinage for Zenobia was struck at the Imperial mint in Alexandria. In -all, nineteen independent rulers are enumerated in this reign; and no -attempt was made to reunite the provinces. There were gains in such a -course; the heavy charge on Italy of keeping a great army was lessened; -the risks of civil war seemed to be reduced, when each province was -not tempted to set up its own ruler for the whole empire; and local -feelings and variations could have free scope. It might be thought that -three centuries of rule had fitted the provinces to hold their own in -the world, and to be ruled independently. The result of the experiment -in devolution, or home rule all round, was a time of such anarchy, -misery and loss, as had not been known since a unified civilisation had -existed in those lands. - -After the immediate catastrophes had been somewhat rectified by -succeeding emperors, Aurelian took up the great task of reuniting the -whole empire. He carried this out victoriously; Tetricus from Gaul -and Zenobia from Syria adorned his triumph. But Rome was bitter at -such a policy. A furious rebellion broke out, nominally called the -revolt of the mint; that it was a great social movement was seen by -Gibbon, though he confesses that it is mysterious how three senators, -most of the senatorial families, and multitudes of minor people were -involved in it. The fighting was so severe that five thousand of -Aurelian's trained army were killed. That the mint workmen took part -in it is certain: but probably the mint was adopted as headquarters -of the movement owing to its strength. All this shows that, so far -from the great victories making Aurelian popular in Rome, they were -most bitterly opposed. The only ground for this must be that a very -strong party clung to the little-Italy policy, and hated Aurelian in -consequence. This movement gives good ground for interpreting the -policy of Gallienus in the way we have done above, as being a great -party policy and not merely an imperial freak. - -Within less than a generation later came the vast socialist decree of -Diocletian, regulating all prices and wages throughout the empire. A -maximum value was fixed for every kind of food—grain, wine, oil, meat, -fish, vegetables and fruit. Hence such food would never be produced -where the natural conditions prevented a profit within this maximum -price; nor would it be transported beyond the distance within which the -maximum yielded a profit. Whole districts must have been cut off from -different kinds of supply by such legislation. Meanwhile the wages of -labourers, of artizans, and of professions were all equally regulated, -so that the best men could never have their superior ability rewarded. -The prices of skins and leather, of all clothing, and of jewellery were -likewise defined. - -The consequence must have been that the losses in bad years of supply, -owing to weather and other circumstances, must have fallen wholly on -the producer, who might be ruined by the whole brunt of the loss, -instead of being partly compensated by a rise in prices which taxed the -whole body of users. No wonder that after such a law the whole empire -plunged ever deeper into poverty and confusion. The coinage depreciated -even more rapidly than before; and the economic distress of such a -fixed system with a falling currency must have been overwhelming. Such -were the results of one of the great socialistic attempts to remedy the -course of events by artificial legislation. - -We thus see how by the establishment of unionism, the feeding of -paupers, the devolution of the empire, and the legislation on prices -and wages, the socialistic policy brought to naught the greatest social -organism that had yet appeared in the world. - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -REVOLUTION OR EVOLUTION? - - -Those persons who are unaccustomed to consider the great effects -which flow from a continuous action of small causes, are too liable -to suppose that a large result can only be obtained by a violent and -immediate action. They suppose that only some mighty impulse can change -the face of affairs; they pray that the mountains be rent, and look to -the earthquake and the tempest, not thinking that it is the still small -voice that really directs. They forget that it is the humble earthworms -that plough the land, and the invisible bacteria that destroy nations -and alter the face of politics. - -Ignoring the far-reaching after-effects of action, men are led to -over-do all the changes which they attempt to carry out by direct and -immediate means. This is like a child who asks to have its hand cut off -because its finger aches. - -The bad effect of sudden and violent changes may best be observed -in our own history. The great changes of the Civil War left England -without any checks on the violence of parties. The King and Lords had -been abolished, and the Commons ruled alone. The fierce factions of the -Presbyterians and Independents would have wrecked the country, had not -a ruler come forward far more arbitrary than the one already rejected. -Charles had looked over the wall when he tried to arrest five members, -but Cromwell stole the horse outright when he dismissed the parliament -by armed force. Pride's Purge was a greater violation of popular -liberties than anything done by Tudor or Stuart; and the effect of half -a generation of such violence was that the nation was heartily glad to -get back a worse king than the one they had beheaded. Cromwell's great -service was, that he saved England from a fanatical and factious House -of Commons, by exercising monarchical prerogatives which Charles never -dared to assert. The needs of the time drove him, as a capable man, -to act for the highest good outside the law. When we hear a faction -lauding Cromwell now, it may be overlooked that he made short work of -Fifth Monarchy men and other extremists; and that the great struggle -of mind to him was the dire necessity of crushing the factions, and of -using that compulsion which he clearly saw was the only alternative to -anarchy. The bitter persecuting spirit of the factions was far more -violent than any course of action which preceded or followed their -rule. Neither Charles I nor Charles II touched the private religious -actions of the people; but the factions proscribed even the private use -of the Book of Common Prayer. The subsequent Five-mile Act regulating -public meetings for worship was mild compared with the domiciliary -visitations in search of the Prayer Book in 1645. But for the visits -of the parliamentary soldiery, breaking into chapels and putting their -swords to the breasts of the kneeling communicants, there would never -have been the milder dispersions of the Restoration. But for the -bitter persecution of the so-called Malignants, and the deprivation of -the clergy throughout the country by the parliament, there would never -have been the milder reversion of Bartholomew's Day, 1662. In every -point the violent changes of constitution wrought more tyranny and more -personal hardship than was even caused by the revulsion which followed. - -In France the same effect was seen. The Revolution probably caused more -bloodshed and more personal misery in ten years, than the old _régime_ -had done in a century. England has paid twenty-five millions a year for -a century past as interest on the debt incurred for crushing Napoleon. - -Another result should be noted with care. A great popular ferment with -a diminution of constitutional control, must result in establishing -a military despotism as the lesser evil for the country. Caesar, -Aurelian, Cromwell, Napoleon, all arose from the popular party, as the -necessary substitutes, by arbitrary action, for the constitutionalism -which had been abolished. In the place of the legally regulated -courses, more or less unsuitable and corrupted, it proved absolutely -necessary when they were abolished to have some other supreme authority -with power to enforce obedience. - -We are not concerned at this point to consider the relative right or -wrong of the various parties just mentioned; that has nothing to do -with the matter. The lesson is that a violent and rapid change of -constitution leads to worse evils than those which it is sought to -remedy. Every existing order of things, however imperfect or bad, must -have a certain balance of parts or it could not continue. And when -that balance is destroyed the results can seldom be foreseen. It is -exactly the same in nature; when any species of animal is exterminated -suddenly—as by firearms—the far-reaching consequences of its -disappearance cannot be anticipated; other species will increase or -disappear, and even vegetable life will be modified. - -The phrase therefore of a "radical reform," or briefly "radicalism," is -in defiance of natural science and of historical experience; it denies -the principle of gradual evolution in the development of institutions -and of character. A small amount of experience of different types is -enough to show its fallacy, for radicals say that "travelling abroad -always spoils a good radical." - -In order to avoid violent change it is needful to allow free scope -for gradual change. The greatest catastrophes may be caused by the -accumulation of small forces; when a tiny stream becomes dammed by a -landslip it may form a lake, which in bursting will devastate a whole -valley. So when the gradual movement of a people is checked, and an -artificial condition is enforced by laws, the breaking down of such -restrictions will cause wholesale disaster. Had the Romans allowed -free immigration of Gothic settlers there would never have been the -Gothic conquest of Italy. Were the Californians and Australians to -allow a free immigration of Japanese, under fair and equal laws, they -would not have to fear a squadron demanding justice in their ports. -The necessity of violent changes is therefore always the fault of -those who prevent gradual changes to fit new conditions. If the House -of Commons tries again the experiment of the Long Parliament, and by -force or subterfuge abrogates the second chamber, it will be largely -due to the House of Lords refusing changes in its mode of action. An -Upper House which elected a legislative committee, like the election of -Scotch and Irish Peers, would be in a far stronger position. The House -of Commons at present is too much like an elephant picking up pins; and -if the public become so much disgusted with its incapacity for business -that at some crisis they throw the reins of power to an able man like -Kitchener, it will be largely due to the fossilisation of the Rules of -Procedure. A Lower House which allotted its time strictly according to -the value of its votes of supply, or of the interests involved—which -registered its decisions instantly, as by the electric signals which -are now found in every hotel, and which employed diagrams in debate -by means of the lantern and screen which are now found in every -school—would stand a better chance of coping with its business in a -creditable manner. The fault of violent change, and all its damaging -consequences, rests in the first place on those who resist gradual -change. - -It is therefore needful to leave the way open for gradual changes. In -every new law, the changes of circumstance which are likely to arise -should be anticipated, by leaving the way open for them to begin to -act gently and gradually. The principle of fixed fines (based on -income tax), regardless of any reflection on character, for various -infractions of a civil law (or even of some criminal laws) should be -always open, so that, as necessities arise, the prevalence of such -fines would call attention to the need of some change. An excellent -system has been found in allowing a department a large latitude in -interpreting a law, or a dispensing power in administering it; and this -system might well be extended so far as it was not seriously abused by -favouritism. Another mode of change is to permit a variety of types in -different places, as in local administration, and then allow a large -latitude for the adoption of any type found to work well in another -place. This is partly reached by varying bye-laws; but this might well -be extended higher in the scale, and with local liberty to adopt any -bye-law already sanctioned elsewhere. The ways would thus be open for -gradual movements, which could extend until they produced such pressure -on the larger and more organic laws as to cause a serious legislative -step. - -We will now turn to observe the far-reaching actual and probable -effects of various laws, which at first might seem quite inadequate -to cause such changes. Some years have passed since the graduation of -death-duties, and we can begin to see the effects. The simple action -of a tax, without any compulsion, has produced a profound change in a -family system which centuries or thousands of years had left unaltered. -The notorious clinging to power and money among the aged, has given -way before the screw of the State. The custom which left the control -of large estates to men generally between fifty and eighty years of -age, and hampered their development by the dying hand, has largely -yielded to the Indian custom, of the division of property among sons -on their marriage or entry on public life. It is becoming habitual for -a father to establish his sons with the family property, and only -to retain such a portion of the estate as he may wish to fill his -declining activities. This is a very beneficial change, though by no -means a grateful one to the Exchequer which has brought it about. In -lesser properties the same action occurs; a father will buy an annuity -for himself, and distribute the remaining capital, each son being at -liberty either to place his portion at compound interest, so as to -replace at the probable date of his father's death the full amount -which he would have received otherwise, or else to trust to replacing -the amount when he may be at his most remunerative age. - -Not only is this a great social change, with far-reaching consequences -in the management of property, but it will also act in other lines. -When a man deals with his property in the unchecked privacy of a will, -he can neglect the pressure of personality of his children in favour -of the sentiment of leaving a powerful family name in perpetuity. But -primogeniture must more or less succumb before the obvious personal -claims of those who are joining in the daily life. It requires not only -a flinty heart but also a brazen face, to leave younger sons penniless -when personally distributing the means of ensuring the happiness and -the amenities of life. Hence it is probable that estates will be much -more sub-divided, and sons encouraged to continue to live on corners -of the paternal acres. In short it will be a step toward the French -infinitesimal splitting of property. - -This again will act in a fundamental manner on our colonising ability. -Primogeniture has made us a colonising race; no system is so perfect -for ensuring a supply of fit colonists. When each wealthy house in -the land educated two or three sturdy sons, with every benefit of -health and knowledge, and then sent them out to form new centres, -with a small capital to start with, and a reserve of help at home for -any dire emergencies, the most perfect colonising machine had been -evolved. Without these conditions England could never have filled -other continents as she has. When sons stay at home on portions of the -old estate, and have not enough wealth for the high training of their -families, all this colonising power will be at an end. France cannot -colonise because her domestic system does not produce this type of man, -fitted in person and in condition to take up such a life. Our high -death-duties are a certain way to stop educated colonisation. - -Another change is also seen resulting from these duties. England, more -than other lands, was rich in private treasure houses of precious -things—pictures, statuary, libraries, and other collections. These -represented a large amount of capital locked up, but it yielded a rich -interest in the home education of the upper classes, in redeeming -them from the dull, unimaginative, coarse, or sordid lives of wealthy -classes in some other lands. So long as a duty only equal to a few -months' or a year's interest was levied, the succession was not too -burdensome, and the state reaped a steady small return. But when -the possession of such means of amenity involves at each generation -a crushing tax on the productive part of an estate, they must be -sacrificed. The collections are vanishing to other lands, where such -short-sighted policy is unknown, and England will be left bare. A -far more profitable policy would have been to exempt all artistic or -historical collections from death-duties, if they were thrown open to -the public for a certain number of days in each year. They would thus -have become partly public museums, provided free of all cost to the -surrounding districts. - -Another serious consideration is that 10 or 15 per cent., or even -20 per cent. in case of bequests for public purposes, is taken off -accumulated national capital and thrown into yearly income. The estate -duty is incessantly eating up the national reserves, and using them for -current expenses. We should call any family which did this shameless -spendthrifts, yet this is the immoral fashion of our taxation. - -The effect of income tax is one of the most serious economic subjects, -because it directly touches the production of wealth. There is little -objection to income tax for emergencies of war, because if merely -nominal (1_d._ in the pound) during peace, the true amount taxable -will be well known, and a sudden increase will be truly collected and -will not have distinct economic effects if only used for a year or -two. But treating direct tax on incomes as a large source of revenue -has very important effects on a commercial nation. A tax as high as -1_s._ in the pound is practically a tax on all English enterprise -as compared with foreign. If a mill can be run at Calais to produce -non-dutiable articles, free of income tax on its dividends, while a -mill at Dover pays 5 per cent. tax on its dividends, that constitutes -a discrimination of 5 per cent. against the English manufacturer's -capital. The outcome of the whole is that all shares of English -companies will stand permanently at 5 per cent. lower value than the -shares of foreign companies. Or in other words £4 interest will have to -be paid by an English company for £95 raised by debenture, while the -foreign company will raise £100 for the same interest. The immediate -result is that investments will increasingly be made in foreign -governments and companies, whose dividends are payable _abroad_, -instead of in London. This is not merely an evasion of tax, but it is -perfectly legal if the dividends are spent abroad. No one need pay -tax on any cost of foreign travel or residence if they draw the money -from foreign sources, and do not let it be trapped in London. Thus -there will be an ever increasing demand for purely foreign investment, -according to the amount of tax on the investments in England. If -the proposal was carried out to tax all investments much higher as -"unearned income," it would cripple all English manufacture for lack of -the capital, which would be driven abroad to escape the tax. It might -be thought that other governments will come into line, and tax equally -with ours; but if they see their own commercial advantage they will be -very loth to put this bar on English capital flowing into their land -to gain freedom. Even if France and Germany did as we do, it might be -well worth while for Monaco to become the financial centre of Europe by -having no income tax on companies centred there. The recent De Beers -decision illustrates this very clearly. A company with its work abroad, -and its investors largely abroad, is taxed on all its income because -it uses a few square yards of space in London as an office. Obviously -it will not remain. London will no longer be the centre of commercial -work of the world if 5 per cent. or perhaps 10 per cent. is the price -to be paid by all who use it. No company will remain in England that -is not fixed by its works being here, and all those who are fixed here -will work at a permanent disadvantage compared to the foreigner. It -is doubtless thought that the large income yielded by the interest on -the national debt is a safe and easy subject of taxation; Italy indeed -raises 20 per cent. income tax on its debt interest. But this tax is -purely nominal, as it is discounted in the price of stock, and such a -government is merely paying with the left hand what it takes with the -right. The case is seen clearly in Italian stock which stands at 20 -per cent. lower value than it otherwise would; that is to say, that -Italy pays say £4 for the loan of £80 now, instead of for the loan of -£100 which it would receive if this tax was not imposed. The same is -equally true of the tax as applied to government salaries; it cannot -be evaded, and therefore it is merely a diminution of the salary, or a -depreciation of the quality of men obtained for the nominal salary. A -government cannot tax its own payments by any financial jugglery. Of -course a government can cheat like a private person; promise a certain -payment, and then break its word, and pay less by a tax. But that is -only a transient profit raised by the sale of its character, and is not -a permanent bargain. - -Another effect of income tax will be seen if the proposed higher -grading of incomes is carried out. The same changes that we have traced -owing to the death duties will be produced by the life duties. Property -will be sub-divided wherever possible. Every child will have a trust -created for its benefit, every member of a family will have a separate -income, every large estate will be nominally the property of a group -of independent persons—a family club. This will tend, like the death -duties, toward equal shares, instead of the parent hive system of -primogeniture; and it likewise marks the end of educated colonising. -The effect of this may be good for family life, but it will be -disastrous commercially. There will no longer be the large capitalists -who can take the risks of great enterprises. To raise a large floating -capital for great undertakings will require the co-operation of so many -small capitalists, that it will not be worth while for any one investor -to give time to the affair. The lack of personal concern and interest, -and the cost of dealing with widely collected capital, will all be a -detriment to enterprises of large extent. - -But the most disastrous as well as immoral kind of taxation will be -that proposed as additional upon all permanent investments, under -the guise of "unearned income." It is a fatally easy screw for a -government to put on; but the effect of it will be to penalise all -British manufacture in competition with foreign productions. All that -we have noticed about the effect of a 5 per cent. tax will apply far -more rapidly and decisively if a 10 per cent. tax should be put on. -Shippers would sail under another flag and transfer their offices of -registration; manufacturers would pass to a tax-free country; and a -larger proportion of persons living on fixed income would spend it -abroad. Beside the material disadvantages of such high taxation on -enterprise, it would be a grave moral detriment. - -It is too often forgotten that in taxation the government wields one -of the greatest means of moral education. What does it say now by its -taxation? Suppose a man to have saved £100, and to consider whether -he will spend it on unremunerative pleasures, or on useful public -works. The government says, "If you will spend your money on waste -and luxury, paying for useless and monstrous rooms, making men stand -idle in your hall, or decorate your extravagant food; if you will make -women waste their eyes and lives on a fresh absurdity of fashion, or -sell their souls; or if you will pay boys to become ne'er-do-weels on -golf-links—in short if you will do as much mischief as possible, we -will take 5 per cent. of your money. But if you spend it on benefiting -the world, improving cultivation, building railways, opening the waste -places and making them blossom, we will take 18 per cent., and leave -you only £82 out of your £100." That is to say 5 per cent. on the -original earning of the capital, 5 per cent. tax on investment income, -and 10 per cent. on death duties, as estimated on large capital by -the Income Tax Commission, 1906. And if the proposed higher taxing -of so-called "unearned income" were carried out, this government -claim would rise to 23 per cent. or even higher. In all reason, after -money when earned has paid its tax of 5 per cent. it should be free -of all further claims, at least if employed for public utility, and -there should be no tax on dividends whatever, nor any death duties -on savings; all such taxation falls eventually on the capital of the -useful undertakings, and directly cripples the industry of the country. - -The only way to escape the deadly effects of income tax upon home -manufactures and produce would be to lay a countervailing duty on all -imports, and a bounty on all exports. Then, and only then, would the -manufacturer or farmer here be on exactly the same footing as one -abroad. Then, and only then, would free trade be really carried out. -So long as taxes fall on home production or home capital, which do not -fall similarly abroad, so long free trade cannot exist. - -Another highly immoral view of taxation is that of "plucking the -goose so that it feels it least." Such a maxim was appropriate and -excellent for an opportunist minister of an autocratic sovereign. But -the first necessity for the political health of a democracy is that -the individual shall feel every tax; such is the only way to prevent -the squandering of public money by the votes of ignorant taxpayers. It -would be very wholesome if the national expenditure was presented as a -series of personal bills, showing how much was spent on each department -by an average £50, or £100, or £200 householder. He would then be as -much ashamed of the smallness of some items as of the largeness of -others. - -What is needed in place of the tax upon industry is a tax upon -extravagance. We are accustomed to taxes which far exceed the prime -cost upon tobacco and alcohol; and other luxuries should also be -similarly taxed. If instead of taxing income (which is often requisite -for reasonable living, or else usefully spent on improvements of the -world), we had the luxuries taxed, the only people to complain (if the -change were gradual) would be those who wasted instead of using their -income. Let all ostentation be taxed very heavily, spacious rooms, -large numbers of servants, costly food, motor cars (not professionally -needed), entrance money for amusements, and tailors' and milliners' -bills; and then a much smaller amount of such extravagance will equally -bespeak wealth, and gain as much social consideration as at present. -Such would be a moral taxation in place of the present wholly immoral -and indefensible system of taxing industry and leaving waste unchecked. - -We will now look to other eventual results of small continual action. -The effect of transferring little by little the property in Irish -land to the present occupiers has not been sufficiently noticed. For -the present generation such a transference was merry enough to the -tenant. But when he sells to another tenant what is to happen? Will a -future tenant enter and gradually expropriate the present tenant, by -treating him as a landlord? Certainly the present tenant will not be -so foolish as to be thus trapped, he will demand money on the nail. -How then is the future tenant to get his capital to buy the land? In -most cases he will have to get it by borrowing on mortgage. And if -the government is not prepared to always keep open a loan office for -every incoming tenant to the end of time, a loan society or company -must be his resort. Then if he should not pay this rent to the distant -intangible society, his mortgage will be foreclosed. In place of a body -of landlords, and landlords' agents who could always be personally -approached, Ireland will fall into the hands of a landlordism of -distant money-lenders without souls or feelings, and whom neither -blandishments nor bullets can affect. - -The remedy for land difficulties and various ills, that has been so -often proposed, namely the State ownership of the land, is by no means -promising. The greatest objection that can be flung at a landlord is -that he is an absentee. No amount of agency, no excellence in the -subordinate, is thought to compensate for the personal interest, the -personal influence and care, of a good conscientious landlord spending -his life among his tenants. Yet the State ownership would be worse -than any absentee landlord. The agent would be that of an impersonal -government, and responsible to nobody so long as he fulfilled a certain -set of hard rules. He would have no personality more or less pliable -behind him, but would blindly carry out the general dictates of a -Parliament or a Revenue office, which neither knew nor cared about -any personal exceptions or local details. We all know the ways of the -Inland Revenue already; the extortions which have to be tediously -reclaimed at a greater cost of time than the refunded money is worth; -the starving of the Post Office in order to wring a profit of 50 per -cent. on the whole correspondence of the country; the various illegal -demands which have had to be resisted by legal trial, and appeal over -appeal, at a ruinous cost to those who will not be cheated; we see in -France and Italy the atrophy of a railway system which is ruled by -government officials. And yet unobservant enthusiasts wish that every -field should be under some petty official tied by red tape, and every -farmer bound by laws and regulations which could never be applied to -even a small district without individual hardship. The townsman cannot -be allowed to play political experiments with the largest industry of -England, of which he is profoundly ignorant: it must rest with the -farmer only, to decide if he prefer to be under the Inland Revenue -or under his landlord. It is notorious that government lands are -administered more wastefully and less remuneratively than any private -property; and it would be ruinous to tie up the whole country to such -administration. It is useless to say that these are mere abuses which -must be rectified. Let them be rectified in the minor scale first, -before the system can be applied in the major scale. There is no kind -of government in the world that would not ruin this country if it -introduced State ownership. Human nature does not allow of it, and only -ignorance of human nature could propose it. - -Another large effect of trifles is seen in the cumulative character -of borrowers. Mr. Harold Cox, M.P., has reminded those who are in -favour of rather confiscatory proposals, that a loss of character of -a public body, so that their good faith is not certain, may easily -mean that they have to pay 4 per cent. instead of 3 per cent. for -loans: and hence that all rents of public works paid for by loans will -have to be 33 per cent. higher. This loss is far more than could be -gained by entire confiscation of ground values, and entire ruin of all -landlords. That this is by no means only a future risk may be seen in -the stock list any day. India is not entirely safe; there are risks -of financial ruin—by conquest, by ruinous wars against invasion, by -ruin in insurrection, by ejectment, or by having to drop India owing -to a collapse of the navy. Yet all these risks together are thought -to be less than the risk of bad faith on the London County Council. -Their stock stands at a lower price than India stock. Such is the large -result of the many little touches of folly and extravagance which have -lowered the financial barometer. - -Another instance of remote changes is in the effects of the steam -engine and other cheap and rapid communication. The full extent of the -changes caused are yet far from being completed. Externally the great -change is that of the equalisation of land values for agriculture all -over the world, as the produce can be carried from land to land for a -small part of its value. Hence tropical lands with rapid growth and -high fertility will compete with others; and the cheapness of labour -there, owing to the smaller requirements in a warmer climate, will -react on all agricultural wages. There will also be a demand for cheap -labour to work tropical lands to their full extent; and the facility -for transportation of labourers will result in constantly shifting -energetic people from rather cooler climates into the hotter land for -a time, and withdrawing them again. The same system we already carry -out for governing classes in India; and cheap transport will make it -possible for an energetic race to hold hot countries continuously, -without decay due to enervation by climate, as was the case in all -earlier northern invaders. - -Internally the changes owing to cheap communication are that land of -similar quality equalises in value; and hence the worst land will -fall to bottom price all over the country, and cannot be locally of -any higher value. Also it will be difficult to get people to live in -unpleasant districts, as they can easily shift about; hence wages will -need to be higher in such districts, and therefore the land will be -still lower. Thus the mobility of the inhabitants exaggerates the -variation of land values already due to differing quality. The more -bulky industries that need cheap land, and not much labour, will be -fixed in the unpleasant districts; and peasant proprietors will tend to -the worse land, as being abnormally low in value. Regarding movement of -population only, as capable men can move about freely to get work that -gives them full scope, the less capable will supplant the capable in -all work that they are able to do. Hence we shall no longer find men -of high quality leading simple lives in remote districts. The gain to -the whole community is clear, but we lose one of the most interesting -types of national character. The free and rapid transit in cities will -cause them to be much less crowded in one mass. At Chicago men go to -business from five miles out in five minutes. Our cumbrous stoppages -along the whole route must be entirely given up for the outer districts -of London. What is needed is a series of new centres twenty to thirty -miles out of London; joined, some to the City, some to the West End, -by non-stop trains, at sixty miles an hour. Such is certainly the -type of great city which will finally be reached—a county covered -with separate centres linked by trains at the highest speed. As we -shall note further on, the development of great equatorial estates of -European powers, and the growth of immense permanent armaments are both -the inevitable result of rapid communication. We see thus how the whole -type of human life and conditions has been altered, and the whole balance -of circumstances readjusted, by the evolution of cheap motor power. - -We have already noticed another effect of this change, in the increase -of emigration draining the more capable persons from England, and so -leaving a residue inferior in energy, initiative and self-reliance. -This deterioration of the occupants of England and Ireland is thus due -to the purely mechanical contrivance of a steam engine. - -We have now traced the large effects of small economic causes, and -we see how such apparently insignificant alterations may be far more -effective and act far more beneficially than smashing the social -machine with a sledge hammer because it does not run smoothly. We will -now turn to look at some of the effects of favourite ideas of the -present time. - -The compensation to workmen for accident seems at first sight a -righteous charge upon capital for the benefit of those who are injured -in their business. The immediate effect upon character is to save -the careless, thoughtless, and incompetent from the results of their -faults; this at once reduces largely the weeding and educational -effects of the bad qualities. No man would ever have become careful -if he did not find the necessity of being so. Even if a tendency to -malingering can be avoided, yet the teaching effect is done away. -It may be thought that it is better to save the individual from his -indiscretions rather than cure the race. Like most sentimentalism it -causes more misery in the long run. Another, and entirely separate, -effect is to prevent the employment of those who by age or bodily -defect are the more liable to accident; the immediate hardship of loss -of employment to these classes is, in the total, probably greater than -the hardship of loss of employment by accidents which it is sought -to compensate. We injure the individual as well as the race by such -grandmothering. A severe law demanding full and adequate protection of -workers, where they can be mechanically protected, is the utmost that -could be beneficially enforced. - -The provision of old age pensions is another pleasing scheme. In -the first place it will diminish the need of foresight and of -self-restraint; it will thus weaken character by removing the great -driving force of self-interest. The burden will have to be borne by -all, including those who are already at the last gasp, and will tend -to push such over the border line. It will not discriminate between -those who have borne a large share in the cost of national renewal -by bringing up a family, and those who have selfishly squandered all -they received. And like outdoor poor relief, it will be discounted -in wages, and tend to lower the wage rate if no savings are to be -expected. A sounder plan would be to revert to the kind of communal -system of our forefathers, and make a legal demand for a pension of, -say, £2 a year from every child, and 10_s._ a year from every grown -up nephew or grandchild. Thus those who have done most for the State -by renewal would receive most in return, and the greatest inducement -would be given to bring up children to active and capable lives. The -idea of a right to maintenance would be the knell of any State which -undertook it. The endowment of wastrels, the taxing of all the capable -for the propagation of the incapable, and the wholesale deterioration -of character, would be utter ruin to a nation. Nature knows of no right -to maintenance, but only the necessity of getting rid of those who need -it by mending or ending them. - -There is another movement which seems most desirable and humane at -first sight, and irreproachable in its economic aspect: the saving of -infant life by greater care. A huge waste of life is going on, and -it has been proved that it is preventable. But however much we must -sympathise with it, we cannot shut our eyes to its meaning. England -produces over 300,000 excess of births over deaths yearly, and perhaps -a tenth more might be added to that by care of infant life. But would -that tenth be of the best stock or the worst? We must agree that it -would be of the lower, or lowest type of careless, thriftless, dirty, -and incapable families that the increase would be obtained. Is it worth -while to dilute our increase of population by 10 per cent. more of the -most inferior kind? Will England be stronger for having one thirtieth -more, and that of the worst stock, added to the population every year? -This movement is doing away with one of the few remains of natural -weeding out of the unfit that our civilisation has left to us. And it -will certainly cause more misery than happiness in the course of a -century. - -Lastly, let us look to the general question of the results of the -accumulation of wealth in the hands of different classes. Roughly we -may divide three classes of money-earners: the lower, who receive -weekly pay, and are tempted to spend it all by the certainty of poor -relief when needed; the middle, who receive yearly pay, and must -save if they are to avoid losing caste in late life; the upper, who -make large but uncertain profits by organising work, or by financial -manipulation, regular or irregular. During the last century we have -seen a great growth of wealth in England. At first it spread to -workmen and manufacturers, then to the middle classes generally, and -latterly much has accumulated in the hands of large operators with -trusts and financial dealings. What has been the result of the wealth -in the hands of each class, to that class, and to the whole community? -The rise of workmen's pay has mainly been used up; there has been a -great benefit by improving the conditions of life, but perhaps half of -the increase has been lost in mere waste; very little has gone toward -lifting families to a higher class, and but a very small proportion -has been saved. The whole property of the poor is estimated now at -nearly a year's income, the result of savings in a century, or less -than 1 per cent. saved. When we turn to the middle classes there is -a worse spectacle. There was, broadly speaking, but little need to -raise the standard of expenditure among the middle classes. They -were fairly comfortable, and need not have spent more on themselves; -their gains might have been spent on profitable enterprises, or given -for endowments to public purposes. On the contrary, but a small part -of their gains have been saved or remuneratively spent, and far the -greater part has disappeared in ever-increasing ostentation. It has -been turned into a curse by creating an absurdly artificial standard of -living and of sociality, so burdensome that every man is ashamed to ask -a friend to the leg of mutton dinners of his grandfather's standard. -It is thought mean to spend less per head on a single dinner than the -amount which ought to keep a man in comfort for a couple of weeks. -Real, genial sociality has been uprooted and killed in the senseless -race of ostentation. And practically nothing has been done for public -benefits by endowments. As a manufacturer in a park, with a motor, -remarked, "you cannot expect anyone not to spend up to his income." The -idea of using what is really requisite for successful living, and not -squandering money beyond that, is entirely forgotten. The simplicity -of having nothing that is unnecessary, the pleasure of having a large -balance to use beyond the needs of life, and the comfort of never -needing to worry about money, are all unknown to those who spend up to -the hilt, and who turn their money into a grinding curse of life. The -distribution of surplus wealth among the middle classes has proved an -entire failure in national economics. - -Now, lastly, the surplus is passing into a new class, the large -business speculator, the financier, and trust-man. So far as we can -yet see, this class is justifying itself far more than the middle -class. In fifty years the middle classes have not given as much to -endow education as the millionaires have given in five years. A man -with a gigantic income cannot spend more than a few per cent. of -it on himself. He must use it for large public enterprises which -benefit mankind. To put it in another form, a great dealer has -organised a method for taxing the community in such a way that they -do not notice it. And if he spends the tax on public improvements or -endowments—railways, new inventions, or universities—he is an active -benefactor to the whole community. He sponges up the surplus which -would otherwise be frittered away in ostentation or luxury, and drops -it out where it is a permanent benefit. As a principle we may hate the -trust-man and multi-millionaire, but he may be a lesser curse than the -extravagant middle or lower-class man. War is hateful, but it may be a -lesser curse than rotting in peace. So long as the average man shows -by his selfish luxury that he is incapable of managing wealth, so long -the private taxer—who prevents some of the waste—will be a positive -blessing to the community. The evolution of the great money-manager -type now going on is a distinct step forward in the prevention of -waste, and the growth of a better system of expenditure. A million -pounds a year scattered over a hundred thousand men will be all eaten -up in luxuries or lost in folly; spread among a thousand men it will -only swell their wasteful pride of life; but put it in the hands of ten -men who have worked for it, and they will spend most of it in useful -work that will bear fruit. Until the education, moral and intellectual, -of the average man is on a higher plane, it will be well for the -surplus wealth to be in the safer hands of those who have proved their -capacity for avoiding waste. The evolution of society is not fitted at -present for a wealthy middle-class, or a proletariat domination. - -We have now seen in many directions how great are the changes in the -constitution of society, which are brought about by a succession of -small movements, each of which imperceptibly bears its share in the -change. We see thus how carefully small tendencies should be watched; -and we learn how needless and often how futile is a violent uprooting -of institutions instead of a gradual growth. - -Another lesson to note is that every attempt to interfere by -legislation in the natural working of causes is more likely to do -harm than good. The long lesson, which it took all the middle ages to -teach, was that legislative interference with trade always did harm; -we have come to believe that in a half-hearted way, but we are still -perpetually longing to tinker society by interfering with natural cause -and effect. - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -THE NEED OF DIVERSITY. - - -A large part of the aims of government in all ages has been the -securing of uniformity, and much of the misery of mankind has been -caused by the enforcing of it. But when we look at nature we see that a -highly uniform species is the least likely to advance; and a seedsman -or a breeder will try to break up too uniform a strain by exciting -conditions which may lead to beneficial new varieties. It is only in a -fluctuating species in which new "sports" easily arise, or are quickly -developed by conditions, that we can expect to acquire new qualities or -beneficial advance. - -It is therefore one of the essentials for an advancing species that it -should have full scope for diversity, so that any new varieties may not -be crushed out by a uniformity of conditions. Too uniform a type of -government is a deadly thing. Compulsory orthodoxy killed the vitality -of Spain, and—so far as it succeeded—that of France also. No state -was more brilliant or vigorous than the Norman rule in Sicily, which -equally patronised Muhammedan and Christian. - -Diversity may be secured in two ways, either by large varieties within -a single great state, or by differences between homogeneous small -states. The diversity within a large state may be seen in England or -America; diversity between small states was attained between the cities -of ancient Greece or mediaeval Italy. - -But we meet with limiting conditions in the necessity of combination -for mutual support; and in small states that can be carried out by a -vigorous intolerance which weeds out those who are not conformable, and -drives them into more congenial communities. Intolerance, therefore, is -a gain to a small community, though detrimental to a large state where -it excludes the neighbourhood of variety. - -In modern times it is with large states that we have mainly to deal. -They are a necessary development where communication is sufficiently -easy for the concentrated military pressure of the whole to be brought -to bear on a single point. If states are so small that concentration -on the border is too easy, the state will expand; if concentration is -difficult owing to size, the state will tend to fall apart again. The -size for states which is most successful is a function of the facility -of internal communication. Let those who deplore the absorption of -small states, and the growth of Imperialism in all countries, ponder -the tale of the North American Indians, who resented the power of the -white man, and considered how to rid themselves of him. Their great -council was rejoiced, when one sage said that if they would do as he -said, he would promise that no white man should remain. "If the white -man is to go you must give up all that he brought, the horse, the gun, -the blanket, the firewater; if you will do this you may be free." They -thought—and then said, "No, he must stay." So, if we are willing to -revert to nothing quicker than a cob, we might get back to a Heptarchy. - -The modern condition of great states being therefore forced upon us by -the railway and telegraph, the only practical question is the form of -life in such communities. Uniformity that is enforced, either by law, -or by custom or fashion, is certainly a detriment, as it will suppress -the useful variations when they arise. And the objection to it bursts -out in the form of anarchism, which is specially a disease of great -states. The amount of anarchism is very closely related to the size of -the state; and it is probably an exact measure of the internal strain -produced by repulsion of diverse types and the pressure needed to keep -them together. - -It is only a very crude form of intolerance to expect many tens of -millions of people to agree in religion, morals, and government. A -degree of intolerance that may succeed, and even be useful, for some -thousands, will be disastrous if applied to as many millions of men. - -But here we run against another guiding principle of many people. It -is often assumed that possibly in government, probably in religion, -and certainly in morals, there is an absolute standard of right and -wrong, immutable and irremovable. To take the last subject—that of -morals—to the utilitarian they are the conditions for the well-being -of society, and may vary indefinitely with the variations of society, -and he recognises that there is perhaps no action which may not belong -to the best code of morality for certain possible conditions. To the -theologian morals are the Divine dictates, which have varied immensely -under different dispensations; and the Patriarchal, early Jewish, -Prophetic, or Christian codes are represented as quite incompatible one -with another. The subjects of sister-marriage, concubinage of captives, -lapidation, private revenge, communal or individual responsibility, -and others, all show how entirely variable the presentation of the -moral standard is for different states of society. Hence we must always -regard any given moral standard as being rightly associated with some -particular condition of society and typical of it; much as the colour -of red heat, or yellow heat, or white heat, is typical of particular -temperatures. And instead of blindly reprobating those among us who do -not conform to our present theoretical standard, or even the present -normal standard, we should regard them as fragments of a different -society gone astray in time or space. - -Thus we see that diversity should be tolerated up to the limits -of the laws that are absolutely necessary to avoid confusion and -misunderstanding between members of the same community: and there is no -constraining principle which would narrow the variability allowable, -short of permitting injustice, hardship, or unfair competition between -those who need to work together in mutual confidence and good faith. It -may truly be said that civilisation is the means for giving scope to -diversity. - -Under stagnant and uniform conditions there may be a fossilised form -of civilisation; but any living form must yield opportunities for -individual effort, and every such opportunity is the making or marring -of the man who rises to it or who falls before it. The leading -tenth and the submerged tenth are equally the proof that a living -civilisation is doing its work of sorting out the best and getting rid -of the worst stock. - -From another point of view, toleration is essential to completion. -The enormous variety of character, and ability for special work, is -all needed in a complete community. There are many "wrong paradises" -in a whole society. We see the necessity for mental diversity, from -the pure mathematician who is proud of the inapplicability of his -results, through all the successive stages of research work, commercial -work, administrative management, and mechanical work, even down to -merely automatic work which needs no more mind than a cow's. And it -is perfectly clear that such mental diversity must have corresponding -variety of external life to accommodate it. The student or experimental -worker finds the disturbances of communal life almost insufferable, -while the mechanical worker would be miserable almost to suicide in -the silence and lack of excitement of a life devoted to abstract -thought or to millionths of an inch. If, therefore, the productions of -the externals of life differ so profoundly in a complete society, we -must expect and allow equally great differences in all the feelings, -instincts, and requirements. One man may have a physical repulsion -to affecting his mind and condition by stimulants and narcotics, a -repulsion that extends more or less to every one addicted to such -drugging of the senses. But it would be a misfortune to be without -that variety, and the world would be poorer by losing Falstaff, or -even Bardolph. The utmost we can say is that we should never be blind -to the bad effects on the community of a low type if it be too widely -diffused. - -So long as the extreme parties are but a small portion, and the -distribution of variation is normal, most in the middle course and -thinning away to the upper and lower limits, the society is stable and -benefits by its variations. But if the curve of variation is irregular, -and shows two large groups with fewer in the middle course between -them, the condition is dangerous. We had such a condition in England -in the seventeenth century, and after a long struggle of each group -to capture the middle party, the separation into two communities took -place. The spiritual ancestors of Clifford and Perks and Byles were -happy in their paradise of intolerant puritanism in New England, while -Old England had internal peace for a couple of centuries. Another such -process of fission now seems growing imminent, and it is again the -question as to which group will capture the middle party. The positive -danger of a diversity running into two separate groups is notorious in -history. The Copts invited the Arab invasion to rid them of Byzantine -bondage; the Britons invited the Saxons to save them from their -neighbours. The ideals of a County Council which will not tolerate a -quiet square in London, or of labour members who promote marches of -the unemployed and unlimited taxation at their will, may drive the -best thought in England to the tranquillity of a well-governed capital -abroad; and as there are many people now who would prefer in England a -Boer domination to that of the party represented by Cecil, Halifax, and -Riley, so there are many others who would rather submit to a German -government of London than to a sacking by a hungry mob. The segregation -into two groups with an unstable link between them is fatal to the -virtues classed as Patriotism. A studious Englishman would sooner have -a Japanese or Russian professor for a neighbour, than have the average -drinking workman and rowdy family who may be his distant cousins. And -assuredly he would make no personal sacrifices to keep out of England -any people who were proved to be the moral or intellectual superiors of -the rest of his countrymen. We thus see that diversity, however great, -must vary about a single centre, if it is to be favourable to society -as a whole. - -Looking at the general domination of modern law it is truly astonishing -how much uniformity is possible. But the fact of a uniform law being in -force must not blind us to the existence of a great amount of diversity -being now tolerated side by side with it. For instance, we are so -accustomed to think of only one type of marriage that the various -stages recognised in Roman law seem astonishing. Yet in legal status -in England there are ten stages surviving, most of which are tolerated -by the law. There is (1) royal assent, needful in the royal family, -just as it is needful in every family in some African communities; (2) -normal religious or civil marriage; (3) marriage of divorced persons, -only civil; (4) within prohibited degrees, but tolerated socially, as -deceased wife's sister, or (5) not tolerated, as uncle and niece; (6) -quasi-permanent connection with full legal responsibility for children; -(7) temporary license. Only in case of lack of full consent does the -law step in to punish, in (8) marriage under age, (9) bigamy or (10) -violence. Every one of these stages has been normal in some conditions -of society, and most are normal in some countries even at present. We -may, for example, instance (1) normal in Benin; (2) religious marriage -only normal in England; (3) normal in Eastern Europe; (4) normal in -our colonies; (5) normal in Italy; (6) normal in Islam; (7) normal in -Madagascar in interregnum of sovereignty, and in other countries; (8) -normal in India; (9) normal in Islam; (10) normal in most warfare. -And each of these stages carries with it in England different legal -and social conditions. Again, as regards the period of the marriage -ceremony, the Church has had a long and hard fight to get it recognised -as a hymeneal ceremony and not a maternity ceremony; yet the latter -status is recognised in law as equal to the former, and it is still -prevalent among a third of marriages in some Australian colonies, and -very largely in England, both in the country from end to end and in -town life. On the whole some fifteen hundred years of church pressure -has not turned the scale very far against the older custom, which we -might well call approximation by trial and error. Such is the diversity -which is yet uncontrolled. - -We must regard society, therefore, as in the above definite subject, -in the light of a mixture of many stages of evolution. We may still -sit at table with palaeolithic man, put into modern dress and eating -modern dishes it is true, but absolutely in the palaeolithic stage of -thought and intellect; he is entirely absorbed in the interests of -hunting wild animals, and devoted to his appliances for the chase, -while incapable of making or improving anything belonging to a higher -kind of civilisation. Crime and illegalities are very largely merely -survivals of different conditions of society, which the law of the -majority has not succeeded in repressing. As such, the more reasonable -and favourable mode of dealing with them would be deportation to -communities where such actions are still normal. Instead of five years' -sentence for bigamy, let us exile a man to a Muhammedan country. If we -were seriously to establish island communities where theft, violence, -anarchy, and other phases incompatible with any passable diversity, -were still normal and unpunished, we might leave all those who -preferred to practise such conditions to work out their own life and -views with kindred minds. - -Regarding now the individual rather than the community, we see in -modern education a very serious force acting against that diversity -which is needful for progress. So far as it is a social force, owing -to the herding together of large masses of children, and so destroying -family types, it is mainly deleterious. The enforcement of trivial -and senseless regulations by boys themselves is entirely a detriment -to character, as destroying a habit of dealing with matters on their -own merits, and creating a terrible bogey of senseless public opinion. -The compulsory games and the ordering of the use of personal time, -is another detriment, for it certainly destroys some ability which -might find its footing in the character permanently. But beside the -detriment of the system of herding, there is the more direct question -of the influence of the teaching. Most children begin with a great -curiosity concerning the world and their experience of it, a curiosity -which when unguided leads to many unpleasant and inconvenient results. -Hence, instead of guiding it aright, and encouraging the benefits of -it, the selfish and lazy plan of elders is to destroy and obliterate -the reasoning interest in things, and try to enforce in its place a -knowledge of matters, which are generally less useful, and certainly -less interesting, than those which a child wants to know about. The -leading factor of character, the acquisition of knowledge of benefits -and injuries, of good and of evil, is mainly rooted out; and the new -plants of abstract ideas and bookwork require generally many years to -take good root, if they do so at all. This system lies at the base of -the unintellectual character of the average educated Englishman, who -takes no useful interest in anything. As an example of this, there is -a foreign land full of interest, scientific, historical, and social; -for a quarter of a century hundreds of Englishmen have been there in -comfortable official positions with reasonable leisure. Yet there is -not a single good memoir produced, not even a hundred pages of original -matter, outside of official work, by all this mass of educated minds -during nearly a generation. The possibility of what might have been -done in such grand opportunities has been stamped out by the education -which they have suffered. They are all of regulation pattern, with as -little variation as is possible between different temperaments—amiable -upright men, who will leave no trace of anyone being the wiser in -future for their existence. Such is the product of the numbing chill of -uniformity, and the weeding out of the advancing power of diversity. - -We are all familiar with the epigram of England having a hundred -religions but only one sauce; but we see a worse misfortune in the -absurd incongruity of now having two hundred religions and only one -system of elementary education. Amid the great variety of minds, which -is illustrated by the free choice of religious belief and practice, -we certainly require a great diversity of education to bring out the -best development of each type. We require simultaneous experiment on -a small scale, instead of vast experiments of Acts which apply to -the whole country for a generation at a time. Every Act is only an -experiment, and one which is usually spoiled by attempting too much -in a compromise, which is neither fish, flesh, nor fowl. Had there -been in 1870 a hundred schools used for experiment, say five of twenty -different types in different parts of the country, the life-history -of the pupils would by now have given us a firm basis for rational -adjustment of a system. It is fatuous to suppose it possible to make -one Procrustean bed to fit children of the country, the mining centre, -the manufacturing district, the commercial town, or the fisher folk—of -the Yorkshire tyke, the Suffolk dumpling, or the Hampshire hog. Nor is -it merely the success of a system in producing examination results that -has to be attained. It is quite possible that the best workers in after -life may not be the best to cram with temporary bookwork. Nothing short -of twenty years of active life can test the value of the education on -which it is based. - -Should we not at least try the effect of varying amount of control by -the central board, the local council, and the teacher himself? May -not some latitude in subject be allowed to a teacher, to follow lines -which his own mind is best capable of making useful? Should not a great -difference be made between the town, where an infant school is needed, -to keep children safe while parents are at work, and the country where -they can be left to play in the open? Should not country teaching be -adapted to making agriculturists? Might it not be possible to leave -children entirely in the fields till sixteen, provided that they could -pass in reading at nine, and in figures at twelve, however it was -learned? A solid two years' half-timing from sixteen to eighteen, when -they valued knowledge, might be worth all they gain in the present -way. Such are a few of the questions to which answers are necessary, -before we can begin to provide for the diversity of education, which is -certainly requisite if we are to make it successful—a help instead of -a detriment in after life. - -And in more detailed education is it not possible to let a child's mind -grow on what is of interest to it—to further it on whatever subjects -are most attractive and easy to that type of mind, until the habit of -learning is so developed that it can be more easily levelled up on -the subjects which have been neglected? The mere habit of learning -and applying knowledge has to be acquired to begin with, and surely -the easier subjects are the best on which to practise the power of -concentration of mind. The trainer knows that his monkeys cannot be -taught unless they can concentrate attention on the subject in hand. -In every direction we need to gain diversity—in types of society, -in customs, in varieties of mind; and to gain this basis for useful -variation we must begin by cultivating diversity and providing for its -success, in place of attacking and crushing it wherever it appears. - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -LINES OF ADVANCE. - - -Before we can imagine what may be lines of possible advance, for the -individual or the community, we should base our ideas on observing -what have been the means of advance in the past. Many of the Utopian -visions which have been sketched by different writers are in flagrant -contradiction of all history and human nature. It is at least far more -likely that gain in the future will be on similar lines to those which -have been successful in the past, rather than on lines opposed to all -previous growth. - -The personal, rather than the communal, advance is the main -consideration, inasmuch as it is personal initiative of the most -able which helps the rest of the community forward. The greatest -improvements are the result of a single mind, animating perhaps a small -group of similar minds. We all know how such great benefits as prison -reform, the abolition of slavery, the restriction of child labour, -and similar movements of which the public are now proud, were each -originated by one mind, and worked by a small group in the teeth of the -bitterest opposition to start with. It goes without saying that the -same is the case in all inventions; it takes not only an inventor, but -also a commercial organiser (seldom one and the same man), to help the -public to any improvement. If ten thousand men could be picked out of -any one country, so as to remove the most fruitful minds, that country -would come to an entire standstill, and would continue in mechanical -repetition until a fresh generation gave a chance of the rise of -original minds. Probably not more than one in a thousand minds causes -useful advance among the others. And the majority of men lead automatic -lives, of which the reflexes have been trained by teaching and -experience to do what is required, and the daily actions are performed -without a single real thought, but only in response to external stimuli -of sights and orders. It is therefore in the development of the able -individuals, and in giving every chance to such whenever they arise, -that the hopes of the great mass must lie. - -It is perhaps not too much to say that all general popular advance of -the community at large is based on the prevention of waste. Wherever -waste exists improvement is possible; and we need not trouble ourselves -much about the construction of the social organism, so long as we can -lay our finger on the waste and check it. As with a machine we know -the amount of force that is put into it, and can see what percentage -is yielded up usefully in its output, so it is with a community. The -design of the nature and quality of work done by the community or the -machine is another matter; though that again comes under the head of -waste if the quality is bad. We will now look more precisely at the -gains by prevention of waste in health, life, energy, and renewal. - -The saving of health is one of the greatest steps that has been made, -as it has been suddenly performed within a generation. Man had -unconsciously conquered bacteria to a great extent by the invention -of cooking, and by the experimental learning of cleanliness; but the -scientific attack on bacteria and protozoa has given the prospect -of preventing all epidemic disease, and largely increasing the -efficiency of man in the most fertile countries. This advance means -the economic exploitation of the whole tropical regions, which—with -cheap transport—will provide an immense fresh basis for the advantage -of other lands. The gain in antiseptic surgery, giving safety for -operation on all internal organs, as it only affects the small -proportion of sick and injured, is not of so much general importance as -the conquest of the microorganisms, which have hitherto ruled the best -part of the world. It is in the complete domination over all forms of -life, however minute, that we shall find one of the greatest lines for -future advance. Only a small band of workers, about one in a hundred -million of the world's population, has made this advance possible. - -The saving of life is another great step which will give man far higher -power; not only in the mere hindrance of death, but far more in the -increased power of work _per_ day. The power of continuity of work -is a growth of civilisation; and it is obvious that a man who can do -twelve hours' work _per_ day, instead of six hours, not only lives -virtually twice as long, but costs the community only half as much -for what he does. This continuity of work, or industry, is seen in -both high and low classes of work. Some races can do more than twice -as much agricultural work in the day as others. The same is true of -scientific or commercial work. And there have been some of the highest -minds which could only work for two hours a day, while others could -work up to fourteen or sixteen hours daily. This power of continuity -of work is obviously then a matter improvable by cultivation, both in -the individual and in the race; and as it may easily double a man's -effective life it is certainly a line of great promise for the future. - -Another direction for saving a portion of life is in the rapidity of -thought and action. It is easy to find a difference of two or three -times the amount of work _per_ hour between different men. All that we -have just said about the continuity of work applies to its rapidity; -and a large gain may be looked for in cultivating pace and vigour. We -need hardly note that trades-union ideals would destroy instead of -promoting these most promising and fruitful lines of advance. - -In transport from place to place the movement at fifty miles an hour -instead of five means a gain of several years of life to most men. -But here we have probably reached the useful limits, as any possible -further saving would not yield much more time. - -The saving of energy is another form of the question of continuity of -work. The ideal of work—as varied as possible, and as interesting as -possible—being the joy of life and the greatest good, is an aim hardly -yet grasped by more than a very few persons. To the majority, work is -a hateful thing, to be done solely in order to get means for enjoyment -in some other way. This essentially savage and uncultivated ideal -needs to be steadily rooted out by the better adaptation of work to -the individual. An education which started by cultivating the natural -interests, using them for mental development, and only superadding -what further knowledge was really requisite for life, would greatly -help to eradicate the false and low idea of work which prevails. There -is a common feeling that business cannot be interesting in itself; but -there are few, if any, businesses which if intelligently followed will -not yield scope for some real interest of observation and study. The -greater application of mind to the work of life will leave far less -scope for fruitless amusement and—as a great painter remarked—"there -is nothing of interest in life to be compared with work." - -To minds which are incapable of continuity of work, or of relaxation -by variation of work, mere amusements are needful. Darwin's health -prevented more than two hours' work a day, and the flimsiest of -novels was his needful relaxation. But the need of amusement for this -purpose must be taken as the index of incapacity for continuity—as -an unfortunate failure of mental and physical health—as a disastrous -defect when it occurs along with great abilities which can only -thus work at low speed. The same may be said of athletics; the need -of physical exercise outside of work is an index of incapacity for -physical health adapted to the work, an unfortunate failure of those -who are of defective condition. The idea that no one can be too strong -and robust is a wild exaggeration; physical strength needs to be -proportioned to the nature of work, and a slender wiry man will do far -better for indoor life than a plethoric mass of brawn and muscle which -needs much exercise to keep in health. Unlimited robustness is not an -absolute good, to be pursued at all costs, or else we should make -every schoolboy a Hun, living without shelter, and feeding on flaps of -raw meat which form the only saddle of his horse. In brief, the need -of athletics shows a weakness of body to be remedied, or a physical -over-development unsuited to the person's work in life; it is the mark -of unfitness, and the need ceases so soon as a man is adapted to his -work. The need of spending any considerable time on amusement is the -sign of an incapacity, which has to be removed by strengthening the -mind in the individual or in the race. The passion for amusement is -the sure evidence of a defective education, which has left the mind -incapable of continuity, or bare of interests. An important advance -therefore lies in better use of the time which is at present wasted in -fruitless action of mind or body; better adaptation and education for -the work of life will gradually raise the standard so that this form -of waste will be avoided. We do not expect a uniform type of horse to -be equally adapted to draught or hunting or racing; and similarly we -ought to specialise on different types of men fitted for agriculture, -or mechanical work, or office work. - -The great subject of the waste by renewal of the population in each -generation has an immense variety of aspects; but the essential -importance of it is seen when we reflect that about half the labour of -the world is swallowed up in this renewal. The burden of production, of -rearing, of education, and the waste and loss in the process, exceeds -that of any other activity, such as supply of food or shelter, for -the adult. Hence any possible saving in this great mass of labour, or -reduction of waste, is of the first importance to the individual and -the race. - -Those who have proposed temporary marriage hardly seem to have -considered that one of the most important economies adopted, perhaps -dating from a pre-human period, was that of permanent marriage. This -saved at a stroke the enormous loss of time and energy in the rivalries -of repeated mating. The gain to the race by leaving the members free -for continuous work is greater than the loss by reproducing inferior -stocks. There is no need for the system to have been intentionally -adopted for this purpose; but merely a race which economised the time -of repeated mating would soon oust a race in which it was customary. -For this reason any fancied reconstruction of society without permanent -marriage is entirely futile; even if it could be universal, yet the -advantage given to the lazy and emotional type of man above the -continuous worker would soon pull down the race. One frequent argument -for a more revocable union is the number of divorces effected or -desired. But nearly all such are among people whose judgment in any -other line of life would certainly not be trusted, and who habitually -get into trouble over other communal obligations. To abolish marriage -for their benefit would be as reasonable as allowing all debts to be -repudiated because such people cannot pay their I.O.U.'s. There is -moreover a great gain in permanent marriage when judiciously effected, -by the new mental pivot of a sense of permanent ensurance of various of -the conditions of life, which liberates the attention of both parties -from a large number of points, and leaves each free to concentrate -attention on a partial phase of feelings and duties. It is a far higher -and a spiritual counterpart of a successful business partnership, -where each member trusts the other to manage a different part of the -affair. All this mental economy and help would be impossible without -permanence. - -Another wastage which has been greatly reduced in modern times is that -of high birth rate and high death rate. The allusions in mediaeval -times show a state much like that now described among the Slovenes, -where incessant maternity is only balanced by the reduction of children -due to filth, neglect, and bad conditions. The modern ideal of a small -family carefully tended is an immense advance, both for the individual -life and for the saving of waste. But its benefits should be sought and -not commanded. If the neglectful, dirty, and wasteful stocks of low -type in our midst let their children die off, it is the only balance -to their overgrowth, which would soon outnumber the better class of -population. The right end to begin at is by insisting on hard work and -tidy living, under penal enactments; the saving of the children may -then be left to take care of itself. To begin at the sentimental end, -as is now the fashion, is to degrade the whole race by swamping it with -the worst stocks. - -The line of progress in invention is the remorseless "scrapping" of -poorer machines. The more serious the progress becomes, the more -scrapping needs to be done. We must not be surprised then if a sign -of human progress of mind and body should be the large number of -inefficients who are thrown out of work on the scrap heap of society. - -In another direction advance has been made by general lengthening of -the stages of life. The early marriage and early deaths of past times -brought the cost of renewal at every twenty years, which was a much -severer tax on the community than renewal in thirty or forty years. -There is probably also a great benefit in the higher development of -parents before each generation. It is well recognised how the later -children of a family are more able, and of a more finished quality than -the earlier; great examples of such a view in older literature being -Joseph and David, and in our own history, Alfred. The longer growth of -mind before each generation appears to be a great gain of advance for -the race. Among the lower races, by far the most advanced are those -like the Zulu, which have a long period of hard training and active -life before settling down to family duties. - -The often debated problem dealing with the human refuse of bad stocks -is one which presses most on an advanced civilisation. We will not do -like the Christian Norseman, when he put the ne'er-do-weel family into -a wide grave in the churchyard, and wiped his hands of them. We will -not even leave them to exterminate themselves by their own follies, -vices, and ignorance. But if the state takes up the burden of such -wastrels it must have an entire control of them. Responsibility without -rule is worse than rule without responsibility. The only safe course -is a rigorous enforcement of parental duties; with the alternative of -penal servitude in state workshops, the mother and children together, -the father elsewhere. There is no middle course, of semi-maintenance -by school meals, which will not injure the children by their being -correspondingly neglected at home, injure the parents by lowering the -spur of necessity to work, and injure the state by flooding it with the -worst types. - -Much more drastic treatment of the unfit has been advocated, as by -Dr. Rentoul. In a future period of civilisation a logical course of -treatment might have a chance of adoption; but in our age any serious -changes of the habits of thought and action will not be tolerated, -unless brought about very gradually under small influences, such as -we have noticed as acting through taxation. What we need is to try to -give effect to the gospel of giving to him that hath, and taking away -from him that hath not. The most likely opening for such a line of -advance would be giving partial state maintenance to the best stocks, -so as to ensure large returns from them, and taxing down the worst -stocks—exactly the opposite course to the present craze. Let us try to -realise if there be a practical system for this advance. - -We should need a Board of Health in each area of about 10,000 -inhabitants, composed of three examining doctors. Every child on -leaving school, or at about fifteen, should be examined, merely by a -glance at the greater bulk of normal cases, but carefully in extreme -cases. The finest 5 per cent. both mentally (shown by school-leaving -certificates) and physically as well, should be premiated by assisted -higher education of suitable type. The worst 10 per cent. should be -remanded to a training school where physical and mental development -would be scientifically carried out, and as much profit as possible -made from their labour toward self-support. This would reclaim the -hooligan class effectually before they run amuck, and help on those -who need care and assistance to get a good footing in life. No course -could possibly be kinder for the weaklings. At the age of twenty a -further examination of both the best and the worst classes should -ensue. The best half of the most able should receive a certificate -granting them practically free support for all children they may have -after they have reached the age of twenty-five. The worst half of the -most incapable, or 5 per cent. of all, should be required to report -residence during their lives to the Board of Health of their district, -and informed that if they had any children they must pay a heavy fine, -or else go into servitude. This would practically mean the segregation -of the lowest class of the unfits under compulsory work. It would be -cheaper to the state to keep them thus at work, than to pay poor rates -to maintain this submerged twentieth and their helpless families. - -In all these proposals there would be no Socialistic constraint of the -great majority, which is normal in mind and body. But such attention -to the unfit would be merely adding a porch to the poorhouse, the -hospital, and the asylum, and there sorting over the material which can -be possibly saved from a bad end. The nine-tenths of people who were -ordinary would be thus left even more free for individual growth than -they now are, when hampered by the inefficient residue. - -We might not exclude the thought of another favourite idea of some -reformers which in a modified shape might be allowed to gradually take -root. Since Spencer Wells familiarised the world with an operation -for which he will always be remembered, hundreds of women have -gladly improved their health by a safe treatment, which, if anything, -threatened to become too fashionable. Every woman who was, as above, -required to report her residence as being unfit, and being liable to -heavy penalties on having children, should be offered the option of -perfect freedom if she chose the operation. The marriage of such women, -with men who were condemned as unfit, would entirely free both parties -from reporting and inspection in future, and give the best prospect -of happy lives to the weakest and less capable of the community, free -from what would be only too truly "encumbrances" to such people. This -course might give a permanently safe line of improvement, without any -consequent stigma or hardship in the world around; and so gentle a -change—beneficial to the individual as well as the community—seems -not outside of future possibilities. At least such a course would be -the more practicable form of such a proposed change. Of course, no such -legislation would be complete in its action, and evasions would often -occur. But if it checked even one half of the growth of bad stock it -would be an enormous gain. - -We now turn to other lines of advance from the communal point of view. -The old system of community, in which all the nations of northern -Europe lived, was based on each man being his brother's keeper; -every one was liable to fines if any relative committed a crime, in -proportion to their closeness of relation. To this succeeded individual -responsibility, both in property and in penalties. This raises the -question whether it is possible to separate property and penalty in -communism. At present the tendency is to a state communism, begun -by heavy death duties and taxation (for a variety of purposes which -the taxed do not use or require), amounting to a quarter of all -property. If this system is extended, and property becomes more largely -hypothecated to public purposes, then when a man is condemned in -heavy damages or fines his neighbours will suffer by reduction of the -rateable property. Will it not be thought more fair for his relatives -to be responsible for the public loss? And if so, we indirectly revert -to the payment by relatives of a share of all fines. - -To anyone who has had experience of combined labour, it is obvious how -two people working together do not perform twice as much as one alone. -There is always a loss by one waiting on the action of another; and -it appears as if the amount of work done only increased as the square -root of the number of people working together. Hence the group-work -of communistic taste is very wasteful. This is practically seen among -the Slavs in Russia, where communal agriculture—which is extolled -by its admirers—produces far less _per_ acre on fine land, than is -obtained by individual agriculture on poor land in England. Again it is -notorious how the Irishman who goes to work apart among individualist -people, then flourishes as he never does when held down by the communal -claims socially enforced among his own countrymen. This is the root -of the success of the Irish out of their own land. Thus we see how -communal action is the more wasteful form of labour; and how it was a -great advance for man when he made individual success entirely depend -upon individual labour. - -Another question is what form of government will most favour the -strong breeds and the new strains of ability as they arise? Certainly -any system which ties the actions of one person with those of others is -detrimental to ability. The better man is held back by the co-operation -with others, by their lower example, and by their direct disfavour. Any -communistic tie is unfavourable to advance; and it was a great step -in favour of new and improved variations when each individual stood -entirely on his own resources, and was not bound by his inferior kin. -In every way, therefore, individualism was a line of advance for men in -the past; and the principles which are involved promise that it will -yet likewise be the main line of future advance. If we look practically -at which class of government is associated with advance of ideas, of -inventions, and new types of thought, let us put on one hand the more -individualist countries, America, England, Germany, and perhaps France, -and on the other hand the more communist countries, Switzerland, -Norway, Ireland, Greece, Australia, and especially New Zealand. Can -we question for a moment which type of country is most advancing the -intellect and abilities of man? - -But we must not forget that Union is strength, the motto that Belgium -strangely took on separating from Holland; and combined action has -great advantages. In this view the beneficial combination is that -to which all contribute without one being a hindrance to the other. -How far can these benefits be gained without loss to the improved -individual? The main principle is that all combinations must be -entirely voluntary, and have no suspicion of coercion about them. -Where even "peaceful persuasion" comes in, ability is crushed, and -the whole community is the loser by it. Coercive union of individuals -is the unpardonable sin against human nature, because it kills the -hopes of the future. The safe line of advance is combination by -large clubs for every purpose, with healthy rivalry between similar -institutions—benefit clubs, co-operative stores, co-operative works, -holiday clubs, and insurance of all kinds. Every inducement should be -held out to join in such combinations, giving them the assistance and -security of official auditors, as is provided for friendly societies -at present Every line in which any class can profitably unite for -economic action, on an entirely voluntary basis, and without any tie -on the individual beyond his share in the enterprise, is a clear gain -to society. In this way the taxation for these ends would fall on -those who benefit by them, and not on those who do not want them. Thus -the individual would be free to take, or leave alone, the benefits -provided; and many purposes to which taxation is now applied would -be far better effected by gigantic clubs of those classes who want -such assistance. Taxation must be strictly limited to those purposes -in which all persons must necessarily share, such as protection and -justice. - -Hence a future line of advance lies in a great development of purely -voluntary co-operation in any one class, in order to obtain the -advantages of combination. In one direction it is clear what immense -savings might be thus effected. Co-operative purchase of supplies and -cooking, with distribution of hot meals to subscribers, would save -perhaps a third of the cost of living to the working classes. And if -the prepaid weekly subscriptions might be deducted before wages were -received, such a system would go far to solve the question of proper -feeding of children. Again, the education of hand-workers in the -subject of economics can be best furthered by the experience gained in -co-operative works, and even on this ground alone every encouragement -should be given to such combinations of workers. - -Another line of advance now coming into practical view is the use of -various nationalities, according to their abilities for different -kinds of works in foreign countries. We have seen, in Europe, Italian -miners taken to many lands for tunnelling and submarine work, we have -Norwegians largely employed in our shipping, and English engineers -find many careers abroad. Of recent years the great mass of cheap -skilled labour of China and Japan has been getting its due share of -the world's work. The infamous manner in which the Chinese have been -treated in America is apparently now nearly at an end; the Republic -where all men are free and equal will be coerced into fairness by the -reasonable refusal to take American goods as long as the Americans will -not take Chinese labour. In British Columbia the Japanese are objected -to because they are more industrious, more economical, more sober -and quiet than the white, who, as their inferior in these principal -respects, cannot bear their competition. The Americans are likewise -trying to prevent their industry, while at the same time wishing to -make the Panama Canal with Chinese labour; in this they will probably -be rebuffed, unless the whole national position is put on a fair basis. -The objections to Chinese labour in South Africa have never been put -on the real fact—tacitly felt, though unexpressed—that the white -dreads the competition of an economical people. First they were said to -be tortured in slavery, a lie which served its big political purpose -until it was found that they would not leave; then the danger of public -crime and burglary was put forward, until it was shown that there -were fewer criminals in proportion than among other inhabitants; then -a cry of immorality was raised, until the Colonial Secretary stated -that the Kaffirs who would replace them had just the same habits. Now -the Transvaal refuses to destroy its own welfare by the falseness of -playing with any of these cries; but such hatred to free labour has all -served the political ends which were intended by an unscrupulous party -that revels in keeping a conscience. Meanwhile the Prussian Board of -Agriculture desires to import Chinese agriculturists into Germany; and -it will be strange if the great German coalfields in South Wales are -not run by the cheapest labour that can be obtained. We have no laws -to prevent Chinese working freely in England, and we cannot afford to -wreck our great China trade by starting a gross injustice of exclusion. - -If objections are felt—by a people so immoral as ourselves—to the -toleration of any habit of foreign residents, let it be legislated upon -equally for all nationalities in England. In this way the Canadians -expelled the rowdy negroes who had taken refuge with them in the days -of slavery. A rigid and impartial punishment of rowdyism cleared out -the undesirable negro, and left the inoffensive behind. The only -possible course of safety is not by any laws directed against any -one race; for when such laws break down in the growth of the future -there will be a terrible economic—if not political—catastrophe. -Rigid laws to check evils of all inhabitants of a country alike are -sound and safe, and will prevent most of the objectionable results of -immigration, Jewish, Italian, Chinese, or any other. With such laws a -great advance can be made by the free use of that kind of labour which -is most adapted to the work, whatever source it may come from. Such -must inevitably be the course of the distant future; and those who -play with holding what they please to call a "white man's land" will -find that "mean whites" of hot countries are wholly inferior to other -races which are fitted for such a position. Bret Harte has well stated -"the conscious hate and fear with which inferiority always regards the -possibility of even-handed justice, and which is the key-note to the -vulgar clamour about servile and degraded races." - -Another subject which has seemed to be a most promising line of advance -is that of the reduction or abolition of warfare. We must not limit -our view in this to open and direct violence, there are other forms of -warfare quite as effective, and causing as much, or more, misery in the -total. The warfare of trade is always going on, each nation is pushing -its neighbours as much as it can for its own benefit. Some gain benefit -by closed markets and bleeding a monopoly, others benefit by open -markets, and each fights for what it wants by trade methods backed with -force. The free trader honestly believes that all this can and should -be abolished by each country producing what it is best fitted for, and -a tacit or legal understanding that there is to be no trade rivalry on -the various lines thus assigned to different countries. Such would be -the only system which could abolish trade warfare. Under such a system -advance would be greatly checked, if not killed. Look at the history -of quinine; only twenty years ago it was 10_s._ an ounce, and the -growers (though competing among themselves) did not think they could -improve the process or reduce the price. The chemist in Europe stepped -into the market and smashed the old system by much cheaper artificial -quinine. But the growers, sooner than be ruined, invented extraction by -petroleum, and brought down the price to 1_s._ 6_d._ an ounce. Now here -were two acts of violent trade warfare between countries; the result -being such an improvement that instead of one of the most life-saving -medicines being a luxury, it can now be used six times more freely than -before. Without trade war this would never have come about. Free trade -implies free competition, and that is trade-warfare. - -Another form of trade war is holding a country for the sake of a -monopoly of trade, thus enabling a group of manufacturers—say of -France—to tax all the inhabitants under their government, especially -in colonies—as Algiers, Madagascar, Tahiti, &c. This is simply a form -of tribute, like the taxation levied by Rome on various conquered -countries; it holds back the taxed countries. If other countries wish -to get a share of that trade they will have to fight, by trade or by -violence, to conquer the right to join in it. And a trade war which -shut, say, all English markets to France, until all French markets -were open to England, would not violate any economic principle. It -is meeting force by force, exclusion by exclusion; and no shudder at -our using trade war ourselves will prevent for an instant the trade -war which is used against us. Our principles will not weigh a feather -in other nations' practice. But warfare is a temporary measure, and -retaliation must only be temporary. The great danger would be in -establishing a permanent system of taxation of foreign productions, -which would be worked to the utmost by trades unions at home, in order -to enable them to bleed the country to death by high prices. This -terrible danger of ruin is the main reason against protective duties, -though seldom, if ever, noticed in public discussion of the subject. - -Another form of warfare is the relative burden of armaments. This may -be called slow combustion, in contrast to the open flame of war. Now if -there is no joint limitation—as at present—the most long-sighted and -powerful nation stands to win at this game; the result is the same as -if actual war were in progress, but the terrors and destruction of war -are avoided. But if there be a joint limitation of armament—as some -hope may be established—it must be on such a basis that no one state -is left in a condition of clear superiority to another, otherwise it -would tie the inferior state to be in a permanently inferior condition. -And the qualities which will win will be subterfuge, evasion, and bad -faith; whichever state contrives to be better prepared than another -behind the agreement will stand to win when the war does come. In the -unlimited condition the qualities win which are those best for mankind -in all other respects; in the limited condition the qualities will -win which are worst for mankind otherwise. The real fact is that great -armaments are like great states, a needful condition of the new speed -of communication. When it took two or three months to move an army -from central Europe to England, we had two or three months to prepare; -when it takes only two or three days we must be always prepared. No -one can put the clock back, and steam is the end of small armaments. -Within a generation of quick transport being started, big armaments -were found needful, and will never cease to be needful. Great permanent -combinations of states are the only line of relief under the new -conditions, which bind mankind for ever in the future. - -Let us look now at direct war. What are the qualities which tell -for success, looking to the wars of recent times with which we are -familiar? In the brains of the army the main qualities have been (1) -Foresight; (2) Combining power; (3) Honesty; (4) Imagination; (5) -Skill; and in the muscle of the army (6) Physique; (7) Industry; -(8) Tenacity. In short, success in war requires precisely the same -qualities as success in peace. Even if the cause is bad, yet it is the -best man all round that wins. In each case recently the winner has -been the better power for future civilisation. War then may be defined -as the concentration into a year of the same results which would take -place by economic causes within perhaps a generation or a century. So -far as violent changes are undesirable—as we have noticed before—so -far war is undesirable. But on the purely humanitarian view it may be -better to flee before one's enemies for three months than have three -years' famine; it may be better to kill 100,000 in a brief campaign -than starve a million during a whole generation by bad trade owing to -slow economic changes. War strikes the imagination and impresses the -thoughtless with its horror, but a starving peace may be a far more -painful process. - -It is difficult to see that any of the causes of trade war, armament -war, or open war are at all likely to be less in the future than they -have been in the past; and if the causes are the same we must expect -like effects. Nor do we see that any result of these different kinds of -war is injurious to that character of man which is requisite for his -advance in better lines. Each of these forms of competition tends to -give an advantage to the best qualified race, and to promote the most -beneficial strains of character. On the general principle that slow -evolution is preferable to violent changes we must look for advance by -intensified trade war rather than by armaments, and by the strain of -armament rather than by open war. - -A direction in which great improvements of organisation may be -attained would be in better adaptation of checks. So far as possible, -checks should be abolished by establishing interests in the same -direction between different parties. The profit-sharing movement is -an excellent beginning of what needs to be fully and exactly carried -out. The checks of inspection, which have been so greatly multiplied -lately, are peculiarly liable to abuses; and a system of fewer and far -superior inspectors, much less inspection, and much heavier penalties -to correspond, would in the long run prove the safer line. The great -check by popular election is very wasteful, a general election costing -the country over a million pounds in various ways. Precisely as fair a -check would be gained by summoning one in a hundred of the electors by -lot at the day of election; and the nursing of a constituency would be -much diminished. - -Lastly, let us look at the final type to which man will probably be -led by natural survival. This enquiry is limited throughout to those -qualities which are the product of external causes; and no attempt -is made to estimate the more spiritual side of man or his higher -mental development. For that we have not the same physical basis -of research, and it would be a fruitless mixture to include such -considerations—however important—in an enquiry which by its scope -might be similarly applicable to lower organisms. We are therefore -dealing here only with the physical basis of civilisation. - -For the sake of safety from aggression and prevention of small -quarrels, federations of great size must prevail; while those -federations which allow for the greatest diversity between the states -will prove more adaptable and vigorous. Similarly, states which allow -of the greatest diversity of life to the individual will succeed best, -by the promotion of the most vigorous strains. More systematic law -will be needed between states. This may perhaps be on the line of all -contracts being on the seller's law, and all marriage on the husband's -law, regardless of change of residence; and all contracts being suable -on their own law in any state. - -The greatest empires have in the past allowed great diversity between -states. Persia left each land to its own laws, and only required the -control of a satrap, a small tribute, and unification of army and navy. -Rome interfered very little with local law, and left the principal -cities autonomous throughout the empire. Britain has carefully -preserved local law where a system existed, as in India, the Cape, -and many varieties nearer home, even in England itself. The United -States have kept local laws of states and local legislatures. Hence -it is likely that groups of states with great variety of type will -prevail, only unified by a common system of defence and compulsory -taxation for that purpose. It is even conceivable that such a system -might be established in England, if the Privy Council was supplemented -by Colonial ex-ministers of long standing, and was granted powers of -assessment over all parliaments for the common defence. - -The type of man which must prevail is that of the greatest industry and -greatest individuality; each man belonging to many voluntary societies -for various united benefits. Agriculture, the main industry of man, -will be far more elaborate and economical; as much so as the present -Chinese system, or even carried to further detail with machinery. And -the unlimited supply of atmospheric nitrates, now in sight, will also -greatly increase production. Profit-sharing or the shareholding of -all workers must gradually prevail in all industries. The growth of -rapidity of thought and action, and the economy of organisation, will -enable a living to be earned with perhaps half a day's labour, or less. -The large balance of time, beyond that which will be needed for bare -necessities, will be spent on a much greater development of natural -resources and conveniences of life; each man will thus enjoy the result -of an immense accumulated capital of improvements and benefits. In -short, each one will be rich, either by the cheapness of articles or -abundance of money, a merely relative question. The accumulated wealth -of improvement will leave a smaller profit on labour, or in other words -capital will command a very low interest. Therefore there will be -less inducement to work for saving; and hence spare time will be more -readily employed in the personal quest of knowledge, and enlargement -of mental interests, in literature, in science, in history, and in the -arts, or among the less capable in mere amusements. But the higher the -social organisation and reward of ability, the more intense will be the -weeding of the less capable, and the more highly sustained will be the -general level of ability. - -That fluctuation will occur is inevitable; but it will be gradually -understood that the utmost freedom of labour and communication is the -only way to allow changes to be gradual, and so to avert the great and -disgraceful catastrophes of forcible migration of hordes. Hence there -will tend to be an incessant flow of labour from country to country, -assisted by international labour bureaus: thus the wage of any given -ability will be equalised over the world, and hence prices of all -produce will equalise also. The whole of this action will further -enforce the power of ability, and tend to end or mend the less capable. - -We must, then, look for a world with approximately equal civilisation -and prices in all lands; but with each people developed in their -own lines of ability, in accord with climate and conditions, to -such a point that no other people can compete with them in their own -conditions. The equatorial races tending to have less initiative -and vigour than those of colder climates, the equatorial lands will -therefore tend to be each attached to a temperate land which will -supply more energy to their development; while a steady drift of -population from colder to hotter lands will take place, as for a -generation or two they will retain a greater vigour. Thus the tropics -will be the seat of the keenest competition and extinction of races; -while the borders of the arctic regions will always afford most room -for human increase. - -So far as peoples turn their backs on the inevitable goal, they -will have to painfully retrace their course, or else disappear by -extinction; while the peoples who move toward the lines of success will -be the fathers of the future. Will they be found in East or West? - - - - -INDEX. - - - A. - - Ability, inherited, 4 - sporadic, not inherited, 5 - driven out, 3, 4, 8, 21 - favoured by war, 98 - - Administration depends on character, 1 - - Advance checked by communism, 20, 21 - checked by education, 73-75 - due to individual, 78, 80 - gained by saving waste, 79 - - Agriculture, elaboration of, 101 - to be saved from townsmen, 54 - - Amusement, passion for, 20, 82, 83 - - Anarchism, product of great states, 67 - - Armaments, big, needful, 98 - war by, 97 - - Artificial conditions encourage variation, 5 - - Athletics, needed by the unfit, 82 - - Atrophy of mind, 7-9 - - Aurelian, 36 - - Automatic lives of majority, 79 - - - B. - - Barbaric society, complex, 21 - - Bartholomew's Day, 1662, 41 - - Benevolence, scope of, v. - - Betting, 19 - - Birth rate, waste of high, 85 - - Bricklayers' Union, influence of, 31 - - Building, dear in England, 31 - - Bye-laws, value of, 44 - - - C. - - Capacity, _see Ability_. - - Capital used for income, 47 - - Capitalists, result of diminishing, 50 - - Catastrophes produced by small causes, 42 - - Cattle, competition among, 25 - - Change, gradual, to be allowed, 43 - effect of, 13, 63 - violent, injurious, 41 - - Character, the basis of society, 1 - production of, 2 - subject to natural law, 2 - low type at present, 15-19 - killed by municipalising, 26 - grown by experience, 74 - - Checks, better use of, 99 - - Children, later more able, 86 - maintenance of, 8, 60, 86-88 - - Chinese labour, need for, 93-95 - - Civil war, results of, 39-41 - - Civilisation a means of diversity, 68 - - Clubs, benefit of, 92 - - Collections, dispersal of, 46 - - Colonising result of primogeniture, 45, 46 - - Combinations, must be voluntary, 91 - - Combined labour, wasteful, 90 - - Committees, mind of, 9 - - Commons rule alone, 39-41 - weakness of, 43 - - Communal organisation of early Europe, 22 - - Communication, results of, 56, 66, 98 - - Communism a bar to useful variation, 20, 21 - and early Christianity, 24 - and fatalism, 25, 26 - and labour, 90 - - Compensation for accidents, 58 - - Competition, necessity of, 3, 10 - dislike of, 10 - among cattle, 25 - - Continuity of work, power of, 80, 81 - - Co-operation a main line of advance, 92 - - Cox, Mr. Harold, 55 - - Crimes, survivals of early life, 73 - - Criminals to be sorted into communities, 73 - - Cromwell an arbitrary ruler, 40 - value of, in anarchy, 40, 41 - - - D. - - Death duties, effect of, 44, 46 - - Despotism, a refuge from anarchy, 41 - - Devolution of the Roman Empire, 36 - - Diocletian, decree of prices, 37, 38 - - Disciples, early, hard-weeded, 24 - - Diseases of bodies politic, vi., 19 - - Diversity, need of, 65-77, 100 - of moral standards, 67, 68 - of types required, 69 - dangerous form of, 70 - still existing, 71-3 - of marriage laws, 71, 72 - - Dulness of observation, 16, 17 - - - E. - - Education, a bar to advance, 73-76 - experiments needed, 75 - variety of, needed, 75, 76 - - Elections, waste by, 100 - - Emigration beneficial, 13 - harmful, 13, 14 - - Environment subject to man, 3 - - Equatorial races, future of, 103 - - Escape of the capable, 8 - - Extremes of condition appear together, 5 - - - F. - - Factions of the Civil War, 39, 40 - - Farm colonies, 8 - - Fatalism and communism, 26 - - Federations must prevail, 100 - - Five-mile Act, 40 - - France, ability drained from, 4 - cost of Revolution in, 41 - - Free-trade only possible with bounties, 52 - - Free-will a subject of normal variation, 2 - - - G. - - Gallienus, 35 - - German immigration, 15 - - Government cannot tax its own payments, 49 - - Gracchus, cheap com of, 29 - - Gradual changes to be allowed, 43 - - - H. - - Happiness based on character, 2 - - Health, saving of, 79, 80 - - Housing problem, cause of, 31 - - Huguenots closely weeded, 24 - expulsion of, 4 - - - I. - - Illustrated papers, 18 - - Immigration, 14, 15 - - Income tax, effect on trade, 47-49 - - Individual thought essential, 9 - - Individualism a line of advance, 91 - - Infant life, saving of, 60 - - Inspection, abuse of, 99 - - Intellect, limitations of, 17 - - Intolerance of Puritans, 39-41, 70 - gain and loss of, 66 - - Investments, foreign, demand for, 48 - - Ireland, emigration injuring, 14 - land-holding in, 53 - - Italian labour abroad, 93 - - - J. - - Janus, the peace bringer, vii. - - Japanese too industrious, 93 - - - L. - - Labour, combined, wasteful, 90 - in the tropics, 56 - - Land in Ireland, 53 - state ownership of, 53-55 - equal values of, 56 - - Laws impartial to all residents, 94 - - Life, infant, saving of, 60 - - Life-duties, effect of, 49 - - Lighting system faulty, 17 - - Little-Italy party, 35-37 - - Loans, risks of, 55 - - Local administration, variety in, 44 - - London County Council, 17, 55 - - Low races pass under higher, 1 - - - M. - - Malignants deprived, 41 - - Man subjugates environment, 3 - permanence of type of, 10-12 - final type of, 100-102 - - Marriage ceremony, period of, 72 - laws, diversity of, 71, 72 - temporary, 84 - - Medical examination of children, 87 - - Mencius quoted, 7 - - Mental changes similar to physical, 2-7 - qualities inherited, 4 - growth encouraged by use, 6 - growth to old age, 6 - - Merovings, degradation of, 7 - - Middle-class waste, 61 - - Mind subject to natural variation, 2-7 - variability induced, 6 - arrested at various ages, 6 - atrophy of, 7-9 - unchanged in nature, 11-12 - - Monopolies, 9, 96 - - Moral standard typical of a society, 68 - - Morality, relative standard of, 67-68 - - Municipalising enterprises, 26 - - - N. - - - Nationalisation of land, 53-55 - - Nationalities, use of various, 93 - - New Testament teaching, 23, 24 - - Norse poor law, 22, 86 - - - O. - - Officialism, 9 - - Old age pensions, 59 - - Oman, Prof., 29 - - - P. - - Pasts have all been present, vii. - - Patriotism killed by separate groups, 71 - - Permanence of type of man, 10-12 - - Peters, Carl, opinion of, 20 - - Physical changes similar to mental, 2-7 - - Pleasures, low type of, 17-19 - - Polybius on history, iv. - - Poverty results from opportunity, 5 - - Prayer, Book of Common, proscribed, 40 - - Present time, apparent importance of, vii. - - Prices, consequence of regulating, 37, 38 - - Primogeniture diminished, 45 - effect of, 45, 46 - - Private enterprise most effective, 9 - - Prodigal son, his rights, 24 - - Profits to be earned from wealth, 30-32 - - Profit-sharing, 92, 99 - - Proletariat, support of, 30-32 - - Property parted in life, 44, 49 - - Proscriptions, disastrous effect of, 4 - - Provinces parted from Rome, 36 - - - R. - - Radicalism contrary to evolution, 42 - - Railway stations, faulty, 16 - - Railways, effects of, 56, 66 - - Rapidity, gain by, 81 - - Reasoning interest obliterated, 74 - - Regulation pattern men, 74 - - Relatives, responsibility of, 22, 89 - - Remedy for the incapable, 8 - - Renewal of population, 83 - - Rentoul, Dr., 87 - - Responsibility without rule, 86 - - Retaliation in trade war, 97 - - Retrograde characters ruined by help, 7 - - Ruling faculty of man, 3 - - - S. - - Scrapping of machines and men, 85 - - Seebohm, Dr., 22 - - Selection the means of elevation, 3, 20 - repressed by communism, 20-27 - - Slavery not fatal to Rome, 34 - - Sloth a deadly sin, 16 - now compulsory, 16 - - Socialism, use of word, 23 - - Society, barbaric complexity, 21 - a mixture of stages, 72 - final type of, 100-103 - - Sport, 18, 19 - - States, large, a result of speed, 66 - - Submerged tenth, 6, 14, 69, 88 - - Survivals of earlier stages, 72, 73 - - - T. - - Taxation in death duties, 44-46 - on capital, 47 - on trade, 47-50 - in life duties, 49 - immoral, 50, 51 - should be felt, 52 - limitations of, 92 - - Taxation of extravagance, 52 - - Tenth, submerged, 6, 14, 69 - - Theologic morality, 68 - - Thought, lack of, at present, 16 - - Town, type of, 57 - - Townsman favoured, 28 - - Trade unionism and sloth, 16, 81 - in Rome, 29-34 - compulsory, 30-34 - and the poor, 30, 31 - assessment of tax, 32 - - Transit, rapid, result of, 56-58 - - Trust-man class, 62 - - Trusts, creation of, 49 - - - U. - - Unfit, treatment of, 87-89 - - Uniformity, evils of, 65, 67 - - Unintellectual character, source of, 74 - - Utilitarian morality, 67 - - - V. - - Variability induced, 6 - - Variation produced by artificial conditions, 5 - needed for advance, 65, 69 - about one centre, 70 - - Vice not fatal to Rome, 34 - - Violent changes injurious, 39-41 - - - W. - - Wages, equality of, 8 - - Waltzing quoted, 34 - - War by trade, 95 - by armaments, 97 - by violence, 98 - favours best stocks, 98 - causes, permanent, 99 - - Waste, taxation of, 52 - the bar to advance, 79 - - Wealth held by different classes, 60 - - White labour dreads competition, 94, 95 - - Work, distaste for, 20, 81 - power of, 80, 81 - to be adapted to the person, 81, 82 - - Workmen, atrophy among, 8 - - Workmen's Compensation Act, 58 - - - BRADBURY, AGNEW & CO. LD., PRINTERS, LONDON AND TONBRIDGE. - - - - -Transcriber's Note - - Obvious punctuation and spelling errors have been repaired. - - Pg. 108: Added missing sub-topic heading "I." of Index. - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's Janus in Modern Life, by W. M. Flinders Petrie - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK JANUS IN MODERN LIFE *** - -***** This file should be named 56095-0.txt or 56095-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/6/0/9/56095/ - -Produced by Larry B. 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