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diff --git a/old/55619-0.txt b/old/55619-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 85e58ed..0000000 --- a/old/55619-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,4296 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's The Theory of Environment, by Armin Hajman Koller - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The Theory of Environment - An outline of the history of the idea of Milieu, and its present status - -Author: Armin Hajman Koller - -Release Date: September 24, 2017 [EBook #55619] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE THEORY OF ENVIRONMENT *** - - - - -Produced by Richard Tonsing and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - - THE THEORY OF ENVIRONMENT - - Part I - - - The University of Chicago - - - - - THE THEORY OF ENVIRONMENT - _An Outline of the History of the Idea of Milieu, and its Present - Status_ - PART I - A DISSERTATION - SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND LITERATURE - IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY - DEPARTMENT OF GERMANIC LANGUAGES AND LITERATURES - - - BY - - ARMIN HAJMAN KOLLER - - - The Collegiate Press - - GEORGE BANTA PUBLISHING COMPANY - MENASHA, WISCONSIN - 1918 - - - - - THE THEORY OF ENVIRONMENT - - PART I - - _An Outline of the History of the Idea of Milieu, and its Present - Status_ - - BY - ARMIN HAJMAN KOLLER, PH.D. - Instructor in German - The University of Illinois - - “............................. - _He fixed thee ’mid this dance - Of plastic circumstance_.” - - Robert Browning, “_Rabbi Ben Ezra_.” - - The Collegiate Press - GEORGE BANTA PUBLISHING COMPANY - MENASHA, WISCONSIN - 1918 - - - - - _Copyright, 1918 - By Armin H. Koller_ - - - - - TO - MY PARENTS - - - - - CONTENTS - - - PAGE - - Introductory Remark. Meanings of the Word _Milieu_ 1 - - I. A Sketch of the History of the Idea of Milieu Down to the - Nineteenth Century 7 - - II. A Sketch of the History of the Idea of Milieu Since the - Beginning of the Nineteenth Century 27 - - Anthropo-geography, Geography and History 27 - - Geography and History 42 - - More Recent Anthropo-geographical Treatises 65 - - Primitive Peoples and Environment 69 - - Society and Physical Milieu 74 - - Government, War, Progress, and Climate 76 - - Climate and Man’s Characteristics 80 - - Man’s Intellect and Physical Environment 81 - - Religion and Physical Milieu 83 - - Climate and Conduct 84 - - Climatic Control of Food and Drink 91 - - Summary 93 - - Appendix 97 - - - - - PREFACE - - -In 1912 (see _Publications of the Modern Language Association of -America_, Vol. 28, N. S., Vol. 21, 1913, Proceedings for 1912, p. -xxxix), I called attention to the Herder-Taine problem on milieu. The -paper discussing that problem awaits the completion of another paper -entitled “Herder’s Conception of Milieu.” The latter was my starting -point. Setting about to inform myself on the history of the theory, I -determined to obtain for myself, if possible, a tolerably complete idea, -at least in its essentials, of the theory of milieu, to see where the -theory led to, where it started from, what changes it has undergone, and -what were its ramifications. My plan was to state briefly my findings in -a chapter preparatory to stating Herder’s idea of milieu. As guide-posts -were lacking, at least I knew of none, I was bound to seek by accident -and for a number of years. In stumbling along, I first chanced upon the -Herder-Taine problem. When my material swelled to proportions that could -not be controlled in part of a chapter or in a chapter, I had to -separate it, by its main divisions, into parts. The question arose, -should it be a _concrete_ treatise on environment. I soon found that to -be, at least for the time being, beyond my province and also beyond my -present purpose; besides, it would have swerved me too far afield; -moreover, it would have had to be limited to a small portion of the -subject. My present concern in this theory being genetic and historical, -it seemed best to assemble all the sources one could find bearing on the -history of the theory and to indicate the trend of its development in a -rough preliminary sketch. Such a sketch is a requisite first step and -perhaps a modest contribution to a history of the theory under -consideration. The first part of this sketch is herein given. The -original plan, mentioned above, of a prefatory chapter to Herder -accounts for the retention of untranslated passages in the text of this -part, a practice to be eschewed in the subsequent parts of this study -which are to appear shortly. - -Nearly all the material was collected by October, 1915, and this -manuscript was finished early in January, 1917. - -I gratefully acknowledge my indebtedness to Professor Martin Schütze of -the University of Chicago for the suggestion, made in 1907, to find out -what Herder’s idea of milieu is; to my friend and former colleague at -the University of Illinois, Dr. Charles C. Adams (now Assistant -Professor of Ecology at Syracuse University) for references given me at -my request (but he is in no wise to be held responsible for the bringing -in of these references); and to my good friend and colleague, Professor -John Driscoll Fitz-Gerald of the University of Illinois for a number of -helpful suggestions given when reading the manuscript and for assisting -with the reading of the galley proof. - - ARMIN H. KOLLER. - - _Champaign, Illinois, - April, 1918._ - - - - - INTRODUCTORY REMARK - MEANINGS OF THE WORD “MILIEU” - - -Before entering upon the discussion of the principal theme of this -study,[1] it is necessary to cast a brief glance over the origin and -development of the meaning and use of the word milieu. - -“Milieu” (_mi-lieu=medius locus_), originally signifying middle point or -part, central place or portion, mid-point, center, had been employed in -France as a term in physics at least as early as the seventeenth century -(Pascal). The fourth edition of the dictionary of the French Academy[2] -defines it as follows: “En termes de Physique, on appelle _Milieu_, Tout -corps, soit solide, soit fluide, traversé par la lumière ou par un autre -corps.” [In the fifth edition—1813—the following illustration in italics -is added to the foregoing: “La lumière se rompt différemment en -traversant différens milieux.”] - -“On appelle aussi _milieu_, Le fluide qui environne les corps. _L’air -est le milieu dans lequel nous vivons. L’eau est le milieu qu’habitent -les poissons._” - -Diderot’s Encyclopedia[3] testifies to this same sense of “medium”: -“_Milieu_, dans la Philosophie mêchanique, signifie un espace matériel à -travers lequel passe un corps dans son mouvement, ou en général, un -espace matériel dans lequel un corps est placé, soit qu’il se meuve ou -non. - -“Ainsi on imagine l’éther comme un _milieu_ dans lequel les corps -célestes se meuvent.—L’air est un _milieu_ dans lequel les corps se -meuvent près de la surface de la terre.—L’eau est le _milieu_ dans -lequel les poissons vivent & se meuvent.—Le verre enfin est un _milieu_, -en égard à la lumière, parce qu’il lui permet un passage à travers ses -pores.” - -Auguste Comte[4] extended its signification as a term in biology to -include “the totality of external conditions of any kind whatsoever”: -“_Milieu_ ..., non-seulement le fluide où l’organisme est plongé, mais, -en général, _l’ensemble total des circonstances extérieurs d’un genre -quelconque_ [the italics are ours], nécessaires à l’existence de chaque -organisme déterminé. Ceux qui auront suffisamment médité sur le rôle -capital que doit remplir, dans toute biologie positive, l’idée -correspondante, ne me reprocheront pas, sans doute, l’introduction de -cette expression nouvelle.” - -Hippolyte Taine who generalized it still further, broadened its -connotation to comprehend the whole social surroundings.[5] Milieu as a -_terminus technicus_ is ordinarily considered as having been coined by -Taine, but whether that be so or not, one may safely say that its wide -acceptance is due, primarily, to him and to his renowned disciple -Zola.[6] - -In the course of the last century, the designation milieu became not -only more generalized and more frequent in use, but also more extensive, -and more specific and distinctive in meaning: “Depuis BALZAC [who in -1841 in his _Comédie humaine, La maison du chat-qui-pelote_, préface, p. -2, used the term loosely, in the “vulgar” sense], le sens vulgaire du -milieu social n’a fait que s’affirmer davantage par un emploi toujours -plus généralisé: c’est devenu un cliché de la conversation de parler -aujourd’hui d’un ‘bon milieu,’ d’un ‘milieu intéressant,’ etc.”[7] - -Littré[8] registers eighteen different definitions for the word milieu. - -Friedrich Düsel[9] renders milieu by eighteen (18) German words. - -In _Unsere Umgangssprache_,[10] milieu is translated into German by -forty-six (46) words and phrases. - -Claude Bernard, the celebrated French physiologist, differentiates -between inner and outer milieu:[11] “Je crois ..., avoir le premier -insisté sur cette idée qu’il y a pour l’animal réellement deux milieux: -un milieu extérieur dans lequel est placé l’organisme et un milieu -intérieur dans lequel vivent les éléments des tissus....” Probably as a -result, we have today “micro-milieu” in micro-biology. - -According to Jean Finot,[12] milieu “includes the sum total of the -conditions which accompany the conception and earthly existence of a -being, and which end only with its death.” - -The term milieu was introduced by Herbert Spencer into English -literature as “environment,” says Martin Schütze.[13] Although Carlyle -employed the term “environment” as early as 1827,[14] nevertheless, the -fact that the term is generally current, is undoubtedly attributable in -the first place to Spencer. - -The word “Umwelt” is quoted by J. H. Campe,[15] who believed himself to -have been the coiner of the term; five years later (1816) Goethe used it -at the beginning of his “Italienische Reise.”[16] - -The painstaking and scholarly German lexicographer, Daniel Sanders, who -seldom fails to give his reader some reliable suggestion, refers in his -_Wörterbuch der Deutschen Sprache_[17] (which despite the contributions -of recent scholarship still remains a great work) to a passage in the -poetical works of the Danish writer Baggesen (2, 102) in which the word -“Umwelt” is employed. This passage occurs in the elegy entitled -“Napoleon” addressed to Voß and written in 1800.[18] Baggesen, then, -made use of “Umwelt” a decade before Campe. - -Its Italian equivalent is “ambiente,” which is noted here only because -of the French “l’ambiance” and the English “ambient” and -“circumambiency.” - ------ - -Footnote 1: - - For brief but valuable sketches of one phase or another of the - history of the theory of milieu, cf. Friedrich Ratzel, - _Anthropogeographie_. 1. _Teil: Grundzüge der Anwendung der Erdkunde - auf die Geschichte_ (2. Aufl., Stuttgart, 1899, 604 pp.), pp. 13–23, - 25–30, 31–40; Gustav Schmoller, _Grundriß der Allgemeinen - Volkswirtschaftslehre_. Erster Teil (Vierte bis sechste Aufl., - Leipzig, 1901), p. 127, pp. 137 f., 144 ff., Zweiter Teil (Erste bis - sechste Aufl., Leipzig, 1904), pp. 656 ff.; _Ferdinand v. - Richthofen’s Vorlesungen über Allgemeine Siedlungs- und - Verkehrsgeographie_, bearb. und herausgegeben von O. Schlüter - (Berlin, 1908, 351 pp.—A course of lectures delivered in the summer - semester of 1891 in Berlin, repeated in the winter semester in - 1897/8), pp. 6–13; Jean Brunhes, _La Géographie Humaine_ (Deuxième - édition, Paris: Alcan, 1912, 801 pp.), pp. 36 ff.; A. C. Haddon and - A. H. Quiggin, _History of Anthropology_ (London, 1910, 158 pp.), - pp. 131 f., 150–52; William Z. Ripley, “Geography and Sociology,” - _Political Science Quarterly_, X (1895), pp. 636–54; also the same - author’s _The Races of Europe_ (New York: D. Appleton & Co., 1899), - pp. 2–5. Cf. also O. Schlüter, “Die leitenden Gesichtspunkte der - Anthropogeographie, insbesondere der Lehre Friedrich Ratzels,” - _Arch. f. Sozialwissenschaft_, Bd. IV (1906), S. 581–630, and Rudolf - Goldscheid, _Höherentwicklung und Menschenökonomie_, I - [Philosophisch-soziologische Bücherei, Band VIII], (Leipzig: W. - Klinkhardt, 1911, 664 pp.), p. 52. For bibliographies, in addition - to those yet to be mentioned, see also Ratzel, _l.c._, pp. 579–85; - Brunhes, _l.c._, nn.; Ellen C. Semple, _Influences of Geographic - Environment, On the Basis of Ratzel’s System of Anthropo-geography_ - (New York: H. Holt & Co., 1911, 637 pp.), to each chapter of which - an extensive bibliography is added; William J. Thomas, _Source Book - for Social Origins_ (Chicago and London, 1909) pp. 134–39: - Bibliography to Part I: The Relation of Society to Geographic and - Economic Environment (pp. 29–129, Comment on Part I, pp. 130–33); - Ripley, “Geography and Sociology,” _Pol. Sc. Quar._, X (1895), pp. - 654–5. - -Footnote 2: - - _Dictionnaire de l’Académie Françoise._ Quatrième Édition. Tome Second - (Paris, 1762), p. 143. - -Footnote 3: - - _Encyclopédie, ou Dictionnaire Raisonné des Sciences_, etc. Nouvelle - Éd. 1778, ed. by Diderot and D’Alembert, 21st vol., p. 853. - -Footnote 4: - - _Cours de Philosophie Positive_ (6 vols., 1830–42, 5^e édition, Paris, - 1892–94), see vol. 3, p. 235 n. - -Footnote 5: - - Cp. esp. the Introduction to his _Histoire de la Littérature - Anglaise_, 5 Tomes (8^e Édition, Paris: Hachette, 1892); the first - edition appeared in 1863, after Taine had been at work on it for - well-nigh a decade. - -Footnote 6: - - For Zola as the disciple of Taine, cf. H. Wiegler, _Geschichte und - Kritik der Theorie des Milieus bei Émile Zola_ (Diss., Rostock, 1905), - esp. pp. 19–36. - -Footnote 7: - - _Vide_ Émile Waxweiler, _Esquisse d’une Sociologie_ (Bruxelles, 1906), - p. 65. - -Footnote 8: - - _Dictionnaire de la Langue Française_, vol. 3 (1885), pp. 559 f. - -Footnote 9: - - _Verdeutschungen, Wörterbuch fürs tägliche Leben_ (Braunschweig, - Verlag von George Westermann, 1915, 176 pp.), p. 93. - -Footnote 10: - - _Verdeutschungsbücher des Allgemeinen Deutschen Sprachvereins, III_ - (Zweite Aufl., neu bearb. v. Edward Lohmeyer, Berlin, Verlag des - Allgemeinen Deutschen Sprachvereins, 1915, 182 pp.), pp. 91 f. - -Footnote 11: - - _Phénomènes de la vie_ (2^e éd., Paris, 1885), t. I, p. 112. See - Waxweiler, _l.c._, p. 36. - -Footnote 12: - - _Race Prejudice_, transl. by Florence Wade-Evans (London, 1906), p. - 130. - -Footnote 13: - - “The Services of Naturalism to Life and Literature. Reprinted, with - Additions, from _The Sewanee Review_, October, 1903,” p. 2. - -Footnote 14: - - See Murray’s NED., vol. III, Part II, (1897), p. 231. - -Footnote 15: - - _Wörterbuch d. d. Sprache_ (1811), Bd. 5, S. 113. - -Footnote 16: - - See the article by I. Stosch on “Umwelt-_milieu_,” _Zeitschrift für - Deutsche Wortforschung_, g. v. Fr. Kluge, 7. Bd. (1905), pp. 58–9. - -Footnote 17: - - 2. Bd., 2. Hälfte (Leipzig: Otto Wigand, 1865), p. 1556^b. - -Footnote 18: - - A. Gombert cites the passage in question in his article “Umwelt,” _Z. - f. D. Wf._, 7. Bd. (1905), pp. 150–52. - - - - - I - A SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF THE IDEA OF MILIEU DOWN TO THE NINETEENTH - CENTURY - - -Recorded mesologic[19] thinking begins with the ancient Jewish Prophets -whose striking _aperçus_ concerning the providential correspondence -between the configuration of the surface of the earth and the destiny of -nations, concerning the connection between “Landesnatur” and -“Volkscharakter,” etc., anticipated[20] a number of great thoughts of -later anthropo-geographers. - -Hippocrates (if he really is the author of the essay commonly ascribed -to him and entitled περὶ αέρων ὑδάτων τόπων) investigates the effect of -climate on man’s nature, character, temperament, and life, with the -emphasis on the regularity of the effect.[21] Owing to the imperfection -of knowledge in his day, his observations are necessarily vague.[22] He -limited himself to the problem of the relation between land and -people.[23] He is said to be the founder of anthropo-geography.[24] His -treatise is admirable and unequalled in the eyes of Auguste Comte.[25] -Hippocrates, “in his work, _About Air, Water, and Places_, first -discusses the influence of environment on man, physical, moral, and -pathological. He divided mankind into groups, impressed with homogeneous -characters by homogeneous surroundings, demonstrating that mountains, -plains, damp, aridity, and so on, produced definite and varying -types.”[26] - -Aristotle, in his _Politics_, enquires into the influence especially of -geographical position on laws and the form of government,[27] while in -his _Problems_ he shows the far-reaching dependence of national -character on the physical environment: “Zeigt ja doch Aristoteles selbst -in einem andern Werke das entschiedenste Bestreben, eine sehr -weitgehende Abhängigkeit des Volkscharakters von geographischen -Verhältnissen zu erweisen. Während die Politik [especially parts of the -seventh book] nicht über Andeutungen [on the effect of the milieu] -hinausgeht [discussed by Poehlmann, _l.c._, on pp. 64–8], läßt der -vierzehnte Abschnitt der ‘Probleme,’ welcher sich mit den Einwirkungen -der Landesnatur auf Physik und Ethik des Menschen beschäftigt, deutlich -einen Standpunkt erkennen, welcher auf das Lebhafteste an die -physiologische Betrachtungsweise der neueren französisch-englischen -Geschichtsphilosophie erinnert ...”[28] - -Eratosthenes, in a work cited by Varro, sought to prove, in the opinion -of the Italian scholar Matteuzzi prematurely, that man’s character and -the form of his government are subordinated to proximity or remoteness -from the sun.[29] The greatest geographer of antiquity, Strabo, in his -Geography, connected man with nature in a causal relation.[30] - -John M. Robertson, noting that “theories of the influence of climate on -character were common in antiquity,” refers[31] to Vitruvius (VI, 1), -Vegetius (“De re militari,” 1, 2), and Servius (on Vergil, _Aeneid_, VI, -724). Ritter does not mention the effort of the ancients in this line of -ideas.[32] - -Giovanni Villani, the noted Florentine historian of the fourteenth -century, observes with a deal of finesse that Arezzo by reason of its -air and position produces men of great subtilty of mind.[33] - -The Arabic statesman and philosopher of history, Ibn Khaldūn, little -mentioned, yet known by his great work, the _Universal History_, -attempted in the _Muqaddama_[34] (the preface, comprising the first -volume of his _History_), which he composed between 1374 and 1378,[35] -to explain the history and civilization of man, more especially of -some of the Arabic peoples, by the encompassing physical and social -conditions. The “First Section of the ‘Prolegomena’ treats of society -in general, and of the varieties of the human race, and of the regions -of the earth which they inhabit, as related thereto. It starts from -the position that man is by nature a social being. His body and mind, -wants and affections, for their exercise, satisfaction, and -development, all imply and demand co-operation and communion with his -fellows,—participation in a collective and common life.... - -“There follows a lengthened description of the physical basis and -conditions of history and civilisation. The chief features of the -inhabited portions of the earth, its regions, principal seas, great -rivers, climates, &c., are made the subjects of exposition. The seven -climatic zones, and the ten sections of each, are delineated, and their -inhabitants specified. The three climatic zones of moderate temperature -are described in detail, and the distinctive features of the social -condition and civilisation of their inhabitants dwelt upon. The -influence of the atmosphere, heat, &c., on the physical and even mental -and moral peculiarities of peoples is maintained to be great. Not only -the darkness of skin of the negroes, but their characteristics of -disposition and of mode of life, are traced to the influence of climate. -A careful attempt is also made to show how differences of fertility of -soil—how dearth and abundance—modify the bodily constitution and affect -the minds of men, and so operate on society.... - -“The Second Section of the ‘Prolegomena’ treats of the civilisation of -nomadic and half-savage peoples. - -“In it Ibn Khaldūn appears at his best, ... He begins by indicating how -the different usages and institutions of peoples depend to a large -extent on the ways in which they provide for their subsistence. He -describes how peoples have at first contented themselves with simple -necessities, and then gradually risen to refinement and luxury through a -series of states or stages all of which are alike conformed to nature, -in the sense of being adapted to its circumstances or environment.”[36] - -Ibn Khaldūn seems also to have had a clear idea of some aspects of the -principle of relativity,[37] an integral part and inevitable concomitant -of the theory of milieu, since “As causes of historians erring as they -have done, there are mentioned [by Khaldūn in the introduction] the -overlooking of the differences of times and epochs, ...”[38] - -About the middle of the sixteenth century we find Michelangelo avowing -to Vasari (who hailed from Arezzo): “Any mental excellence I may -possess, I have because I was born in the fine air of your Aretine -district.”[39] - -In “Measure for Measure” (Act III, Sc. I, v. 8–11), a play first -produced in 1604, Shakespeare affirms of man: - - “... a breath thou art, - Servile to all the skyey influences - That do this habitation where thou keep’st, - Hourly afflict.” - -During the Renaissance, Greek thought on milieu is resurrected in -France. Thence it spreads later, particularly in the eighteenth century, -to England and Germany. Jean Bodin bridges the gap existent since the -close of classical antiquity. He is the first among modern writers not -only to revive the idea in Western Europe,[40] but also to make it a -subject for detailed investigation. Bodin thus first in French letters -introduces and firmly establishes a line of study destined to be -followed by a long list of authors among whom are to be found many -illustrious French names. - -Bodin “treats of physical causes with considerable fulness in the fifth -chapter of the ‘Method,’[41] and in a still more detailed and developed -form in the first chapter of the fifth book of the ‘Republic.’”[42] He -traces the relation between climate and the ever changing fate of -States, and elaborates the manifold effects of climate on States, laws, -religion, language, and temperament.[43] In Bodin’s view, man’s physical -constitution is closely and directly connected with climate and -surrounding nature; it is in harmony with the behavior of the earth in -the respective zones of his abode.[44] From this assumption of -dependence of the human body on climate, there follow a number of -inferences concerning the physical properties of man’s constitution.[45] -Temperament varies according to climate. Language, the generative power, -diseases likewise depend indirectly on climate.[46] Man’s talents and -capacities do so no less.[47] The climate in each region always favors -the development of some special aptitude; on this basis he groups the -peoples of the earth.[48] Although the nexus between human abilities and -the physical milieu is thus intimate, yet reason, common to all men and -invariable, is _per se_ independent of physical environment.[49] He -postulates, then, reason as the absolute part of the mind, not subject -to surrounding influences, whereas the unfolding of the human faculties -is relative to the environment. By taking this middle course concerning -the effect of nature on man, Bodin escapes the extreme views of nature’s -compelling influence over man, on the one hand, and of man’s total -independence of nature, on the other.[50] - -Bodin also investigates the influence upon national character of -geographical situation, of elevation, of the quality of the native soil, -and of an east-west position.[51] Nations and their civilizations differ -according to the particular conditions of a given national -existence.[52] - -He holds fast to the doctrine of the freedom of the will. Man is morally -free from environmental control. The circumambient medium determines -only the _development_ of man’s capabilities.[53] Man can counteract, -and may, even though with difficulty, overcome the injurious action of -climate and nature.[54] - -“... It is altogether unfair,” concludes Flint,[55] “to put their -general enunciations [_i.e._, those made by Hippocrates, Plato, -Aristotle, Polybius, and Galen] of the principle that physical -circumstances originate and modify national characteristics, on a level -with Bodin’s serious, sustained, and elaborate attempt to apply it over -a wide area and to a vast number of cases. Dividing nations into -northern, middle, and southern,[56] he investigates with wonderful -fulness of knowledge how climatic and geographical conditions have -affected the bodily strength, the courage, the intelligence, the -humanity, the chastity, and, in short, the mind, morals, and manners of -their inhabitants; what influence mountains, winds, diversities of soil, -&c., have exerted on individuals and societies; and he elicits a vast -number of general views....” - -Bodin, “der größte theoretische Politiker Frankreichs im 16. -Jahrhundert,” declares Renz,[57] “besitzt ... das unbestreitbare -Verdienst, wenn nicht die Grundgedanken und nicht ausschließlich -originale Gedanken, so doch die erste weitgehende wissenschaftliche -Untersuchung über den Zusammenhang zwischen umgebender Natur und -Menschenwelt in neuerer Zeit auf dem Boden der Erfahrung und -Wissenschaft des 16. Jahrhunderts angestellt zu haben.” - -Bodin, “writing in 1577 OF THE LAWES AND CUSTOMES OF A COMMON -WEALTH (English edition [translated by Richard Knowlles] 1605), -contains, as Professor J. L. Myres has pointed out (Rept. Brit. -Assoc., 1909 [1910], p. 593), ‘the whole pith and kernel of modern -anthropo-geography....’”[58] And Renz believes that “In der -Bodinschen Behandlung der Theorie des Klimas finden sich die -Anfänge der Anthropogeographie und der Ethnographie...”[59] - -Writing in 1713, Lenglet du Fresnoy, toward the end of the sixth chapter -of the first volume of his _Méthode pour étudier l’histoire_, expresses, -decades before Montesquieu, the latter’s basic idea of the effect of -social and political milieu on laws.[60] - -In any discussion of milieu, Montesquieu is the writer most frequently -mentioned, although not the most often read and quoted. He devotes the -well-known five “Books,” from the fourteenth to the eighteenth, of his -magnum opus, _L’Esprit des Lois_ (1748),[61] to a consideration of this -idea which, as has already been seen, was anything but original with -him.[62] In Books fourteen to seventeen he treats of the relation of -laws to climate, and in Book eighteen of their relation to soil. In the -fourteenth[63] he discusses the effect of climate on the body (and mind) -of individual man, in the fifteenth[64] on civil slavery, in the -sixteenth[65] on domestic slavery, in the seventeenth[66] on political -servitude, and lastly in the eighteenth[67] he delineates the influence -of the fertility and barrenness of the soil. By climate he means little -more than heat and cold. In the light of the continued high praise -bestowed on him for much longer than a century, the altogether too -general and dogmatic statements of these short seventy-odd pages would -seem somewhat meager, so that upon their perusal one is very likely to -suffer an outright disenchantment. Therefore, Flint’s judgment appears -overdrawn, when he says that Montesquieu “showed on a grand scale and in -the most effective way ... that, like all things properly historical, -they [laws, customs, institutions] must be estimated not according to an -abstract or absolute standard, but as concrete realities related to -given times and places, to their determining causes and condition, and -to the whole social organism to which they belong, and the whole social -medium in which they subsist. Plato and Aristotle, Machiavelli and -Bodin, had already, indeed, inculcated this historical and political -relativism; but it was Montesquieu who gained educated Europe over to -the acceptance of it.”[68] - -Turgot’s sketch of a ‘Political Geography’ shows “that he had attained -to a broader view of the relationship of human development to the -features of the earth and to physical agencies in general than even -Montesquieu. And he saw with perfect clearness not only that many of -Montesquieu’s inductions were premature and inadequate, but that there -was a defect in the method by which he arrived at them.... The excellent -criticism of Comte, in the fifth volume of the ‘Philosophie Positive,’ -and in the fourth volume of the ‘Politique Positive,’ on this portion of -Montesquieu’s speculations, is only a more elaborate reproduction of -that of Turgot, and is expressed in terms which show that it was -directly suggested by that of Turgot.”[69] - -Cuvier “had not hesitated to trace the close relation borne by -philosophy and art to the underlying geological formations.”[70] - -In the teaching of a number of great thinkers of the seventeenth and -eighteenth centuries, man is “the product of environment and education” -and, in their opinion, “all men were born equal and later became unequal -through unequal opportunities.”[71] - -Goethe echoed Herder’s thought when he remarked to Eckermann on the -flora of a country and the disposition of its residents: “Sie haben -nicht Unrecht, sagte Goethe (d. 2. April 1829), und daher kommt es denn -auch, daß man der Pflanzenwelt eines Landes einen Einfluß auf die -Gemütsart seiner Bewohner zugestanden hat. Und gewiß! wer sein Leben -lang von hohen ernsten Eichen umgeben wäre, müßte ein anderer Mensch -werden, als wer täglich unter luftigen Birken sich erginge...”[72] And -again, when he said of environment and national character: “... so viel -ist gewiß, daß außer dem Angeborenen der Rasse, sowohl Boden und Klima -als Nahrung und Beschäftigung einwirkt, um den Charakter eines Volkes zu -vollenden ...”[73] And in the following, Goethe but reiterates Herder’s -oft uttered admiration for islanders and coast dwellers: “Auch von den -Kräften des _Meeres_ und der _Seeluft_ war die Rede gewesen (d. 12. März -1828), wo denn Goethe die Meinung äußerte, daß er alle Insulaner und -Meer-Anwohner des gemäßigten Klimas bei weitem für produktiver und -tatkräftiger halte als die Völker im Innern großer Kontinente.”[74] And: -“Es ist ein eigenes Ding, erwiederte Goethe (d. 12. März 1828),—liegt es -in der Abstammung, liegt es im Boden, liegt es in der freien Verfassung, -liegt es in der gesunden Erziehung,—genug! die Engländer überhaupt -scheinen vor vielen anderen etwas voraus zu haben ...”[75] - -Wolf and Niebuhr began to examine historical _sources_ “nach neuen -Prinzipien des Eingetauchtseins in eine bestimmte seelische Umwelt, in -ein klargezeichnetes zeitgenössisches Milieu.”[76] - -One of the principal offices of an historian, according to August -Wilhelm Schlegel, is “Die zeit- und kulturgeschichtliche Bedingtheit -aller Erscheinungen aufzuzeigen.”[77] But the effect of physical milieu -on history is not rated high in the philosophy of the romanticists.[78] - -Ingeniously, albeit not with his wonted acuteness, Hegel penned the -concept “Volksgeist.”[79] The saying, which now seems trivial, that -every nation and every man in the nation is “ein Kind seiner Zeit,” is -said to be Hegel’s.[80] Hegel, however, distinctly rejected the idea of -explaining “die Geschichte und den Geist der verschiedenen Völker aus -dem Klima ihrer Länder.”[81] The implication would be that one single -factor might satisfactorily be held responsible for all progress in -human history. As climate can not explain everything to Hegel, it seems -not to explain anything at all to him. Hegel, then, is excessive in his -denial of the power of environment. This is markedly shown by his -thinking his position substantiated by the fact that the climate of -Greece, although the same since classical antiquity, has not changed the -Turks who now [_i.e._, early in the nineteenth century] dwell in Greece -into ancient Greeks.[82] - ------ - -Footnote 19: - - The Belgian sociologist De Greef, in his _Introduction à la - Sociologie_ (1886–89), raised “Mésologie” (denoting “Erkenntnis der - milieux”) to a special introductory branch of sociology for the - purpose of discussing, according to Ratzel superficially, the external - factors of history; cf. Paul Barth, _Die Philosophie der Geschichte - als Soziologie_, I (Leipzig: Reisland, 1897), p. 70 and Ratzel, _l.c._ - p. 29. The term “Mésologie” was in use in France at an earlier date - than that. See for example the title of an article written at the - close of the Franco-German war by Dr. Bertillon, “De l´Influence du - milieu ou Mésologie,” _La Philosophie Positive_, Revue dirigée par É. - Littré & G. Wyrouboff, Tome IX (Paris, 1872), pp. 309–20. Or see M. E. - Jourdy, “De l´Influence du milieu ou Mésologie,” _ibid._, Tome X - (1873), pp. 154–60. - -Footnote 20: - - Fr. de Rougemont, in his important work _Les deux cités; la - philosophie de l´histoire aux différents âges de l´humanité_ (1874) - treats this question exhaustively. See Robert Poehlmann, _Hellenische - Anschauungen über den Zusammenhang zwischen Natur und Geschichte_ - (Leipzig: S. Hirzel, 1879, 93 pp.), pp. 8 f. - -Footnote 21: - - _Vide_ Eugénie Dutoit, _Die Theorie des Milieu_ (Diss., Bern, 1899, - 136 pp.), pp. 52–5. - -Footnote 22: - - “Hippocrate fut le premier à observer quelques-uns des effets du - milieu sur l’individu. Ses observations sont nécessairement nébuleuses - et chaotiques, plutôt descriptives et qualitatives, étant donnée - l’imperfection des connaissances de son temps.”—Auguste Matteuzzi, - _Les Facteurs de l’Évolution des Peuples_ (Paris, 1900), p. 6 - (Avant-Propos). - -Footnote 23: - - “Wir sahen, daß sich das Buch des Hippokrates durchaus darauf - beschränkte, die Wechselbeziehungen zwischen Landesnatur und - Volkscharakter zu erörtern.”—Poehlmann, _l.c._, p. 51. - -Footnote 24: - - “Hippokrates von Kos, ‘der Vater der Heilkunde’ (ca. 460 bis ca. 370), - ist der _Begründer der Anthropogeographie_. Er schrieb ein Buch über - Klima, Wasser und Bodenbeschaffenheit und ihren Einfluß auf die - Bewohner eines Landes in physischer und geistiger Beziehung. Der - philosophische Gedanke war damit angeregt, fand aber keine weitere - Entwicklung.”—_F. v. Richthofen’s Vorlesungen_, etc. (Berlin, 1908), - p. 7. - -Footnote 25: - - _System of Positive Polity_ (4 vols., London: Longmans, Green & Co., - 1875–77—the original was published in 1851–54), vol. II, p. 364: “... - a study [of the aggregate of material influences: Astronomical, - Physical, Chemical] which was commenced by the great Hippocrates in - his admirable and unequalled Treatise upon Climate.” - -Footnote 26: - - Haddon and Quiggin, _Hist. of Anthropology_ (1910), p. 150.—Poehlmann - discusses Hippocrates in _Hellenische Anschauungen_, etc., pp. - 12–37.—Ludwig Stein, in his book _Die soziale Frage im Lichte der - Philosophie_ (2. verb. Aufl., Stuttgart, 1903), p. 403, n., says that - “Aless. Chiapelli, _Le promesse filosofiche del Socialismo_ (Napoli, - 1897), p. 41, hebt die interessante Tatsache hervor, daß die Lehre vom - ‘Milieu’ ihrem Keime nach auf Hippokrates zurückgeht.” But a little - over three decades earlier, Peschel in his _Geschichte der Erdkunde_ - (1. Aufl., 1865) surveyed on two pages some important phases of - Hippocrates and Strabo on milieu. And earlier still, a half century - before Peschel, Ukert in his _Geographie der Griechen und Römer_ - (1816), I, 1, 79, noted Hippocrates as carefully observing the effect - of climate on the body and mind of man. (_Vide_ Poehlmann, l.c., pp. 7 - f.)—And to Herder, Hippocrates was the principal author on climate: - “... _Hippocrat. de aere, locis et aquis_, ... Für mich der - Hauptschriftsteller über das Klima.”—_Herders Sämmtliche Werke_, hg. - v. B. Suphan, 13, 269 n. - -Footnote 27: - - See Dutoit, _Die Theorie des Milieu_, pp. 55–8. - -Footnote 28: - - Poehlmann, _l.c._, p. 68.—Aristotle neglects to give credit to - Hippocrates in connection with his ideas on environment, although - indebted to Hippocrates whom he mentions elsewhere. See Dutoit, - _l.c._, p. 57. - -Footnote 29: - - “Varron, _De re rustica_, 1, cite une oeuvre d’Eratosthènes où - celui-ci cherchait à démontrer que le caractère de l’homme et la forme - du gouvernement sont subordonnés au voisinage ou à l’éloignement du - soleil. Tentative sublime mais prématurée, pour ramener les phénomènes - sociaux à des lois uniques et générales.”—Auguste Matteuzzi, _Les - Facteurs de l’Évolution des Peuples_ (Paris, 1900), p. 6. - -Footnote 30: - - “Die vollständigste Beschreibung [of the earth] gab erst Strabo in - seinem Werk γεογραφικά. Hier begegnen wir zum zweitenmal der - philosophischen Idee, _Mensch und Natur in Kausalzusammenhang_ - miteinander zu bringen. Strabos Geographie ist als ‘Länder- und - Völkerkunde’ das größte Werk des Altertums. Die Anschauung eines - kausalen Zusammenhanges des Menschen mit der Natur ging darauf unter - [according to him, until the middle of the eighteenth century, until - Montesquieu].”—_Richthofen’s Vorlesungen_, etc. (1908), p. 8. - -Footnote 31: - - _Buckle and his Critics_ (London, 1895, 548 pp.), p. 7 n. - -Footnote 32: - - See Poehlmann, _l.c._, p. 7.—For a brief statement of the theory of - milieu in Greek writers (Thucydides, Xenophon, Plato, Aristotle, - Theophrastus), cf. Curtius, _Boden und Clima von Athen_ (1877), p. 4 - f. For Aristotle, compare also Dondorff, _Das hellenische Land als - Schauplatz der althellenischen Geschichte_ (Hamburg, 1899, 42 pp.), - pp. 11 f. Poehlmann, _l.c._, discusses the views on environment of - Herodotus (pp. 37–47), of Thucydides (pp. 52–4), of Xenophon (pp. 55 - f.), of Ephoros [only fragments of his great work, A Universal - History, are extant; cited by Strabo] (pp. 56–9), of Plato (pp. - 59–64), of Aristotle (pp. 64–74), of Polybios (pp. 75–7), of - Posidonios [in Strabo and in Galen] (pp. 78–80), of Strabo (pp. - 80–90), of Galen (pp. 91 f.). - -Footnote 33: - - _Vide_ Élisàr v. Kupffer, _Klima und Dichtung, Ein Beitrag zur - Psychophysik_ [in _Grenzfragen der Literatur und Medizin_ in - Einzeldarstellungen hg. v. S. Rahmer, Berlin, 4. Heft] (München, - 1907), p. 63. - -Footnote 34: - - Translated into French by Baron Meg. F. de Slane (3 vols., Paris, - 1862–8). - -Footnote 35: - - See R. Flint, _History of the Philosophy of History, Historical - Philosophy in France and French Belgium and Switzerland_ (New York: - Scribner, 1894, 706 pp.), pp. 159 f.—“His [Mohammed Ibn Khaldūn’s] - fame rests securely ... on his _magnum opus_, the ‘Universal History,’ - and especially on the first part of it, the ‘Prolegomena’ (p. 162).... - They [the Prolegomena] may fairly be regarded as forming a distinct - and complete work.... It consists of a preface, an introduction, and - six sections or divisions (p. 163).” - -Footnote 36: - - Flint, _l.c._, pp. 164 f. - -Footnote 37: - - _Vide infra_, p. 27. - -Footnote 38: - - Flint, _l.c._, p. 164.—Cf. also pp. 158–72, for Ibn Khaldūn in - general. - -Footnote 39: - - Cf. Kupffer, _Klima and Dichtung_, p. 63. - -Footnote 40: - - “Da Bodin hauptsächlich an die Anschauungen des Aristoteles anknüpft, - ...—Auch an Strabo, der dem Einfluß des Klimas und der Landesnatur - schon die schöpferischen Kräfte des Volksgeistes gegenübergestellt - hat, lehnt sich Bodin an.”—Fritz Renz, _Jean Bodin, Ein Beitrag z. - Geschichte d. hist. Methode im 16. Jahrhundert_ [Geschichtliche - Untersuchungen hg. v. Karl Lamprecht, III. Bd., I. Heft], (Gotha, - 1905, 84 pp.), p. 48 n. - -Footnote 41: - - _Methodus ad facilem historiarum cognitionem_, published in 1566. - -Footnote 42: - - Flint, _l.c._, 198.—The ‘Republic’ was first published in 1576 in - French under the title _De la République_. Eight years later (1584) - Bodin himself translated it into Latin as _De Republica Libri Sex_. - See Ludwig Stein, _Die soziale Frage im Lichte der Philosophie_ (2. - verb. Aufl., Stuttgart, 1902), p. 217 n. - -Footnote 43: - - Compare Dutoit, _Die Theorie des Milieu_, pp. 58–62. - -Footnote 44: - - “Die physische Konstitution des Menschen hängt nach Bodin eng mit den - klimatischen Verhältnissen seiner Heimat zusammen und entspricht dem - Verhalten der Erde, die er bewohnt ...”—Renz, _Jean Bodin_ (1905), p. - 50.—“... Da der animalische Körper wie alle Körper aus einer Mischung - der Elemente besteht, so ergibt sich eine direkte Abhängigkeit der - physischen Konstitution von der umgebenden Natur, ja sogar eine - Übereinstimmung mit dem Verhalten der Erde in dem betreffenden - Himmelsstrich. Der menschliche Körper reagiert auf die klimatischen - Einflüsse genau so wie die Erde, die er bewohnt, ...”—_Ibidem_, p. 44. - -Footnote 45: - - Discussed by Renz, _l.c._, pp. 47–61, in the chapter “Die Theorie des - Klimas.”—“Behandelt wird die Theorie des Klimas nach dem 5. Kapitel - des ‘Methodus,’ in dem sich Bodin zum ersten Male mit dieser Doktrin - befaßte; zur Erläuterung wird auch das 1. Kapitel des V. Buches der - ‘République’ herangezogen, in dem die Theorie des Klimas, aber in - gedrängterer Form, wiederholt wird.”—_Ibid._, p. 47 n. Cf. also p. 45. - -Footnote 46: - - “Sogar das Temperament variiert nach dem Klima ... - - “Wie das Temperament wird die Sprache von dem inneren physischen Bau - abhängig gedacht ... - - “Ebenso wird die Fortpflanzungsfähigkeit in direkte Abhängigkeit von - der physischen Konstitution gebracht ...”—_Ibid._, pp. 52 f. - -Footnote 47: - - “Wie das Äußere und die physische Konstitution hängen auch die Anlagen - und Fähigkeiten der Völker mit den klimatischen Verschiedenheiten - zusammen ...”—_Ibid._, p. 54. - -Footnote 48: - - “... Nach der Dreiteilung der seelischen Fähigkeiten bei dem - Einzelmenschen und den Bewohnern jedes Staates werden die Völker auf - der ganzen Erde gruppiert, indem durch das Klima immer eine Anlage - besonders zur Ausbildung kommt ...”—_Ibid._, p. 46. - -Footnote 49: - - “... Bodin nimmt zwei Teile des menschlichen Seelenlebens an, erstens - eine allen Menschen gemeinsame, unveränderliche geistige Befähigung, - die Vernunft, und zweitens Anlagen, die von dem Klima und der - physischen Natur des Menschen abhängen. In der ‘République’ wird - ausgeführt, daß diese abhängigen Anlagen nur verschiedene von dem - geographischen Milieu abhängige Entwicklungsstufen des Verstandes - sind, während dieser an sich von den einzelnen Gegenden unabhängig ist - ...”—_Ibid._, p. 45. - -Footnote 50: - - “... Indem er [Bodin] als erster in der Neuzeit auf streng - wissenschaftlicher Grundlage versucht, die Wechselwirkung, die - zwischen dem historischen Verlauf und der Natur stattfindet, - festzustellen, gelangt er zu der Annahme von zwei Teilen des - geistig-seelischen Innenlebens, eines von den umgebenden Verhältnissen - abhängigen und eines absoluten, gegen äußere Einflüsse sich passiv - verhaltenden Teils. Willensfreiheit neben der durch das Milieu - bedingten Ausbildung bestimmter Anlagen und Fähigkeiten ist der - mittlere Weg, den er zwischen der Annahme des zwingenden Einflusses - der äußeren Natur und der gänzlichen Unabhängigkeit von ihr einschlägt - ...”—_Ibid._, p. 77. - -Footnote 51: - - “Neben dem Horizontal- wendet Bodin den Vertikalmaßstab zur - Beurteilung der Völker an, indem er untersucht, wie die verschiedene - Erhebung des Bodens auf die Gestaltung des Volkscharakters einwirkt - ... - - “Ebenso wird die Natur der Völker von der Qualität des heimatlichen - Bodens beeinflußt, ...”—_Ibid._, p. 58.—“Der Einfluß, der sich aus der - östlicheren oder westlicheren Wohnlage auf den Volkscharakter geltend - macht, ist, wo nicht in der Richtung Süd-Nord sich erstreckende - Gebirge eine deutlichere Scheidelinie bilden, nach Bodin schwer zu - bestimmen ...”—_Ibid._ p. 57. - -Footnote 52: - - “Neben der Vorstellung von der geistig-sittlichen Einheit der Menschen - geht die Erkenntnis der Verschiedenartigkeit der Nationen und ihres - Bildungsgrades her, die aus den partikularen Bedingungen des - nationalen Einzeldaseins resultiert. Zur Erklärung des Volkscharakters - wird, wie schon dargelegt, die Theorie des Klimas herangezogen - ...”—_Ibid._, p. 62. - -Footnote 53: - - “Bodin hat sich deswegen mit der Theorie des Klimas beschäftigt, weil - er in der Geschichte und im Völkerleben bestimmte regelmäßige - Erscheinungen wahrnahm, die er sich nur aus dem Einfluß des - geographischen Milieus erklären konnte. Bei dem strengen Festhalten an - der menschlichen Willensfreiheit konnte er sich diesen Einfluß nur - durch die Annahme einer von äußeren Verhältnissen abhängigen - Entwicklungsfähigkeit der geistigen Anlagen in bestimmter Richtung - erklären...”—_Ibid._, p. 60 f.—“Das unbedingte Festhalten an der - menschlichen Willensfreiheit mußte Bodin vor der Annahme bewahren, daß - der Einfluß des geographischen Milieus auf die Menschen ein zwingender - sei. Nur die Entwicklung der Anlagen wird von der Umwelt bestimmt, - nicht aber das sittliche Wollen ...”—_Ibid._, p. 59. - -Footnote 54: - - “Wo die äußere Natur zur Entwicklung schlechter Anlagen führt, besitzt - nach Bodin die Menschheit in der Erziehung ein Mittel, diesem - Übelstand zu begegnen.”—_Ibid._, p. 77.—“... den Menschen [wird] die - Fähigkeit zugesprochen ..., die schädlichen Einwirkungen des Klimas - wenn auch schwer, zu überwinden ...”—_Ibid._, p. 60. - -Footnote 55: - - _L.c._, p. 198. - -Footnote 56: - - “... Den Vergleich der drei Völkergruppen [südliche, mittlere, - nördliche] mit den menschlichen Lebensaltern hat Bodin von Aristoteles - entlehnt, was er Meth. V 140, 141 selbst zugibt.”—Renz, _l.c._, p. 57. - -Footnote 57: - - _L.c._, p. 48. - -Footnote 58: - - Haddon and Quiggin, _Hist. of Anthropology_ (London, 1910), p. 150. - -Footnote 59: - - _L.c._, p. 77.—For Bodin in general, cf. Renz, _Jean Bodin_; Flint, - _l.c._, pp. 190–200; Ludwig Stein, _Die soziale Frage im Lichte der - Philosophie_, pp. 217–19. H. Morf, _Französische Literatur im - Zeitalter der Renaissance_ (2. verb. Aufl., Straßburg: Trübner, 1914), - is brief on Bodin, _vide_ esp. pp. 131 f.; cf. also p. 125. - -Footnote 60: - - _Vide_ E. Bernheim, _Lehrbuch der historischen Methode_ (5. u. 6. - Aufl, Leipzig, 1908), p. 230. - -Footnote 61: - - Montesquieu, _The Spirit of Laws_ (translated from the French by Th. - Nugent, new ed., revised by J. V. Prichard, 2 vols., London: Geo. Bell - and Sons, 1906), I, 238–314. - -Footnote 62: - - “Seine [Montesquieu’s] Hervorkehrung des Einflusses, den Klima und - Bodenbeschaffenheit auf die Soziabilität der Menschennatur ausüben, - geht ebenfalls auf Locke, weiterhin auf Bodin zurück.”—L. Stein, _Die - soziale Frage_, etc., p. 364.—According to Dutoit (_Die Theorie des - Milieu_, p. 62), Montesquieu concealed his obligation to Bodin. - -Footnote 63: - - _L.c._, pp. 238–53. - -Footnote 64: - - _L.c._, pp. 253–69. - -Footnote 65: - - _L.c._, pp. 270–83. - -Footnote 66: - - _L.c._, pp. 284–91. - -Footnote 67: - - _L.c._, pp. 291–314. - -Footnote 68: - - Flint, _l.c._, pp. 279 f. - -Footnote 69: - - Flint, _l.c._, p. 286.—(Turgot died in 1781.) - -Footnote 70: - - Ripley, _The Races of Europe_ (1899), p. 4.—Cuvier was twenty years - younger than Goethe; both died in the same year. - -Footnote 71: - - E. G. Conklin, _Heredity and Environment in the Development of Men_ - (Princeton Univ. Press, 1915, 533 pp.), p. 303. - -Footnote 72: - - _Eckermanns Gespräche mit Goethe_, neu herausgegeben v. H. H. Houben - (Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1909), p. 264. - -Footnote 73: - - _Ibid._, p. 265.—These two passages are also cited by Kupffer, _Klima - and Dichtung_, p. 64. - -Footnote 74: - - _Eckermanns Gespräche mit Goethe_, p. 542. - -Footnote 75: - - _Ibid._, p. 546. - -Footnote 76: - - Karl Lamprecht, “Neue Kulturgeschichte” (pp. 449–64 in Das Jahr 1913, - _Ein Gesamtbild der Kulturentwicklung_, hg. v. D. Sarason, - Leipzig-Berlin: B. G. Teubner, 1913), p. 453. - -Footnote 77: - - Albert Poetzsch, _Studien zur frühromantischen Politik und - Geschichtsauffassung_ (Leipzig: Voigtländer, 1907, 111 pp.), p. 89. - -Footnote 78: - - “Die Einwirkung der äußeren Natur auf die Geschichte tritt zurück [in - der romantischen Geschichtsphilosophie]”; and in a note is added: - “Wenn auch der Zusammenhang von Boden und Geschichte, namentlich von - natürl. Grenzen u. Staat, der Betrachtung nicht verloren geht. Vgl. A. - W. Schlegel, Enz. 216. 697.”—_Ibid._, p. 94. - -Footnote 79: - - Bernheim, _Lehrb. d. hist. Methode_, p. 650. - -Footnote 80: - - _Ibid._, p. 515. - -Footnote 81: - - See Ludwig Gumplowicz, _Der Rassenkampf_ (2.... Aufl., Innsbruck, - 1909), p. 9 n. - -Footnote 82: - - _Vide_ the quotation from Hegel by Gumplowicz, _l.c._, p. 13 n. - - - - - II -A SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF THE IDEA OF MILIEU SINCE THE BEGINNING OF THE - NINETEENTH CENTURY - - - _Anthropo-geography, Geography and History_ - -The theory of social environment, as we have seen, gradually rises, -especially since the renaissance, parallel with the theory of physical -milieu. The stream of thought commences to broaden on both sides as we -approach the eighteenth century, and broadens still further, and -deepens, in the nineteenth, when specialization occurs or continues in -anthropo-geography, biology, jurisprudence and economics, anthropology, -sociology, and literature, and latterly in physics. These furnish us the -divisions for subsequent discussions.[83] - -All antecedent thought on the subject converges in Herder and from this -focal point, as a collecting and fructifying center, it emerges, -branches out and radiates in a definite number of directions. This can -only be indicated here.[84] One main ramification leads us to -anthropo-geography. Consequently, we must now turn to a detailed -consideration of the idea of milieu in anthropo-geography.[85] - -Karl Ritter first in anthropo-geography elucidated Herder’s ideas on -environment. “... KARL RITTER steht auf HERDERS Schultern, wenn er in -seiner ‘Allgemeinen Erdkunde’ den Gedanken der tiefgehenden -Beeinflussung der Völkergeschichte durch die äußeren Umgebungen -entwickelt ...”[86] Ritter is said to be given too much credit for -connecting scientifically geography and history: “C. Ritter führte, ... -die Herder’schen Anschauungen deutlicher aus. Die wissenschaftliche, -nicht bloß äußerliche Verbindung von Geographie und Geschichte kettet -sich an seinen Namen. Nicht ganz mit Recht; ...”[87] Richthofen thinks -that Ritter’s basic idea was almost without influence on geography; only -the historians profited by it.[88] Alexander von Humboldt, on the other -hand, declares in the first volume of his _Cosmos_ that “The views of -comparative geography have been specially enlarged by that admirable -work, Erdkunde im Verhältnis zur Natur und zur Geschichte, in which Carl -Ritter so ably delineates the physiognomy of our globe and shows the -influence of its external configuration on the physical phenomena on its -surface, on the migrations, laws, and manners of nations, and on all the -principal historical events enacted upon the face of the earth.”[89] - -In the _Erdkunde_,[90] Ritter propounds a program for -anthropo-geographical investigation, i.e., for the investigation of the -mutual relation between man and his environment. As every moral man -should, so should also “jeder menschliche Verein, jedes Volk seiner -eigenen inneren und äußeren Kräfte, wie derjenigen der Nachbarn und -seiner Stellung zu allen von außen herein wirkenden Verhältnissen inne -werden.”[91] Nature exercises greater influence over peoples than over -individual men: “Die Eigentümlichkeit des Volkes kann nur aus seinem -Wesen erkannt werden, aus seinem Verhältnis zu sich selbst, zu seinen -Gliedern, zu seinen Umgebungen, und weil kein Volk ohne Staat und -Vaterland gedacht werden kann, aus seinem Verhältnis zu beiden und aus -dem Verhältnis von beiden zu Nachbarländern und Nachbarstaaten. Hier -zeigt sich der Einfluß, den die Natur auf die Völker, und zwar in einem -noch weit höheren Grade, als auf den einzelnen Menschen ausüben muß ... - -“Denn durch eine höhere Ordnung bestimmt, treten die Völker wie die -Menschen zugleich unter dem Einfluß einer Tätigkeit der Natur und der -Vernunft hervor aus dem geistigen wie aus dem physischen Elemente in den -Alles verschlingenden Kreis des Weltlebens. Gestaltet sich doch jeder -Organismus dem inneren Zusammenhange und dem äußeren Umfange nach ... -Sie (Völker und Staaten) stehen alle unter demselben Einflusse der Natur -...”[92] To the problem of the reciprocal relation between external and -internal factors, Ritter devoted a special essay, entitled “Über das -historische Element in der geographischen Wissenschaft,” which he read -before the Academy of Sciences at Berlin in 1833.[93] - -In Alexander von Humboldt’s _Ansichten der Natur_,[94] “Everywhere the -reader’s attention is directed to the perpetual influence which physical -nature exercises on the moral condition and on the destiny of man.”[95] -In passing, Humboldt also touches on environment in the first volume of -his chef-d’oeuvre, _Kosmos_, assigning it, however, but a modest rôle: -“Es würde das allgemeine Naturbild, das ich zu entwerfen strebe, -unvollständig bleiben, wenn ich hier nicht auch den Mut hätte, das -Menschengeschlecht in seinen physischen Abstufungen, in der -geographischen Verbreitung seiner gleichzeitig vorhandenen Typen, in dem -Einfluß, welchen es von den Kräften der Erde empfangen und -wechselseitig, wenn auch schwächer, auf sie ausgeübt hat, mit wenigen -Zügen zu schildern. Abhängig, wenn gleich in minderem Grade als Pflanzen -und Tiere, von dem Boden und den meteorologischen Prozessen des -Luftkreises, den Naturgewalten durch Geistestätigkeit und stufenweise -erhöhte Intelligenz, wie durch eine wunderbare sich allen Klimaten -aneignende Biegsamkeit des Organismus leichter entgehend, nimmt das -Geschlecht wesentlich Teil an dem ganzen Erdenleben.”[96] - -J. G. Kohl’s book, _Der Verkehr und die Ansiedlungen der Menschheit in -ihrer Abhängigkeit von der Gestaltung der Erdoberfläche_,[97] occupies -itself with the question of the dependence of human progress in general, -and of density and concentration of population in particular, upon -natural conditions. The causes of these phenomena are, to Kohl, partly -moral or political, and partly physical. The physical causes of -concentration are twofold: “Teils sind es solche, die von dem mehr oder -minder großen Produktenreichtum des Bodens, teils solche, die von der -Gestaltung der Erdoberfläche abhängen ... so zeigt sich dann, daß von -allen verschiedenen Ursachen der Kondensierung der Bevölkerung die -Bodengestaltung die allerwichtigste ist.”[98] Opposed to these natural -conditions is a series of what Kohl styles political influences, such as -national character, institutions created by the State, laws, etc.—“Die -moralischen oder politischen Ursachen der verschiedenen Dichtigkeit der -Bevölkerung sind in dem Kulturzustande und besonders in der politischen -Verfassung der Bewohner der verschiedenen Erdstriche begründet ... Auch -sind viele verschiedene Sitten der Völker als einflußreiche Ursachen der -mehr oder minder großen Dichtigkeit der Bevölkerung zu betrachten.”[99] -Not only national character, but also education is to be counted among -the political influences: “Unter politischen und moralischen Einflüssen, -die nicht von der Natur bedingt werden, verstehen wir solche Kräfte, -solche Volkstalente und Eigentümlichkeiten des Charakters, die nicht der -Boden, die Luft und das Klima dem Volke geben. So groß nämlich auch die -Gewalt des Bodens, des Klimas und der Natur ist, so sehr die Zonen, die -Gebirge, die Sümpfe, die Wälder, die Wüsten u.s.w. alle Bevölkerung, die -in ihre Gebiete fällt, auf einerlei Weise zu bilden und zu modeln -streben, so sehr behauptet doch immer noch nebenher der ursprüngliche -Charakter des Stammes und die Erziehung, welche das Volk sich gibt, ihre -eigenen Rechte. Es existieren beide Einflüsse neben einander, -beschränken sich gegenseitig, aber sie heben sich nicht auf ... Das, was -nun nicht vom Boden abhängt und was ein Volk auf jeden Boden, den es -bezieht, mit hin bringt, ist wiederum Zweierlei, entweder etwas -Angeborenes oder etwas Angenommenes.”[100] It is difficult to -differentiate between what is due to original endowment and what to the -milieu, yet natural influences can not be ignored: “Welcher Geist ... -möchte den Versuch wagen, zu entscheiden, was im Charakter des Volkes -... Angenommenes und was Selbstgegebenes sei, was endlich in ihren -Handlungen und Bewegungen von Klima und Landesbeschaffenheit bedingt -werde. Die Charaktergepräge der Nationen, wie wir sie jetzt in diesen -neuesten Momenten der weltgeschichtlichen Entwicklung sehen, sind -Gebilde, welche unter der Einwirkung unerforschbar vielfacher Einflüsse -entstanden sind.... Und doch stehen sie (die Natureinflüsse, die von den -Historikern gewöhnlich unberücksichtigt geblieben sind) vielleicht auch -bei allen jenen Dingen, die wir im Vordergrunde agieren sehen, im -Hintergrunde und wirken als die Quellen der Erscheinungen mittelbar -selbst da, wo wir dieselben anderen Ursachen zuschreiben. So mag jede -Art der Staatsverfassung, der Gewerbzweige geschöpft und hervorgeblüht -sein aus der Tiefe des Nationalgeistes, des Boden- und des Luftgeistes, -während wir sie als Willkürliches und Selbstgegebenes auffassen.”[101] - -The naturalist Karl Ernst von Baer discusses the influence of external -nature upon the social relations of individual nations and upon the -history of mankind in general,[102] while the geologist Bernhard Cotta -attempts to show the effect of soil and geological structure on German -life.[103] Accepting, in the main, Cotta as a basis, J. Kutzen, in _Das -deutsche Land, Seine Natur in ihren charakteristischen Zügen und sein -Einfluß auf Geschichte und Leben der Menschen, Skizzen und Bilder_,[104] -the bulk of which book is physical geography, intersperses therewith -anthropo-geographical statements that are in some cases interwoven in, -and in others added to, the descriptive parts, pointing out the relation -of environment to the life and history of the Germans.[105] Kutzen -claims his work to be the first that treats the _whole_ of Germany in -the way just indicated. - -In The Natural History of the German People,[106] W. H. Riehl studies -the action of natural conditions on man. He is concerned with the -connections between land and people: “Will man die naturgeschichtliche -Methode der Wissenschaft vom Volke in ihrer ganzen Breite und Tiefe -nachweisen, dann muß man auch in das Wesen dieser örtlichen -Besonderungen des Volkstumes eindringen. In der Lehre von der -bürgerlichen Gesellschaft ist das Verhältnis der großen natürlichen -Volksgruppen zueinander nachgewiesen: hier sollen diese Gruppen nach den -örtlichen Bedingungen des Landes, in welchem das Volksleben wurzelt, -dargestellt werden. Erst aus den individuellen Bezügen von LAND UND -LEUTEN entwickelt sich die kulturgeschichtliche Abstraktion der -bürgerlichen Gesellschaft.”[107] And “Das vorliegende Buch hat sich das -bescheidenere Ziel gesteckt, zusammenhängende Skizzen zu liefern zur -Naturgeschichte des Volkes _in seinem Zusammenhang mit dem Lande_.”[108] -His chief aim is to prove that the connection between land and people is -the basis of all social development and of all social research: “Ich -hatte mir von Anbeginn das Ziel gesteckt, den Zusammenhang von Land und -Volk als Fundament aller sozialen und politischen Entwicklung, als -Ausgangspunkt aller sozialen Forschung nachzuweisen, und dieses -Hauptziel, die eigentliche Tendenz des Buches, hat heute noch denselben -Wert, dieselbe fördernde Kraft wie vor einem Menschenalter.”[109] He -wants to show how “Volksart” and “Landesart” hang together, how -nationality grows organically out of the soil: “Ich nenne dieses -Wanderbuch einen zweiten Band zu ‘Land und Leuten.’ In jener Schrift -verarbeite ich zahlreiche Wanderskizzen, um den Zusammenhang von -Volksart und Landesart, das organische Erwachsen des Volkstumes aus dem -Boden nachzuweisen.”[110] Everywhere Riehl finds “an organic relation -between nature and man,” according to Gooch.[111] Riehl recognizes “that -man could only develop within the limits imposed by nature.”[112] The -problem of how locality affects social groups has, of course, not -originated with Riehl, but it received a reformulation at his hands. It -must be added, however, that his bombastic assertions far outrun his -data. His claims are disproportionate to his facts.[113] - -Alfred Kirchhoff brilliantly sketches the reciprocal relations between -land and people in Germany, in an essay entitled _Die deutschen -Landschaften und Stämme_.[114] - -Achelis[115] refers to Bastian’s doctrine of geographical provinces, “wo -eine Reihe rein physikalischer Agentien: Temperatur, Boden, Flora, -Fauna, etc. sich mit entsprechenden psychischen kombinieren, so daß man -in konzentrischer Reihenfolge von botanischen, zoologischen und -anthropologischen Kreisen reden könnte. Der leitende Grundsatz, sagt -Bastian, für geographisch-typische Provinzen fällt in die Abhängigkeit -des Organismus von seiner geographischen Umgebung (_le Milieu_ oder -_Monde ambiant_), in eine gegenseitig festgeschlossene Wechselwirkung -und also in Naturgesetze, mit denen sich rechnen läßt (_Zur Lehre von -den geographischen Provinzen_ [Berlin, 1886], S. 6).” - -The reciprocal influences of man and his environment are illustrated by -Alfred Kirchhoff in _Mensch und Erde, Skizzen von den Wechselbeziehungen -zwischen beiden_.[116] - -Ferdinand von Richthofen[117] traces the gradual evolution of “Siedlung -und Verkehr,” under which two concepts he subsumes all relations of man -to the soil.[118] - -It was Friedrich Ratzel, however, who “performed the great service of -placing anthropo-geography on a secure scientific basis. He had his -forerunners in Montesquieu,[119] Alexander von Humboldt, Buckle, -Ritter, Kohl, Peschel and others; but he first investigated the -subject from the modern scientific point of view, ... and based his -conclusions on world-wide inductions, for which his predecessors did -not command the data.”[120] He “has written the standard work on -_Anthropogeographie_.”[121] Employing the analytical method, Ratzel -was the first to divide the subject-matter into categories: “Ratzel -hat das Verdienst, daß er zuerst den Stoff in Kategorien teilte. Er -wendet die analytische Methode der allgemeinen Geographie an und -betrachtet den Einfluß einzelner Naturgegebenheiten auf den Menschen, -z.B. der Inseln, Halbinseln, Gebirge, Ebenen, Steppen, Wüsten, Küsten, -Flußmündungen[122] usw. Die analytische Methode allein kann zum Ziele -führen.”[123] The great and permanent merit of Ratzel’s _Politische -Geographie_[124] is its setting forth how closely the State is bound -to the physical milieu.[125] It treats partly of the effect of nature -and soil on the formation of the State and on political -boundaries.[126] Ratzel expounds environmental action also in his -books _Die Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika_,[127] _The History of -Mankind_,[128] and in his article on “The Principles of -Anthropo-geography.”[129] Among his followers is to be counted Andrew -R. Cowan, whose _Master-Clues in World-History_[130] is “deeply -impregnated with Ratzel’s teachings.”[131] Camille Vallaux devotes the -fifth chapter (pp. 145–73) of his _Géographie Sociale, Le Sol et -L’État_,[132] to a criticism of the theories of _Raum_ (space) and of -Lage (situation) as developed by Ratzel in his _Politische -Geographie_. And, in general, Ratzel’s “published work had been open -to the just criticism of inadequate citation of authorities.”[133] O. -Schlüter in “Die leitenden Gesichtspunkte der Anthropogeographie, -insbesondere der Lehre Friedrich Ratzels”[134] gives us the best -single estimate of Ratzel, the best orientation—within the compass of -an article well written, well poised, and illuminating—on Ratzel’s -work, thought, method, and application.[135] - - - _Geography and History_ - -We shall now see, first, the stand taken by some French writers, and -then that taken by German and English writers, on the question of how -physical environment affects history. - -One of the “three most philosophical writers on climate,”[136] Charles -Comte, not related by birth to the founder of Positivism, is, likewise, -one of the earliest disciples of Herder in France. Herder “seems to have -helped to inspire”[137] Charles Comte’s _Traité de Législation_.[138] -Charles Comte’s “discussion of the questions which relate to the -influence of physical nature on human development must have been the -fruit of long and careful study. It was as great an advance on -Montesquieu’s treatment of the subject as Montesquieu’s had been on that -of Bodin. It disproved, corrected, or confirmed a host of Montesquieu’s -observations and conclusions. It showed that he had ascribed too much to -climate, and too little to the configuration of the earth’s surface, the -distribution of mountains and rivers, &c.; and that he had conceived -vaguely, and even to a large extent erroneously, of the modes in which -climate and the fertility or sterility of soil affect human development. -But while Comte thus justly criticised Montesquieu, he himself -exaggerated the efficiency of physical agencies. Indeed, he virtually -traced to their operation the whole development of history ... he has -assumed that physical agencies ultimately account for historical change -and movement, for public institutions and laws.... - -“Charles Comte fully recognises that the same physical medium has a very -different influence on different generations; and that institutions and -laws, education and manners, and, in a word, all the constituents of the -social medium, have as real an influence on the development of history -as those of the physical medium. Yet he assumes the latter to be the -first, although to a large extent only indirect, causes of the whole -amount of change effected.”[139] - -Victor Cousin, another Frenchman, reconnects with Herder. Cousin had -direct acquaintance with at least the principal work of Herder, for the -rendering of whose “Ideen” into French by Quinet he seems -responsible.[140] In the eighth lecture of his “admired”[141] _Cours de -1828 sur la Philosophie de l’Histoire_, he discourses on the rôle that -geography plays in history. - -F. Guizot, in the fifth lecture of _The History of Civilization_,[142] -comments briefly on the influence of external circumstances upon -liberty. - -The romantic French historiographer, Jules Michelet, in his _Histoire de -France_ (second volume, 1833), and in his _Histoire Romaine_ (1839), -interlinks geography with history, and brilliantly describes the -countries whose histories he is writing. Like some before him (such as -Montesquieu), and many after him (such as Riehl, Curtius, and -Gothein),[143] who traveled in the respective countries before -describing them or composing their history, Michelet, as one preliminary -measure toward equipping himself for such a task, visited Italy[144] and -various parts of France, the latter repeatedly, in order to gain a first -hand impression of the physical milieu and the people of those lands. He -is said to be the first [_sic!_] in France who, under the influence of -Herder, had the idea that geography was the foundation of history: “Sous -l’influence de Herder, il [Michelet] eut, le premier en France, l’idée -que la géographie était le fondement de l’histoire: ‘Le matériel, la -race, le peuple qui la continue me paraissaient avoir besoin qu’on mît -dessous une bonne et forte base, la terre, qui les portât et qui les -nourrît. Et notez que ce sol n’est pas seulement le théâtre de l’action. -Par la nourriture, le climat, etc., il y influe de cent manières. Tel le -nid, tel l’oiseau. Telle la patrie, tel l’homme.’”[145] Without this -basis, the actor in history, the people, would be treading on air like -figures in some Chinese paintings. Says Jules Simon of the celebrated -tableau in the second volume of the _Histoire de France_: “Son héros -[Michelet’s] ... c’est la France. Il en fait une description qui remplit -tout le troisième livre et qui est un chef-d’oeuvre. Chose nouvelle, -cette géographie a autant de mouvement que l’histoire. Elle est animée, -vivante, agissante. Il en montre à merveille l’utilité, la nécessité. -Sans cette base géographique, le peuple, l’acteur historique, semblerait -marcher en l’air, comme dans les peintures chinoises, où le sol -manque.”[146] In the _Introduction to Universal History_ (1831), -Michelet says, “In Germany and Italy, fatality is still strong; moral -freedom is still borne down by powerful influences of race, locality, -and climate.”[147] - -Ernst Kapp, in the _Philosophische Erdkunde_,[148] criticizes writers on -the philosophy of history for their failure to give due attention to the -geographical existence of the nations. Nor are geographical intermezzos -alone sufficient: “Man [these writers] hat zwar eine Ahnung von dem -geographischen Element in der Geschichte, nicht aber das deutliche -Bewußtsein, daß die Menschheit an dem Planeten ihre physische -Individualität besitzt, daß sie zu ihm sich verhält, wie die Seele zum -Leib. Anstatt die geographische Betrachtung durch und durch mit der -historischen verwachsen zu lassen [which he proposes to do], hat man -teils geographische Intermezzos nach subjektivem Gutdünken ... -eingestreut, teils auch sich mit einer dem Ganzen voraufgeschickten -geographischen Grundlage ein für allemal begnügt. Man hat hierbei nicht -bedacht, daß man die Geschichte, wenn man ihr den planetarischen Grund -und Boden, auf den man sie von vornherein stellt, wegrückt, zwischen -Himmel und Erde schweben läßt und ihre Behandlung dem veränderlichen -Luftzuge des subjektiven Beliebens mehr oder minder preisgibt ... Darin -ruht die Selbständigkeit der geographischen Wissenschaft, ..., daß ihr -Objekt die Erde ist, ... die Erde, wie sie bestimmend auf die -Entwicklung des Geistes einwirkt und hinwiederum vom Geist bestimmt und -verändert wird. Dies Verhältnis des Planeten zum Geist ist ein -wesentliches.”[149] - -Arnold H. Guyot, “ce Suisse transplanté en Amérique,”[150] treats the -same topic in the _Géographie physique comparée, considérée dans ses -rapports avec l’histoire de l’humanité_.[151] - -The frequently misquoted Henry Thomas Buckle, in the celebrated second -chapter of the _History of Civilization in England_,[152] shows the -largely indirect effects of climate, food, and soil, chiefly upon the -civilizations—of India, Egypt, Mexico, Peru, etc.—anterior to those of -Europe, and of a fourth class of physical agents, namely, of what he -terms the general aspect of nature upon the imagination—religion, -literature, art—of those peoples. Buckle does not maintain that these -four classes of the Environment were the _sole_ factors in producing -civilization; in fact he makes it quite clear that they were _not_ the -only factors, that they affected the civilizations mentioned in an -indirect way and he indicates how this has taken place. Buckle’s -statements of his ideas had been misrepresented, twisted, and distorted -to such a degree that John M. Robertson felt impelled to write a whole -book[153] in rebuttal, in order to set Buckle’s detractors and -controversial critics right and to refute their unfair imputations to -Buckle’s intended meaning. - -The romanticist Ernst Curtius is sometimes referred to as one of those -historians who give adequate expression to the action of the physical -milieu upon the course of history. But Vallaux declares that Curtius, -like Michelet, has made of human geography and of political geography -_merely_ a preliminary and introductory science to history: “une science -auxiliaire ou plutôt liminaire, sorte de _portique d’entrée_ [the -italics are ours] pour leurs brillantes constructions,”[154] lending -thus support to Kapp’s contention.[155] Nor would Ratzel be content with -a portrayal of the land as an introduction to the history of a country, -even though it be as richly colored as that drawn by Curtius.[156] A -description, in itself, fails to penetrate to the core of the relation. -If we now turn to Curtius’ _The History of Greece_,[157] we find that -the first chapter in the first book[158] considers Land and People, a -part of which (pp. 9–18) gives a geographical description of Hellas, and -another part of which (pp. 19–25, seven pages scant) points out the -connection between the land and the people. Elsewhere,[159] Curtius -shows the interaction between the physical environment of Athens and the -Athenians.[160] - -George Grote, whose account of the relation between the Greek land and -the Greek people is held by some[161] to be excellent, in _A History of -Greece_,[162] devotes four pages (227–30) of the chapter on General -Geography and Limits of Greece to show the effects of the configuration -of Greece upon the political relation of the inhabitants[163] and the -effects upon their intellectual development,[164] the rest of the -chapter being given over to a description of the geography of Greece. - -Alfred E. Zimmern, in _The Greek Commonwealth, Politics and Economics in -Fifth-Century Athens_,[165] deals very cleverly with the main features -of the material environment of Greek civilization: The Mediterranean -Area; The Sea; The Climate; The Soil; Fellowship, or the Rule of Public -Opinion, under which headings he discusses the influence of environment -upon Greek institutions.[166] - -As early as 1864, G. P. Marsh investigates the subject of man’s reaction -on his milieu in _Man and Nature, or Physical Geography as Modified by -Human Action_ (London). - -John William Draper, in his _History of the Intellectual Development of -Europe_,[167] in the composition of which Herderian ideas were the -guides,[168] first attempts to show (vol. I, pp. 6–17) that individual -man, as well as communities, nations, and universal humanity, are under -the control of physical conditions; then (pp. 23–35) he points out how -the topography, meteorology, and secular geological movements of Europe -affected its inhabitants. On the whole, he overstates the force of -environment and neglects the human factor; nevertheless his -uncompromising affirmations bring out strikingly some of the -environmental effects on man. - -The uncritical Max Duncker, in the nine volume _Geschichte des -Altertums_,[169] not only has chapters on _Land und Volk_, or _Land und -Stämme_ at the beginning of the history of a given nation, but he also -dwells elsewhere in his text on the sway of geography in history. - -Élisée Réclus, in the magistral _Nouvelle Géographie Universelle_ (1879 -ff.), speaking of the difficulties encountered by research, queries: -“... Was verdanken die Nationen dem Einfluß der Natur, die sie umgibt? -Was verdanken sie dem Milieu, das ihre Vorfahren bewohnten, ihren -Rasseinstinkten, ihren verschiedenartigen Mischungen, den von Außen -eingeführten Überlieferungen? Man weiß es nicht, kaum daß einige -Lichtstrahlen in jene Finsternis dringen.”[170] The preponderance of -European nations is by no means attributable, as some arrogantly and -self-conceitedly fancied, to any racial endowment; on the contrary, it -is due to the favoring conditions of the physical environment prevailing -in Europe: “Man weiß, wie mächtig der Einfluß des geographischen Milieu -auf die Fortschritte der europäischen Nationen gewesen ist. Ihre -Überlegenheit ist keineswegs, wie einige sich dünkelhafter Weise -eingebildet haben, der eigentümlichen Anlage der Rassen zuzuschreiben, -denn in anderen Gegenden der alten Welt haben sich eben dieselben Rassen -weniger schöpferisch erwiesen. Es sind die glücklichen Bedingungen der -Wärme, des Klimas, der Gestalt und Lage des Festlandes, welche den -Europäern die Ehre verschafft haben, die ersten gewesen zu sein in der -Kenntnis der Erde in ihrem ganzen Umfange und lange Zeit an der Spitze -der Zivilisation geblieben zu sein.”[171] These conditions help to -explain, in part, the character of the nations: “Mit vollem Recht lieben -es also die historischen Geographen bei der Gestalt der verschiedenen -Erdteile und bei den Folgen zu verweilen, welche sich daraus für die -Bestimmung der Völker ergeben. Die Gestalt der Hochebenen, die Höhe der -Berge, der Lauf und der Reichtum der Flüsse, die Nachbarschaft des -Ozeans, die Gliederung der Küsten, die Temperatur der Atmosphäre, die -Häufigkeit oder Seltenheit des Regens, die unzähligen wechselseitigen -Einflüsse der Sonne, der Luft und der Gewässer, alle Erscheinungen des -Pflanzenlebens habe eine Bedeutung in ihren Augen und dienen ihnen -(wenigstens zum Teil), den Charakter und das erste Leben der Nationen zu -erklären ...”[172] Continental and oceanic forms and other features of -the globe vary in their value for man in accordance with the stage of -civilization to which he attained.[173] Notwithstanding this separation, -in principle, of natural and national influences upon social evolution, -its application to concrete cases Réclus finds arduous: “Durch das -Studium der Sonne und durch die unablässige Beobachtung der klimatischen -Erscheinungen können wir ganz allgemein verstehen, welches der Einfluß -der Natur auf die Entwicklung der Völker gewesen ist; aber es ist -schwieriger, das auf jede Rasse, auf jede Nation zu verteilen....”[174] - -P. Mougeoulle’s theory in _Les problèmes de l’histoire_,[175] is an -altogether one-sided geographical theory of history.[176] The sole cause -of the external as well as the internal history of peoples, is, in his -opinion, the geographical Milieu.[177] To Mougeoulle, the Milieu is the -author, whereas man is the actor of the Drama of history.[178] - -Léon Metchnikoff, in _La Civilisation et Les Grands Fleuves -Historiques_,[179] pays some attention to the influences (astronomic, -physical—the geosphere, the hydrosphere, and the atmosphere—, vegetal, -animal, anthropological) of the milieu on man and society; yet his main -care is with the action of parts of the hydrosphere on human progress. -Following C. Böttiger (_Das Mittelmeer_, Leipzig, 1859), Metchnikoff -distinguishes the three milieus: fluvial or potamic, mediterranean or -thalassic, and oceanic or universal.[180] On this basis he divides -universal history into three periods: 1) the period of the fluvial -civilizations (temps anciens), furnishing the principal theme of his -argument (discussed in the last four chapters of his book); 2) that of -the mediterranean civilizations (temps moyens); 3) and that of the -oceanic civilizations. The fluvial or ancient period, from the -beginnings to _circa_ 800 B.C., comprises the history of the four great -civilizations of antiquity, in Egypt, Mesopotamia, India, China, “qui -ont eu pour milieu géographique des régions arrosées par certains -fleuves ou couples de fleuves célèbres.” The mediterranean or middle -period extends from the seventh century B.C.—the foundation of -Carthage—to Charles the Fifth. The modern or oceanic period has two -epochs: a) the _atlantic_ epoch, from the discovery of America to about -the middle of the nineteenth century; and b) the _universal_ epoch, just -beginning.[181] In the main, Metchnikoff limits the scope of his work to -the compass of fluvial civilizations. He studies in detail the four -great historical rivers or pairs of rivers (the Nile, the Tigris and the -Euphrates, the Indus and the Ganges, and the Hoangho and the -Yangtze-Kiang, those great educators of mankind) in their bearing upon -the four grand civilizations—Chinese, Hindu, Assyro-Babylonian, and -Egyptian—of remote antiquity, all of which expanded in fluvial -regions.[182] The River, in all countries, presents itself to -Metchnikoff as the living synthesis of all the complex conditions of the -climate, of the soil, of the configuration of the earth, and of the -geologic formation. In Egypt and in China, in India and in Mesopotamia, -the River has been “comme une synthèse vivante des conditions -géographiques les plus multiples.”[183] He finds that each of the four -great monarchies of antiquity had been a natural consequence or result -of the hydrological system of the country that served as its cradle, and -that history, in the entire ancient world, had been a toil, a forced -labor (“une corvée”), imposed on a part of mankind by certain orographic -peculiarities of the Milieu. Metchnikoff concludes that in these empires -“le Milieu s’est trouvé être invariablement le vrai créateur de -l’histoire.” The eloquent example of these four grand ancient -civilizations sufficiently proves to him that no important historical -expansion could ever occur in any country of the world, unless the -milieu condemned its inhabitants to that excessive solidarity which he -shows to have been brutally imposed everywhere at the shores of these -great historical rivers; a milieu is conceivable, however, where this -condition, rigorously required by history, may be fulfilled by an -environmental factor other than a river or a system of rivers.[184] -Metchnikoff protests that he is far from advocating potamic[185] or -geographical[186] fatalism.[187] - -Babington’s study of the power of environment over history points out -the fallacy of the race theory in the history of the Roman empire, of -Germany, and of China.[188] - -N. S. Shaler, in _Nature and Man in America_,[189] traces, on the one -hand, the action of environment on organic life, and, on the other, the -effect of geographic conditions on the development of peoples, more -especially on that of man in North America.[190] - -Since about the middle of the eighties, under the leadership of the late -historian E. A. Freeman and of the illustrious statesman and scholar, -Lord James Bryce, “a marked revival of interest” has been exhibited in -England in studying the physical milieu as it relates to man and human -society, institutions and history.[191] - -The leading point of view in H. F. Helmolt’s _The History of the World, -a Survey of Man’s Record_,[192] is the treatment of man’s relation to -his physical environment, the relation of geography to history, the -dependence of man on his geographical surroundings. “It [Helmolt’s -_History_] deals with history in the light of physical environment.... -Its ground plan, so to speak, is primarily geographical....”[193] It was -conceived in the spirit of Ratzel;[194] it is said to have brought for -the first time “die Länder- und Völkerkunde in den Dienst der -Weltgeschichtsdarstellung.”[195] Helmolt’s “great co-operative _History -of Mankind_ ... emphasizes the sovereign influences of nature and -geography,” says Gooch.[196] - -Rev. H. B. George, in _The Relations of Geography and History_,[197] -attempts to “point out systematically how these [geographical] causes -work [all history through], first in general, and then in reference to -the various countries of Europe,”[198] although “This work does not -pretend to attempt the impossible task of describing all the influence -exerted by geographical conditions on human history. All that it -professes to do is to indicate the modes in which that influence works, -with sufficient illustrations from actual history.”[199] - -Professor Geddes, of Edinburgh, is the most energetic expounder of this -idea—the anthropo-geographical conception of history—in the -English-speaking world, says Small.[200] - -Throughout the entire treatment of Guglielmo Ferrero’s[201] _History of -Rome_ (one of the most original and important historical works of recent -years), geography thoroughly permeates history.[202] - -Robert Sieger[203] attempts to explain the history and policies of the -Austro-Hungarian monarchy “aus ihren geographischen Grundlagen.”[204] - -Ellsworth Huntington, in _The Pulse of Asia_,[205] illustrates the -geographic basis of history.[206] - -The Columbia School of sociological historians, and others, interpret -history partly in terms of the milieu: physical (economic and -geographic) and social.[207] - -Human geography, and political geography, have long been divided into -fragmentary parts, contended for by economics, history, and -sociology.[208] Yet the discipline of anthropo-geography has now become -“eine mächtige Hilfswissenschaft der geschichtlichen Auffassung.”[209] -So that, today, it has become a custom to include in textbooks of -history one or more chapters on the relation of geography to history, to -show the dependence of history on environment.[210] The study of the -latter is a part of Kulturgeschichte or History of Civilization which is -defined as embracing the non-political aspects of civilization such as -the influence of nature, the pressure of economic factors, the origin -and transformation of ideas, the contribution of science and art, -religion and philosophy, literature and law, the material conditions of -life, the fortunes of the masses.[211] Likewise, only on a broader -scale, the milieu is being examined in a new branch of study, which is -one resultant of anthropo-geographical research. This new branch of -study is economic geography, which, according to John McFarlane,[212] -“may be defined as the study of the influence exerted upon the economic -activities of man by his physical environment, and more especially by -the form and structure of the surface of the land, the climatic -conditions which prevail upon it, and the place relations in which its -different regions stand to one another.” Seligman says that the modern -study of economic geography is but an expansion of the study of the -influence of milieu.[213] - -Indeed, geography itself, _i.e._, the new geography, is conceived of as -the science or study of the responses of organisms to inorganic, and to -a certain extent organic, environmental control.[214] Professor William -Morris Davis, of Harvard University, is one of the chief exponents of -this theory in the United States. Very recently, Rollin D. Salisbury -said:[215] “By common consent, Geography (as distinct from physical -geography) is the science which deals with the relations of physical -environment to life and its activities. In this sense, geography is a -connecting link between geology, physiography, and climatology, on the -one hand, and zoölogy, botany, sociology, economics, and history on the -other. Its subject-matter is in process of formulation....”[216] - - - _More Recent Anthropo-geographical Treatises_ - -James Bryce offers the most excellent general survey of man’s relation -to his physical environment.[217] - -Herbertson’s very useful and readable introductory book gives “concrete -pictures of human life under these very different conditions [typical -environments]. They show, in the first place, how the occupation of -different groups of mankind depends on their geographical surroundings, -and how these occupations in turn affect not only the material life, the -houses, food, clothing, etc., but also family life, notions of property, -progress in trade and manufactures, power of expansion, and ideals of -government. All these are classified, not according to race, which is -often an accident, but according to those permanent influences by which -all races are affected.”[218] - -Robert DeCourcy Ward, in his standard work on _Climate Considered -Especially in Relation to Man_,[219] presents “typical illustrations” of -environmental action on the life of man in the tropics (Ch. 8, pp. -220–71), in the temperate zones (Ch. 9 pp. 272–321), and in the polar -zones (Ch. 10, pp. 322–37).[220] In a chapter on the hygiene of the -zones (Ch. 7, pp. 178–219), Ward also surveys “some of the relations -between weather and climate and a few of the more important -diseases.”[221] - -R. R. Marett’s chapter on “Environment” in his _Anthropology_[222] -presents, beside a number of valuable general and critical remarks, -chiefly a regional survey of the world showing the general effect of -geographical environment on man. - -Camille Vallaux, in _Géographie Sociale, Le Sol et L’État_,[223] -beginning with the sixth chapter, also discusses some phases of what -would in E. C. Hayes’ classification[224] be called the technical -milieu. - -The most recent German essay, Willy Hellpach’s[225] _Die -Geopsychischen Erscheinungen: Wetter, Klima und Landschaft in ihrem -Einfluß auf das Seelenleben_,[226] deals with the _direct_ effects of -the surrounding _atmosphere_ and soil on the human psyche.[227] -Hellpach seems primarily interested in “Psycho-Pathologie”;[228] he -lays most stress on _das Pathologische_, particularly in the -main—first two—parts of his essay: “Wetter und Seelenleben,” and -“Klima und Seelenleben,” where the pathological effect is strongly -emphasized. Hellpach’s valuable summary of what we know today of this -phase of the milieu,[229] revealing as it does by the meager number of -the facts assembled the crying need for many more such facts, may be, -in its results, somewhat disappointing[230] for the present day, but -it augurs well for future investigation. - -The latest extensive presentation of general anthropo-geography,[231] -Jean Brunhes’ _La géographie humaine_,[232] pays more attention to -present than to historical conditions,[233] and thus fittingly -complements Ellen C. Semple’s _Influences of Geographic -Environment_,[234] which “may be regarded as superseding Ratzel’s great -work on Anthropo-geography.”[235] - - - _Primitive Peoples and Environment_ - -Karl Ritter, in the essay “Über das historische Element in der -geographischen Wissenschaft” (1833), declares that the forces of nature -which at the commencement of human history exerted a very decisive -influence were bound to recede more and more, and their action had to -diminish, in proportion to man’s progress. Civilized mankind extricates -itself gradually, like single man, from the immediately conditioning -fetters of nature and of its place of abode.[236] This opinion of -Ritter’s was adopted by many.[237] - -Theodor Waitz regards primitive man both as purely a product of, and as -being completely at the mercy of, circumambient nature: “Denken wir uns -vom Menschen Alles hinweg, was an ihm Wirkung der Kultur ist, so steht -er da als bloßes Produkt der Macht, die ihn in’s Leben rief, ... Das -Erste, was an ihm charakteristisch für uns hervorträte, würde die sehr -vollständige Abhängigkeit sein, in der er sich von seiner Naturumgebung -befände: der gesammte Inhalt, den sein inneres Leben zunächst gewönne, -würde ein ziemlich reines Produkt dieser letzteren sein. Der Naturmensch -wird zunächst nur das, wozu die Naturverhältnisse ihn machen, unter die -er sich gestellt findet; wovon er sich nährt, das werden diese ihm -darbieten, auf welche Weise und durch welche Mittel er seine Nahrung -gewinnt, dazu werden diese ihm Anleitung geben müssen; ob er Kleidung -und sonstigen Schutz gegen äußere Schädlichkeiten bedarf, und wie er -diesem Bedürfnis abzuhelfen strebt, werden sie ihn lehren und die -Erfindungen, die hierzu nötig sind, ihm an die Hand geben müssen; sie -werden mit einem Wort seine ganze Lebenseinrichtung bestimmen ...”[238] - -G. Gerland holds that man developed from and upon nature, on which he is -very closely dependent and of which he is a small part, and that the -higher he rises the more he frees himself from the compelling influence -of the earth, which, however, he can never wholly escape.[239] - -In the opinion of Herbert Spencer, the earlier stages of social -evolution are far more dependent on local conditions than the later -stages. They are more at the mercy of their surroundings.[240] Both -Spencer and Benjamin Kidd believe that primitive man is at the mercy of -the milieu.[241] The “remotely ancient representatives of the human -species ... were in their then wild state much more plastic than now to -external nature,” according to Wallace.[242] Historical and statistical -geography show us “die Menschen, wie sie in ihre aktive Rolle -eingetreten sind und durch Arbeit die Überlegenheit über das Milieu -gewinnen, das sie umgibt ... Nachdem der Mensch ganz den Einfluß des -Milieu über sich ergehen ließ, hat er denselben zu seinem Nutzen -umgestaltet ...”[243] The intimate connection of first civilizations -with physical environment slackens with subsequent advance.[244] This -apparently deep-rooted view is controverted by Ratzel who flatly -contradicts it. Distinguishing between the direct and the indirect -effects of milieu, he argues in straight opposition that with -progressing civilization we are increasingly dependent on environment, -that the degree of such dependence has not lessened with advancement in -civilization, and that only the manner of the relation has changed.[245] -Environment affects even the highest civilization, says Ripley.[246] G. -Elliot Smith maintains that “Environment, however it may act, whether -directly or indirectly, is still helping to shape the human form, and is -affecting the development of Man’s customs and achievements at least as -powerfully as, if not more so than, ever before.”[247] - - - _Society and Physical Milieu_ - -The social evolution proceeds amidst the entire system of exterior -conditions (chemical, physical, astronomical), by which its rate of -progress is determined. Social phenomena can no more be understood apart -from their environment than those of individual life.[248] The study of -social evolution presupposes a relation to the physical milieu: “Das -Studium der sozialen Entwicklung setzt eine Beziehung zwischen der -Menschheit, welche den Vorgang vollführt, und der Gesamtheit der äußeren -Einflüsse voraus, welche letztere man auch die sogenannte Umgebung -heißen könnte.”[249] - -John Stuart Mill asserts that “All phenomena of society are phenomena of -human nature, generated by the action of outward circumstances upon -masses of human beings.”[250] - -To Schäffle, in the analysis of the structure and functions of human -society there exist as influential factors the external surroundings, on -the one hand, and the active elements of the social body (the individual -and the population), on the other; for, as Schäffle emphasizes, not only -economics, but all social science must take into consideration not only -Society, but also Nature, _i.e._, the natural fund or stock, designated -by soil and climate, of the immediate world-surroundings of the social -body as the external sphere embracing societary life, and that, not only -as a sum total of free possessions, but also as a multiplicity of free, -_i.e._, unsubjugated resistances.[251] - -As “the result of a survey of social organizations, considered as -machinery in motion, [Hermann] Post[252] points out very justly that it -is useless to attempt to explain social phenomena on the basis of the -psychological activities of individuals, as is too commonly assumed, -because all individuals whose conduct we can possibly observe have -themselves been educated in some society or other, and presume in all -their social acts the assumptions on which that society itself -proceeds.... It [Post’s method] is the same method, of course, which had -already yielded such remarkable results to Montesquieu, and even to -Locke. The point of view is no longer that of a Maine or a McLennan.... -It is that of a spectator of human society as a whole.... And its -immediate outcome has been to throw into the strongest possible relief -the dependence of the form and, still more, of the actual content of all -human societies on something which is not in the human mind at all, but -is the infinite variety of that external Nature which Society exists to -fend off from Man, and also to let Man dominate if he can.”[253] - - - _Government, War, Progress, and Climate_ - -James Bryce “has recently clearly set forth the climatic control of -government in an essay on ‘British Experience in the Government of -Colonies’ (_Century_, March, 1899, 718–729).”[254] Vallaux, however, is -sceptical as to the influence of physical environment upon the -State.[255] William Ridgeway avers that political and legal institutions -are the result of environment.[256] - -Far-reaching and weighty historical consequences “have followed from -special conditions of climate or weather. Maguire’s ‘Outlines of -Military Geography’ (Cambridge, 1899) contains a chapter on the -influence of climate on military operations, but this subject has -hitherto received little attention. More recently, Bentley, in a -presidential address before the Royal Meteorological Society, London, -considered the matter.”[257] Still more recently, the relation of -climate or weather to war has been scrutinized, among others, by F. -Lampe in “Der erdkundliche Unterricht,”[258] by Otto Baschin in “Der -Krieg und das Wetter,”[259] and by E. Alt in “Krieg und Witterung.”[260] - -Hellwald, “the well-known traveller and geographer,” compiled his -“History of Civilization in its Natural Development” in 1874, according -to the findings of which, cultural development is “a natural process, -conditioned by race, geography, and climate. Civilisation means the -mastering of nature and the taming of man.... Hellwald’s standpoint is -shared, though less aggressively displayed by Henne-am-Rhyn.”[261] - -To the late meteorologist Cleveland Abbe, “Everything seems to combine -to prove that the existing order of events both material and -intellectual has been brought about by a slow process of change, due to -the interaction of the atoms and masses that constitute the material -world around us.”[262] - -The great diversity of existent civilizations, declares Auguste -Matteuzzi, is due to the diversity of the milieus where they developed. -In order to discover why any civilization becomes more heterogeneous and -more perfect, one must study the geographic milieu where it evolved. The -organic and inorganic milieu of evolving ethnic groups constrains human -societies to an incessant process of adaptation, and these societies in -their turn react upon the milieu and modify it.[263] - -In short, says Auguste Comte, “all human progress, political, moral, or -intellectual, is inseparable from material progression, in virtue of the -close interconnection which, as we have seen, characterizes the natural -course of social phenomena.”[264] - -That civilization is a result of adaptation to environment, physical as -well as political, is the view entertained by Bryce, Strachey, and -Geikie.[265] - - - _Climate and Man’s Characteristics_ - -There are “certain broad, distinguishing characteristics of man in the -temperate and tropical zones, in determining which it is reasonable to -believe that climate has played a part. Similarly, there has been a -natural tendency to attribute certain differences between northerners -and southerners in the temperate zones to a difference in climate.... -These national differences are proverbial between northern and southern -Germans, French, Spanish, Russians, Italians, Arabs, and other peoples. -The influence of climate has likewise been traced in the sad, even -pessimistic tone of much of the northern literature, and in the gravity -and melancholy of modern northern music, as well as of the older -northern folk-songs ... even racial distinctions are more or less -directly traceable, in many instances, to climate.... Sir Archibald -Geikie, in his _Scottish Reminiscences_, has emphasized the climatic -influence in producing the grim character of the Scot....”[266] - -Tacitus, in the 29th chapter of the _Germania_, assures us that the soil -and climate of the land of the Mattiaci caused them to be more bellicose -than their neighbors.[267] - -Daudet, “who has written an entire novel (‘Numa Roumestan’) to depict -the great influence of the climate of southern Europe upon conduct, -says: ‘The Southerner does not love strong drinks; he is intoxicated by -nature. Sun and wind distil in him a terrible natural alcohol to whose -influence every one born under this sky is subject. Some have only the -mild fever which sets their speech and gesture free, redoubles their -audacity, makes everything seem rosy-hued, and drives them on to -boasting; others live in a blind delirium. And what Southerner has not -felt the sudden giving way, the exhaustion of his whole being, that -follows an outburst of rage or enthusiasm?’”[268] - -Draper “emphasized the important historical consequences of the -difference in the characteristics of northerners and southerners in the -United States, which he attributed largely to climate, and which found -expression in the Civil War.... The Boers in Africa have developed along -lines different from those of the Dutch in the United States.”[269] - - - _Man’s Intellect and Physical Environment_ - -Auguste Comte, who “was very slightly affected by German thought,” and -who, in early youth, came under the influence of the philosophy that had -become prevalent in France before the Revolution, “read the works of -most of its leading representatives. He accepted its cardinal principle -that ‘thought depends on sense, or, more broadly, on the -environment.’”[270] - -Adolf Bastian worked unceasingly “among the conceptions of the -Naturvölker—the ‘cryptograms of mankind,’ as he called them—..., -demonstrating first the surprising uniformity of outlook on the part of -the more primitive peoples, and secondly the correlation of differences -of conceptions with differences in material surroundings, varying with -geographical conditions. This second doctrine he elaborated in his _Zur -Lehre von den geographischen Provinzen_, in 1886.”[271] - -Physiology and statistics “show that most human functions are subject to -the influence of heat (Lombroso, ‘Pensiero e Meteore,’ Milan, 1878). It -is to be expected, then, that excessive heat will have its effect upon -the human mind.”[272] - -The physiographer, “... looking back over the history of life upon the -earth’s surface, ... is forced to the conclusion that its highest estate -embodied in the moral and intellectual qualities of man has been, in the -main, secured by the geographic variations which have slowly developed -through the geological ages.”[273] - -Benno Erdmann, in his “Gedächtnisrede auf Wilhelm Dilthey,” observes -that in ripe old age Dilthey in the last of his larger works declared -that man finds himself determined by the physical world in which mental -occurrences appear only as interpolations.[274] - - - _Religion and Physical Milieu_ - -As physical characteristics “are in the main the result of environment, -social institutions and religious ideas are no less the product of that -environment.... We might just as well ask the Ethiopian to change his -skin as to change radically his social and religious ideas. It has been -shown by experience that Christianity can make but little headway -amongst many peoples in Africa or Asia, where on the other hand -Muhammadanism has made and is steadily making progress, ... This is -probably due to the fact that Muhammadanism is a religion evolved ... in -latitudes bordering on the aboriginal races of Africa and Asia, and that -it is far more akin in its social ideas to those of the Negro or Malay -than are those of Christianity, ...”[275] - -Ernest Renan “points out that the desert is monotheistic, its uniformity -suggesting a belief in the unity of God.... In his _Seas and Skies in -Many Latitudes_ (London, 1888, pp. 42–43), Abercromby gives two maps, -showing respectively the areas of Mohammedanism and the districts in -Asia and Africa with a mean annual rainfall of less than ten inches. The -maps are strikingly similar. The author adds: ‘Whether this distribution -of a great creed is the result of chance, or of some deep connection -between the tenets of that religion and climatic influences, I can not -say;—but still the relation is so remarkable that I have thought it well -to bring the matter forward.’”[276] - - - _Climate and Conduct_ - -The “frequent and sudden weather changes of the temperate zones affect -man in many ways, as do the larger seasonal changes. The relations -between weather and conduct have frequently been investigated. Professor -E. G. Dexter has made an extended empirical study of the effects of the -weather ... Bertillon has collected data on suicides and seasons in -France, ...”[277] Dexter studies empirically by means of -statistics—plotting certain curves—the relation between temperature, -barometric pressure, humidity, wind, character of the day, -precipitation, on the one hand, and the child in school—work, -deportment, attendance—, crime, insanity, health—sickness and death—, -suicide, drunkenness, attention—errors in calculation made by clerks in -banks—, on the other.[278] Of his general conclusions[279] the first is: -“Varying meteorological conditions affect directly, though in different -ways, the metabolism of life”; the second: “The ‘reserve energy’ capable -of being utilized for intellectual processes and activities other than -those of the vital organs is affected [_effected_, in the original] most -by meteorological changes”; the third: “The quality of the emotional -state is plainly influenced by the weather states”; the fourth: -“Although meteorological conditions affect the emotional states, which -without doubt have weight in the determination of conduct in its -broadest sense, it would seem that their effects upon that portion of -the reserve energy which is available for action are of the greatest -import.”[280] - -The nervous effects of the weather including cyclonic winds have also -been noted. Among the Eskimos, “Marriages take place at an early age, -especially among the women, and the return of the sun after the long -winter has a stimulating effect on the animal passions which leads to -sexual excesses of all kinds.”[281] - -Albert Leffingwell investigates _The Influence of Seasons Upon -Conduct_[282] in Great Britain and elsewhere. He formulates the -underlying assumption of his inquiry in the following manner: “It is not -a new theory, though I propose to carry it somewhat further than it has -been pushed hitherto. Over half a century ago, Quetelet in his great -work “On Man,” suggested the hypothesis.... The hypothesis toward which -all the facts point is simply this: that upon the nervous organization -of human bodies (perhaps specially upon dwellers in the temperate zones) -there is exerted during the procession of the seasons, from winter’s -close till midsummer, some undefined, specific influence, which in some -manner tends to increase the excitability of emotion and passion, and -thus also to increase all actions arising therefrom.”[283] To mention -only one of Leffingwell’s illustrations, he brings together in a -statistical table the total number of all crimes against persons in -England for ten years (1878–87), the same facts for Ireland during the -same decade, and for France during forty years (1830–69), and in -conjunction therewith says: “Here, again, we find that all crimes, even -those arising from personal antipathy or hatred, seem specially -prevalent in the warmer half of the year. In England, 55 per cent of all -such acts of violence during the ten years 1878–1887 happened in spring -and summer, and in France during a period of forty years the average was -the same. Ireland, indeed, shows a more even distribution of such -crimes; but the tendency is seen even there.”[284] - -Cesare Lombroso, who is claimed to be the first to have essayed to -portray the effect of physical environment on the human psyche,[285] -states in his _Criminal Man_,[286] referring to Ferri and Holzendorf, -that with high temperature there is an increase in crimes of violence, -while low temperature has the effect of increasing the number of crimes -against property. In “comparing statistics of criminality in France with -those of the variations in temperature, Ferri noted an increase in -crimes of violence during the warmer years.”[287] - -Lombroso, in his _Crime, Its Causes and Remedies_,[288] citing the -conclusions of the relevant statistical evidence, establishes that in -England and France and Italy the crimes of rape and of murder occur in -greatest number in the hottest months; that the maximum number of all -rebellions in the whole world between 1791 and 1880 falls everywhere in -the hottest month, while its minimum number comes in the coldest months; -and that crimes against property markedly increase in the winter.[289] - -In the southern parts of Italy and France “there occur many more crimes -against persons than in the central and northern portions.... Guerry has -shown that crimes against persons are twice as numerous in southern -France (4.9) as in central and northern France (2.7 and 2.9). _Vice -versa_, crimes against property are more frequent in the north (4.9), -than in the central and southern regions (2.3).”[290] According to -Buckle,[291] climate makes men’s habits regular or irregular. - - - _Climatic Control of Food and Drink_ - -William Ridgeway, summarizing his argument in “The Application of -Zoölogical Laws to Man,”[292] says: “We have seen that environment is a -powerful factor in the differentiation of the various races of man, -alike in physique, institutions, and religion. It is probable that the -food supply at hand in each region may be an important element in these -variations, whilst the nature of the food and drink preferred there may -itself be due in no small degree to climatic conditions.... The -aboriginal of the tropics is distinctly a vegetarian, whilst the Eskimo -within the arctic circle is practically wholly carnivorous. In each case -the taste is almost certainly due to the necessities of their -environment.... It is probable that the more northward man advanced the -more carnivorous he became in order to support the rigours of the -northern climate. The same holds equally true in the case of drink.... -All across Northern Europe and Asia there is a universal love of strong -drink, which is not the mere outcome of vicious desires, but of climatic -law.... This view derives additional support from the well-authenticated -fact that one of the chief characteristics of the descendants of British -settlers in Australia is their strong teetotalism. This cannot be set -down to their having a higher moral standard than their ancestors, but -rather, as in the case of Spaniards and Italians (temperance reformers -point to the sobriety of the Spaniards, Italians, and other South -Europeans), to the circumstance that they live in a country much warmer -and drier than the British Isles. We must therefore, no matter how -reluctantly, come to the conclusion that no attempt to eradicate this -tendency to alcohol in these latitudes can be successful....”[293] - ------ - -Footnote 83: - - This paper will carry the discussion through anthropo-geography. - -Footnote 84: - - The whole question, including Herder’s own idea thereof and his - indebtedness to preceding authors, both German and foreign, as well as - his influence upon succeeding writers at home and abroad, his relation - to his contemporaries, etc., will be essayed more fully in a series of - papers, to be published soon, dealing with “Herder’s Conception of - Milieu,” “Herder’s Relations to France,” “Herder’s Relations to - England,” and “Herder in His Own Milieu.” - -Footnote 85: - - The term “anthropo-geography” derives from the title of Fr. Ratzel’s - main work.—“... le domaine si intéressant, mais à peine défriché, de - l’_anthropogéographie_, semble avoir acquis à ce mot le droit de cité - dans le langage scientifique.”—L. Metchnikoff, _La Civilisation et Les - Grands Fleuves Historiques_ (Paris, 1889), p. 70 and n.—In England, - and in America, it is commonly called human geography, after the - French “la géographie humaine.” Various names have been proposed for - this subject. See also W. Z. Ripley, “Geography and Sociology.” The - Viennese Erwin Hanslick, I believe, denominates it “Kulturgeographie.” - -Footnote 86: - - Walther May, “Herders Anschauung der organischen Natur,” _Archiv f. d. - Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften u. d. Technik_, etc., Leipzig, Bd. - 4 (1913, S. 8–39, 89–113), p. 91. - -Footnote 87: - - _Ferd. v. Richthofen’s Vorlesungen üb. Allgem. Siedlungs- u. - Verkehrsgeographie_, bearb. u. hg. v. O. Schlüter (Berlin, 1908), p. - 11. - -Footnote 88: - - “... Ritter selbst hat keine methodische Darstellung, kein Lehrgebäude - gegeben; sondern nur Andeutungen, die anregend sind. Daher blieb - Ritters Grundidee fast ohne Einfluß auf die Geographie; nur die - Historiker haben sie sich angeeignet und haben seitdem größeres - Gewicht auf die Landesnatur gelegt.”—_Ibid._, p. 11. - -Footnote 89: - - _Cosmos, a Sketch of a Physical Description of the Universe_, - translated by E. C. Otté (5 vols., New York: Harper, 1875–77), p. 48. - -Footnote 90: - - _Die Erdkunde im Verhältnis zur Natur und zur Geschichte des Menschen - oder eine allgemeine, vergleichende Geographie_ was published in two - volumes at Berlin in 1817–18; the second edition, completely revised, - appeared in nineteen volumes from 1822 to 1859, the year of his death. - Neither edition is finished; the second deals only with Africa (vol. - 1) and Asia (vols. 2–19). - -Footnote 91: - - _Die Naturkunde_, etc.—See Th. Achelis, _Moderne Völkerkunde_ - (Stuttgart, 1896), p. 71. - -Footnote 92: - - _Ibid._, see Achelis, _l.c._, pp. 72 f. - -Footnote 93: - - In Felix Lampe’s book, _Große Geographen, Bilder aus der Geschichte - der Erdkunde_ (Leipzig u. Berlin: B. G. Teubner, 1915, 288 S. [Band 28 - der v. B. Schmid in Zwickau herausgegebenen “Naturwissenschaftlichen - Bibliothek”]), neither the chapter on Ritter (pp. 227–33), nor that on - “Die wissenschaftliche Geographie der Gegenwart” (pp. 281–87) is very - full. - -Footnote 94: - - Stuttgart & Tübingen, 1808. - -Footnote 95: - - _Views of Nature_ (London, 1850), Author’s Preface, p. X. - -Footnote 96: - - p. 382. See Achelis, _Moderne Völkerkunde_, pp. 88 f.—The relation of - man to environment is also referred to in _Cosmos_ (English - translation by Otté), I, pp. 351–9.—_Kosmos_ was originally published - as follows: vols. 1 and 2 in 1845–7; vols. 3 and 4 in 1850–8; vol. 5 - in 1862. - -Footnote 97: - - Leipzig, 1841. - -Footnote 98: - - Kohl, _Der Verkehr_, etc., p. 111. See Achelis, _l.c._, pp. 80 f. - -Footnote 99: - - Ibid. - -Footnote 100: - - Kohl, _l.c._, p. 537. See Achelis, _l.c._, pp. 81 f. - -Footnote 101: - - Kohl, _Ibid._,—See Achelis, _l.c._, pp. 82 f.—The manifold influences - of nature are also exemplified in Kohl’s _Die geographische Lage der - Hauptstädte Europas_, 1874, and _L. Felix, Der Einfluß der Natur auf - die Entwicklung des Eigentums_, 1893. - -Footnote 102: - - _Über den Einfluß der äußeren Natur auf die sozialen Verhältnisse der - einzelnen Völker und die Geschichte der Menschheit überhaupt, 1848_; - later published in _Studien aus dem Gebiete der Naturwissenschaft_, I, - 1876. - -Footnote 103: - - _Deutschlands Boden, sein geologischer Bau und dessen Einwirkungen auf - das Leben der Menschen_, 2 Bde., Leipzig, 1854. - -Footnote 104: - - 501 pp., Breslau: F. Hirt, 1855. - -Footnote 105: - - Kutzen himself says in the _Vorwort_ that he “leans on” Cotta; he - cites the latter, for instance, on p. 466. - -Footnote 106: - - _Die Naturgeschichte des Volkes als Grundlage einer deutschen - Sozialpolitik_, vol. 1 (11th ed., Stuttgart: Cotta, 1908): Land und - Leute. - -Footnote 107: - - _Vide_ the first Preface, written in 1853, to volume one, pp. VI-VII. - -Footnote 108: - - _Die Naturgeschichte_, etc., I, p. 42. - -Footnote 109: - - _Ibid._, Vorwort zur achten Auflage, 1883, p. X. - -Footnote 110: - - _Die Naturgeschichte, etc., Vierter Band, “Wanderbuch,” als zweiter - Teil zu “Land und Leute.”_ Vierte Aufl., 1903, p. 32. - -Footnote 111: - - G. P. Gooch, _History and Historians in the Nineteenth Century_ - (London & N. Y.; Longmans, Green & Co., 1913), p. 576. - -Footnote 112: - - Gooch, _ibid._, p. 575. - -Footnote 113: - - For Riehl’s view of milieu in a scheme of sciences, cf. _Die - Naturgeschichte_, etc., I, pp. 40–2. - -Footnote 114: - - 164 pp., Meyers Volksbücher, Leipzig u. Wien: Bibliographisches - Institut, _s.a._—This essay forms the second chapter in Hans Meyer’s - _Das deutsche Volkstum_ (2. Aufl., 1903), pp. 41–122. - -Footnote 115: - - _Moderne Völkerkunde_, p. 81, n. - -Footnote 116: - - 2. Aufl., 1905 (_Aus Natur und Geisteswelt_, 31. Bändchen, Leipzig: B. - G. Teubner), 127 pp.—It has been translated into English under the - title _Man and Earth_ (London & N. Y., 1906. Reprinted 1914, 223 pp.) - by A. S. “from the second amended German edition,” in which are - intercalated two chapters: Chapter V, on _The British Isles and - Britons_, by the author; and Chapter VI, on _America and the - Americans_, by the translator.—The first four chapters of a general - nature—features of the globe, sea, steppes and deserts, in their - influence on civilization, the influence of man on landscape—are - followed by four chapters on _The British Isles and Britons, America - and the Americans, Germany and the Germans, China and the Chinese_. - -Footnote 117: - - _Vorlesungen_, etc., delivered at Berlin in 1891 and 1897/8. - -Footnote 118: - - “... Es ist mehr unsere Aufgabe gewesen, in dem großen Getriebe der - Siedlung und des Verkehrs der _allmählichen Entwicklung_ nachzugehen, - das steigende Maß der Überwindung von Widerständen durch den Menschen - zu zeigen, die Kräfte zu untersuchen, welche in der Entwicklung - wirksam sind,—als bei der großen Fülle des Tatsächlichen der heutigen - Zeit zu verweilen.” _Vorlesungen_, p. 351. - -Footnote 119: - - It will be noted that Herder is not mentioned here. - -Footnote 120: - - Ellen C. Semple, _Influences of Geographic Environment_ (N. Y., 1911), - p. V. - -Footnote 121: - - “In Germany the exponents of these theories [of environmental - influence] were Cotta and Kohl, and later Peschel, Kirchhof, Bastian, - and Gerland; but the greatest name of all is that of Fr. Ratzel, who - has written the standard work on _Anthropogeographie_.”—Haddon and - Quiggin, _Hist. of Anthropology_ (London, 1910), p. 152.—The first - vol. of Ratzel’s _Anthropogeographie_ was published in 1882, 2nd ed. - in 1899, the second vol. in 1897. - -Footnote 122: - - As further illustration, it might be instructive to compare here the - chapter headings of Semple’s _Influences of Geographic Environment_, - which book was written “On the Basis of Ratzel’s System of - Anthropo-geography.” They are as follows: I—Operation of Geographic - Factors in History (1–31); II—Classes of Geographic Influences - (22–50); III—Society and State in Relation to the Land (51–73); - IV—Movements of Peoples in Their Geographical Significance (74–128); - V—Geographical Location (129–67); VI—Geographical Area (168–203); - VII—Geographical Boundaries (204–41); VIII—Coast Peoples (242–91); - IX—Oceans and Enclosed Seas (292–317); X—Man’s Relation to the Water - (318–35); XI—The Anthropo-geography of Rivers (336–80); XII—Continents - and Their Peninsulas (380–408); XIII—Island Peoples (409–72); - XIV—Plains, Steppes and Deserts (473–523); XV—Mountain Barriers and - Their Passes (524–56); XVI—Influences of a Mountain Environment - (557–606); XVII—The Influences of Climate upon Man (607–37). - -Footnote 123: - - _Richthofen’s Vorlesungen_, p. 13. - -Footnote 124: - - 1897; 2. Aufl. 1903. - -Footnote 125: - - “Diese [die enge Erdgebundenheit] in ihrer ganzen tiefgreifenden - Bedeutung für das staatliche Leben erkannt und dargelegt zu haben, - bleibt freilich für immer ein großes Verdienst der ‘Politischen - Geographie’ ...”—O. Schlüter, “Die leitenden Gesichtspunkte d. - Anthropogeogr.,” _Arch. f. Sozialwiss._, Bd. IV, p. 620. - -Footnote 126: - - _Vide_ Richthofen, _l.c._, p. 12. - -Footnote 127: - - 2 vols., München, 1893; see vol. 2, 2nd ed.: _Politische Geographie - der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika, unter besonderer Berücksichtigung - der natürlichen Bedingungen u. wirtschaftlichen Verhältnisse_ (763 - pp.), esp. pp. 1–176. - -Footnote 128: - - London, 1896 (this is a translation of his _Völkerkunde_, 1887/8), cf. - the opening pp. of vol. 1. - -Footnote 129: - - In Helmolt, _The History of the World_ (N. Y., 1902), vol. 1, pp. - 62–103, where Ratzel discusses in turn The Coherence of Countries, The - Relation of Man to the Collective Life of the Earth, Races and States - as Organisms, Historical Movement, Natural Regions, Climate and - Location, Geographical Situation, Area, Population, The Water-Oceans, - Seas, and Rivers, Conformation of the Earth’s Surface. - -Footnote 130: - - London & N. Y.: Longmans, 1915. - -Footnote 131: - - See _The Nation_, N. Y., March 18, 1915, p. 310. - -Footnote 132: - - Paris, 1911, 420 pp. - -Footnote 133: - - Semple, _l.c._, p. VI; cf. also Ratzel, _Anthropogeogr._, I,^2 p. XII. - -Footnote 134: - - _Archiv f. Sozialwissenschaft_, Bd. IV (1906), pp. 581–630. - -Footnote 135: - - For Ratzel, cf. also Paul Barth, _Die Philosophie der Geschichte als - Soziologie_, I (Leipzig: Reisland, 1897), pp. 227–30; Jean Brunhes, - _La Géographie Humaine_, 2^e éd. (Paris: Alcan, 1912), pp. 39–47. - -Footnote 136: - - Buckle, History of Civilization (1867), p. 32 n. - -Footnote 137: - - Robertson, _Buckle and his Critics_ (London, 1895), p. 8 n. - -Footnote 138: - - 4. vols., 1822–3. - -Footnote 139: - - Flint, _l.c._, pp. 577–9. See also p. 576. - -Footnote 140: - - _Vide supra_ my note no. 84. - -Footnote 141: - - Flint, _l.c._, p. 467. - -Footnote 142: - - _The History of Civilization from the Fall of the Roman Empire to the - French Revolution_ (4 vols., translated by Wm. Hazlitt, N. Y.: D. - Appleton & Co., 1867—the lectures were delivered in the years 1828, - 1829, and 1830), vol. 2, pp. 109 f. - -Footnote 143: - - “Gothein had attracted attention by a study of the civilisation of - Southern Italy, which he had traversed on foot as Riehl had traversed - the Palatinate.”—Gooch, _l.c._, p. 587. - -Footnote 144: - - “Voila pourquoi il [Michelet] va en Italie avant d’écrire son - _Histoire Romaine_; il veut avoir l’impression, le contact du sol, du - climat, du paysage.”—Lanson, _Hist. de la Litt. Franç._ (1912), p. - 1021 n. - -Footnote 145: - - Abry-Audic-Crouzet, _Littérature Française_ (3^e éd., Paris, 1916), p. - 580. - -Footnote 146: - - Jules Simon, _Mignet, Michelet, Henri Martin_ (Paris, 1890), p. 191. - -Footnote 147: - - Flint, _l.c._, p. 540. - -Footnote 148: - - _Philos. Erdk. als wissenschaftliche Darstellung der Erdverhältnisse - u. des Menschenlebens nach ihrem inneren Zusammenhange_, 2 vols., - Braunschweig, 1845; the 2nd ed. appeared in 1868 under the title - _Allgemeine Vergleichende Erdkunde_.—This book holds a high place in - Ratzel’s estimation: “Kapp, dessen Philos. Erdk. eine tiefgedachte, - von überragendem philosophischem Standpunkte aus gewonnene Übersicht - der Naturbedingtheit des Geschichtsverlaufes in den größten Zügen - entrollt, ...”—Ratzel, _Anthropogeographie_, I^2, p. 34. - -Footnote 149: - - See Achelis, _l.c._, pp. 76 f. - -Footnote 150: - - Brunhes, _l.c._, p. 38 n. - -Footnote 151: - - Boston, 1849—It has been translated into English under the title _The - Earth and man, or Physical geography in its relation to the history of - mankind, Slightly abridged, etc._ (London: Parker, 1852), and into - German as _Grundzüge der vergleichenden physikalischen Erdkunde in - ihrer Beziehung zur Geschichte des Menschen_ (1851). - -Footnote 152: - - (N. Y.: D. Appleton & Co., 1867—first published in 1857–61), vol. I, - pp. 29–106: Influence exercised by physical laws over the organization - of society and over the character of individuals. - -Footnote 153: - - _Buckle and his Critics_, London, 1895, 548 pp. - -Footnote 154: - - Camille Vallaux, _Géographie Sociale_ (Paris, 1911), p. 23. - -Footnote 155: - - _Vide supra_, p. 46 f. - -Footnote 156: - - _Anthropogeographie_, I^2, p. 87. - -Footnote 157: - - The German original appeared in 1857–67, and the English translation - by A. W. Ward in 1868–73. - -Footnote 158: - - New York: Scribner, vol. I (1871), pp. 9–46; cf. esp. pp. 9–25, 34, - 37. - -Footnote 159: - - _Boden und Klima von Athen. Rede in der öffentlichen Sitzung_ [_der - Kgl. Akademie der Wissenschaften_] _am Leibniztage 5. Juli 1877_ (15 - pp.). - -Footnote 160: - - For the same, cf. also H. Koester “Über den Einfluß landschaftlicher - Verhältnisse auf die Entwicklung des attischen Volkscharakters” - (Progr., Saarbrücken, 1898). - -Footnote 161: - - E.g. by Ratzel, jointly with Curtius’ account thereof. Cf. - _Anthropogeogr._, I^2, p. 37. - -Footnote 162: - - In 12 vols., vol. II (London: John Murray, 1869), Part II, ch. I, pp. - 213–37. - -Footnote 163: - - Political effects of locality: strengthened defense; difficulty of - attack; politically disunited; indefinite multiplication of - self-governing cities. - -Footnote 164: - - Intellectual effects of locality: the geographical position made them - mountaineers and mariners; variety of experience; each petty community - possessed an individual life, yet sympathized with the remainder; - commerce with a great diversity of half-country-men; Grecian - festivals; Homer dependent upon the conditions of his age. - -Footnote 165: - - Oxford, Clarendon Press (1911, 454 pp.), pp. 13–64. “It is now - generally admitted that neither an individual nor a nation can be - properly understood without a knowledge of their surroundings and - means of support—in other words, of their geographical and economic - conditions.”—_Ibid._, Preface, p. 5. - -Footnote 166: - - Zimmern refers in this book—_e.g._ p. 18, 41, 43, _et al._—to the - writings of Myres: “Greek Lands and the Greek People,” “Herodotus and - Anthropology” (in “Anthropology and the Classics”), and “The - Geographical Aspect of Greek Colonization” (in _Proceedings of the - Classical Association_, vol. VIII—1911).—Cf. also H. Dondorff, _Das - hellenische Land als Schauplatz der althellenischen Geschichte, in - Sammlung gemeinverständlicher wissenschaftlicher Vorträge, begründet - von Virchow u. Holtzendorf_, 1889, Neue Folge, Serie 3, Heft 72. - -Footnote 167: - - Revised ed., in 2 vols. (N. Y.: Harper & Brothers, 1876). The Preface - of the first ed. is dated 1861. - -Footnote 168: - - Heinrich Boehmer, _Geschichte der Entwicklung der - naturwissenschaftlichen Weltanschauung in Deutschland_ (Gotha, 1872, - 232 pp.), p. 195: “... Herdersche Ideen waren leitend für den Aufbau - der Geschichte.” - -Footnote 169: - - Leipzig, 1878–86. - -Footnote 170: - - Cited by Achelis, _l.c._, p. 84. - -Footnote 171: - - _Ibid._, pp. 85 f. - -Footnote 172: - - _Ibid._, p. 86. - -Footnote 173: - - “... Indessen darf man nicht vergessen, daß die allgemeine Gestalt der - Kontinente und der Meere und aller besonderer Züge der Erde in der - Geschichte der Menschheit einen wesentlich wechselnden Wert besitzen, - je nach dem Stande der Kultur, auf welchem die Nationen angelangt sind - ...”—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 174: - - _Ibid._, p. 87. - -Footnote 175: - - Paris, 1886. - -Footnote 176: - - _Vide_ P. Barth, _Die Philosophie der Geschichte als Soziologie_ - (Leipzig, 1897), p. 230. - -Footnote 177: - - See Barth, _l.c._, pp. 231 f. - -Footnote 178: - - _Ibid._, p. 233.—Mougeoulle makes the milieu account for the great men - in history, the great popular epics, social and historical life in - general; the tendencies of the three historical schools—German, - French, and English—are connected with the differences in the milieus - of their respective countries.—Cf. _ibid._, pp. 230–2. - -Footnote 179: - - _Avec une Préface de M. Élisée Réclus_ (Paris: Hachette, 1889, 369 - pp.), pp. 53–71. - -Footnote 180: - - _Ibid._, p. 156; 130. - -Footnote 181: - - _Ibid._, p. 154; 157 f. - -Footnote 182: - - _Ibid._, p. 278; 190 ff.; 188; 135.—But why does he confine himself to - these four countries? - -Footnote 183: - - _Ibid._, p. 185; 364. For a general statement on the significance of - rivers, cf. _ibid._, pp. 188–90. The particular nature of the rivers - of the “territoire des civilisations fluviales” imposed on the - inhabitants the yoke of despotism.—_Ibid._, p. 161. - -Footnote 184: - - _Ibid._, pp. 364 f. - -Footnote 185: - - _Ibid._, p. 364. - -Footnote 186: - - _Ibid._, _e.g._, p. 128; 224–27. - -Footnote 187: - - His general theory is stated on pp. 39–42, 53–71, 79 f., 89, 99 f., - 102–60. Chapter 7, pp. 161–90, is a general discussion of the - geographical environment of the “Civilisations Fluviales,” followed - successively by a detailed treatment of “Le Nil” (ch. 8, pp. 191–234), - of “Le Tigre et L’Euphrate” (ch. 9, pp. 235–78), of “L’Indus et Le - Gange” (ch. 10, pp. 279–319), of “Le Hoang-Ho et Le Yangtse-Kiang” - (ch. 11, pp. 320–66). - -Footnote 188: - - W. D. Babington, _Fallacies of Race Theories as Applied to National - Characteristics_ (Longmans, Green & Co., 1895). - -Footnote 189: - - N. Y., Scribner, 1893, 290 pp. - -Footnote 190: - - For the rôle of the physical milieu in American history, cf. also: - Justin Winsor, _The Mississippi Basin, The Struggle in America between - England and France: 1697–1763_ (Boston & N. Y., 1898) [influence of - geography over history during colonization and settlement]; Frederick - Jackson Turner, _Rise of the New West_: 1819–1829 (N. Y. & London: - Harper & Brothers, 1906) [vol. 14 of _The American Nation, A History_, - ed. by A. B. Hart, in 27 vols. In the Author’s Preface, p. XVII, - Turner remarks: “In the present volume I have kept before myself the - importance of regarding American development as the outcome of - economic and social as well as political forces.” And, he should have - added, of geographical environment. _Vide_ especially the first half - of his book for the working out of his milieu idea]; James Bryce, _The - American Commonwealth_, (2 vols., new ed., completely revised, N. Y.: - Macmillan, 1910–11) [see vol. 2, ch. 91 (pp. 449–68), “The home of the - nation,” for a statement of the influence of physical conditions on - American history]; E. C. Semple, _American History and Its Geographic - Conditions_ (Boston & N. Y.: Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1903, 435 pp.) - [regarded, I believe, as one of the best treatises on the subject]; A. - P. Brigham, _Geographic Influences in American History_ (Boston: Ginn, - 1903, 355 pp.) [a concrete essay; has much physiography; includes - present conditions]; A. M. Simons, _Social Forces in American History_ - (N. Y.: Macmillan, 1914, 325 pp.) [a discussion of the effect of the - industrial and economic environment on social institutions in - America]; perhaps it may be added here that some American universities - offer a course on the relation of geography to American history. - -Footnote 191: - - See Ripley, “Geography and Sociology” (1895), p. 637; and Ripley, _The - Races of Europe_ (1899), pp. 4 ff.; for titles of their writings on - this subject, cf. _ibid._, pp. 4–6 nn., and “Geogr. and Soc.,” pp. 654 - f. - -Footnote 192: - - 8 vols., N. Y., Dodd, Mead & Co., 1902–7. - -Footnote 193: - - See Bryce’s article in Helmolt’s _Hist. of the World_, vol. 1, p. XL. - -Footnote 194: - - “Anderseits wieder hat ja Helmolt in seinem geschichtlichen - Sammelwerke im Geiste Ratzels den Versuch gemacht, ein - Gesamtgeschichtsbild auf geographischer Grundlage aufzubauen, so daß - kein Teil der Ökumene aus der Weltgeschichte ausgeschlossen - bleibt.”—L. Gumplowicz, Der _Rassenkampf_ (2 .... Aufl., 1909), p. 403 - (Anhang). - -Footnote 195: - - “... die bisherigen Weltgeschichten waren gar keine Geschichte der - Welt oder auch nur unserer Welt, sondern einzig eine solche der - Kulturnationen. Mit dieser Gepflogenheit hat Helmolts Werk in - ebenso glücklicher wie origineller Weise gebrochen, indem es zum - ersten Male die Länder- und Völkerkunde in den Dienst der - Weltgeschichtsdarstellung hineinzog.”—From a review of the first - ed. of _Helmolts Weltgeschichte_ (1899) in the “Braunschweigische - Landeßeitung” (February 4, 1908), quoted in the prospectus of the - second German edition. - -Footnote 196: - - _History and Historians in the Nineteenth Century_ (London, 1913). - -Footnote 197: - - Second ed., Oxford, The Clarendon Press, 1903, 288 pp. - -Footnote 198: - - George, _l.c._, p. V (Preface). - -Footnote 199: - - _Ibid._, pp. 111 f.—George cites no authorities or sources; he has no - bibliography; he does not quote a single book in his discussion; he - has no _Auseinandersetzung_ with his predecessors in the field; and - finally, he gives no clue as to the origin of his data.—Chaps. 1–8 - (pp. 1–110) are the general part of the book; chaps. 9–20 (pp. - 111–282) deal with: The Outlines of Europe, The British Islands, - France, The Spanish Peninsula, Italy, The Alpine Passes, Switzerland, - The Rhineland, The Baltic Region, The Danube Basin, Theatres of - European War, The Mediterranean Basin. - -Footnote 200: - - A. W. Small, _General Sociology_ (Chicago, 1905), p. 53. - -Footnote 201: - - The distinguished Italian historian is the son-in-law of the late - eminent Italian criminologist Cesare Lombroso. - -Footnote 202: - - _Vide_ Jean Brunhes, _La Géographie Humaine_ (2^e éd., Paris, 1912), - p. 721.—For references to historical works dealing with history on a - geographical basis, cf. _ibid._ (1^e éd., Paris, 1910), ch. X, 1: - L’esprit géographique dans les sciences économiques, sociales et - historiques (pp. 739 ff., esp. 774 ff. [Michelet, Vidal de la Blache, - Th. Reinach, A. Leroy-Beaulieu, C. Jullian, A. Harnack, H. F. Helmolt, - G. Ferrero, E. C. Semple, Erwin Hanslick, & o.]). - -Footnote 203: - - _Die geographischen Grundlagen der österreichisch-ungarischen - Monarchie u. ihrer Außenpolitik_ (Leipzig u. Berlin: B. G. Teubner, - 1915). - -Footnote 204: - - See the review of Sieger’s book by Edwin Rollett in the - _Österreichische Rundschau_, Bd. 43, H. 4 (15. Mai 1915), pp. 188 f. - -Footnote 205: - - Boston & N. Y., Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1907. - -Footnote 206: - - Cf. esp. ch. 18 (pp. 359–85) for a summary of conclusions. - -Footnote 207: - - _Vide_ _e.g._ James Harvey Robinson’s _The New History, Essays - Illustrating the Modern Historical Outlook_ (N. Y.: Macmillan, 1912), - for references to the theory of milieu, cf. esp. p. 64, 73, 76 f., 92 - f., 97 f., 124–6, 144, 145 f., 247, 253–7, and ch. 3 (pp. 70 ff.): The - new allies of history. Or take for choice the title of a recent book - by Charles A. Beard: _An Economic Interpretation of American Politics_ - (Macmillan, 1916), to be further persuaded of the attention bestowed - by historians on the milieu. Or, see works by Seligman and J. T. - Shotwell. - -Footnote 208: - - _Vide_ C. Vallaux, _Géographie Sociale, Le Sol et L’État_ (Paris, - 1911), p. 23.—Such economists as Blanqui, Bastiat, and J.—B. Say, - brought to light the geographical bases of the material life of - societies. The sociologists themselves, “bien que leur science soit - jeune, n’ont pas toujours oublié le cadre naturel et la position - terrestre des agrégats qu’ils étudient. Par tous ces chercheurs de - tendances diverses, la géographie humaine et la géographie politique - ont progressé tout autant que par les efforts des géographes - proprement dits.”—_Ibid._ - -Footnote 209: - - E. Bernheim, _Lehrbuch der historischen Methode_ (5. u. 6. Aufl., - Leipzig, 1908), p. 316; 636.—Cf. also E. Fr. Th. Lindner, - _Geschichtsphilosophie, das Wesen der geschichtlichen Entwicklung_ (2. - erweiterte u. umgearb. Aufl., Stuttg. u. Berlin: Cotta, 1904, 241 - pp.), 2. Abschnitt (pp. 23–34): Die Veränderung, but more esp. 10. - Abschnitt (pp. 217–41): Die Ursachen u. die Weise der Entwicklung. - -Footnote 210: - - For orientation and literature on views opposing the naturalistic - interpretation of history, cf. L. Stein, _Philosophische Strömungen - der Gegenwart_ (Stuttgart, Verl. v. F. Enke, 1908), pp. 430 ff. - -Footnote 211: - - See G. P. Gooch, _History and Historians in the Nineteenth Century_ - (London & N. Y.: Longmans, Green & Co., 1913), p. 573; see ch. 28 (pp. - 573–94): “The History of Civilisation;” also _The Cambridge Modern - History_ [ed. by A. W. Ward and others, Cambridge: The Univ. Press, - 1910], vol. 12: _The Latest Age_, ch. 26 (pp. 816 ff.: “The Growth of - Historical Science” by G. P. Gooch). - -Footnote 212: - - _Economic Geography_ (N. Y.: Macmillan, _s.a._—1915?—; not earlier - than 1910, for statistics for that year are given in the text; 560 - pp.), p. 1. - -Footnote 213: - - “Since his [Buckle’s] time much more has been done, not only in - studying, as Buckle himself did, the immediate influence of climate - and soil, but also in explaining the allied field of the effect of the - fauna and the flora on social development. The subject of the - domestication of animals, for instance, and its profound effect on - human progress has not only been investigated by a number of recent - students [especially E. Hahn, _Die Haustiere u. ihre Beziehung zur - Wirtschaft des Menschen_, 1896], but has been made the very basis of - the explanation of early American civilization by one of the most - brilliant and most learned of recent historians [Payne, _History of - the New World called America_; esp. vol. 1, bk. II]. A Russian scholar - has shown in detail the connection between the great rivers and the - progress of humanity, and the whole modern study of economic geography - is but an expansion on broader lines of the same idea.”—Edwin R. A. - Seligman, _The Economic Interpretation of History_ (N. Y.: The - Columbia Univ. Press, 1902, 166 pp.), pp. 13 f. - -Footnote 214: - - See Wm. Morris Davis, _Geographical Essays_, ed. by D. W. Johnson - (Ginn & Co.: Boston, _s.a._, copyright 1909), esp. the first two - essays: “An inductive study of the content of geography” (1906), pp. - 3–22, and “The progress of geography in the schools” (1902), pp. - 23–69. - -Footnote 215: - - In an address delivered at the dedication of Julius Rosenwald Hall, - printed in _The University of Chicago Magazine_ (vol. VII, No. - 6—April, 1915—, pp. 175–8) under the title “Some Matters of History.” - See p. 177. - -Footnote 216: - - Felix Lampe, in _Große Geographen_ (Leipzig, 1915), has a rather brief - chapter (pp. 281–7) on “Die wissenschaftliche Geographie der - Gegenwart.” - -Footnote 217: - - See the Introductory Essay by the Right Hon. [now Viscount] James - Bryce in Helmolt’s _Hist. of the World_, vol. 1, pp. I-LX, esp. pp. - XXV-XLI. - -Footnote 218: - - A. J. Herbertson and F. D. Herbertson, _Man and his Work, an - Introduction to Human Geography_ (London: Black, 1909, 132 pp.), p. 6. - -Footnote 219: - - N. Y., G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1908, 363 pp. - -Footnote 220: - - “In the chapters on the life of man in the different zones, I have - made liberal use of Ratzel’s _Anthropogeographie_ (2d ed., Stuttgart, - 1899).”—Ward, _op. cit._, p. VI. - -Footnote 221: - - Ward, _op. cit._, p. V. - -Footnote 222: - - N. Y. and London, 1911. See ch. 4, pp. 94–129. - -Footnote 223: - - Paris, 1911, 420 pp. - -Footnote 224: - - _Vide supra_, p. 27. - -Footnote 225: - - “Die soziale Geographie, hauptsächlich von Bastian und Ratzel tiefer - begründet, wird gegenwärtig immer sorgsamer ausgebaut und hat - namentlich in dem Wiener Erwin Hanslick einen eifrigen Förderer, der - auf die Ermittlung von geographischen Kulturgrenzen ausgeht. In andrer - Weise nimmt von ihr Willy Hellpach seinen Ausgang, der Geographie, - Psychologie und Soziologie zu einem neuen Gebiet zu vereinigen - sucht.”—Rudolf Goldscheid, “Soziologie” in _Das Jahr 1913, Ein - Gesamtbild der Kulturentwicklung_, herausgegeben von D. Sarason - (Leipzig und Berlin: B. G. Teubner, 1913), p. 432. - -Footnote 226: - - Leipzig, W. Engelmann, 1911, 368 pp.—“Hier [in Hellpach’s book] wird - alles zusammengefaßt, was über den Einfluß von ‘Wetter, Klima und - Landschaft’ auf das Seelenleben bekannt ist.”—Otto Schlüter, - “Anthropogeographie” in _Das Jahr 1913_, etc., p. 401. - -Footnote 227: - - See Hellpach, _op. cit._, p. 4.—Chiefly with those of the atmosphere; - he devotes nine pages (98–107) to the telluric elements of the - weather, and 87 pages (230–317) to the third main part of the book: - “Landschaft und Seelenleben.” For soil as a co-factor, cf. also the - ch. “Klimawechsel” in Part II (pp. 118–38). Hellpach defines - Landschaft (p. 230) as follows: “Unter Landschaft verstehen wir den - _sinnlichen_ Gesamteindruck, der von einem Stück der Oberfläche und - dem dazu gehörigen Abschnitt des Himmelsgewölbes in uns erweckt wird. - ... das _sicht_bare Landschaftsbild bildet unter allen Umständen den - Kern dessen, was wir Landschaft nennen ... [And he adds that for an - investigation of the effect of Landscape upon the human soul] sind die - nicht-optischen sinnlichen Eigenschaften der Landschaft von - unentbehrlicher Bedeutung: Töne und Geräusche, Düfte und Gerüche und - eine höchst verwickelte Summe von Affizierungen der Berührungs-, - Temperatur-, ja zuweilen der Schmerzempfindlichkeit erst bilden mit - Farben und Formen zusammen das natürliche Ganze, das wir in seelischen - Wirkungen als _Landschaft_ erleben.” - -Footnote 228: - - _Vide_, _e.g._, p. 8. - -Footnote 229: - - Hellpach himself testifies (p. 318) that his book is a “Sammlung der - Tatsachen.” Cf. also Schlüter’s opinion cited above in note no. 226. - -Footnote 230: - - Manifestly, this is to be understood as a virtue in Hellpach, and not - as a fault, since this conviction is gained only by dint of Hellpach’s - clear delimitation of the scope of his work; it constitutes one of the - results of his own labor. - -Footnote 231: - - See Schlüter’s art. in _Das Jahr 1913_, p. 402. - -Footnote 232: - - Paris, 1910; 2nd ed. 1912. - -Footnote 233: - - For a statement of principles (theoretical exposition), cf. the first - two chaps. (pp. 1–92); for a summary, cf. ch. X, section 2 (pp. - 780–9): “Le facteur psychologique dans les phénomènes naturels et - l’activité humaine,” and section 3 (pp. 790–807): “L’adaptation - humaine aux conditions géographiques.” In the preface to the second - ed., there are quoted seven pages from a review of the first ed. of - Brunhes’ work by Paul Mantoux, wherein the scope, content, and import - of the first ed. are succinctly summarized. - -Footnote 234: - - N. Y., 1911, 637 pp. - -Footnote 235: - - _Vide_ Wm. J. Thomas, _Source Book for Social Origins_ (Chicago and - London, 1909), p. 138 (Bibliogr. to Part I).—Without fear of - contradiction, it may be said that the best two recent treatises on - human geography are those by Brunhes and Semple.—For a brief concrete - anthropo-geographical sketch, besides the works previously cited, cf. - also W. Ule, _Grundriß der Allgemeinen Erdkunde_ (2. verm. Aufl., - Leipzig: S. Hirzel, 1915, 487 pp.), pp. 361 ff. See also the brief - résumé in G. Schmoller’s _Grundr. d. Allgem. Volkswirtschaftslehre_ - (Leipzig, 1901), pp. 144 ff. - -Footnote 236: - - “Unverkennbar ist es, daß die Naturgewalten in ihren bedingenden - Einflüssen auf das Persönliche der Völkerentwicklung immer mehr und - mehr zurückweichen mußten, in demselben Maße wie diese vorwärts - schritten. Sie übten im Anfange der Menschengeschichte als - Naturimpulse über die ersten Entwicklungen in der Wiege der Menschheit - einen sehr entscheidenden Einfluß aus, dessen Differenzen wir - vielleicht noch in dem Naturschlage der verschiedenen Menschenrassen - oder ihrer physisch verschiedenen Völkergruppen aus einer gänzlich - unbekannten Zeit wahrzunehmen vermochten. Aber dieser Einfluß mußte - abnehmen, ... Die zivilisierte Menschheit entwindet sich nach und - nach, ebenso wie der einzelne Mensch, den unmittelbar bedingenden - Fesseln der Natur und ihres Wohnortes. Die Einflüsse derselben - Naturverhältnisse und derselben tellurischen Weltstellungen der - erfüllten Räume bleiben sich also nicht durch alle Zeiten gleich.” - Ritter, _l.c._; see Achelis, _op. cit._, p. 74 _et seq._ - -Footnote 237: - - “Man ist in Nachfolge C. Ritters vielfach geneigt, anzunehmen, daß die - Natureinflüsse sich mit zunehmender Kultur immer weniger geltend - machen.”—E. Bernheim, _Lehrb. d. hist. Methode_ (Leipzig, 1908), p. - 642. - -Footnote 238: - - Theo. Waitz, _Anthropologie der Naturvölker_, I (Leipzig, 1859), p. - 341; see Achelis, _op. cit._, p. 185. - -Footnote 239: - - “Die Einteilung der Menschheit war nur geographisch-historisch - möglich. Denn der Mensch steht in fester Abhängigkeit, in engstem - Verbande zu der Natur, aus und an welcher er sich entwickelt hat, zur - Natur der Erde, welcher letzteren kleiner, aber integrierender Teil er - ist. Auch seine Entwicklung ist noch im Steigen, aber nur im Bereiche - seines inneren, geistigen Lebens ... je höher der Mensch steigt, um so - mehr macht er sich von dem zwingenden Einfluß der Erde frei; und wenn - er demselben auch nie ganz entgehen wird, da er Nahrung braucht, von - der Schwere sich nicht loslösen kann, so ist dennoch diese immer - wachsende Freiheit ... eine stärkende ... Aussicht für die Zukunft - ...”—_Anthropologische Beiträge_, 1. Bd. (Halle, 1875), p. 423; see - Achelis, _op. cit._, p. 227. - -Footnote 240: - - _Principles of Sociology_, I, sec. 21. - -Footnote 241: - - Vide Ripley, “Geography and Sociology,” p. 649. - -Footnote 242: - - _Contributions to the Theory of Natural Selection_, p. 319; cited by - E. B. Tylor in the article “Anthropology,” _Ency. Brit._ (11th ed.), - vol. 2, p. 114. - -Footnote 243: - - Réclus, _op. cit._, (1879); quoted by Achelis, _l.c._, pp. 86 f. - -Footnote 244: - - “... je crois, que la civilisation dans son premier stade dépend bien - plus du milieu physique et tellurique, qu’aux époques suivantes.”—Aug. - Matteuzzi, _Les Facteurs de l’Évolution des Peuples_ (Paris, 1900), p. - 29. “... Tout ceci nous amène à affirmer ce fait, que les premières - civilisations, dans des milieux favorables, eurent une relation - étroite avec la culture du sol; et que dans un développement - ultérieur, ce rapport se relâcha ...”—_Ibid._, p. 25. For best - summaries of immense material collected on the relation of primitive - human life to environment, see the five papers in the _Smithsonian - Report_ for 1895: “Relation of Primitive Peoples to Environment” by J. - W. Powell (pp. 625 ff.); “Influence of Environment upon Human - Industries or Arts” by O. T. Mason (pp. 639 ff.); “The Japanese - Nation—A Typical Product of Environment” by G. G. Hubbard (pp. 667 - ff.); “The Tusayan Ritual: A Study of the Influence of Environment on - Aboriginal Cults” by J. W. Fewkes (pp. 683 ff.); and, probably the - best of the five, “The Relation of Institutions to Environment” by the - eminent ethnologist W. J. McGee (pp. 701 ff.). - -Footnote 245: - - _Anthropogeogr._, I^2: “Der Mensch und die Umwelt” (pp. 41–65). - -Footnote 246: - - “Geogr. and Sociol.,” p. 650. - -Footnote 247: - - See his presidential address on the Origin of Man before the Section - of Anthropology (_Report of the British Association for the - Advancement of Science, 1912_; London, 1913), p. 576. - -Footnote 248: - - _The Positive Philosophy of Aug. Comte, Freely Translated and - Condensed by Harriet Martineau_ (In 2 vols., 3rd ed., London, 1893—the - original appeared from 1830–42), vol. 2, p. 96. - -Footnote 249: - - _Aug. Comte’s Positive Philosophie im Außug von I. Rig, Übersetzt von - Kirchmann_ (2 Bde, Heidelberg, 1883), S. 94 ff.; Achelis, _op. cit._, - p. 130. - -Footnote 250: - - _A System of Logic_ (New Impression; London: Longmans, Green & Co., - 1911—first published in 1843), p. 572. - -Footnote 251: - - A. Schäffle, _Bau und Leben des sozialen Körpers_, Tübingen, 1875, 2. - Aufl., 1881; Achelis, _op. cit._, p. 161. - -Footnote 252: - - “Post’s general attitude is best seen in his ‘Introduction to the - Study of Ethnological Jurisprudence,’ which was published in 1886, and - in his ‘African Jurisprudence’ of 1887.”—John L. Myres, “The Influence - of Anthropology on the Course of Political Science” (Presidential - address to the Anthropological Section of the British Assoc. for the - Advancement of Science), _Report Brit. Assoc., 1909_ (London, 1910), - p. 613. - -Footnote 253: - - Myres, _ibid._, pp. 613 f. - -Footnote 254: - - See Rob. DeC. Ward, _op. cit._, p. 231. - -Footnote 255: - - See the 4th ch. of his _Géographie Sociale_ (Paris, 1911): “Agents et - Caractères Physiques Considérés Isolément” (pp. 92–144). - -Footnote 256: - - “... as political and legal institutions are indissolubly bound up - with social and religious, it follows inevitably that the political - and legal institutions of a race cradled in Northern Europe are - exceedingly ill adapted for the children of the equator. Accordingly - in any wise administration of these regions it must be a primary - object to study the native institutions, to modify ... them ..., but - never to seek to eradicate and supplant them. Any attempt to do so - will be but vain, for these institutions are as much part of the land - as are its climate, its soil, its fauna, and its flora. ‘Naturam - expellas furca, tamen usque recurret.’”—The Application of Zoological - Laws to Man, in _Rep. Brit. Assoc, f. the Adv. of Sci., 1908_ (London, - 1909), p. 843. - -Footnote 257: - - Rob. DeC. Ward, _op. cit._, pp. 310 _et seq._ - -Footnote 258: - - _Vide_ pp. 141–75 in _Der Weltkrieg im Unterricht, Vorschläge u. - Anregungen_, etc. (Gotha: F. A. Perthes), esp. pp 163–5; he also - discusses other phases of the relation between physical environment - and the present war. - -Footnote 259: - - I: _Deutsche Rundschau_, April, 1915, pp. 78–91, and II (Schluß): - _ibid._, May, 1915, pp. 207–17. - -Footnote 260: - - In _Monatshefte für den Naturwissenschaftlichen Unterricht_, 1. - Kriegsheft von Bastian Schmid (Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1915). - -Footnote 261: - - Cf. Gooch, _op. cit._, pp. 585 _et seq._ - -Footnote 262: - - See his Introduction to Dexter’s _Weather Influences_ (N. Y., 1904), - p. XXIV. - -Footnote 263: - - _Les Facteurs de L’Évolution des Peuples_ (Paris, 1900), p. 25, 29, - 27.—“C’est dans l’intensité de l’effort dirigé par les groupes sociaux - contre les résistances du milieu, que réside la première impulsion - vers la civilisation.”—_Ibid._, p. 27. - -Footnote 264: - - But he adds, “... no disturbing causes, acting on social development, - could do more than to affect its rate of progress. This is true of the - operation of influences from the inorganic world, as of all others. In - our view of biology we saw that the human being cannot be modified - indefinitely by exterior circumstances; that such modifications can - affect only the degrees of phenomena, without at all changing their - nature; and again, that when the disturbing influences exceed their - general limits, the organism is no longer modified, but - destroyed.”—_The Positive Philosophy of Aug. Comte, tr. by Harriet - Martineau_, vol. 2, p. 98; 97. - -Footnote 265: - - See Ripley, _Races of Europe_ (1899), p. 11; cf. the references given - there, and in the note on the same page.—Cf. also Ellsworth - Huntington’s _Palestine and its Transformation_ (1910), and his - suggestive articles on “Changes of Climate and History” (in _The - American Historical Review_ for January, 1913, vol. 18, pp. 213–32) - [for references to other writings on the subject by the same - author,—and by A. T. Olmstead—cf. p. 214 n.]; on “Climate and - Civilization” (in _Harper’s Magazine_ for February, 1915, vol. 130, - pp. 367–73); on “Is Civilization Determined by Climate?” (_ibid._ May, - 1915, pp. 943–51); a new book of his, entitled _Civilization and - Climate_ (333 pp.), is announced for publication by the Yale Univ. - Press. - -Footnote 266: - - Rob. DeC. Ward, _op. cit._, pp. 280 _et seq._ - -Footnote 267: - - “... cetera [Mattiaci] similes Batavis, nisi quod ipso adhuc terrae - suae solo et caelo acrius animantur.”—F. Ritter, _P. C. Taciti Opera_ - (1864), p. 643. In _Römische Prosaiker in neuen Übersetzungen_ (hg. v. - C. N. von Osiander und G. Schwab, 51. Bändchen, Stuttg., 1852, S. 123) - this is rendered as follows: “Im ganzen gleichen sie [die Mattiaker] - den Batavern, nur daß Boden und Klima ihres Landes sie noch - kriegerischer macht.” - -Footnote 268: - - Cesare Lombroso, _Crime, Its Causes and Remedies_ (Boston, 1911), pp. - 3 f. - -Footnote 269: - - Rob. DeC. Ward, _op. cit._, p. 282. - -Footnote 270: - - _Vide_ Flint, _l.c._, pp. 582 _et seq._ - -Footnote 271: - - Haddon & Quiggin, _Hist. of Anthropology_ (London, 1910), pp. 84 _et - seq._ - -Footnote 272: - - Cesare Lombroso, _Crime_, etc., p. 2. - -Footnote 273: - - N. S. Shaler, Nature and Man in America (N. Y., 1893), p. 288. - -Footnote 274: - - In _Abhandlungen der Königl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften, - Phil.-hist. Classe_, 1912, p. 13: “In einer Wendung, die an - Distinktionen Schleiermachers erinnert, hat er [Dilthey] in seiner - letzten größeren Arbeit erklärt, daß unser wissenschaftliches Denken - von zwei großen Tendenzen beherrscht sei. Der Mensch finde sich auf - der einen Seite bestimmt von der physischen Welt, in der die - seelischen Vorgänge nur wie Interpolationen erscheinen. [The other is: - das Leben (life), das Erlebnis (experience).]” - -Footnote 275: - - Ridgeway, _l.c._, p. 843. - -Footnote 276: - - Rob. DeC. Ward, _op. cit._, pp. 258 _et seq._—For the effect of - physical environment on the Jews in Palestine, cf. Friedrich Otto - Hertz, _Rasse und Kultur_ (Leipzig, 1915, 421 pp.), pp. 162 ff.; and - “Soziale Grundlagen des Monotheismus u. Polytheismus” (pp. 170 ff.) - and the literature there cited. Cf. also _ibid._, “Natürliche u. - Soziale Grundlagen der indischen Entwicklung” (pp. 198 ff.). - -Footnote 277: - - Rob. DeC. Ward, _op. cit._, pp. 309 _et seq._ - -Footnote 278: - - _Vide_ his _Weather Influences, An Empirical Study of the Mental and - Physiological Effects of Definite Meteorological Conditions_, with - Introduction by Cleveland Abbe (N. Y.: Macmillan, 1904, 277 pp.). - -Footnote 279: - - I saw somewhere that exception had been taken to his results, but I - failed at the time to make a note thereof and have been unable to find - the passage again. - -Footnote 280: - - _Ibid._, p. 266; 269; 272 f.—The fifth and last is not cited here. - -Footnote 281: - - Ward, _op. cit._, p. 310; 335, where ref. is also made to F. A. Cook’s - article on “Some Physiological Effects of Arctic Cold, Darkness and - Light” (_MED. REC._, June 12, 1897, pp. 833–36). - -Footnote 282: - - London and N. Y., 1892. - -Footnote 283: - - _Ibid._, p. 90. - -Footnote 284: - - _Ibid._, pp. 113–5. - -Footnote 285: - - “Diese Priorität (der erste Versuch überhaupt, die Einflüsse des - naturalen Milieus auf die Psyche darzustellen) gebührt, nach - mancherlei Vorläufern minder geschlossenen Charakters (z. B. - _Quételet_, Sur l’homme etc. 1835, Bd. 2, Kap. 3, Abschn. 2–3, - Influence du climat et des saisons sur le penchant au crime) ohne - Zweifel _Lombroso_, aus dessen 1878 erschienenem Buche ‘Pensiero e - meteore’ Extracte auch in seine andern Publikationen, namentlich in - ‘Genio e follia,’ übergegangen sind.”—Hellpach, _Die Geopsychischen - Erscheinungen_ (Leipzig, 1911), p. 336. - -Footnote 286: - - _Criminal Man, According to the Classification of Cesare Lombroso - Briefly Summarized by his Daughter Gina Lombroso Ferrero_ (“The - Science Series”; N. Y. and London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1911, 322 - pp.), p. 145.—Lombroso’s _L’Uomo di genio_ appeared in 1888, _L’Uomo - delinquente_ in 1889, and _La Donna delinquente_ in 1893. - -Footnote 287: - - _Criminal Man_, p. 145. - -Footnote 288: - - Tr. by H. P. Horton, “The Modern Criminal Science Series,” Boston: - Little, Brown and Co., 1911, 471 pp. - -Footnote 289: - - “It is brought out in Guerry’s statistics that the crime of rape - occurs in England and France oftenest in the hot months; and Curcio - has observed the same thing in Italy.... - - “In England, according to Guerry, and in Italy, according to Curcio, - the maximum number of murders falls in the hottest months.... - - “Poisoning also, according to Guerry, occurs oftenest in May. The same - phenomenon is to be observed in the case of Rebellions. In studying - (as I have in my ‘Political Crime’) the 836 uprisings that took place - in the whole world in the period between 1791 and 1880, one finds that - in Asia and Africa the greatest number falls in July. In Europe and - America the greater prevalence of rebellions in the hot months could - not be more clearly marked. In Europe the maximum proved to be in July - [in this connection one might also point to the beginning of the - present European war which falls in the midsummer of 1914], and in - South America in January, which are respectively the two hottest - months. The minimum falls in Europe in December and January, and in - South America in May and June, which again correspond in temperature. - - “If now we pass from the whole of Europe to the particular countries, - we still find the greatest number of uprisings in the hot months.... - - “Benoiston de Chateauneuf points out that duels in the army are more - frequent in the summer. - - “I have proved that the same influence manifests itself in the case of - men of genius (‘Man of Genius,’ Part I.). - - “Ferri, in his ‘Crime in its Relation to Temperature,’ has proved from - a study of the French criminal statistics from 1825 to 1878 that one - can deduce an almost complete parallelism between heat and - criminality, not only for the different months, but also for years of - different degrees of heat. The influence of the temperature on crime - from 1825 to 1848 appears to be very pronounced and constant, and is - often even greater than that exercised by agricultural production. - Since 1848, notwithstanding the more serious agricultural and - political disturbances, the coincidence between temperature and - criminality becomes from time to time plainly apparent, especially in - the case of homicide and murder.... - - “The connection comes out much more plainly, however, in the - statistics of rape and offenses against chastity, which follow to an - even greater degree the annual variations in temperature.... - - “As regards crimes against property there is a marked increase in the - winter (theft and forgery being the most abundant in January), while - the other seasons differ little from one another....”—Lombroso, - _Crime, Its Causes and Remedies_, pp. 4–8. “Superintendents of prisons - have generally observed that the inmates are more excited when storms - are approaching and during the first quarter of the moon....”—_Ibid._, - p. 12. - -Footnote 290: - - _Ibid._, p. 13.—“In studying the distribution of simple and aggravated - homicides in Europe, we find the highest figures in Italy and the - other southern countries, and the lowest in the more northerly - regions, England, Denmark, Germany. The same can be said of political - uprisings in all Europe. We see, in fact, that the number of crimes - increases as we go from north to south, and in the same measure as the - heat increases.”—_Ibid._, p. 14. - -Footnote 291: - - This follows Laing. See Robertson, _Buckle and his Critics_ (London, - 1895), p. 553.—Cf. also C. M. Gießler’s article, “Über den Einfluß von - Wärme und Kälte auf das seelische Funktionieren des Menschen,” in - _Vierteljahrsschrift für wissenschaftliche Philosophie u. Soziologie_, - 1902, pp. 319–38. Gießler refers (p. 334) to Oppenheimer “Über den - Einfluß des Klimas auf den Menschen” (Berlin, 1867). _Vide_ also E. - Huntington’s article on “Work and Weather,” _Harper’s Magazine_, vol. - 130 (January, 1915), pp. 233–44. - -Footnote 292: - - _Rep. Brit. Assoc., 1908_ (London, 1909), p. 844. - -Footnote 293: - - On the use of alcohol in its relation to the northern climate, cf. - also Auguste Matteuzzi, _Les Facteurs de L’Évolution des Peuples_ - (Paris, 1900), pp. 329 _et seq._ - - - - - SUMMARY - - -The Introductory Remark traces the semasiology and use of the word -_milieu_ and discusses its English and German equivalents “environment” -and “Umwelt.” - -An historical sketch of the milieu idea is then taken up from the very -beginnings to the nineteenth century. The earlier notions of -environmental influence are general and undifferentiated. - -The Hebrew Prophets see the hand of Providence in the harmony of -national fate with the configuration of the globe. Hippocrates dwells -upon the regularity of climatic effect on man. Aristotle notes the -action of physical environment on government and national character. -Eratosthenes, Strabo, and other Greek thinkers, relate man causally to -surrounding nature. Villani says that the fine air of Arezzo produces -great minds. Ibn Khaldūn explains, especially Arabic history, by the -circumambient physical and social medium. Michelangelo credits Arezzo’s -fine air with his mentality. Man is subject to the “skyey influences” -hourly (Shakespeare). - -Jean Bodin plants the study of environment in French soil so firmly and -so successfully that it has since become, in a very real sense, -indigenous to France and that Bertillon could justly claim it to be a -study “_très-française_,” a claim which is true to this very day. -Bodin’s second contribution is that he undertook, for the first time in -the modern period (on the basis of sixteenth century knowledge and -experience), a scientific and detailed examination, far-reaching and -extensive in scope, of the manifold influences of climatic and -geographical conditions upon States, laws, national character, religion, -language, temperament, talents and aptitudes,—in brief, upon man’s mind, -manners, and morals. - -The study of milieu thus inaugurated in France by Bodin is set up as a -French tradition by Lenglet du Fresnoy, Montesquieu, Turgot, Cuvier, and -others,[294] and has been continued by French writers to our day. - -A number of philosophers in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries -take up this idea. The doctrine of environment spreads to England and -Germany. - -In Germany, Herder becomes the fulcrum of all previous thought (Hebrew, -Greek, French, English, and German) on this theory. Herder, in turn, in -addition to his other and principal contributions to the theory, affects -it by giving a quickened impetus not only to the contemporary -development thereof, but also to the later course of that development. -Goethe reflects some of Herder’s conceptions. Wolf, Niebuhr, the German -romanticists—August Wilhelm Schlegel in especial—and Hegel apply -Herder’s idea to history and continue it therein. Hegel combats the -notion that climate can be the be-all and end-all of historical -explanation; he implies that climate was held to be a _vera causa_. - -The theory of social environment evolves, particularly since Ibn -Khaldūn, parallel with that of the physical milieu. - -The nineteenth century brings differentiation carried out in human -geography including history, in biology, in jurisprudence and economics, -in anthropology, in sociology, in literature, and latterly in physics. -These disciplines determine our divisions for discussions shortly to -follow the present one. - -The major portion of this study is then given over to following the -milieu idea in some of the more important French, English, and German -writers of the past century on what for want of a better name has been -called anthropo-geography inclusive of certain aspects of history. - -On the whole, their method has been the comparative method. Principles -laid down _a priori_ would be illustrated by typical cases selected -mostly from the past. Or, the process would be reversed to an _a -posteriori_ reasoning: history restudied to find out its possible -connections with the environment. Again: some would pick out a phase of -the encompassing medium and follow out its effects in a particular -country, while others would try to arrive at a more general conclusion. - -With reference to climate in particular, the statistical method was -employed by Quételet, Bertillon, Leffingwell, Ferri, Holzendorf, Guerry, -Curcio, Lombroso, and others, who established a parallelism, or -coincidence, between certain climatic features and the criminal conduct -of man. - -Delimited aspects of environment, relating again more to climate than -any other phase of the milieu, were made the objects of observational or -experimentally observational studies by Dexter, Brunhes, and Hellpach, -the last two giving the most recent comprehensive summaries of our -knowledge in this field. And they are among the best we have. - -The next part of this study will continue the survey of the history of -this theory in the above mentioned sciences as well as in literature. - ------ - -Footnote 294: - - Some of these are to be discussed in a subsequent paper. - - - - - APPENDIX - - -Since the foregoing study was completed, E. Huntington’s stimulating -book—_vide supra_, p. 79, n.—on _Civilization and Climate_ has appeared. -He continues what Dexter began. Lack of definiteness in observation, -argumentative conviction, reasoned out opinion, are superseded by -scientific exactness in ascertaining the action of climate. Chapters 4–7 -(pp. 49–147) concern us here. In these chapters he investigates “the -exact effect of various climatic factors upon selected groups of people” -(p. 49). - -Huntington subjects to statistical analysis the daily records of about -550 factory operatives, pieceworkers, employed in three factories in -three New England cities. The records, most of them for a complete year, -are distributed over the four years from 1910 to 1913 (p. 53). - -He computes wage averages. He finds for each working day the average -hourly wage for each group of operatives. When the daily averages had -been found, they were averaged together by weeks. To give each -individual an equal importance, the figures of each group have been -reduced to percentages. Finally, the different groups were combined (p. -57). His final computations are represented in curves. A curve, -graduated in twelve parts (one for each month), for a given year shows -the earnings in percentages at any point and thus reveals the _time_ of -the weakness or efficiency of the worker; it shows the time of his wages -from least to most, thereby indicating the time of his work and energy -from poorest to best. - -Huntington worked up similarly the records of 65 operatives in a North -Carolina factory, of 240 operatives in four cotton mills in South -Carolina and Georgia, of 57 carpenters at Jacksonville, Fla., and on a -different basis the work of 2700 cigar makers in two cigar factories in -Florida. On the first basis he also computed a series of data from a -large factory at Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, based on the work of about -950 operatives in 1910, of about 750 in 1911, of 69 in 1912, of about -7000 in 1913. He figured the monthly or bi-weekly averages of hourly -earnings of these pieceworkers in Pittsburgh. - -Discussing the curves in Figure 1 (p. 59), he mentions (p. 61) five -features revealed by the curves that show no sign of disappearing. They -are: “an extremely low place in midwinter, and a less pronounced low -place in midsummer; a high point in June, a still higher point at the -end of October, and a hump in mid-December.... - -“Before we discuss the causes of the variability of the summers let us -consider the meaning of the curves as a whole. In the first place, it is -evident that, although details may vary from year to year, the general -course of events is uniformly from low in the winter to high in the fall -with a drop of more or less magnitude in summer. To what can this be -due?... - -“We seem forced to search outside of the factories for the reasons for -our seasonal fluctuations of wages.... There seems to be no recourse -except to ascribe the fluctuations of the curves to climate [pp. 64–5]. - -“The verity of the conclusion just reached is strongly confirmed by -comparison with other regions and other types of human activity.... The -curves [in Figure 2, pp. 66–7] range from the Adirondacks in northern -New York to Tampa in southern Florida and include one from Denmark. With -them I have repeated some of the curves of Figure 1 for the sake of -comparison. The most remarkable feature of this series is that although -there is great diversity of place and of activity, all the curves -harmonize with what would be expected on the basis of Figure 1 [p. 65]. - -“The general form of the curves for Pittsburgh and Connecticut is -obviously the same.... - -“The agreement between the curves for Connecticut and Pennsylvania is -far too close to be accidental [p. 76]. - -“We have now seen that from New England to Florida physical strength and -health vary in accordance with the seasons. Extremes seem to produce the -same effect everywhere. The next question is whether mental activity -varies the same way” (p. 77). - -Huntington uses the marks of “about 1900 students for a single year” in -mathematics (weekly averages at Annapolis and daily averages at West -Point) and in English (at Annapolis). From these data he compiles the -curves in Figure 3 (p. 80). He says (p. 81), “The curves of mental -activity all resemble it [the average curve of physical work] in having -two main maxima, in fall and spring.... At Annapolis, just as at West -Point, the time of best work is when the mean temperature is not far -from forty degrees [Fahrenheit]. - -“Summing up the matter, we find that the results of investigations in -Denmark, Japan, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, New York, Maryland, the -Carolinas, Georgia, and Florida are in harmony. They all show that -except in Florida neither the winter nor the summer is the most -favorable season. Both physical and mental activity reach pronounced -maxima in the spring and fall, with minima in midwinter and midsummer. -The consistency of our results is of great importance. It leads to the -belief that in all parts of the world the climate is exercising an -influence which can readily be measured, and can be subjected to -statistical analysis” (p. 82). - -This is his conclusion in Chapter IV (pp. 49–82), “The Effect of the -Seasons.” - -Having seen in the fourth chapter “that both physical and mental energy -vary from season to season according to well-defined laws,” Huntington -investigates in the fifth chapter (“The Effect of Humidity and -Temperature,” pp. 83–110) “the special features of seasonal change which -are most effective” (p. 83). Explaining the curves of Human Activity and -Mean Temperature (p. 99), he says (p. 98), “With the exception of the -last two, which are distinctly the least reliable, the physical group -all reach maxima at a temperature between 59° and 65°. Even the two less -reliable curves reach their maxima within the next four degrees. All the -curves decline at low temperatures, ..., and also at high. - -“Another point brought out by the curves [on p. 99] is that as we go to -more southerly climes the optimum temperature of the human race becomes -higher. It is important to note, however, that the variation in the -optimum is slight compared with the variation in the mean temperature of -the places in question. For instance, in Connecticut the optimum seems -to be about 60° for people of north European stock. This is about ten -degrees higher than the mean temperature for the year as a whole. In -Florida, on the other hand, the optimum for Cubans is about 65°, which -is five degrees _lower_ than the mean temperature for the year at Tampa. -In other words, with a difference of twenty degrees in the mean annual -temperature, and with a distinctly northern race compared with a -southern, we find that the optimum differs only about 5° F. This seems -to mean that for the entire human race the optimum temperature probably -does not vary more than ten or fifteen degrees [pp. 100–101]. - -“The last thing to be considered in Figure 8 [p. 99] is the mental curve -[showing optimum mental work at 38° F.] at the bottom. It is based on so -large a number of people, and is so regular, that its general -reliability seems great, although I think that future studies may show -the optimum to be a few degrees higher than is here indicated. It agrees -with the results of Lehmann and Pedersen. Furthermore, from general -observation we are most of us aware that we are mentally more active in -comparatively cool weather. Perhaps ‘spring fever’ is a mental state far -more than a physical. Apparently people do the best mental work on days -when the thermometer ranges from freezing to about 50°—that is, when the -mean temperature is not far from 40°. Inasmuch as human progress depends -upon a coördination of mental and physical activity, we seem to be -justified in the conclusion that the greatest total efficiency occurs -halfway between the mental and physical optima, that is, with a mean -temperature of about 50°” (pp. 102–103). - -The curves (p. 105) on Mean Temperature and Vital Processes in Plants, -Animals and Man show physical energy to be at the optimum at the mean -temperature of 60° F., mental energy at 38°, mental and physical energy -combined at from 40° to 60°. Of this last mentioned curve he says: “It -may be taken as representing man’s actual productive activity in the -things that make for a high civilization. The resemblance of the human -curves to those of the lower organisms is obvious. In general, the lower -types of life, or the lower forms of activity, seem to reach their -optima at higher temperatures than do the more advanced types and the -more lofty functions such as mentality. The whole trend of biological -thought is toward the conclusion that the same laws apply to all forms -of life. They differ in application, but not in principle. The law of -optimum temperature apparently controls the phenomena of life from the -lowest activities of protoplasm to the highest activities of the human -intellect” (pp. 109–110). - -In Chapter VI (“Work and Weather,” pp. 111–128), he interprets the -curves he plotted showing especially the influence of changes of -temperature from day to day, and of the character of each day and its -relation to storms. In the very interesting Chapter VII (pp. 129–147) he -discusses “The Ideal Climate.” - -In the closing paragraph of his book, he says, “If our hypothesis is -true, man is more closely dependent upon nature than he has realized. A -realization of his limitations, however, is the first step toward -freedom [p. 293]. - -“The hypothesis, briefly stated, is this: Today a certain peculiar type -of climate prevails wherever civilization is high. In the past the same -type seems to have prevailed wherever a great civilization arose. -Therefore, such a climate seems to be a necessary condition of great -progress. It is not the cause of civilization, for that lies infinitely -deeper. Nor is it the only, or the most important condition. It is -merely one of several, ...” (p. 9.) - -Huntington mentions (p. 7) Lehmann and Pedersen’s “Das Wetter und unsere -Arbeit” and Berliner’s “Einfluß von Klima, Wetter und Jahreßeit auf das -Nerven- und Seelenleben,” without the date or place of publication. - - - - - NOTE: Since the foregoing pages went to press, the following - publications have appeared; being too late for inclusion or - comment in the text, they are added here for reference: - - Douglas W. Johnson, _Topography and Strategy in the War_, N. Y., - Henry Holt & Co., 1917, 221 pp. (Thorough and very illuminating; - points out how the surface features of the country influenced - military operations in the most important theaters of the war.) - - James Fairgrieve, _Geography and World Power_, N. Y., E. P. - Dutton & Co., 1917, 356 pp. (Shows how History has been - controlled by Geography.) - - Robert De C. Ward, “Weather Controls Over the Fighting in the - Italian War Zone,” _The Scientific Monthly_, Vol. 6, No. 2 - (February, 1918), pp. 97–105. And “Weather Controls Over the - Fighting in Mesopotamia, in Palestine, and near the Suez Canal,” - _ibidem_, Vol. 6, No. 4 (April, 1918), pp. 289–304. - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES - - - 1. Replaced “sz” with “ß” in German words. The “ß” character was not - used in the original. - 2. Changed “Nachbaren” to “Nachbarn” on p. 30. - 3. Silently corrected typographical errors. - 4. Retained anachronistic and non-standard spellings as printed. - 5. Enclosed italics font in _underscores_. - 6. Superscripts are denoted by a carat before a single superscript - character or a series of superscripted characters enclosed in - curly braces, e.g. M^r. or M^{ister}. - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's The Theory of Environment, by Armin Hajman Koller - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE THEORY OF ENVIRONMENT *** - -***** This file should be named 55619-0.txt or 55619-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/5/6/1/55619/ - -Produced by Richard Tonsing and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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