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Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..a35de9b --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #55343 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/55343) diff --git a/old/55343-0.txt b/old/55343-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 970e245..0000000 --- a/old/55343-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,11852 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's Ambassador Morgenthau's Story, by Henry Morgenthau - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: Ambassador Morgenthau's Story - -Author: Henry Morgenthau - -Release Date: August 11, 2017 [EBook #55343] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY *** - - - - -Produced by Cindy Horton, Chuck Greif and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries) - - - - - - - - [Illustration: HENRY MORGENTHAU - - American Ambassador at Constantinople from 1913 to 1916] - - - - - AMBASSADOR - MORGENTHAU’S - STORY - - BY - HENRY MORGENTHAU - - _Formerly American Ambassador to Turkey_ - - [Illustration: colophon] - - ILLUSTRATED - - GARDEN CITY NEW YORK - DOUBLEDAY, PAGE & COMPANY - 1919 - - COPYRIGHT, 1918, BY - DOUBLEDAY, PAGE & COMPANY - ALL RIGHTS RESERVED, INCLUDING THAT OF - TRANSLATION INTO FOREIGN LANGUAGES, - INCLUDING THE SCANDINAVIAN - - - - - TO - WOODROW WILSON - - -THE EXPONENT IN AMERICA OF THE ENLIGHTENED PUBLIC OPINION OF THE WORLD, -WHICH HAS DECREED THAT THE RIGHTS OF SMALL NATIONS SHALL BE RESPECTED -AND THAT SUCH CRIMES AS ARE DESCRIBED IN THIS BOOK SHALL NEVER AGAIN -DARKEN THE PAGES OF HISTORY - - - - -PREFACE - - -By this time the American people have probably become convinced that the -Germans deliberately planned the conquest of the world. Yet they -hesitate to convict on circumstantial evidence and for this reason all -eye witnesses to this, the greatest crime in modern history, should -volunteer their testimony. - -I have therefore laid aside any scruples I had as to the propriety of -disclosing to my fellow countrymen the facts which I learned while -representing them in Turkey. I acquired this knowledge as the servant of -the American people, and it is their property as much as it is mine. - -I greatly regret that I have been obliged to omit an account of the -splendid activities of the American Missionary and Educational -Institutions in Turkey, but to do justice to this subject would require -a book by itself. I have had to omit the story of the Jews in Turkey for -the same reasons. - -My thanks are due to my friend, Mr. Burton J. Hendrick, for the -invaluable assistance he has rendered in the preparation of the book. - - HENRY MORGENTHAU. - -October, 1918. - - - - -CONTENTS - - -CHAPTER PAGE - -I. A German superman at Constantinople 3 - -II. The “Boss System” in the Ottoman Empire -and how it proved useful to Germany 20 - -III. “The personal representative of the -Kaiser.” Wangenheim opposes the -sale of American warships to Greece 41 - -IV. Germany mobilizes the Turkish army 61 - -V. Wangenheim smuggles the _Goeben_ and -the _Breslau_ through the Dardanelles 68 - -VI. Wangenheim tells the American Ambassador -how the Kaiser started the war 82 - -VII. Germany’s plans for new territories, coaling -stations, and indemnities 90 - -VIII. A classic instance of German propaganda 96 - -IX. Germany closes the Dardanelles and so -separates Russia from her Allies 105 - -X. Turkey’s abrogation of the capitulations. -Enver living in a palace, with -plenty of money and an imperial bride 112 - -XI. Germany forces Turkey into the war 123 - -XII. The Turks attempt to treat alien enemies -decently, but the Germans -insist on persecuting them 130 - -XIII. The invasion of the Notre Dame de -Sion School 147 - -XIV. Wangenheim and the Bethlehem Steel -Company. A “Holy War” that -was made in Germany 157 - -XV. Djemal, a troublesome Mark Antony. -The first German attempt to get a -German peace 171 - -XVI. The Turks prepare to flee from Constantinople -and establish a new capital -in Asia Minor. The Allied fleet -bombarding the Dardanelles 184 - -XVII. Enver as the man who demonstrated -“the vulnerability of the British -fleet.” Old-fashioned defenses of -the Dardanelles 202 - -XVIII. The Allied armada sails away, though -on the brink of victory 217 - -XIX. A fight for three thousand civilians 232 - -XX. More adventures of the foreign residents 253 - -XXI. Bulgaria on the auction block 262 - -XXII. The Turk reverts to the ancestral type 274 - -XXIII. The “Revolution” at Van 293 - -XXIV. The murder of a nation 301 - -XXV. Talaat tells why he deports the Armenians 326 - -XXVI. Enver Pasha discusses the Armenians 343 - -XXVII. “I shall do nothing for the Armenians,” -says the German Ambassador 364 - -XXVIII. Enver again moves for peace. Farewell -to the Sultan and to Turkey 385 - -XXIX. Von Jagow, Zimmermann, and German-Americans 397 - - - - -LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS - - -Henry Morgenthau _Frontispiece_ - - FACING PAGE - -Mrs. Henry Morgenthau with Soeur Jeanne 8 - -Constantinople from the American Embassy 9 - -Beylerbey palace on the Bosphorus 16 - -The American Embassy at Constantinople 16 - -Henry Morgenthau, American Ambassador to Turkey, 1913-1916 17 - -Talaat Pasha, ex-Grand Vizier of Turkey 48 - -Turkish infantry and cavalry 49 - -Bustány Effendi 56 - -Mohammed V, late Sultan of Turkey 57 - -Wangenheim, the German Ambassador 68 - -The Sultan, Mohammed V, going to his regular Friday prayers 72 - -Talaat and Enver at a military review 73 - -Baron Von Wangenheim, German Ambassador to Turkey 80 - -Djemal Pasha, Minister of Marine 81 - -The Marquis Garroni, Italian Ambassador to the Sublime Porte in 1914 112 - -M. Tocheff, Bulgarian Minister at Constantinople 112 - -The American summer Embassy on the Bosphorus 113 - -Enver Pasha, Minister of War 120 - -Saïd Halim, Ex-grand Vizier 121 - -Sir Louis Mallet and M. Bompard 136 - -Gen. Liman von Sanders 137 - -German and Turkish officers on board the _Goeben_ 144 - -Bedri Bey, Prefect of Police at Constantinople 145 - -Djavid Bey, Minister of Finance in Turkish Cabinet 145 - -The British Embassy 176 - -Robert College at Constantinople 177 - -The American Embassy Staff 184 - -The Modern Turkish soldier 185 - -The Ministry of War 200 - -The Ministry of Marine 200 - -Halil Bey in Berlin 201 - -Talaat and Kühlmann 201 - -General Mertens 201 - -The Red Crescent 208 - -Enver Pasha 209 - -Turkish quarters at the Dardanelles 240 - -Looking north to the city of Gallipoli 241 - -The British ship _Albion_ 248 - -The Dardanelles as it was March 16, 1915 249 - -Tchemenlik and Fort Anadolu Hamidié 264 - -Fort Dardanos 265 - -The American ward of the Turkish hospital 272 - -Students of the Constantinople College 273 - -Abdul Hamid 304 - -A characteristic view of the Armenian country 305 - -Fishing village on Lake Van 312 - -Refugees at Van crowding around a public oven, -hoping to get bread 313 - -Kaiser William II, in the uniform of a Turkish -Field Marshal 328 - -Interior of the Armenian church at Urfa 329 - -Armenian soldiers 336 - -Those who fell by the wayside 337 - -A view of Harpoot 337 - -View of Urfa 368 - -A relic of the Armenian massacres at Erzingan 368 - -The funeral of Baron von Wangenheim 369 - - - - -AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU’S STORY - - - - -CHAPTER I - -A GERMAN SUPERMAN AT CONSTANTINOPLE - - -When I began writing these reminiscences of my ambassadorship, Germany’s -schemes in the Turkish Empire and the Near East seemed to have achieved -a temporary success. The Central Powers had apparently disintegrated -Russia, transformed the Baltic and the Black seas into German lakes, and -had obtained a new route to the East by way of the Caucasus. For the -time being Germany dominated Serbia, Bulgaria, Rumania, and Turkey, and -regarded her aspirations for a new Teutonic Empire, extending from the -North Sea to the Persian Gulf, as practically realized. The world now -knows, though it did not clearly understand this fact in 1914, that -Germany precipitated the war to destroy Serbia, seize control of the -Balkan nations, transform Turkey into a vassal state, and thus obtain a -huge oriental empire that would form the basis for unlimited world -dominion. Did these German aggressions in the East mean that this -extensive programme had succeeded? - -As I picture to myself a map which would show Germany’s military and -diplomatic triumphs, my experiences in Constantinople take on a new -meaning. I now see the events of those twenty-six months as part of a -connected, definite story. The several individuals that moved upon the -scene now appear as players in a carefully staged, superbly managed -drama. I see clearly enough now that Germany had made all her plans for -world dominion and that the country to which I had been sent as American -Ambassador was one of the foundation stones of the Kaiser’s whole -political and military structure. Had Germany not acquired control of -Constantinople in the early days of the war, it is not unlikely that -hostilities would have ended a few months after the Battle of the Marne. -It was certainly an amazing fate that landed me in this great -headquarters of intrigue at the very moment when the plans of the Kaiser -for controlling Turkey, which he had carefully pursued for a quarter of -a century, were about to achieve their final success. - -For this work of subjugating Turkey, and transforming its army and its -territory into instruments of Germany, the Emperor had sent to -Constantinople an ambassador who was ideally fitted for the task. The -mere fact that the Kaiser had personally chosen Baron Von Wangenheim for -this post shows that he had accurately gauged the human qualities needed -in this great diplomatic enterprise. - -The Kaiser had early detected in Wangenheim an instrument ideally -qualified for oriental intrigue; he had more than once summoned him to -Corfu for his vacations, and here, we may be sure, the two congenial -spirits had passed many days discussing German ambitions in the Near -East. At the time when I first met him, Wangenheim was fifty-four years -old; he had spent a quarter of a century in the diplomatic corps, he had -seen service in such different places as Petrograd, Copenhagen, Madrid, -Athens, and Mexico, and he had been chargé at Constantinople, several -years afterward coming there as ambassador. He understood completely all -countries, including the United States; his first wife had been an -American, and Wangenheim, when Minister to Mexico, had intimately -studied our country and had then acquired an admiration for our energy -and progress. He had a complete technical equipment for a diplomat; he -spoke German, English, and French with equal facility, he knew the East -thoroughly, and he had the widest acquaintance with public men. -Physically he was one of the most imposing persons I have ever known. -When I was a boy in Germany, the Fatherland was usually symbolized as a -beautiful and powerful woman--a kind of dazzling Valkyrie; when I think -of modern Germany, however, the massive, burly figure of Wangenheim -naturally presents itself to my mind. He was six feet two inches tall; -his huge, solid frame, his Gibraltar-like shoulders, erect and -impregnable, his bold, defiant head, his piercing eyes, his whole -physical structure constantly pulsating with life and activity--there -stands, I would say, not the Germany which I had known, but the Germany -whose limitless ambitions had transformed the world into a place of -horror. And Wangenheim’s every act and every word typified this new and -dreadful portent among the nations. Pan-Germany filled all his waking -hours and directed his every action. The deification of his emperor was -the only religious instinct which impelled him. That aristocratic and -autocratic organization of German society which represents the Prussian -system was, in Wangenheim’s eyes, something to be venerated and -worshipped; with this as the groundwork, Germany was inevitably -destined, he believed, to rule the world. The great land-owning Junker -represented the perfection of mankind. “I would despise myself,” his -closest associate once told me, and this represented Wangenheim’s -attitude as well, “if I had been born in a city.” Wangenheim divided -mankind into two classes, the governing and the governed; and he -ridiculed the idea that the upper could ever be recruited from the -lower. I recall with what unction and enthusiasm he used to describe the -Emperor’s caste organization of German estates; how he had made them -non-transferable, and had even arranged it so that the possessors, or -the prospective possessors, could not marry without the imperial -consent. “In this way,” Wangenheim would say, “we keep our governing -classes pure, unmixed of blood.” Like all of his social order, -Wangenheim worshipped the Prussian military system; his splendid bearing -showed that he had himself served in the army, and, in true German -fashion, he regarded practically every situation in life from a military -standpoint. I had one curious illustration of this when I asked -Wangenheim one day why the Kaiser did not visit the United States. “He -would like to immensely,” he replied, “but it would be too dangerous. -War might break out when he was at sea, and the enemy would capture -him.” I suggested that that could hardly happen as the American -Government would escort its guest home with warships, and that no nation -would care to run the risk of involving the United States as Germany’s -ally; but Wangenheim still thought that the military danger would make -any such visit impossible. - -Upon him, more than almost any diplomatic representative of Germany, -depended the success of the Kaiser’s conspiracy for world domination. -This German diplomat came to Constantinople with a single purpose. For -twenty years the German Government had been cultivating the Turkish -Empire. All this time the Kaiser had been preparing for a world war, and -in this war it was destined that Turkey should play an almost decisive -part. Unless Germany should obtain the Ottoman Empire as its ally, there -was little chance that she could succeed in a general European conflict. -When France had made her alliance with Russia, the man power of -170,000,000 people was placed on her side, in the event of a war with -Germany. For more than twenty years Germany had striven diplomatically -to detach Russia from this French alliance, but had failed. There was -only one way in which Germany could make valueless the Franco-Russian -Alliance; this was by obtaining Turkey as an ally. With Turkey on her -side, Germany could close the Dardanelles, the only practical line of -communication between Russia and her western allies; this simple act -would deprive the Czar’s army of war munitions, destroy Russia -economically by stopping her grain exports, her greatest source of -wealth, and thus detach Russia from her partners in the World War. Thus -Wangenheim’s mission was to make it absolutely certain that Turkey -should join Germany in the great contest that was impending. - -Wangenheim believed that, should he succeed in accomplishing this task, -he would reap the reward which for years had represented his final -goal--the chancellorship of the Empire. His skill at establishing -friendly personal relations with the Turks gave him a great advantage -over his rivals. Wangenheim had precisely that combination of force, -persuasiveness, geniality, and brutality which was needed in dealing -with the Turkish character. I have emphasized his Prussian qualities; -yet Wangenheim was a Prussian not by birth but by development; he was a -native of Thüringen, and, together with all the push, ambition, and -overbearing traits of the Prussian, he had some of the softer -characteristics which we associate with Southern Germany. He had one -conspicuous quality which is not Prussian at all--that is, tact; and, as -a rule, he succeeded in keeping his less-agreeable tendencies under the -surface and showing only his more ingratiating side. He dominated not so -much by brute strength as by a mixture of force and amiability; -externally he was not a bully; his manner was more insinuating than -coercive; he won by persuasiveness, not by the mailed fist, but we who -knew him well understood that back of all his gentleness there lurked a -terrific, remorseless, and definite ambition. Yet the impression left -was not one of brutality, but of excessive animal spirits and good -nature. Indeed, Wangenheim had in combination the jovial enthusiasm of a -college student, the rapacity of a Prussian official, and the -happy-go-lucky qualities of a man of the world. I still recall the -picture of this huge figure of a man, sitting at the piano, improvising -on some beautiful classic theme--and then suddenly starting to pound out -uproarious German drinking songs or popular melodies. I still see him -jumping on his horse at the polo grounds, spurring the splendid animal -to its speediest efforts--the horse never making sufficient speed, -however, to satisfy the ambitious sportsman. Indeed, in all his -activities, grave or gay, Wangenheim displayed this same restless spirit -of the chase. Whether he was flirting with the Greek ladies at Pera, or - -[Illustration: MRS. HENRY MORGENTHAU - -(On the right). Wife of the American Ambassador at Constantinople from -1913 to 1916, with Soeur Jeanne (on the left), head of the French -Hospital] - -[Illustration: CONSTANTINOPLE FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY - -Showing (in the centre of the picture) the buildings of the Ministry of -Marine, on the famous Golden Horn, with the city beyond] - -spending hours over the card table at the Cercle d’Orient, or bending -the Turkish officials to his will in the interest of Germany, all life -was to him a game, which was to be played more or less recklessly, and -in which the chances favoured the man who was bold and audacious and -willing to pin success or failure on a single throw. And this greatest -game of all--that upon which was staked, as Bernhardi has expressed it, -“World empire or downfall”--Wangenheim did not play languidly, as though -it had been merely a duty to which he had been assigned; to use the -German phrase, he was “fire and flame” for it; he had the consciousness -that he was a strong man selected to perform a mighty task. As I write -of Wangenheim, I still feel myself affected by the force of his -personality, yet I know all the time that, like the government which he -served so loyally, he was fundamentally ruthless, shameless, and cruel. -But he was content to accept all the consequences of his policy, however -hideous these might be. He saw only a single goal, and, with the realism -and logic that are so characteristically German, Wangenheim would brush -aside all feelings of humanity and decency that might interfere with -success. He accepted in full Bismarck’s famous dictum that a German must -be ready to sacrifice for Kaiser and Fatherland not only his life but -his honour as well. - -Just as Wangenheim personified Germany, so did his colleague, -Pallavicini, personify Austria. Wangenheim’s essential quality was a -brutal egotism, while Pallavicini was a quiet, kind-hearted, -delightfully mannered gentleman. Wangenheim was always looking to the -future, Pallavicini to the past. Wangenheim represented the mixture of -commercialism and medieval lust for conquest which constitute Prussian -_welt-politik_; Pallavicini was a diplomat left over from the days of -Metternich. “Germany wants this!” Wangenheim would insist, when an -important point had to be decided; “I shall consult my foreign office,” -the cautious Pallavicini would say, on a similar occasion. The Austrian, -with little upturned gray moustaches, with a rather stiff, even slightly -strutting, walk, looked like the old-fashioned Marquis that was once a -stock figure on the stage. I might compare Wangenheim with the -representative of a great business firm which was lavish in its -expenditures and unscrupulous in its methods, while his Austrian -colleague represented a house that prided itself on its past -achievements and was entirely content with its position. The same -delight that Wangenheim took in Pan-German plans, Pallavicini found in -all the niceties and obscurities of diplomatic technique. The Austrian -had represented his country in Turkey many years, and was the dean of -the corps, a dignity of which he was extremely proud. He found his -delight in upholding all the honours, of his position; he was expert in -arranging the order of precedence at ceremonial dinners, and there was -not a single detail of etiquette that he did not have at his fingers’ -ends. When it came to affairs of state, however, he was merely a tool of -Wangenheim. From the first, indeed, he seemed to accept his position as -that of a diplomat who was more or less subject to the will of his more -powerful ally. In this way Pallavicini played to his German colleague -precisely the same part that his emperor was playing to that of the -Kaiser. In the early months of the war the bearing of these two men -completely mirrored the respective successes and failures of their -countries. As the Germans boasted of victory after victory Wangenheim’s -already huge and erect figure seemed to become larger and more -upstanding, while Pallavicini, as the Austrians lost battle after battle -to the Russians, seemed to become smaller and more shrinking. - -The situation in Turkey, in these critical months, seemed almost to have -been purposely created to give the fullest opportunities to a man of -Wangenheim’s genius. For ten years the Turkish Empire had been -undergoing a process of dissolution, and had now reached a state of -decrepitude that had left it an easy prey to German diplomacy. In order -to understand the situation, we must keep in mind that there was really -no orderly, established government in Turkey at that time. For the Young -Turks were not a government; they were really an irresponsible party, a -kind of secret society, which, by intrigue, intimidation, and -assassination, had obtained most of the offices of state. When I -describe the Young Turks in these words, perhaps I may be dispelling -certain illusions. Before I came to Turkey I had entertained very -different ideas of this organization. As far back as 1908 I remember -reading news of Turkey that appealed strongly to my democratic -sympathies. These reports informed me that a body of young -revolutionists had swept from the mountains of Macedonia, had marched -upon Constantinople, had deposed the bloody Sultan, Abdul Hamid, and had -established a constitutional system. Turkey, these glowing newspaper -stories told us, had become a democracy, with a parliament, a -responsible ministry, universal suffrage, equality of all citizens -before the law, freedom of speech and of the press, and all the other -essentials of a free, liberty-loving commonwealth. That a party of Turks -had for years been struggling for such reforms I well knew, and that -their ambitions had become realities seemed to indicate that, after all, -there was such a thing as human progress. The long welter of massacre -and disorder in the Turkish Empire had apparently ended; “the great -assassin”, Abdul Hamid, had been removed to solitary confinement at -Saloniki, and his brother, the gentle Mohammed V, had ascended the -throne with a progressive democratic programme. Such had been the -promise; but, by the time I reached Constantinople, in 1913, many -changes had taken place. Austria had annexed two Turkish provinces, -Bosnia and Herzegovina; Italy had wrenched away Tripoli; Turkey had -fought a disastrous war with the Balkan states, and had lost all her -territories in Europe except Constantinople and a small hinterland. The -aims for the regeneration of Turkey that had inspired the revolution had -evidently miscarried, and I soon discovered that four years of so-called -democratic rule had ended with the nation more degraded, more -impoverished, and more dismembered than ever before. Indeed, long before -I had arrived, this attempt to establish a Turkish democracy had failed. -The failure was probably the most complete and the most disheartening in -the whole history of democratic institutions. I need hardly explain in -detail the causes of this collapse. Let us not criticize too harshly the -Young Turks, for there is no question that, at the beginning, they were -sincere. In a speech in Liberty Square, Saloniki, in July, 1908, Enver -Pasha, who was popularly regarded as the chivalrous young leader of this -insurrection against a century-old tyranny, had eloquently declared -that, “To-day arbitrary government has disappeared. We are all brothers. -There are no longer in Turkey Bulgarians, Greeks, Servians, Rumanians, -Mussulmans, Jews. Under the same blue sky we are all proud to be -Ottomans.” That statement represented the Young Turk ideal for the new -Turkish state, but it was an ideal which it was evidently beyond their -ability to translate into a reality. The races which had been maltreated -and massacred for centuries by the Turks could not transform themselves -overnight into brothers, and the hatreds, jealousies, and religious -prejudices of the past still divided Turkey into a medley of warring -clans. Above all, the destructive wars and the loss of great sections of -the Turkish Empire had destroyed the prestige of the new democracy. -There were plenty of other reasons for the failure, but it is hardly -necessary to discuss them at this time. - -Thus the Young Turks had disappeared as a positive regenerating force, -but they still existed as a political machine. Their leaders, Talaat, -Enver, and Djemal, had long since abandoned any expectation of reforming -their state, but they had developed an insatiable lust for personal -power. Instead of a nation of nearly 20,000,000, developing happily -along democratic lines, enjoying suffrage, building up their industry -and agriculture, laying the foundations for universal education, -sanitation, and general progress, I saw that Turkey consisted of merely -so many inarticulate, ignorant, and poverty-ridden slaves, with a small, -wicked oligarchy at the top, which was prepared to use them in the way -that would best promote its private interests. And these men were -practically the same who, a few years before, had made Turkey a -constitutional state. A more bewildering fall from the highest idealism -to the crassest materialism could not be imagined. Talaat, Enver, and -Djemal were the ostensible leaders, yet back of them was the Committee, -consisting of about forty men. This committee met secretly, manipulated -elections, and filled the offices with its own henchmen. It occupied a -building in Constantinople, and had a supreme chief who gave all his -time to its affairs and issued orders to his subordinates. This -functionary ruled the party and the country something like an American -city boss in our most unregenerate days; and the whole organization thus -furnished a typical illustration of what we sometimes describe as -“invisible government.” This kind of irresponsible control has at times -flourished in American cities, mainly because the citizens have devoted -all their time to their private affairs and thus neglected the public -good. But in Turkey the masses were altogether too ignorant to -understand the meaning of democracy, and the bankruptcy and general -vicissitudes of the country had left the nation with practically no -government and an easy prey to a determined band of adventurers. The -Committee of Union and Progress, with Talaat Bey as the most powerful -leader, constituted such a band. Besides the forty men in -Constantinople, sub-committees were organized in all important cities of -the empire. The men whom the Committee placed in power “took orders” and -made the appointments submitted to them. No man could hold an office, -high or low, who was not indorsed by this committee. - -I must admit, however, that I do our corrupt American gangs a great -injustice in comparing them with the Turkish Committee of Union and -Progress. Talaat, Enver, and Djemal had added to their system a detail -that has not figured extensively in American politics--that of -assassination and judicial murder. They had wrested power from the other -factions by a deed of violence. This _coup d’état_ had taken place on -January 26, 1913, not quite a year before my arrival. At that time a -political group, headed by the venerable Kiamil Pasha, as Grand Vizier, -and Nazim Pasha, as Minister of War, controlled the Government; they -represented a faction known as the “Liberal Party,” which was chiefly -distinguished for its enmity to the Young Turks. These men had fought -the disastrous Balkan War, and, in January, they had felt themselves -compelled to accept the advice of the European powers and surrender -Adrianople to Bulgaria. The Young Turks had been outside the breastworks -for about six months looking for an opportunity to return to power. The -proposed surrender of Adrianople apparently furnished them this -opportunity. Adrianople was an important Turkish city, and naturally the -Turkish people regarded the contemplated surrender as marking still -another milestone toward their national doom. Talaat and Enver hastily -collected about two hundred followers and marched to the Sublime Porte, -where the ministry was then sitting. Nazim, hearing the uproar, stepped -out into the hall. He courageously faced the crowd, a cigarette in his -mouth and his hands thrust into his pockets. - -“Come, boys,” he said, good humouredly, “what’s all this noise about? -Don’t you know that it is interfering with our deliberations?” - -The words had hardly left his mouth when he fell dead. A bullet had -pierced a vital spot. - -The mob, led by Talaat and Enver, then forced their way into the council -chamber. They forced Kiamil, the Grand Vizier, to resign his post by -threatening him with the fate that had overtaken Nazim. - -As assassination had been the means by which these chieftains had -obtained the supreme power, so assassination continued to be the -instrument upon which they depended for maintaining their control. -Djemal, in addition to his other duties, became Military Governor of -Constantinople, and in this capacity he had control of the police; in -this office he developed all the talents of a Fouché, and did his work -so successfully that any man who wished to conspire against the Young -Turks usually retired for that purpose to Paris or Athens. The few -months that preceded my arrival had been a reign of terror. The Young -Turks had destroyed Abdul Hamid’s régime only to adopt that Sultan’s -favourite methods of quieting opposition. Instead of having one Abdul -Hamid, Turkey now discovered that she had several. Men were arrested and -deported by the score, and hangings of political offenders--opponents, -that is, of the ruling gang--were common occurrences. - -The weakness of the Sultan particularly facilitated the ascendancy of -this committee. We must remember that Mohammed V was not only Sultan but -Caliph--not only the temporal ruler, but also head of the Mohammedan -Church. As religious leader he was an object of veneration to millions -of devout Moslems, a fact which would have given a strong man in his -position great influence in freeing Turkey from its oppressors. I -presume that even those who had the most kindly feelings toward the -Sultan would not - -[Illustration: BEYLERBEY PALACE ON THE BOSPHORUS - -Where Abdul Hamid was confined from the time when he was taken from -Saloniki until his recent death--a photograph taken from the launch of -the _Scorpion_, the American guardship at Constantinople] - -[Illustration: THE AMERICAN EMBASSY AT CONSTANTINOPLE - -Where Ambassador Morgenthau conducted American diplomatic affairs from -the fall of 1913 to the spring of 1916. After Turkey came into the war -Mr. Morgenthau accepted charge of the affairs of nine other nations] - -[Illustration: HENRY MORGENTHAU, AMERICAN AMBASSADOR TO TURKEY, -1913-1916] - -have described him as an energetic, masterful man. It is a miracle that -the circumstances which fate had forced upon Mohammed had not long since -completely destroyed him. He was a brother of Abdul Hamid--Gladstone’s -“great assassin”--a man who ruled by espionage and bloodshed, and who -had no more consideration for his own relatives than for the massacred -Armenians. One of Abdul Hamid’s first acts, when he ascended the throne, -was to shut up his heir apparent in a palace, surrounding him with -spies, restricting him for society to his harem and a few palace -functionaries, and constantly holding over his head the fear of -assassination. Naturally Mohammed’s education had been limited; he spoke -only Turkish, and his only means of learning about the outside world was -an occasional Turkish newspaper. So long as he remained quiescent, the -heir apparent was comfortable and fairly secure, but he knew that the -first sign of revolt, or even a too curious interest in what was going -on, would be the signal for his death. Hard as this ordeal was, it had -not destroyed what was fundamentally a benevolent, gentle nature. The -Sultan had no characteristics that suggested the “terrible Turk.” He was -simply a quiet, easy-going, gentlemanly old man. Everybody liked him and -I do not think that he harboured ill-feeling against a human soul. He -could not rule his empire, for he had had no preparation for such a -difficult task; he took a certain satisfaction in his title and in the -consciousness that he was a lineal descendant of the great Osman; -clearly, however, he could not oppose the schemes of the men who were -then struggling for the control of Turkey. In the replacement of Abdul -Hamid, as his master, by Talaat, Enver, and Djemal, the Sultan had not -greatly improved his personal position. The Committee of Union and -Progress ruled him precisely as they ruled all the rest of Turkey--by -intimidation. Indeed they had already given him a sample of their power, -for the Sultan had attempted on one occasion to assert his independence, -and the conclusion of this episode left no doubt as to who was master. A -group of thirteen “conspirators” and other criminals, some real ones, -others merely political offenders, had been sentenced to be hanged. -Among them was an imperial son-in-law. Before the execution could take -place the Sultan had to sign the death warrants. He begged that he be -permitted to pardon the imperial son-in-law, though he raised no -objection to viséing the hangings of the other twelve. The nominal ruler -of 20,000,000 people figuratively went down upon his knees before -Talaat, but all his pleadings did not affect this determined man. Here, -Talaat reasoned, was a chance to decide, once for all, who was master, -the Sultan or themselves. A few days afterward the melancholy figure of -the imperial son-in-law, dangling at the end of a rope in full view of -the Turkish populace, visibly reminded the empire that Talaat and the -Committee were the masters of Turkey. After this tragical test of -strength, the Sultan never attempted again to interfere in affairs of -state. He knew what had happened to Abdul Hamid, and he feared an even -more terrible fate for himself. - -By the time I reached Constantinople the Young Turks thus completely -controlled the Sultan. He was popularly referred to as an -“irade-machine,” a phrase which means about the same thing as when we -refer to a man as a “rubber stamp.” His state duties consisted merely -in performing certain ceremonies, such as receiving ambassadors, and in -affixing his signature to such papers as Talaat and his associates -placed before him. This was a profound change in the Turkish system, -since in that country for centuries the Sultan had been an unquestioned -despot, whose will had been the only law, and who had centred in his own -person all the power of sovereignty. Not only the Sultan, but the -Parliament, had become the subservient creature of the Committee, which -chose practically all the members, who voted only as the predominant -bosses dictated. The Committee had already filled several of the most -powerful cabinet offices with its followers, and was reaching out for -the several important places that, for several reasons, still remained -in other hands. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -THE “BOSS SYSTEM” IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE AND HOW IT PROVED USEFUL TO -GERMANY - - -Talaat, the leading man in this band of usurpers, really had remarkable -personal qualities. Naturally Talaat’s life and character proved -interesting to me, for I had for years been familiar with the Boss -system in my own country, and in Talaat I saw many resemblances to the -crude yet able citizens who have so frequently in the past gained power -in local and state politics. Talaat’s origin was so obscure that there -were plenty of stories in circulation concerning it. One account said -that he was a Bulgarian gipsy, while another described him as a Pomak--a -Pomak being a man of Bulgarian blood whose ancestors, centuries ago, had -embraced the Mohammedan faith. According to this latter explanation, -which I think was the true one, this real ruler of the Turkish Empire -was not a Turk at all. I can personally testify that he cared nothing -for Mohammedanism for, like most of the leaders of his party, he scoffed -at all religions. “I hate all priests, rabbis, and hodjas,” he once told -me--hodja being the nearest equivalent the Mohammedans have for a -minister of religion. In American city politics many men from the -humblest walks of life have not uncommonly developed great abilities as -politicians, and similarly Talaat had started life as a letter carrier. -From this occupation he had risen to be a telegraph operator at -Adrianople; and of these humble beginnings he was extremely proud. I -visited him once or twice at his house; although Talaat was then the -most powerful man in the Turkish Empire, his home was still the modest -home of a man of the people. It was cheaply furnished; the whole -establishment reminded me of a moderately priced apartment in New York. -His most cherished possession was the telegraph instrument with which he -had once earned his living. Talaat one night told me that he had that -day received his salary as Minister of the Interior; after paying his -debts, he said, he had just one hundred dollars left in the world. He -liked to spend part of his spare time with the rough-shod crew that made -up the Committee of Union and Progress; in the interims when he was out -of the cabinet he used to occupy the desk daily at party headquarters, -personally managing the party machine. Despite these humble beginnings, -Talaat had developed some of the qualities of a man of the world. Though -his early training had not included instruction in the use of a knife -and fork--such implements are wholly unknown among the poorer classes in -Turkey--Talaat could attend diplomatic dinners and represent his country -with a considerable amount of dignity and personal ease. I have always -regarded it as indicating his innate cleverness that, though he had had -little schooling, he had picked up enough French to converse tolerably -in that language. Physically, he was a striking figure. His powerful -frame, his huge sweeping back, and his rocky biceps emphasized that -natural mental strength and forcefulness which had made possible his -career. In discussing matters Talaat liked to sit at his desk, with his -shoulders drawn up, his head thrown back, and his wrists, twice the -size of an ordinary man’s, planted firmly on the table. It always seemed -to me that it would take a crowbar to pry these wrists from the board, -once Talaat’s strength and defiant spirit had laid them there. Whenever -I think of Talaat now I do not primarily recall his rollicking laugh, -his uproarious enjoyment of a good story, the mighty stride with which -he crossed the room, his fierceness, his determination, his -remorselessness--the whole life and nature of the man take form in those -gigantic wrists. - -Talaat, like most strong men, had his forbidding, even his ferocious, -moods. One day I found him sitting at the usual place, his massive -shoulders drawn up, his eyes glowering, his wrists planted on the desk. -I always anticipated trouble whenever I found him in this attitude. As I -made request after request, Talaat, between his puffs at his cigarette, -would answer “No!” “No!” “No!” - -I slipped around to his side of the desk. - -“I think those wrists are making all the trouble, Your Excellency,” I -said. “Won’t you please take them off the table?” - -Talaat’s ogre-like face began to crinkle, he threw up his arms, leaned -back, and gave a roar of terrific laughter. He enjoyed this method of -treating him so much that he granted every request that I made. - -At another time I came into his room when two Arab princes were present. -Talaat was solemn and dignified, and refused every demand I made. “No, I -shall not do that”; or, “No, I haven’t the slightest idea of doing -that,” he would answer. I saw that he was trying to impress his princely -guests; to show them that he had become so great a man that he did not -hesitate to “turn down” an ambassador. So I came up nearer and spoke -quietly. - -“I see you are trying to make an impression on these princes,” I said. -“Now if it’s necessary for you to pose, do it with the Austrian -Ambassador--he’s out there waiting to come in. My affairs are too -important to be trifled with.” - -Talaat laughed. “Come back in an hour,” he said. I returned; the Arab -princes had left, and we had no difficulty in arranging matters to my -satisfaction. - -“Someone has got to govern Turkey; why not we?” Talaat once said to me. -The situation had just about come to that. “I have been greatly -disappointed,” he would tell me, “at the failure of the Turks to -appreciate democratic institutions. I hoped for it once, and I worked -hard for it--but they were not prepared for it.” He saw a government -which the first enterprising man who came along might seize, and he -determined to be that man. Of all the Turkish politicians whom I met I -regarded Talaat as the only one who really had extraordinary native -ability. He had great force and dominance, the ability to think quickly -and accurately, and an almost superhuman insight into men’s motives. His -great geniality and his lively sense of humour also made him a splendid -manager of men. He showed his shrewdness in the measures which he took, -after the murder of Nazim, to gain the upper hand in this distracted -empire. He did not seize the government all at once; he went at it -gradually, feeling his way. He realized the weaknesses of his position; -he had several forces to deal with--the envy of his associates on the -revolutionary committee which had backed him, the army, the foreign -governments, and the several factions that made up what then passed for -public opinion in Turkey. Any of these elements might destroy him, -politically and physically. He understood the dangerous path that he was -treading, and he always anticipated a violent death. “I do not expect to -die in my bed,” he told me. By becoming Minister of the Interior, Talaat -gained control of the police and the administration of the provinces, or -vilayets; this gave him a great amount of patronage, which he used to -strengthen the power of the Committee. He attempted to gain the support -of all influential factions by gradually placing their representatives -in the other cabinet posts. Though he afterward became the man who was -chiefly responsible for the massacre of hundreds of thousands of -Armenians, at this time Talaat maintained the pretense that the -Committee stood for the unionization of all the races in the empire, and -for this reason his first cabinet contained an Arab-Christian, a Deunme -(a Jew by race, but a Mohammedan by religion), a Circassian, an -Armenian, and an Egyptian. - -He made the latter Grand Vizier, the highest post in the Government, a -position which roughly corresponds to that of Chancellor in the German -Empire. The man whom he selected for this office, which in ordinary -times was the most dignified and important in the empire, belonged to -quite a different order of society from Talaat. Not uncommonly bosses in -America select high-class figureheads for mayors or even governors, men -who will give respectability to their faction, yet whom, at the same -time, they think they can control. It was some such motive as this which -led Talaat and his associates to elevate Saïd Halim to the Grand -Vizierate. Saïd Halim was an Egyptian prince, the cousin of the Khedive -of Egypt, a man of great wealth and great culture. He spoke English and -French as fluently as his own tongue and was an ornament to any society -in the world. But he was a man of unlimited vanity and ambition. His -great desire was to become Khedive of Egypt, and this had led him to -trust his political fortunes to the gang that was then ascendant in -Turkey. He was the heaviest “campaign contributor,” and, indeed, he had -largely financed the Young Turks from their earliest days. In exchange -they had given him the highest office in the empire, with the tacit -understanding that he should not attempt to exercise the real powers of -his office, but content himself with enjoying its dignities. - -Germany’s war preparations had for years included the study of internal -conditions in other countries; an indispensable part of the imperial -programme had been to take advantage of such disorganizations as existed -to push her schemes of penetration and conquest. What her emissaries -have attempted in France, Italy, and even the United States is apparent, -and their success in Russia has greatly changed the course of the war. -Clearly such a situation as that which prevailed in Turkey in 1913 and -1914 provided an ideal opportunity for manipulations of this kind. And -Germany had one great advantage in Turkey which was not so conspicuously -an element in other countries. Talaat and his associates needed Germany -almost as badly as Germany needed Talaat. They were altogether new to -the business of managing an empire. Their finances were depleted, their -army and navy almost in tatters, enemies were constantly attempting to -undermine them at home, and the great powers regarded them as seedy -adventurers whose career was destined to be brief. Without strong -support from an outside source, it was a question how long the new -régime could survive. Talaat and his Committee needed some foreign power -to organize the army and navy, to finance the nation, to help them -reconstruct their industrial system, and to protect them against the -encroachments of the encircling nations. Ignorant as they were of -foreign statecraft, they needed a skilful adviser to pilot them through -all the channels of international intrigue. Where was such a protector -to be obtained? Evidently only one of the great European powers could -perform this office. Which one should it be? Ten years before Turkey -would naturally have appealed to England. But now the Turks regarded -England as merely the nation that had despoiled them of Egypt and that -had failed to protect Turkey from dismemberment after the Balkan wars. -Together with Russia, Great Britain now controlled Persia and thus -constituted a constant threat--at least so the Turks believed--against -their Asiatic dominions. England was gradually withdrawing her -investments from Turkey, English statesmen believed that the task of -driving the Turk from Europe was about complete, and the whole -Near-Eastern policy of Great Britain hinged on maintaining the -organization of the Balkans as it had been determined by the Treaty of -Bucharest--a treaty which Turkey refused to regard as binding and which -she was determined to upset. Above all, the Turks feared Russia in 1914, -just as they had feared her ever since the days of Peter the Great. -Russia was the historic enemy, the nation which had given freedom to -Bulgaria and Rumania, which had been most active in dismembering the -Ottoman Empire, and which regarded herself as the power that was -ultimately to possess Constantinople. This fear of Russia, I cannot too -much insist, was the one factor which, above everything else, was -forcing Turkey into the arms of Germany. For more than half a century -Turkey had regarded England as her surest safeguard against Russian -aggression, and now England had become Russia’s virtual ally. There was -even then a general belief, which the Turkish chieftains shared, that -England was entirely willing that Russia should inherit Constantinople -and the Dardanelles. - -Though Russia, in 1914, was making no such pretensions, at least openly, -the fact that she was crowding Turkey in other directions made it -impossible that Talaat and Enver should look for support in that -direction. Italy had just seized the last Turkish province in Africa, -Tripoli, at that moment, was holding Rhodes and other Turkish islands, -and was known to cherish aggressive plans in Asia Minor. France was the -ally of Russia and Great Britain, and was also constantly extending her -influence in Syria, in which province, indeed, she had made great plans -for “penetration” with railroads, colonies, and concessions. The -personal equation played an important part in the ensuing drama. The -ambassadors of the Triple Entente hardly concealed their contempt for -the dominant Turkish politicians and their methods. Sir Louis Mallet, -the British Ambassador, was a high-minded and cultivated English -gentleman; Bompard, the French Ambassador, was a similarly charming, -honourable Frenchman, and both were personally disqualified from -participating in the murderous intrigues which then comprised Turkish -politics. Giers, the Russian Ambassador, was a proud and scornful -diplomat of the old aristocratic régime. He was exceedingly astute, but -he treated the Young Turks contemptuously, manifested almost a -proprietary interest in the country, and seemed to me already to be -wielding the knout over this despised government. It was quite apparent -that the three ambassadors of the Entente did not regard the Talaat and -Enver régime as permanent, or as particularly worth their while to -cultivate. That several factions had risen and fallen in the last six -years they knew, and they likewise believed that this latest usurpation -would vanish in a few months. - -But there was one active man in Turkey then who had no nice scruples -about using such agencies as were most available for accomplishing his -purpose. Wangenheim clearly saw, what his colleagues had only faintly -perceived, that these men were steadily fastening their hold on Turkey, -and that they were looking for some strong power that would recognize -their position and abet them in maintaining it. In order that we may -clearly understand the situation, let us transport ourselves, for a -moment, to a country that is nearer to us than Turkey. In 1913 -Victoriano Huerta and his fellow conspirators gained control of Mexico -by means not unlike those that had given Talaat and his Committee the -supreme power in Turkey. Just as Huerta murdered Madero, so the Young -Turks had murdered Nazim, and in both countries assassination had become -a regular political weapon. Huerta controlled the Mexican Congress and -the offices just as Talaat controlled the Turkish Parliament and the -chief posts of that state. Mexico under Huerta was a poverty-stricken -country, with depleted finances, exhausted industries and agriculture, -just as was Turkey under Talaat. How did Huerta seek to secure his own -position and rehabilitate his distracted country? There was only one -way, of course--that was by enlisting the support of some strong foreign -power. He sought repeatedly to gain recognition from the United States -for this reason and, when we refused to deal with a murderer, Huerta -looked to Germany. Let us suppose that the Kaiser had responded; he -could have reorganized Mexican finances, rebuilt her railroads, -reëstablished her industries, modernized her army, and in this way -obtained a grip on the country that would have amounted to virtual -possession. - -Only one thing prevented Germany from doing this--the Monroe Doctrine. -But there was no Monroe Doctrine in Turkey, and what I have described as -a possibility in Mexico is in all essentials an accurate picture of what -happened in the Ottoman Empire. As I look back upon the situation, the -whole thing seems so clear, so simple, so inevitable. Germany, up to -that time, was practically the only great power in Europe that had not -appropriated large slices of Turkish territory, a fact which gave her an -initial advantage. Germany’s representative at Constantinople was far -better qualified than that of any other country, not only by absence of -scruples, but also by knowledge and skill, to handle this situation. -Wangenheim was not the only capable German then on the ground. A -particularly influential outpost of Pan-Germany was Paul Weitz, who had -represented the _Frankfurter Zeitung_ in Turkey for thirty years. Weitz -had the most intimate acquaintance with Turks and Turkish affairs; there -was not a hidden recess to which he could not gain admittance. He was -constantly at Wangenheim’s elbow, prompting, advising, informing. The -German naval attaché, Humann, the son of a famous German archæologist, -had been born in Smyrna, and had passed practically his whole life in -Turkey; he not only spoke Turkish, but he could also think like a Turk, -and the whole psychology of the people was part of his mental equipment. -Moreover, Enver, one of the two main Turkish chieftains, was on friendly -terms with Humann. When I think of this experienced trio, Wangenheim, -Weitz, and Humann, and of the charming and honourable gentlemen who were -opposed to them, Mallet, Bompard, and Giers, the events that now rapidly -followed seem as inevitable as the orderly processes of nature. By the -spring of 1914 Talaat and Enver, representing the Committee of Union and -Progress, practically dominated the Turkish Empire. Wangenheim, always -having in mind the approaching war, had one inevitable purpose: that was -to control Talaat and Enver. - -Early in January, 1914, Enver became Minister of War. At that time Enver -was thirty-two years old; like all the leading Turkish politicians of -the period he came of humble stock and his popular title, “Hero of the -Revolution,” shows why Talaat and the Committee had selected him as -Minister of War. Enver enjoyed something of a military reputation, -though, so far as I could discover, he had never achieved a great -military success. The revolution of which he had been one of the leaders -in 1908 had cost very few human lives; he commanded an army in Tripoli -against the Italians in 1912--but certainly there was nothing Napoleonic -about that campaign. Enver himself once told me how, in the Second -Balkan War, he had ridden all night at the head of his troops to the -capture of Adrianople, and how, when he arrived there, the Bulgarians -had abandoned it and his victory had thus been a bloodless one. But -certainly Enver did have one trait that made for success in such a -distracted country as Turkey--and that was audacity. He was quick in -making decisions, always ready to stake his future and his very life -upon the success of a single adventure; from the beginning, indeed, his -career had been one lucky crisis after another. His nature had a -remorselessness, a lack of pity, a cold-blooded determination, of which -his clean-cut handsome face, his small but sturdy figure, and his -pleasing manners gave no indication. Nor would the casual spectator have -suspected the passionate personal ambition that drove him on. His -friends commonly referred to him as “Napoleonlik”--the little -Napoleon--and this nickname really represented Enver’s abiding -conviction. I remember sitting one night with Enver, in his house; on -one side hung a picture of Napoleon; on the other one of Frederick the -Great; and between them sat Enver himself! This fact gives some notion -of his vanity; these two warriors and statesmen were his great heroes -and I believe that Enver thought fate had a career in store for him not -unlike theirs. The fact that, at twenty-six, he had taken a leading part -in the revolution which had deposed Abdul Hamid, naturally caused him to -compare himself with Bonaparte; several times he has told me that he -believed himself to be “a man of destiny.” Enver even affected to -believe that he had been divinely set apart to reëstablish the glory of -Turkey and make himself the great dictator. Yet, as I have suggested, -there was something almost dainty and feminine in Enver’s appearance. He -was the type that in America we sometimes call a matinée idol, and the -word women frequently used to describe him was “dashing.” His face -contained not a single line or furrow; it never disclosed his emotions -or his thoughts; he was always calm, steely, imperturbable. That Enver -certainly lacked Napoleon’s penetration is evident from the way he had -planned to obtain the supreme power, for he early allied his personal -fortunes with Germany. For years his sympathies had been with the -Kaiser. Germany, the German army and navy, the German language, and the -German autocratic system exercised a fatal charm upon this youthful -preacher of Turkish democracy. After Hamid fell, Enver went on a -military mission to Berlin, and here the Kaiser immediately detected in -him a possible instrument for working out his plans in the Orient, and -cultivated him in numerous ways. Afterward Enver spent a considerable -time in Berlin as military attaché, and this experience still further -endeared him to Germany. The man who returned to Constantinople was -almost more German than Turkish. He had learned to speak German -fluently, he was even wearing a moustache slightly curled up at the -ends; indeed, he had been completely captivated by Prussianism. As soon -as Enver became Minister of War, Wangenheim flattered and cajoled the -young man, played upon his ambitions, and probably promised him -Germany’s complete support in achieving them. In his private -conversation Enver made no secret of his admiration for Germany. - -Thus Enver’s elevation to the Ministry of War was virtually a German -victory. He immediately instituted a drastic reorganization. Enver told -me himself that he had accepted the post only on condition that he -should have a free hand, and this free hand he now proceeded to -exercise. The army still contained a large number of officers, many of -whom were partisans of the murdered Nazim and favoured the old régime -rather than the Young Turks, Enver promptly cashiered 268 of these, and -put in their places Turks who were known as “U. and P.” men, and many -Germans. The Enver-Talaat group always feared a revolution that would -depose them as they had thrown out their predecessors. Many times did -they tell me that their own success as revolutionists had taught them -how easily a few determined men could seize control of the country; they -did not propose, they said, to have a little group in their army -organize such a _coup d’état_ against them. The boldness of Enver’s move -alarmed even Talaat, but Enver showed the determination of his character -and refused to reconsider his action, though one of the officers removed -was Chukri Pasha, who had defended Adrianople in the Balkan war. Enver -issued a circular to the Turkish commanders, practically telling them -that they must look only to him for preferment and that they could make -no headway by playing politics with any group except that dominated by -the Young Turks. - -Thus Enver’s first acts were the beginnings in the Prussification of the -Turkish army, but Talaat was not an enthusiastic German like his -associate. He had no intention of playing Germany’s game; he was working -chiefly for the Committee and for himself. But he could not succeed -unless he had control of the army; therefore, he had made Enver, for -years his intimate associate in “U. and P.” politics, Minister of War. -Again he needed a strong army if he was to have any at all, and -therefore he turned to the one source where he could find assistance, to -Germany. Wangenheim and Talaat, in the latter part of 1913, had arranged -that the Kaiser should send a military mission to reorganize the Turkish -forces. Talaat told me that, in calling in this mission, he was using -Germany, though Germany thought that it was using him. That there were -definite dangers in the move he well understood. A deputy who discussed -this situation with Talaat in January, 1914, has given me a memorandum -of a conversation which shows well what was going on in Talaat’s mind. - -“Why do you hand the management of the country over to the Germans?” -asked this deputy, referring to the German military mission. “Don’t you -see that this is part of Germany’s plan to make Turkey a German -colony--that we shall become merely another Egypt?” - -“We understand perfectly,” replied Talaat, “that that is Germany’s -programme. We also know that we cannot put this country on its feet with -our own resources. We shall, therefore, take advantage of such technical -and material assistance as the Germans can place at our disposal. We -shall use Germany to help us reconstruct and defend the country until we -are able to govern ourselves with our own strength. When that day comes, -we can say good-bye to the Germans within twenty-four hours.” - -Certainly the physical condition of the Turkish army betrayed the need -of assistance from some source. The picture it presented, before the -Germans arrived, I have always regarded as portraying the condition of -the whole empire. When I issued invitations for my first reception, a -large number of Turkish officials asked to be permitted to come in -evening clothes; they said that they had no uniforms and no money with -which to purchase or to hire them. They had not received their salaries -for three and a half months. As the Grand Vizier, who regulates the -etiquette of such functions, still insisted on full uniform, many of -these officials had to remain absent. About the same time the new German -mission asked the commander of the second army corps to exercise his -men, but the commander replied that he could not do so as his men had no -shoes! - -Desperate and wicked as Talaat subsequently showed himself to be, I -still think that he at least was not then a willing tool of Germany. An -episode that involved myself bears out this view. In describing the -relations of the great powers to Turkey I have said nothing about the -United States. In fact, we had no important business relations at that -time. The Turks regarded us as a country of idealists and altruists, and -the fact that we spent millions building wonderful educational -institutions in their country purely from philanthropic motives aroused -their astonishment and possibly their admiration. They liked Americans -and regarded us as about the only disinterested friend whom they had -among the nations. But our interests in Turkey were small; the Standard -Oil Company did a growing business, the Singer Company sold sewing -machines to the Armenians and Greeks; we bought a good deal of their -tobacco, figs, and rugs, and gathered their licorice root. In addition -to these activities, missionaries and educational experts formed about -our only contacts with the Turkish Empire. The Turks knew that we had -no desire to dismember their country or to mingle in Balkan politics. -The very fact that my country was so disinterested was perhaps the -reason why Talaat discussed Turkish affairs so freely with me. In the -course of these conversations I frequently expressed my desire to serve -them, and Talaat and some of the other members of the Cabinet got into -the habit of consulting me on business matters. Soon after my arrival, I -made a speech at the American Chamber of Commerce in Constantinople; -Talaat, Djemal, and other important leaders were present. I talked about -the backward economic state of Turkey and admonished them not to be -discouraged. I described the condition of the United States after the -Civil War and made the point that our devastated Southern States -presented a spectacle not unlike that of Turkey at that present moment. -I then related how we had gone to work, developed our resources, and -built up the present thriving nation. My remarks apparently made a deep -impression, especially my statement that after the Civil War the United -States had become a large borrower in foreign money markets and had -invited immigration from all parts of the world. - -This speech apparently gave Talaat a new idea. It was not impossible -that the United States might furnish him the material support which he -had been seeking in Europe. Already I had suggested that an American -financial expert should be sent to study Turkish finance and in this -connection I had mentioned Mr. Henry Bruère, of New York--a suggestion -which the Turks had received favourably. At that time Turkey’s greatest -need was money. France had financed Turkey for many years, and French -bankers, in the spring of 1914, were negotiating for another large -loan. Though Germany had made some loans, the condition of the Berlin -money market at that time did not encourage the Turks to expect much -assistance from that source. - -In late December, 1913, Bustány Effendi--a Christian Arab, and Minister -of Commerce and Agriculture, who spoke English fluently (he had been -Turkish commissioner to the Chicago World’s Fair in 1893)--called and -approached me on the question of an American loan. Bustány asked if -there were not American financiers who would take entire charge of the -reorganization of Turkish finance. His plea was really a cry of despair -and it touched me deeply. As I wrote in my diary at the time, “They seem -to be scraping the box for money.” But I had been in Turkey only six -weeks, and obviously I had no information on which I could recommend -such a large contract to American bankers. I informed Bustány that my -advice would not carry much weight in the United States unless it were -based on a complete knowledge of economic conditions in Turkey. Talaat -came to me a few days later, suggesting that I make a prolonged tour -over the empire and study the situation at first hand. He asked if I -could not arrange meanwhile a small temporary loan to tide them over the -interim. He said there was no money in the Turkish Treasury; if I could -get them only $5,000,000, that would satisfy them. I told Talaat that I -would try to raise this amount for them, and that I would adopt his -suggestion and inspect his Empire with the possible idea of interesting -American investors. After obtaining the consent of the State Department, -I wrote to my nephew and business associate, Mr. Robert E. Simon, asking -him to sound certain New York institutions and bankers on making a -small short-time collateral loan to Turkey. Mr. Simon’s investigations -soon disclosed that a Turkish loan did not seem to be regarded as an -attractive business undertaking in New York. Mr. Simon wrote, however, -that Mr. C. K. G. Billings had shown much interest in the idea, and -that, if I desired, Mr. Billings would come out in his yacht and discuss -the matter with the Turkish Cabinet and with me. In a few days Mr. -Billings had started for Constantinople. - -The news of Mr. Billings’s approach spread with great rapidity all over -the Turkish capital; the fact that he was coming in his own private -yacht seemed to magnify the importance and the glamour of the event. -That a great American millionaire was prepared to reinforce the depleted -Turkish Treasury and that this support was merely the preliminary step -in the reorganization of Turkish finances by American capitalists, -produced a tremendous flutter in the foreign embassies. So rapidly did -the information spread, indeed, that I rather suspected that the Turkish -Cabinet had taken no particular pains to keep it secret. This suspicion -was strengthened by a visit which I received from the Chief Rabbi -Nahoum, who informed me that he had come at the request of Talaat. - -“There is a rumour,” said the Chief Rabbi, “that Americans are about to -make a loan to Turkey. Talaat would be greatly pleased if you would not -contradict it.” - -Wangenheim displayed an almost hysterical interest: the idea of America -coming to the financial assistance of Turkey did not fall in with his -plans at all, for in his eyes Turkey’s poverty was chiefly valuable as a -means of forcing the empire into Germany’s hands. One day I showed -Wangenheim a book containing etchings of Mr. Billings’s homes, -pictures, and horses; he showed a great interest, not only in the -horses--Wangenheim was something of a horseman himself--but in this -tangible evidence of great wealth. For the next few days several -ambassadors and ministers filed into my office, each solemnly asking for -a glimpse at this book! As the time approached for Mr. Billings’s -arrival, Talaat began making elaborate plans for his entertainment; he -consulted me as to whom we should invite to the proposed dinners, -lunches, and receptions. As usual Wangenheim got in ahead of the rest. -He could not come to the dinner which we had planned and asked me to -have him for lunch, and in this way he met Mr. Billings several hours -before the other diplomats. Mr. Billings frankly told him that he was -interested in Turkey and that it was not unlikely that he would make the -loan. - -In the evening we gave the Billings party a dinner, all the important -members of the Turkish Cabinet being present. Before this dinner, -Talaat, Mr. Billings, and myself had a long talk about the loan. Talaat -informed us that the French bankers had accepted their terms that very -day, and that they would, therefore, need no American money at that -time. He was exceedingly gracious and grateful to Mr. Billings, and -profuse in expressing his thanks. Indeed, he might well have been, for -Mr. Billings’s arrival enabled Turkey at last to close negotiations with -the French bankers. His attempt to express his appreciation had one -curious manifestation. Enver, the second man in the Cabinet, was -celebrating his wedding when Mr. Billings arrived. The progress which -Enver was making in the Turkish world is evidenced from the fact that, -although Enver, as I have said, came of the humblest stock, his bride -was a daughter of the Turkish Imperial House. Turkish weddings are -prolonged affairs, lasting two or three days. The day following the -Embassy dinner, Talaat gave the Billings party a luncheon at the Cercle -d’Orient, and he insisted that Enver should leave his wedding ceremony -long enough to attend this function. Enver, therefore, came to the -luncheon, sat through all the speeches, and then returned to his bridal -party. - -I am convinced that Talaat did not regard this Billings episode as -closed. As I look back upon this transaction, I see clearly that he was -seeking to extricate his country, and that the possibility that the -United States would assist him in performing the rescue was ever present -in his mind. He frequently spoke to me of Mr. “Beelings,” as he called -him, and even after Turkey had broken with France and England, and was -depending on Germany for money, his mind still reverted to Mr. -Billings’s visit; perhaps he was thinking of our country as a financial -haven of rest after he had carried out his plan of expelling the -Germans. I am certain that the possibility of American help led him, in -the days of the war, to do many things for me that he would not -otherwise have done. “Remember me to Mr. Beelings” were almost the last -words he said to me when I left Constantinople. This yachting visit, -though it did not lack certain comedy elements at the time, I am sure -ultimately saved many lives from starvation and massacre. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -“THE PERSONAL REPRESENTATIVE OF THE KAISER”--WANGENHEIM OPPOSES THE SALE -OF AMERICAN WARSHIPS TO GREECE - - -But even in March, 1914, the Germans had pretty well tightened their -hold on Turkey. Liman von Sanders, who had arrived in December, had -become the predominant influence in the Turkish army. At first Von -Sanders’ appointment aroused no particular hostility, for German -missions had been called in before to instruct the Turkish army, notably -that of Von der Goltz, and an English naval mission, headed by Admiral -Limpus, was even then in Turkey attempting the difficult task of -reorganizing the Turkish navy. We soon discovered, however, that the Von -Sanders military mission was something quite different from those which -I have named. Even before Von Sanders’ arrival it had been announced -that he was to take command of the first Turkish army corps, and that -General Bronssart von Schnellendorf was to become Chief of Staff. The -appointments signified nothing less than that the Kaiser had almost -completed his plans to annex the Turkish army to his own. To show the -power which Von Sanders’ appointment had given him, it is only necessary -to say that the first army corps practically controlled Constantinople. -These changes clearly showed to what an extent Enver Pasha had become a -cog in the Prussian system. Naturally the representatives of the -Entente Powers could not tolerate such a usurpation by Germany. The -British, French, and Russian Ambassadors immediately called upon the -Grand Vizier and protested with more warmth than politeness over Von -Sanders’ elevation. The Turkish Cabinet hemmed and hawed in the usual -way, protested that the change was not important, but finally it -withdrew Von Sanders’ appointment as head of the first army corps, and -made him Inspector General. However, this did not greatly improve the -situation, for this post really gave Von Sanders greater power than the -one which he had held before. Thus, by January, 1914, seven months -before the Great War began, Germany held this position in the Turkish -army: a German general was Chief of Staff; another was Inspector -General; scores of German officers held commands of the first -importance, and the Turkish politician who was even then an outspoken -champion of Germany, Enver Pasha, was Minister of War. - -After securing this diplomatic triumph Wangenheim was granted a -vacation--he had certainly earned it--and Giers, the Russian Ambassador, -went off on a vacation at the same time. Baroness Wangenheim explained -to me--I was ignorant at this time of all these subtleties of -diplomacy--precisely what these vacations signified. Wangenheim’s leave -of absence, she said, meant that the German Foreign Office regarded the -Von Sanders episode as closed--and closed with a German victory. Giers’s -furlough, she explained, meant that Russia declined to accept this point -of view and that, so far as Russia was concerned, the Von Sanders affair -had not ended. I remember writing to my family that, in this mysterious -Near-Eastern diplomacy, the nations talked to each other with acts, not -words, and I instanced Baroness Wangenheim’s explanation of these -diplomatic vacations as a case in point. - -An incident which took place in my own house opened all our eyes to how -seriously Von Sanders regarded this military mission. On February 18th, -I gave my first diplomatic dinner; General Von Sanders and his two -daughters attended, the General sitting next to my daughter Ruth. My -daughter, however, did not have a very enjoyable time; this German field -marshal, sitting there in his gorgeous uniform, his breast all sparkling -with medals, hardly said a word throughout the whole meal. He ate his -food silently and sulkily, all my daughter’s attempts to enter into -conversation evoking only an occasional surly monosyllable. The -behaviour of this great military leader was that of a spoiled child. - -At the end of the dinner Von Mutius, the German chargé d’affaires, came -up to me in a high state of excitement. It was some time before he could -sufficiently control his agitation to deliver his message. - -“You have made a terrible mistake, Mr. Ambassador,” he said. - -“What is that?” I asked, naturally taken aback. - -“You have greatly offended Field Marshal Von Sanders. You have placed -him at the dinner lower in rank than the foreign ministers. He is the -personal representative of the Kaiser and as such is entitled to equal -rank with the ambassadors. He should have been placed ahead of the -cabinet ministers and the foreign ministers.” - -So I had affronted the Emperor himself! This, then, was the explanation -of Von Sanders’ boorish behaviour. Fortunately, my position was an -impregnable one. I had not arranged the seating precedence at this -dinner; I had sent the list of my guests to the Marquis Pallavicini, the -Austrian Ambassador and dean of the diplomatic corps, and the greatest -authority in Constantinople on such delicate points as this. The Marquis -had returned the list, marking in red ink against each name the order of -precedence--1, 2, 3, 4, 5, etc. I still possess this document as it came -from the Austrian Embassy, and General Von Sanders’ name appears with -the numerals “13” against it. I must admit, however, that “the 13th -chair” did bring him pretty well to the foot of the table. - -I explained the situation to Von Mutius and asked M. Panfili, -_conseiller_ of the Austrian Embassy, who was a guest at the dinner, to -come up and make everything clear to the outraged German diplomat. As -the Austrians and Germans were allies, it was quite apparent that the -slight, if slight there had been, was unintentional. Panfili said that -he had been puzzled over the question of Von Sanders’s position, and had -submitted the question to the Marquis. The outcome was that the Austrian -Ambassador had himself fixed Von Sanders’ rank at number 13. But the -German Embassy did not let the matter rest there, for afterward -Wangenheim called on Pallavicini, and discussed the matter with -considerable liveliness. - -“If Liman von Sanders represents the Kaiser, whom do you represent?” -Pallavicini asked Wangenheim. The argument was a good one, as the -ambassador is always regarded as the _alter ego_ of his sovereign. - -“It is not customary,” continued the Marquis, “for an emperor to have -two representatives at the same court.” - -As the Marquis was unyielding, Wangenheim carried the question to the -Grand Vizier. But Saïd Halim refused to assume responsibility for so -momentous a decision and referred the dispute to the Council of -Ministers. This body solemnly sat upon the question and rendered this -verdict: Von Sanders should rank ahead of the ministers of foreign -countries, but below the members of the Turkish Cabinet. Then the -foreign ministers lifted up their voices in protest. Von Sanders not -only became exceedingly unpopular for raising this question, but the -dictatorial and autocratic way in which he had done it aroused general -disgust. The ministers declared that, if Von Sanders were ever given -precedence at any function of this kind, they would leave the table in a -body. The net result was that Von Sanders was never again invited to a -diplomatic dinner. Sir Louis Mallet, the British Ambassador, took a -sardonic interest in the episode. It was lucky, he said, that it had not -happened at his Embassy; if it had, the newspapers would have had -columns about the strained relations between England and Germany! - -After all, this proceeding did have great international importance. Von -Sanders’s personal vanity had led him to betray a diplomatic secret; he -was not merely a drill master who had been sent to instruct the Turkish -army; he was precisely what he had claimed to be--the personal -representative of the Kaiser. The Kaiser had selected him, just as he -had selected Wangenheim, as an instrument for working his will in -Turkey. Afterward Von Sanders told me, with all that pride which German -aristocrats manifest when speaking of their imperial master, how the -Kaiser had talked to him a couple of hours the day he had appointed him -to this Constantinople mission, and how, the day that he had started, -Wilhelm had spent another hour giving him final instructions. I reported -this dinner incident to my government as indicating Germany’s growing -ascendancy in Turkey and I presume the other ambassadors likewise -reported it to their governments. The American military attaché, Major -John R. M. Taylor, who was present, attributed the utmost significance -to it. A month after the occurrence he and Captain McCauley, commanding -the _Scorpion_, the American _stationnaire_ at Constantinople, had lunch -at Cairo with Lord Kitchener. The luncheon was a small one, only the -Americans, Lord Kitchener, his sister, and an aide making up the party. -Major Taylor related this incident, and Kitchener displayed much -interest. - -“What do you think it signifies?” asked Kitchener. - -“I think it means,” Major Taylor said, “that when the big war comes, -Turkey will probably be the ally of Germany. If she is not in direct -alliance, I think that she at least will mobilize on the line of the -Caucasus and thus divert three Russian army corps from the European -theatre of operations.” - -Kitchener thought for a moment and then said, “I agree with you.” - -And now for several months we had before our eyes this spectacle of the -Turkish army actually under the control of Germany. German officers -drilled the troops daily--all, I am now convinced, in preparation for -the approaching war. Just what results had been accomplished appeared -when, in July, there was a great military review. The occasion was a -splendid and a gala affair. The Sultan attended in state; he sat under a -beautifully decorated tent where he held a little court; and the Khedive -of Egypt, the Crown Prince of Turkey, the princes of the imperial blood -and the entire Cabinet were also on hand. We now saw that, in the -preceding six months, the Turkish army had been completely Prussianized. -What in January had been an undisciplined, ragged rabble was now -parading with the goose step; the men were clad in German field gray, -and they even wore a casque-shaped head covering, which slightly -suggested the German _pickelhaube_. The German officers were immensely -proud of the exhibition, and the transformation of the wretched Turkish -soldiers of January into these neatly dressed, smartly stepping, -splendidly manœuvring troops was really a creditable military -achievement. When the Sultan invited me to his tent I naturally -congratulated him upon the excellent showing of his men. He did not -manifest much enthusiasm; he said that he regretted the possibility of -war; he was at heart a pacifist. I noticed certain conspicuous absences -from this great German fête, for the French, British, Russian, and -Italian ambassadors had kept away. Bompard said that he had received his -ten tickets but that he did not regard that as an invitation. Wangenheim -told me, with some satisfaction, that the other ambassadors were jealous -and that they did not care to see the progress which the Turkish army -had made under German instruction. I did not have the slightest question -that these ambassadors refused to attend because they had no desire to -grace this German holiday; nor did I blame them. - -Meanwhile, I had other evidences that Germany was playing her part in -Turkish politics. In June the relations between Greece and Turkey -approached the breaking point. The Treaty of London (May 30, 1913) had -left Greece in possession of the islands of Chios and Mitylene. A -reference to the map discloses the strategic importance of these -islands. They stand there in the Ægean Sea like guardians controlling -the bay and the great port of Smyrna, and it is quite apparent that any -strong military nation which permanently held these vantage points would -ultimately control Smyrna and the whole Ægean coast of Asia Minor. The -racial situation made the continued retention of these islands by Greece -a constant military danger to Turkey. Their population was Greek and had -been Greek since the days of Homer; the coast of Asia Minor itself was -also Greek; more than half the population of Smyrna, Turkey’s greatest -Mediterranean seaport, was Greek; in its industries, its commerce, and -its culture the city was so predominantly Greek that the Turks usually -referred to it as _giaour Ismir_--”infidel Smyrna.” Though this Greek -population was nominally Ottoman in nationality it did not conceal its -affection for the Greek fatherland, these Asiatic Greeks even making -contributions to promote Greek national aims. The Ægean islands and the -mainland, in fact, constituted _Graecia Irredenta_; and that Greece was -determined to redeem them, precisely as she had recently redeemed Crete, -was no diplomatic secret. Should the Greeks ever land an army on this -Asia Minor coast, there was little question that the native Greek -population would welcome it enthusiastically and coöperate with it. - -Since Germany, however, had her own plans for - -[Illustration: TALAAT PASHA, EX-GRAND VIZIER OF TURKEY - -In 1914, when the war broke out, Talaat was Minister of the Interior and -the most influential leader in the Committee of Union and Progress, the -secret organization which controlled the Turkish Empire. A few years ago -Talaat was a letter-carrier, and afterward a telegraph operator in -Adrianople. His talents are those of a great political boss. He -represented Turkey in the peace negotiations with Russia and his -signature appears on the Brest-Litovsk treaty.] - -[Illustration: TURKISH INFANTRY AND CAVALRY - -In January, 1914, the Turkish Army was a ragged, undisciplined force. -These troops, drilled by German military instructors, show the result of -six months’ training.] - -Asia Minor, inevitably the Greeks in this region formed a barrier to -Pan-German aspirations. As long as this region remained Greek, it formed -a natural obstacle to Germany’s road to the Persian Gulf, precisely as -did Serbia. Any one who has read even cursorily the literature of -Pan-Germania is familiar with the peculiar method which German -publicists have advocated for dealing with populations that stand in -Germany’s way. That is by deportation. The violent shifting of whole -peoples from one part of Europe to another, as though they were so many -herds of cattle, has for years been part of the Kaiser’s plans for -German expansion. This is the treatment which, since the war began, she -has applied to Belgium, to Poland, to Serbia; its most hideous -manifestation, as I shall show, has been to Armenia. Acting under -Germany’s prompting, Turkey now began to apply this principle of -deportation to her Greek subjects in Asia Minor. Three years afterward -the German admiral, Usedom, who had been stationed in the Dardanelles -during the bombardment, told me that it was the Germans “who urgently -made the suggestion that the Greeks be moved from the seashore.” The -German motive, Admiral Usedom said, was purely military. Whether Talaat -and his associates realized that they were playing the German game I am -not sure, but there is no doubt that the Germans were constantly -instigating them in this congenial task. - -The events that followed foreshadowed the policy adopted in the Armenian -massacres. The Turkish officials pounced upon the Greeks, herded them in -groups and marched them toward the ships. They gave them no time to -settle their private affairs, and they took no pains to keep families -together. The plan was to transport the Greeks to the wholly Greek -islands in the Ægean. Naturally the Greeks rebelled against such -treatment, and occasional massacres were the result, especially in -Phocaea, where more than fifty people were murdered. The Turks demanded -that all foreign establishments in Smyrna dismiss their Greek employees -and replace them with Moslems. Among other American concerns, the Singer -Manufacturing Company received such instructions, and though I -interceded and obtained sixty days’ delay, ultimately this American -concern had to obey the mandate. An official boycott was established -against all Christians, not only in Asia Minor, but in Constantinople, -but this boycott did not discriminate against the Jews, who have always -been more popular with the Turks than have the Christians. The officials -particularly requested Jewish merchants to put signs over their doors -indicating their nationality and trade--such signs as “Abraham the Jew, -tailor,” “Isaac the Jew, shoemaker,” and the like. I looked upon this -boycott as illustrating the topsy-turvy national organization of Turkey, -for here we had a nation engaging in a commercial boycott against its -own subjects. - -This procedure against the Greeks not improperly aroused my indignation. -I did not have the slightest suspicion at that time that the Germans had -instigated these deportations, but I looked upon them merely as an -outburst of Turkish ferocity and chauvinism. By this time I knew Talaat -well; I saw him nearly every day, and he used to discuss practically -every phase of international relations with me. I objected vigorously to -his treatment of the Greeks; I told him that it would make the worst -possible impression abroad and that it affected American interests. -Talaat explained his national policy: these different _blocs_ in the -Turkish Empire, he said, had always conspired against Turkey; because of -the hostility of these native populations, Turkey had lost province -after province--Greece, Serbia, Rumania, Bulgaria, Bosnia, Herzegovina, -Egypt, and Tripoli. In this way the Turkish Empire had dwindled almost -to the vanishing point. If what was left of Turkey was to survive, added -Talaat, he must get rid of these alien peoples. “Turkey for the Turks” -was now Talaat’s controlling idea. Therefore he proposed to Turkify -Smyrna and the adjoining islands. Already 40,000 Greeks had left, and he -asked me again to urge American business houses to employ only Turks. He -said that the accounts of violence and murder had been greatly -exaggerated and suggested that a commission be sent to investigate. -“They want a commission to whitewash Turkey,” Sir Louis Mallet, the -British Ambassador, told me. True enough, when this commission did bring -in its report, it exculpated Turkey. - -The Greeks in Turkey had one great advantage over the Armenians, for -there was such a thing as a Greek government, which naturally has a -protecting interest in them. The Turks knew that these deportations -would precipitate a war with Greece; in fact, they welcomed such a war -and were preparing for it. So enthusiastic were the Turkish people that -they had raised money by popular subscription and had purchased a -Brazilian dreadnaught which was then under construction in England. The -government had ordered also a second dreadnaught in England, and several -submarines and destroyers in France. The purpose of these naval -preparations was no secret in Constantinople. As soon as they obtained -these ships, or even the one dreadnaught which was nearing completion, -Turkey intended to attack Greece and take back the islands. A single -modern battleship like the _Sultan Osman_--this was the name the Turks -had given the Brazilian vessel--could easily overpower the whole Greek -navy and control the Ægean Sea. As this powerful vessel would be -finished and commissioned in a few months, we all expected the -Greco-Turkish war to break out in the fall. What could the Greek navy -possibly do against this impending danger? - -Such was the situation when, early in June, I received a most agitated -visitor. This was Djemal Pasha, the Turkish Minister of Marine and one -of the three men who then dominated the Turkish Empire. I have hardly -ever seen a man who appeared more utterly worried than was Djemal on -this occasion. As he began talking excitedly to my interpreter in -French, his whiskers trembling with his emotions and his hands wildly -gesticulating, he seemed to be almost beside himself. I knew enough -French to understand what he was saying, and the news which he -brought--this was the first I had heard of it--sufficiently explained -his agitation. The American Government, he said, was negotiating with -Greece for the sale of two battleships, the _Idaho_ and the -_Mississippi_. He urged that I should immediately move to prevent any -such sale. His attitude was that of a suppliant; he begged, he implored -that I should intervene. All along, he said, the Turks regarded the -United States as their best friend; I had frequently expressed my desire -to help them; well, here was the chance to show our good feeling. The -fact that Greece and Turkey were practically on the verge of war, said -Djemal, really made the sale of the ships an unneutral act. Still, if -the transaction were purely a commercial one, Turkey would like a chance -to bid. “We will pay more than Greece,” he added. He ended with a -powerful plea that I should at once cable my government about the -matter, and this I promised to do. - -Evidently the clever Greeks had turned the tables on their enemy. Turkey -had rather too boldly advertised her intention of attacking Greece as -soon as she had received her dreadnaughts. Both the ships for which -Greece was now negotiating were immediately available for battle! The -_Idaho_ and _Mississippi_ were not indispensable ships for the American -navy; they could not take their place in the first line of battle; they -were powerful enough, however, to drive the whole Turkish navy from the -Ægean. Evidently the Greeks did not intend politely to postpone the -impending war until the Turkish dreadnaughts had been finished, but to -attack as soon as they received these American ships. Djemal’s point, of -course, had no legal validity. However great the threat of war might be, -Turkey and Greece were still actually at peace. Clearly Greece had just -as much right to purchase warships in the United States as Turkey had to -purchase them in Brazil or England. - -But Djemal was not the only statesman who attempted to prevent the sale; -the German Ambassador displayed the keenest interest. Several days after -Djemal’s visit, Wangenheim and I were riding in the hills north of -Constantinople; Wangenheim began to talk about the Greeks, to whom he -displayed a violent antipathy, about the chances of war, and the -projected sale of American warships. He made a long argument about the -sale, his reasoning being precisely the same as Djemal’s--a fact which -aroused my suspicions that he had himself coached Djemal for his -interview with me. - -“Just look at the dangerous precedent you are establishing,” said -Wangenheim. “It is not unlikely that the United States may sometime find -itself in a position like Turkey’s to-day. Suppose that you were on the -brink of war with Japan; then England could sell a fleet of dreadnaughts -to Japan. How would the United States like that?” - -And then he made a statement which indicated what really lay back of his -protest. I have thought of it many times in the last three years. The -scene is indelibly impressed on my mind. There we sat on our horses; the -silent ancient forest of Belgrade lay around us, while in the distance -the Black Sea glistened in the afternoon sun. Wangenheim suddenly became -quiet and extremely earnest. He looked in my eyes and said: - -“I don’t think that the United States realizes what a serious matter -this is. The sale of these ships might be the cause that would bring on -a European war.” - -This conversation took place on June 13th; this was about six weeks -before the conflagration broke out. Wangenheim knew perfectly well that -Germany was rushing preparations for this great conflict, and he also -knew that preparations were not yet entirely complete. Like all the -German ambassadors, Wangenheim had received instructions not to let any -crisis arise that would precipitate war until all these preparations had -been finished. He had no objections to the expulsion of the Greeks, for -that in itself was part of these preparations; he was much disturbed, -however, over the prospect that the Greeks might succeed in arming -themselves and disturbing existing conditions in the Balkans. At that -moment the Balkans were a smouldering volcano; Europe had gone through -two Balkan wars without becoming generally involved, and Wangenheim knew -that another would set the whole continent ablaze. He knew that war was -coming, but he did not want it just then. He was simply attempting to -influence me at that moment to gain a little more time for Germany. - -He went so far as to ask me to cable personally to the President, -explain the seriousness of the situation, and to call his attention to -the telegrams that had gone to the State Department on the proposed sale -of the ships. I regarded his suggestion as an impertinent one and -declined to act upon it. - -To Djemal and the other Turkish officials who kept pressing me I -suggested that their ambassador in Washington should take up the matter -directly with the President. They acted on this advice, but the Greeks -again got ahead of them. At two o’clock, June 22d, the Greek chargé -d’affaires at Washington and Commander Tsouklas, of the Greek navy, -called upon the President and arranged the sale. As they left the -President’s office, the Turkish Ambassador entered--just fifteen minutes -too late! - -I presume that Mr. Wilson consented to the sale because he knew that -Turkey was preparing to attack Greece and believed that the _Idaho_ and -_Mississippi_ would prevent such an attack and so preserve peace in the -Balkans. - -Acting under the authorization of Congress, the administration sold -these ships on July 8, 1914, to Fred J. Gauntlett, for $12,535,276.98. -Congress immediately voted the money realized from the sale to the -construction of a great modern dreadnaught, the _California_. Mr. -Gauntlett transferred the ships to the Greek Government. Rechristened -the _Kilkis_ and the _Lemnos_, those battleships immediately took their -places as the most powerful vessels of the Greek Navy, and the -enthusiasm of the Greeks in obtaining them was unbounded. - -By this time we had moved from the Embassy to our summer home on the -Bosphorus. All the summer embassies were located there, and a more -beautiful spot I have never seen. Our house was a three-story building, -something in the Venetian style; behind it the cliff rose abruptly, with -several terraced gardens towering one above the other; the building -stood so near the shore and the waters of the Bosphorus rushed by so -rapidly that when we sat outside, especially on a moonlight night, we -had almost a complete illusion that we were sitting on the deck of a -fast sailing ship. In the daytime the Bosphorus, here little more than a -mile wide, was alive with gaily coloured craft; I recall this animated -scene with particular vividness because I retain in my mind the contrast -it presented a few months afterward, when Turkey’s entrance into the war -had the immediate result of closing this strait. Day by day the huge -Russian steamships, on their way from Black Sea ports to Smyrna, -Alexandria, and other cities, made clear the importance of this little -strip of water, and explained the bloody contests of the European -nations, extending over a thousand years, for its possession. However, -these early summer - -[Illustration: BUSTÁNY EFFENDI - -Ex-Minister of Commerce and Agriculture in the Turkish Cabinet. He came -to Mr. Morgenthau in January, 1914, seeking American assistance in -financially rehabilitating Turkey] - -[Illustration: MOHAMMED V, LATE SULTAN OF TURKEY - -His majesty was a kind-hearted old gentleman, entirely ignorant of the -world and lacking in personal force and initiative. The lower picture -shows the Sultan’s carriage at the American Embassy, waiting to take Mr. -Morgenthau to an imperial audience] - -months were peaceful; all the ambassadors and ministers and their -families were thrown constantly together; here daily gathered the -representatives of all the powers that for the last four years have been -grappling in history’s bloodiest war, all then apparently friends, -sitting around the same dining tables, walking arm in arm upon the -porches. The ambassador of one power would most graciously escort to -dinner the wife of another whose country was perhaps the most -antagonistic to his own. Little groups would form after dinner; the -Grand Vizier would hold an impromptu reception in one corner, cabinet -ministers would be whispering in another; a group of ambassadors would -discuss the Greek situation out on the porch; the Turkish officials -would glance quizzically upon the animated scene and perhaps comment -quietly in their own tongue; the Russian Ambassador would glide about -the room, pick out someone whom he wished to talk to, lock arms and push -him into a corner for a surreptitious _tête-à-tête_. Meanwhile, our sons -and daughters, the junior members of the diplomatic corps, and the -officers of the several _stationnaires_, dancing and flirting, seemed to -think that the whole proceeding had been arranged solely for their -amusement. And to realize, while all this was going on, that neither the -Grand Vizier, nor any of the other high Turkish officials, would leave -the house without outriders and bodyguards to protect them from -assassination--whatever other emotions such a vibrating atmosphere might -arouse, it was certainly alive with interest. I felt also that there was -something electric about it all; war was ever the favourite topic of -conversation; everyone seemed to realize that this peaceful, frivolous -life was transitory, and that at any moment might come the spark that -was to set everything aflame. - -Yet, when the crisis came, it produced no immediate sensation. On June -29th we heard of the assassination of the Archduke of Austria and his -consort. Everybody received the news calmly; there was, indeed, a -stunned feeling that something momentous had happened, but there was -practically no excitement. A day or two after this tragedy I had a long -talk with Talaat on diplomatic matters; he made no reference at all to -this event. I think now that we were all affected by a kind of emotional -paralysis--as we were nearer the centre than most people, we certainly -realized the dangers in the situation. In a day or two our tongues -seemed to have been loosened, for we began to talk--and to talk war. -When I saw Von Mutius, the German chargé, and Weitz, the -diplomat-correspondent of the _Frankfurter Zeitung_, they also discussed -the impending conflict, and again they gave their forecast a -characteristically Germanic touch; when war came, they said, of course -the United States would take advantage of it to get all the Mexican and -South American trade! - -When I called upon Pallavicini to express my condolences over the -Archduke’s death, he received me with the most stately solemnity. He was -conscious that he was representing the imperial family, and his grief -seemed to be personal; one would think that he had lost his own son. I -expressed my abhorrence and that of my nation for the deed, and our -sympathy with the aged emperor. - -“_Ja, Ja, es ist sehr schrecklich_” (yes, yes, it is very terrible), he -answered, almost in a whisper. - -“Serbia will be condemned for her conduct,” he added. “She will be -compelled to make reparation.” - -A few days later, when Pallavicini called upon me, he spoke of the -nationalistic societies that Serbia had permitted to exist and of her -determination to annex Bosnia and Herzegovina. He said that his -government would insist on the abandonment of these societies and these -pretentions, and that probably a punitive expedition into Serbia would -be necessary to prevent such outrages as the murder of the Archduke. -Herein I had my first intimation of the famous ultimatum of July 22d. - -The entire diplomatic corps attended the requiem mass for the Archduke -and Archduchess, celebrated at the Church of Sainte Marie on July 4th. -The church is located in the Grande Rue de Pera, not far from the -Austrian Embassy; to reach it we had to descend a flight of forty stone -steps. At the top of these stairs representatives of the Austrian -Embassy, dressed in full uniform, with crêpe on the left arm, met us, -and escorted us to our seats. All the ambassadors sat in the front pew; -I recall this with strange emotions now, for it was the last time that -we ever sat together. The service was dignified and beautiful; I -remember it with especial vividness because of the contrasting scene -that immediately followed. When the stately, gorgeously robed priests -had finished, we all shook hands with the Austrian Ambassador, returned -to our automobiles, and started on our eight-mile ride along the -Bosphorus to the American Embassy. For this day was not only the day -when we paid our tribute to the murdered heir of this medieval -autocracy; it was also the Fourth of July. The very setting of the two -scenes symbolized these two national ideals. I always think of this -ambassadorial group going down those stone steps to the church, to pay -their respect to the Archduke, and then going up to the gaily decorated -American Embassy, to pay their respect to the Declaration of -Independence. All the station ships of the foreign countries lay out in -the stream, decorated and dressed in honour of our national holiday, and -the ambassadors and ministers called in full regalia. From the upper -gardens we could see the place where Darius crossed from Asia with his -Persian hosts 2,500 years before--one of those ancient autocrats the -line of which is not yet entirely extinct. There also we could see -magnificent Robert College, an institution that represented America’s -conception of the way to “penetrate” the Turkish Empire. At night our -gardens were illuminated with Chinese lanterns; good old American -fireworks, lighting up the surrounding hills and the Bosphorus, and the -American flag flying at the front of the house, seemed almost to act as -a challenge to the plentiful reminders of autocracy and oppression which -we had had in the early part of the day. Not more than a mile across the -water the dark and gloomy hills of Asia, for ages the birthplace of -military despotisms, caught a faint and, I think, a prophetic glow from -these illuminations. - -In glancing at the ambassadorial group at the church and, afterward, at -our reception, I was surprised to note that one familiar figure was -missing. Wangenheim, Austria’s ally, was not present. This somewhat -puzzled me at the time, but afterward I had the explanation from -Wangenheim’s own lips. He had left some days before for Berlin. The -Kaiser had summoned him to an imperial council, which met on July 5th, -and which decided to plunge Europe into war. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -GERMANY MOBILIZES THE TURKISH ARMY - - -In reading the August newspapers, which described the mobilizations in -Europe, I was particularly struck with the emphasis which they laid upon -the splendid spirit that was overnight changing the civilian populations -into armies. At that time Turkey had not entered the war and her -political leaders were loudly protesting their intention of maintaining -a strict neutrality. Despite these pacific statements, the occurrences -in Constantinople were almost as warlike as those that were taking place -in the European capitals. Though Turkey was at peace, her army was -mobilizing, merely, we were told, as a precautionary measure. Yet the -daily scenes which I witnessed in Constantinople bore few resemblances -to those which were agitating every city of Europe. The martial -patriotism of men, and the sublime patience and sacrifice of women, may -sometimes give war an heroic aspect, but in Turkey the prospect was one -of general listlessness and misery. Day by day the miscellaneous Ottoman -hordes passed through the streets. Arabs, bootless and shoeless, dressed -in their most gaily coloured garments, with long linen bags (containing -the required five days’ rations) thrown over their shoulders, shambling -in their gait and bewildered in their manner, touched shoulders with -equally dispirited Bedouins, evidently suddenly snatched from the -desert. A motley aggregation of Turks, Circassians, Greeks, Kurds, -Armenians, and Jews, showing signs of having been summarily taken from -their farms and shops, constantly jostled one another. Most were ragged -and many looked half-starved; everything about them suggested -hopelessness and a cattle-like submission to a fate which they knew that -they could not avoid. There was no joy in approaching battle, no feeling -that they were sacrificing themselves for a mighty cause; day by day -they passed, the unwilling children of a tatterdemalion empire that was -making one last despairing attempt to gird itself for action. - -These wretched marchers little realized what was the power that was -dragging them from the four corners of their country. Even we of the -diplomatic group had not then clearly grasped the real situation. We -learned afterward that the signal for this mobilization had not come -originally from Enver or Talaat or the Turkish Cabinet, but from the -General Staff in Berlin and its representatives in Constantinople. Liman -von Sanders and Bronssart were really directing the complicated -operation. There were unmistakable signs of German activity. As soon as -the German armies crossed the Rhine, work was begun on a mammoth -wireless station a few miles outside of Constantinople. The materials -all came from Germany by way of Rumania, and the skilled mechanics, -industriously working from daybreak to sunset, were unmistakably -Germans. Of course, the neutrality laws would have prohibited the -construction of a wireless station for a belligerent in a neutral -country like Turkey; it was therefore officially announced that a German -company was building this heaven-pointing structure for the Turkish -Government and on the Sultan’s own property. But this story deceived no -one. Wangenheim, the German Ambassador, spoke of it freely and -constantly as a German enterprise. - -“Have you seen our wireless yet?” he would ask me. “Come on, let’s ride -up there and look it over.” - -He proudly told me that it was the most powerful in the world--powerful -enough to catch all messages sent from the Eiffel Tower in Paris! He -said that it would put him in constant communication with Berlin. So -little did he attempt to conceal its German ownership that several -times, when ordinary telegraphic communication was suspended, he offered -to let me use it to send my telegrams. - -This wireless plant was an outward symbol of the close though -unacknowledged association which then existed between Turkey and Berlin. -It took some time to finish such an extensive station and in the interim -Wangenheim was using the apparatus on the _Corcovado_, a German merchant -ship which was lying in the Bosphorus opposite the German Embassy. For -practical purposes, Wangenheim had a constant telephone connection with -Berlin. - -German officers were almost as active as the Turks themselves in this -mobilization. They enjoyed it all immensely; indeed they gave every sign -that they were having the time of their lives. Bronssart, Humann, and -Lafferts were constantly at Enver’s elbow, advising and directing the -operations. German officers were rushing through the streets every day -in huge automobiles, all requisitioned from the civilian population; -they filled all the restaurants and amusement places at night, and -celebrated their joy in the situation by consuming large quantities of -champagne--also requisitioned. A particularly spectacular and noisy -figure was that of Von der Goltz Pasha. He was constantly making a kind -of viceregal progress through the streets in a huge and madly dashing -automobile, on both sides of which flaring German eagles were painted. A -trumpeter on the front seat would blow loud, defiant blasts as the -conveyance rushed along, and woe to any one, Turk or non-Turk, who -happened to get in the way! The Germans made no attempt to conceal their -conviction that they owned this town. Just as Wangenheim had established -a little Wilhelmstrasse in his Embassy, so had the German military men -established a sub-station of the Berlin General Staff. They even brought -their wives and families from Germany; I heard Baroness Wangenheim -remark that she was holding a little court at the German Embassy. - -The Germans, however, were about the only people who were enjoying this -proceeding. The requisitioning that accompanied the mobilization really -amounted to a wholesale looting of the civilian population. The Turks -took all the horses, mules, camels, sheep, cows, and other beasts that -they could lay their hands on; Enver told me that they had gathered in -150,000 animals. They did it most unintelligently, making no provision -for the continuance of the species; thus they would leave only two cows -or two mares in many of the villages. This system of requisitioning, as -I shall describe, had the inevitable result of destroying the nation’s -agriculture, and ultimately led to the starvation of hundreds of -thousands of people. But the Turks, like the Germans, thought that the -war was destined to be a very short one, and that they would quickly -recuperate from the injuries which their methods of supplying an army -were causing their peasant population. The Government showed precisely -the same shamelessness and lack of intelligence in the way that they -requisitioned materials from merchants and shopmen. These proceedings -amounted to little less than conscious highwaymanship. But practically -none of these merchants were Moslems; most of them were Christians, -though there were a few Jews; and the Turkish officials therefore not -only provided the needs of their army and incidentally lined their own -pockets, but they found a religious joy in pillaging the infidel -establishments. They would enter a retail shop, take practically all the -merchandise on the shelves, and give merely a piece of paper in -acknowledgment. As the Government had never paid for the supplies which -it had taken in the Italian and Balkan wars, the merchants hardly -expected that they would ever receive anything for these latest -requisitions. Afterward many who understood officialdom, and were -politically influential, did recover to the extent of 70 per cent.--what -became of the remaining 30 per cent. is not a secret to those who have -had experience with Turkish bureaucrats. - -Thus for most of the population requisitioning simply meant financial -ruin. That the process was merely pillaging is shown by many of the -materials which the army took, ostensibly for the use of the soldiers. -Thus the officers seized all the mohair they could find; on occasion -they even carried off women’s silk stockings, corsets, and baby’s -slippers, and I heard of one case in which they reinforced the Turkish -commissary with caviar and other delicacies. They demanded blankets from -one merchant who was a dealer in women’s underwear; because he had no -such stock, they seized what he had, and he afterward saw his -appropriated goods reposing in rival establishments. The Turks did the -same thing in many other cases. The prevailing system was to take -movable property wherever available and convert it into cash; where the -money ultimately went I do not know, but that many private fortunes were -made I have little doubt. I told Enver that this ruthless method of -mobilizing and requisitioning was destroying his country. Misery and -starvation soon began to afflict the land. Out of a 4,000,000 adult male -population more than 1,500,000 were ultimately enlisted and so about a -million families were left without breadwinners, all of them in a -condition of extreme destitution. The Turkish Government paid its -soldiers 25 cents a month, and gave the families a separation allowance -of $1.20 a month. As a result thousands were dying from lack of food and -many more were enfeebled by malnutrition; I believe that the empire has -lost a quarter of its Turkish population since the war started. I asked -Enver why he permitted his people to be destroyed in this way. But -sufferings like these did not distress him. He was much impressed by his -success in raising a large army with practically no money--something, he -boasted, which no other nation had ever done before. In order to -accomplish this, Enver had issued orders which stigmatized the evasion -of military service as desertion and therefore punishable with the death -penalty. He also adopted a scheme by which any Ottoman could obtain -exemption by the payment of about $190. Still Enver regarded his -accomplishment as a notable one. It was really his first taste of -unlimited power and he enjoyed the experience greatly. - -That the Germans directed this mobilization is not a matter of opinion -but of proof. I need only mention that the Germans were requisitioning -materials in their own name for their own uses. I have a photographic -copy of such a requisition made by Humann, the German naval attaché, for -a shipload of oil cake. This document is dated September 29, 1914. “The -lot by the steamship _Derindje_ which you mentioned in your letter of -the 26th,” this paper reads, “has been requisitioned by me for the -German Government.” This clearly shows that, a month before Turkey had -entered the war, Germany was really exercising the powers of sovereignty -at Constantinople. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -WANGENHEIM SMUGGLES THE “GOEBEN” AND THE “BRESLAU” THROUGH THE -DARDANELLES - - -On August 10th, I went out on a little launch to meet the _Sicilia_, a -small Italian ship which had just arrived from Venice. I was especially -interested in this vessel because she was bringing to Constantinople my -son-in-law and daughter, Mr. and Mrs. Maurice Wertheim, and their three -little daughters. The greeting proved even more interesting than I had -expected. I found the passengers considerably excited, for they had -witnessed, the day before, a naval engagement in the Ionian Sea. - -“We were lunching yesterday on deck,” my daughter told me, “when I saw -two strange-looking vessels just above the horizon. I ran for the -glasses and made out two large battleships, the first one with two -queer, exotic-looking towers and the other one quite an ordinary-looking -battleship. We watched and saw another ship coming up behind them and -going very fast. She came nearer and nearer and then we heard guns -booming. Pillars of water sprang up in the air and there were many -little puffs of white smoke. It took me some time to realize what it was -all about, and then it burst upon me that we were actually witnessing an -engagement. The ships continually shifted their position but went on and -on. The two big ones turned and rushed furiously for the little one, and -then - -[Illustration: WANGENHEIM, THE GERMAN AMBASSADOR - - In front of his lodge, where he spent much of his time in the - August and September months of 1914, rejoicing in German victories. - From here he directed by wireless the _Goeben_ and the _Breslau_ - and brought them into Constantinople -] - -apparently they changed their minds and turned back. Then the little one -turned around and calmly steamed in our direction. At first I was -somewhat alarmed at this, but nothing happened. She circled around us -with her tars excited and grinning and somewhat grimy. They signalled to -our captain many questions, and then turned and finally disappeared. The -captain told us that the two big ships were Germans which had been -caught in the Mediterranean and which were trying to escape from the -British fleet. He said that the British ships are chasing them all over -the Mediterranean, and that the German ships are trying to get into -Constantinople. Have you seen anything of them? Where do you suppose the -British fleet is?” - -[Illustration: THE DARDANELLES AND THE BLACK SEA] - -A few hours afterward I happened to meet Wangenheim. When I told him -what Mrs. Wertheim had seen, he displayed an agitated interest. -Immediately after lunch he called at the American Embassy with -Pallavicini, the Austrian Ambassador, and asked for an interview with my -daughter. The two ambassadors solemnly planted themselves in chairs -before Mrs. Wertheim and subjected her to a most minute, though very -polite, cross examination. “I never felt so important in my life,” she -afterward told me. They would not permit her to leave out a single -detail; they wished to know how many shots had been fired, what -direction the German ships had taken, what everybody on board had said, -and so on. The visit seemed to give these allied ambassadors immense -relief and satisfaction, for they left the house in an almost jubilant -mood, behaving as though a great weight had been taken off their minds. -And certainly they had good reason for their elation. My daughter had -been the means of giving them the news which they had desired to hear -above everything else--that the _Goeben_ and the _Breslau_ had escaped -the British fleet and were then steaming rapidly in the direction of the -Dardanelles. - -For it was those famous German ships, the _Goeben_ and the _Breslau_, -which my daughter had seen engaged in battle with a British scout ship! - -The next day official business called me to the German Embassy. But -Wangenheim’s animated manner soon disclosed that he had no interest in -routine matters. Never had I seen him so nervous and so excited. He -could not rest in his chair more than a few minutes at a time; he was -constantly jumping up, rushing to the window and looking anxiously out -toward the Bosphorus, where his private wireless station, the -_Corcovado_, lay about three quarters of a mile away. Wangenheim’s face -was flushed and his eyes were shining; he would stride up and down the -room, speaking now of a recent German victory, now giving me a little -forecast of Germany’s plans--and then he would stalk to the window again -for another look at the _Corcovado_. - -“Something is seriously distracting you,” I said, rising. “I will go and -come again some other time.” - -“No, no!” the Ambassador almost shouted. “I want you to stay right where -you are. This will be a great day for Germany! If you will only remain -for a few minutes you will hear a great piece of news--something that -has the utmost bearing upon Turkey’s relation to the war.” - -Then he rushed out on the portico and leaned over the balustrade. At the -same moment I saw a little launch put out from the _Corcovado_ toward -the Ambassador’s dock. Wangenheim hurried down, seized an envelope from -one of the sailors, and a moment afterward burst into the room again. - -“We’ve got them!” he shouted to me. - -“Got what?” I asked. - -“The _Goeben_ and the _Breslau_ have passed through the Dardanelles!” - -He was waving the wireless message with all the enthusiasm of a college -boy whose football team has won a victory. - -Then, momentarily checking his enthusiasm, he came up to me solemnly, -humorously shook his forefinger, lifted his eyebrows, and said, “Of -course, you understand that we have sold those ships to Turkey! - -“And Admiral Souchon,” he added with another wink, “will enter the -Sultan’s service!” - -Wangenheim had more than patriotic reasons for this exultation; the -arrival of these ships was the greatest day in his diplomatic career. It -was really the first diplomatic victory which Germany had won. For years -the chancellorship of the empire had been Wangenheim’s laudable -ambition, and he behaved now like a man who saw his prize within his -grasp. The voyage of the _Goeben_ and the _Breslau_ was his personal -triumph; he had arranged with the Turkish Cabinet for their passage -through the Dardanelles, and he had directed their movements by wireless -in the Mediterranean. By safely getting the _Goeben_ and the _Breslau_ -into Constantinople, Wangenheim had definitely clinched Turkey as -Germany’s ally. All his intrigues and plottings for three years had now -finally succeeded. - -I doubt if any two ships have exercised a greater influence upon history -than these two German cruisers. Few of us at that time realized their -great importance, but subsequent developments have fully justified -Wangenheim’s exuberant satisfaction. The _Goeben_ was a powerful battle -cruiser of recent construction; the _Breslau_ was not so large a ship, -but she, like the _Goeben_, had the excessive speed that made her -extremely serviceable in those waters. These ships had spent the few -months preceding the war cruising in the Mediterranean, and when the -declaration finally came they were taking on supplies at Messina. I have -always regarded it as more than a coincidence that these two vessels, -both of them having a greater speed than any French or English ships in -the Mediterranean, should have been lying not far from Turkey when war -broke out. The selection of the _Goeben_ was particularly fortunate, as -she had twice before visited Constantinople and her officers and men -knew the Dardanelles perfectly. The - -[Illustration: THE SULTAN, MOHAMMED V, GOING TO HIS REGULAR FRIDAY -PRAYERS] - -[Illustration: TALAAT AND ENVER AT A MILITARY REVIEW - -Observing the transformation worked in the Turkish army by its German -drill-masters. Talaat is the huge, broad-shouldered man at the right; -Enver is the smaller figure to the left] - -behaviour of these crews, when the news of war was received, indicated -the spirit with which the German navy began hostilities; the men broke -into singing and shouting, lifted their Admiral upon their shoulders, -and held a real German jollification. It is said that Admiral Souchon -preserved, as a touching souvenir of this occasion, his white uniform -bearing the finger prints of his grimy sailors! - -For all their joy at the prospect of battle, the situation of these -ships was still a precarious one. They formed no match for the large -British and French naval forces which were roaming through the -Mediterranean. The _Goeben_ and the _Breslau_ were far from their native -bases; with the coaling problem such an acute one, and with England in -possession of all important stations, where could they flee for safety? -Several Italian destroyers were circling around the German ships at -Messina, enforcing neutrality and occasionally reminding them that they -could remain in port only twenty-four hours. England had ships stationed -at the Gulf of Otranto, the head of the Adriatic, to cut them off in -case they sought to escape into the Austrian port of Pola. The British -navy also stood guard at Gibraltar and Suez, the only other exits that -apparently offered the possibility of escape. There was only one other -place in which the _Goeben_ and the _Breslau_ might find a safe and -friendly reception. That was Constantinople. Apparently the British navy -dismissed this as an impossibility. At that time, early in August, -international law had not entirely disappeared as the guiding conduct of -nations. Turkey was then a neutral country, and, despite the many -evidences of German domination, she seemed likely to maintain her -neutrality. The Treaty of Paris, which was signed in 1856, as well as -the Treaty of London, signed in 1871, provided that war ships should not -use the Dardanelles except by the special permission of the Sultan, -which could be granted only in times of peace. In practice the -government had seldom given this permission except for ceremonial -occasions. Under the existing conditions it would have amounted -virtually to an unfriendly act for the Sultan to have removed the ban -against war vessels in the Dardanelles, and to permit the _Goeben_ and -the _Breslau_ to remain in Turkish waters for more than twenty-four -hours would have been nothing less than a declaration of war. It is -perhaps not surprising that the British, in the early days of August, -1914, when Germany had not completely made clear her official opinion -that “international law had ceased to exist,” regarded these treaty -stipulations as barring the German ships from the Dardanelles and -Constantinople. Relying upon the sanctity of these international -regulations, the British navy had shut off every point through which -these German ships could have escaped to safety--except the entrance to -the Dardanelles. Had England, immediately on the declaration of war, -rushed a powerful squadron to this vital spot, how different the history -of the last three years might have been! - -“His Majesty expects the _Goeben_ and the _Breslau_ to succeed in -breaking through!” Such was the wireless that reached these vessels at -Messina at five o’clock on the evening of August 4th. The twenty-four -hours’ stay permitted by the Italian Government had nearly expired. -Outside, in the Strait of Otranto, lay the force of British battle -cruisers, sending false radio messages to the Germans, instructing them -to rush for Pola. With bands playing and flags flying, the officers and -crews having had their spirits fired by oratory and drink, the two -vessels started at full speed toward the awaiting British fleet. The -little _Gloucester_, a scout boat, kept in touch, wiring constantly the -German movements to the main squadron. Suddenly, when off Cape -Spartivento, the _Goeben_ and the _Breslau_ let off into the atmosphere -all the discordant vibrations which their wireless could command, -jamming the air with such a hullabaloo that the _Gloucester_ was unable -to send any intelligible messages. Then the German cruisers turned -southward and made for the Ægean Sea. The plucky little _Gloucester_ -kept close on their heels, and, as my daughter had related, once had -even audaciously offered battle. A few hours behind the British squadron -pursued, but uselessly, for the German ships, though far less powerful -in battle, were much speedier. Even then the British admiral probably -thought that he had spoiled the German plans. The German ships might get -first to the Dardanelles, but at that point stood international law -across the path, barring the entrance. - -Meanwhile Wangenheim had accomplished his great diplomatic success. From -the _Corcovado_ wireless station in the Bosphorus he was sending the -most agreeable news to Admiral Souchon. He was telling him to hoist the -Turkish flag when he reached the Strait, for Admiral Souchon’s cruisers -had suddenly become parts of the Turkish navy, and, therefore, the usual -international prohibitions did not apply. These cruisers were no longer -the _Goeben_ and the _Breslau_, for, like an oriental magician, -Wangenheim had suddenly changed them into the _Sultan Selim_ and the -_Medilli_. The fact was that the German Ambassador had cleverly taken -advantage of the existing situation to manufacture a “sale.” As I have -already told, Turkey had two dreadnaughts under construction in England -when the war broke out. These ships were not exclusively governmental -enterprises; their purchase represented what, on the surface, appeared -to be a popular enthusiasm of the Turkish people. They were to be the -agencies through which Turkey was to attack Greece and win back the -islands of the Ægean, and the Turkish people had raised the money to -build them by a so-called popular subscription. Agents had gone from -house to house, painfully collecting these small sums of money; there -had been entertainments and fairs, and, in their eagerness for the -cause, Turkish women had sold their hair for the benefit of the common -fund. These two vessels thus represented a spectacular outburst of -patriotism that was unusual in Turkey, so unusual, indeed, that many -detected signs that the Government had stimulated it. At the very moment -when the war began, Turkey had made her last payment to the English -shipyards and the Turkish crews had arrived in England prepared to take -the finished vessels home. Then, a few days before the time set to -deliver them, the British Government stepped in and commandeered these -dreadnaughts for the British navy. - -There is not the slightest question that England had not only a legal -but a moral right to do this; there is also no question that her action -was a proper one, and that, had she been dealing with almost any other -nation, such a proceeding would not have aroused any resentment. But the -Turkish people cared nothing for distinctions of this sort; all they -saw was that they had two ships in England, which they had greatly -strained their resources to purchase, and that England had now stepped -in and taken them. Even without external pressure they would have -resented the act, but external pressure was exerted in plenty. The -transaction gave Wangenheim the greatest opportunity of his life. -Violent attacks upon England, all emanating from the German Embassy, -began to fill the Turkish press. Wangenheim was constantly discoursing -to the Turkish leaders on English perfidy and he now suggested that -Germany, Turkey’s good friend, was prepared to make compensation for -England’s “unlawful” seizure. He suggested that Turkey go through the -form of “purchasing” the _Goeben_ and the _Breslau_, which were then -wandering around the Mediterranean, perhaps in anticipation of this very -contingency, and incorporate them in the Turkish navy in place of the -appropriated ships in England. The very day that these vessels passed -through the Dardanelles, the _Ikdam_, a Turkish newspaper published in -Constantinople, had a triumphant account of this “sale,” with big -headlines calling it a “great success for the Imperial Government.” - -Thus Wangenheim’s manœuvre accomplished two purposes: it placed -Germany before the populace as Turkey’s friend, and it also provided a -subterfuge for getting the ships through the Dardanelles, and enabling -them to remain in Turkish waters. All this beguiled the more ignorant of -the Turkish people, and gave the Cabinet a plausible ground for meeting -the objection of Entente diplomats, but it did not deceive any -intelligent person. The _Goeben_ and _Breslau_ might change their names, -and the German sailors might adorn themselves with Turkish fezzes, but -we all knew from the beginning that this sale was a sham. Those who -understood the financial condition of Turkey could only be amused at the -idea that she could purchase these modern vessels. Moreover, the ships -were never incorporated in the Turkish navy; on the contrary, what -really happened was that the Turkish navy was annexed to these German -ships. A handful of Turkish sailors were placed on board at one time for -appearance sake, but their German officers and German crews still -retained active charge. Wangenheim, in his talks with me, never made any -secret of the fact that the ships still remained German property. “I -never expected to have such big checks to sign,” he remarked one day, -referring to his expenditures on the _Goeben_ and the _Breslau_. He -always called them “our” ships. Even Talaat told me in so many words -that the cruisers did not belong to Turkey. - -“The Germans say they belong to the Turks,” he remarked, with his -characteristic laugh. “At any rate, it’s very comforting for us to have -them here. After the war, if the Germans win, they will forget all about -it and leave the ships to us. If the Germans lose, they won’t be able to -take them away from us!” - -The German Government made no real pretension that the sale had been -_bona fide_; at least when the Greek Minister at Berlin protested -against the transaction as unfriendly to Greece--naïvely forgetting the -American ships which Greece had recently purchased--the German officials -soothed him by admitting, _sotto voce_, that the ownership still -remained with Germany. Yet when the Entente ambassadors constantly -protested against the presence of the German vessels, the Turkish -officials blandly kept up the pretence that they were integral parts of -the Turkish navy! - -The German officers and crews greatly enjoyed this farcical pretence -that the _Goeben_ and the _Breslau_ were Turkish ships. They took -delight in putting on Turkish fezzes, thereby presenting to the world -conclusive evidence that these loyal sailors of the Kaiser were now -parts of the Sultan’s navy. One day the _Goeben_ sailed up the -Bosphorus, halted in front of the Russian Embassy, and dropped anchor. -Then the officers and men lined the deck in full view of the enemy -embassy. All solemnly removed their Turkish fezzes and put on German -caps. The band played “Deutschland über Alles,” the “Watch on the -Rhine,” and other German songs, the German sailors singing loudly to the -accompaniment. When they had spent an hour or more serenading the -Russian Ambassador, the officers and crews removed their German caps and -again put on their Turkish fezzes. The _Goeben_ then picked up her -anchor and started southward for her station, leaving in the ears of the -Russian diplomat the gradually dying strains of German war songs as the -cruiser disappeared down stream. - -I have often speculated on what would have happened if the English -battle cruisers, which pursued the _Breslau_ and the _Goeben_ up to the -mouth of the Dardanelles, had not been too gentlemanly to violate -international law. Suppose that they had entered the Strait, attacked -the German cruisers in the Marmora, and sunk them. They could have done -this, and, knowing all that we know now, such an action would have been -justified. Not improbably the destruction would have kept Turkey out of -the war. For the arrival of these cruisers made it inevitable that -Turkey, when the proper moment came, should join her forces with -Germany. With them the Turkish navy became stronger than the Russian -Black Sea Fleet and thus made it certain that Russia could make no -attack on Constantinople. The _Goeben_ and the _Breslau_, therefore, -practically gave the Ottoman and German naval forces control of the -Black Sea. Moreover, these two ships could easily dominate -Constantinople, and thus they furnished the means by which the German -navy, if the occasion should arise, could terrorize the Turks. I am -convinced that, when the judicious historian reviews this war and its -consequences, he will say that the passage of the Strait by these German -ships made it inevitable that Turkey should join Germany at the moment -that Germany desired her assistance, and that it likewise sealed the -doom of the Turkish Empire. There were men in the Turkish Cabinet who -perceived this, even then. The story was told in Constantinople--though -I do not vouch for it as authentic history--that the cabinet meeting at -which this momentous decision had been made had not been altogether -harmonious. The Grand Vizier and Djemal, it was said, objected to the -fictitious “sale,” and demanded that it should not be completed. When -the discussion had reached its height Enver, who was playing Germany’s -game, announced that he had already practically completed the -transaction. In the silence that followed his statement this young -Napoleon pulled out his pistol and laid it on the table. - -“If any one here wishes to question this purchase,” he said quietly and -icily, “I am ready to meet him.” - -A few weeks after the _Goeben_ and the _Breslau_ had - -[Illustration: BARON VON WANGENHEIM, GERMAN AMBASSADOR TO TURKEY - - He was personally selected by the Kaiser to bring Turkey into line - with Germany and transform that country into an ally of Germany in - the forthcoming war--a task at which he succeeded. Wangenheim - represented German diplomacy in its most ruthless and most - shameless aspects. He believed with Bismarck that a patriotic - German must stand ready to sacrifice for Kaiser and Fatherland not - only his life, but his honour as well. With wonderful skill he - manipulated the desperate adventurers who controlled Turkey in 1914 - into instruments of Germany. -] - -[Illustration: DJEMAL PASHA, MINISTER OF MARINE - - In 1914 Djemal headed the Police Department; it was his duty to run - down citizens who were opposing the political gang then controlling - Turkey. Such opponents were commonly assassinated or judicially - murdered. Afterward Djemal was Minister of Marine, and as such - violently protested against the sale of American warships to - Greece. Then he was sent to Palestine as Commander of the Fourth - Army Corps, where he distinguished himself as leader in the - wholesale persecutions of the non-Moslem population -] - -taken up permanent headquarters in the Bosphorus, Djavid Bey, Minister -of Finance, happened to meet a distinguished Belgian jurist, then in -Constantinople. - -“I have terrible news for you,” said the sympathetic Turkish statesman. -“The Germans have captured Brussels.” - -The Belgian, a huge figure, more than six feet high, put his arm -soothingly upon the shoulder of the diminutive Turk. - -“I have even more terrible news for you,” he said, pointing out to the -stream where the _Goeben_ and the _Breslau_ lay anchored. “The Germans -have captured Turkey.” - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -WANGENHEIM TELLS THE AMERICAN AMBASSADOR HOW THE KAISER STARTED THE WAR - - -But there was one quarter in which this transaction produced no -appreciable gloom. That was the German Embassy. This great “success” -fairly intoxicated the impressionable Wangenheim, and other happenings -now aroused his _furor Teutonicus_ to a fever heat. The _Goeben_ and the -_Breslau_ arrived almost at the same time that the Germans captured -Liége, Namur, and other Belgian towns. And now followed the German sweep -into France and the apparently triumphant rush for Paris. In all these -happenings Wangenheim, like the militant Prussian that he was, saw the -fulfilment of a forty-years’ dream. We were all still living in the -summer embassies along the Bosphorus. Germany had a beautiful park, -which the Sultan had personally presented to the Kaiser’s government; -yet for some reason Wangenheim did not seem to enjoy his headquarters -during these summer days. A little guard house stood directly in front -of his embassy, on the street, within twenty feet of the rushing -Bosphorus, and in front of this was a stone bench. This bench was -properly a resting place for the guard, but Wangenheim seemed to have a -strong liking for it. I shall always keep in my mind the figure of this -German diplomat, in those exciting days before the Marne, sitting out on -this little bench, now and then jumping up for a stroll back and forth -in front of his house. Everybody passing from Constantinople to the -northern suburbs had to pass along this road, and even the Russian and -French diplomats frequently went by, stiffly ignoring, of course, the -triumphant ambassadorial figure on his stone bench. I sometimes think -that Wangenheim sat there for the express purpose of puffing his cigar -smoke in their direction. It all reminded me of the scene in Schiller’s -Wilhelm Tell, where Tell sits in the mountain pass, with his bow and -arrow at his side, waiting for his intended victim, Gessler, to go by: - - “Here through this deep defile he needs must pass; - There leads no other road to Küssnacht.” - -Wangenheim would also buttonhole his friends, or those whom he regarded -as his friends, and have his little jollifications over German -victories. I noticed that he stationed himself there only when the -German armies were winning; if news came of a reverse, Wangenheim was -utterly invisible. This led me to remark that he reminded me of a toy -weather prophet, which is always outside the box when the weather is -fine but which retires within when storms are gathering. Wangenheim -appreciated my little joke as keenly as the rest of the diplomatic set. - -In those early days, however, the weather for the German Ambassador was -distinctly favourable. The good fortune of the German armies so excited -him that he was sometimes led into indiscretions, and his exuberance one -day caused him to tell me certain facts which, I think, will always have -great historical value. He disclosed precisely how and when Germany had -precipitated this war. To-day his revelation of this secret looks like -a most monstrous indiscretion, but we must remember Wangenheim’s state -of mind at the time. The whole world then believed that Paris was doomed -and Wangenheim reflected this attitude in his frequent declarations that -the war would be over in two or three months. The whole German -enterprise was evidently progressing according to programme. - -I have already mentioned that the German Ambassador had left for Berlin -soon after the assassination of the Grand Duke, and he now revealed the -cause of his sudden disappearance. The Kaiser, he told me, had summoned -him to Berlin for an imperial conference. This meeting took place at -Potsdam on July 5th. The Kaiser presided and nearly all the important -ambassadors attended. Wangenheim himself was summoned to give assurance -about Turkey and enlighten his associates generally on the situation in -Constantinople, which was then regarded as almost the pivotal point in -the impending war. In telling me who attended this conference Wangenheim -used no names, though he specifically said that among them were--the -facts are so important that I quote his exact words in the German which -he used--”_die Häupter des Generalstabs und der Marine_”--(The heads of -the general staff and of the navy) by which I have assumed that he meant -Von Moltke and Von Tirpitz. The great bankers, railroad directors, and -the captains of German industry, all of whom were as necessary to German -war preparations as the army itself, also attended. - -Wangenheim now told me that the Kaiser solemnly put the question to each -man in turn: “Are you ready for war?” All replied “yes” except the -financiers. They said that they must have two weeks to sell their -foreign securities and to make loans. At that time few people had looked -upon the Sarajevo tragedy as something that would inevitably lead to -war. This conference, Wangenheim told me, took all precautions that no -such suspicion should be aroused. It decided to give the bankers time to -readjust their finances for the coming war, and then the several members -went quietly back to their work or started on vacations. The Kaiser went -to Norway on his yacht, Von Bethmann-Hollweg left for a rest, and -Wangenheim returned to Constantinople. - -In telling me about this conference Wangenheim, of course, admitted that -Germany had precipitated the war. I think that he was rather proud of -the whole performance, proud that Germany had gone about the matter in -so methodical and far-seeing a way, and especially proud that he himself -had been invited to participate in so epoch making a gathering. I have -often wondered why he revealed to me so momentous a secret, and I think -that perhaps the real reason was his excessive vanity--his desire to -show me how close he stood to the inner counsels of his emperor and the -part that he had played in bringing on this conflict. Whatever the -motive, this indiscretion certainly had the effect of showing me who -were really the guilty parties in this monstrous crime. The several -blue, red, and yellow books which flooded Europe during the few months -following the outbreak, and the hundreds of documents which were issued -by German propagandists attempting to establish Germany’s innocence, -have never made the slightest impression on me. For my conclusions as to -the responsibility are not based on suspicions or belief or the study of -circumstantial data. I do not have to reason or argue about the matter. -I know. The conspiracy that has caused this greatest of human tragedies -was hatched by the Kaiser and his imperial crew at this Potsdam -conference of July 5, 1914. One of the chief participants, flushed with -his triumph at the apparent success of the plot, told me the details -with his own mouth. Whenever I hear people arguing about the -responsibility for this war or read the clumsy and lying excuses put -forth by Germany, I simply recall the burly figure of Wangenheim as he -appeared that August afternoon, puffing away at a huge black cigar, and -giving me his account of this historic meeting. Why waste any time -discussing the matter after that? - -This imperial conference took place July 5th and the Serbian ultimatum -was sent on July 22d. That is just about the two weeks’ interval which -the financiers had demanded to complete their plans. All the great stock -exchanges of the world show that the German bankers profitably used this -interval. Their records disclose that stocks were being sold in large -quantities and that prices declined rapidly. At that time the markets -were somewhat puzzled at this movement but Wangenheim’s explanation -clears up any doubts that may still remain. Germany was changing her -securities into cash for war purposes. If any one wishes to verify -Wangenheim, I would suggest that he examine the quotations of the New -York stock market for these two historic weeks. He will find that there -were astonishing slumps in prices, especially on the stocks that had an -international market. Between July 5th and July 22d, Union Pacific -dropped from 155½ to 127½, Baltimore and Ohio from 91½ to 81, United -States Steel from 61 to 50½, Canadian Pacific from 194 to 185½, and -Northern Pacific from 111⅜ to 108. At that time the high -protectionists were blaming the Simmons-Underwood tariff act as -responsible for this fall in values, while other critics of the -Administration attributed it to the Federal Reserve Act--which had not -yet been put into effect. How little the Wall Street brokers and the -financial experts realized that an imperial conference, which had been -held in Potsdam and presided over by the Kaiser, was the real force that -was then depressing the market! - -Wangenheim not only gave me the details of this Potsdam conference, but -he disclosed the same secret to the Marquis Garroni, the Italian -Ambassador at Constantinople. Italy was at that time technically -Germany’s ally. - -The Austrian Ambassador, the Marquis Pallavicini, also practically -admitted that the Central Powers had anticipated the war. On August -18th, Francis Joseph’s birthday, I made the usual ambassadorial visit of -congratulation. Quite naturally the conversation turned upon the -Emperor, who had that day passed his 84th year. Pallavicini spoke about -him with the utmost pride and veneration. He told me how keen-minded and -clear-headed the aged emperor was, how he had the most complete -understanding of international affairs, and how he gave everything his -personal supervision. To illustrate the Austrian Kaiser’s grasp of -public events, Pallavicini instanced the present war. The previous May, -Pallavicini had had an audience with Francis Joseph in Vienna. At that -time, Pallavicini now told me, the Emperor had said that a European war -was unavoidable. The Central Powers would not accept the Treaty of -Bucharest as a settlement of the Balkan question, and only a general -war, the Emperor had told Pallavicini, could ever settle that problem. -The Treaty of Bucharest, I may recall, was the settlement that ended the -second Balkan war. This divided the European dominions of Turkey, -excepting Constantinople and a small piece of adjoining territory, among -the Balkan nations, chiefly Serbia and Greece. That treaty strengthened -Serbia greatly; so much did it increase Serbia’s resources, indeed, that -Austria feared that it had laid the beginning of a new European state, -which might grow sufficiently strong to resist her own plans of -aggrandizement. Austria held a large Serbian population under her yoke -in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and these Serbians desired, above everything -else, annexation to their own country. Moreover, the Pan-German plans in -the East necessitated the destruction of Serbia, the state which, so -long as it stood intact, blocked the Germanic road to the Orient. It had -been the Austro-German expectation that the Balkan War would destroy -Serbia as a nation--that Turkey would simply annihilate King Peter’s -forces. This was precisely what the Germanic plans demanded, and for -this reason Austria and Germany did nothing to prevent the Balkan wars. -But the result was exactly the reverse, for out of the conflict arose a -stronger Serbia than ever, standing firm like a breakwater against the -Germanic flood. - -Most historians agree that the Treaty of Bucharest made inevitable this -war. I have the Marquis Pallavicini’s evidence that this was likewise -the opinion of Francis Joseph himself. The audience at which the Emperor -made this statement was held in May, more than a month before the -assassination of the Grand Duke. Clearly, therefore, we have the -Austrian Emperor’s assurances that the war would have come irrespective -of the assassination at Sarajevo. It is quite apparent that this crime -merely served as the convenient pretext for the war upon which the -Central Empires had already decided. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -GERMANY’S PLANS FOR NEW TERRITORIES, COALING STATIONS, AND INDEMNITIES - - -All through that eventful August and September Wangenheim continued his -almost irresponsible behaviour--now blandly boastful, now depressed, -always nervous and high strung, ingratiating to an American like myself, -spiteful and petty toward the representatives of the enemy powers. He -was always displaying his anxiety and impatience by sitting on the -bench, that he might be within two or three minutes’ quicker access to -the wireless communications that were sent him from Berlin via the -_Corcovado_. He would never miss an opportunity to spread the news of -victories; several times he adopted the unusual course of coming to my -house unannounced, to tell me of the latest developments, and to read me -extracts from messages which he had just received. He was always -apparently frank, direct, and even indiscreet. I remember his great -distress the day that England declared war. Wangenheim had always -professed a great admiration for England and, especially, for America. -“There are only three great countries,” he would say over and over -again, “Germany, England, and the United States. We three should get -together; then we could rule the world.” This enthusiasm for the British -Empire now suddenly cooled when that power decided to defend her treaty -pledges and declared war. Wangenheim had said that the conflict would -be a short one and that Sedan Day would be celebrated in Paris. But on -August 5th, I called at his embassy and found him more than usually -agitated and serious. Baroness Wangenheim, a tall, handsome woman, was -sitting in the room reading her mother’s memoirs of the war of 1870. -Both regarded the news from England as almost a personal grievance, and -what impressed me most was Wangenheim’s utter failure to understand -England’s motives. “It’s mighty poor politics on her part!” he exclaimed -over and over again. His attitude was precisely the same as that of -Bethmann-Hollweg with the “scrap of paper.” - -I was out for a stroll on August 26th, and happened to meet the German -Ambassador. He began to talk as usual about the German victories in -France, repeating, as was now his habit, his prophecy that the German -armies would be in Paris within a week. The deciding factor in this war, -he added, would be the Krupp artillery. “And remember that this time,” -he said, “we are making war. And we shall make it _rücksichtslos_ -(without any consideration). We shall not be hampered as we were in -1870. Then Queen Victoria, the Czar, and Francis Joseph interfered and -persuaded us to spare Paris. But there is no one to interfere now. We -shall move to Berlin all the Parisian art treasures that belong to the -state, just as Napoleon took Italian art works to France.” - -It is quite evident that the battle of the Marne saved Paris from the -fate of Louvain. - -So confidently did Wangenheim expect an immediate victory that he began -to discuss the terms of peace. Germany would demand of France, he said, -after defeating her armies, that she completely demobilize and pay an -indemnity. “France now,” said Wangenheim, “can settle for -$5,000,000,000; but if she persists in continuing the war, she will have -to pay $20,000,000,000.” - -He told me that Germany would demand harbours and coaling stations -“everywhere.” At that time, judging from Wangenheim’s statements, -Germany was not looking so much for new territory as for great -commercial advantages. She was determined to be the great merchant -nation, and for this she must have free harbours, the Bagdad railroad, -and extensive rights in South America and Africa. Wangenheim said that -Germany did not desire any more territory in which the populations did -not speak German, for they had had all of that kind of trouble they -wanted in Alsace-Lorraine, Poland, and other non-German countries. This -statement certainly sounds interesting now in view of recent happenings -in Russia. He did not mention England in speaking of Germany’s demand -for coaling stations and harbours; he must have had England in mind, -however, for what other nation could have given them to Germany -“everywhere?” - -All these conversations were as illuminating to me as Wangenheim’s -revelation of the conference of July 5th. That episode clearly proved -that Germany had consciously started the war, while these grandiose -schemes, as outlined by this very able but somewhat talkative -ambassador, showed the reasons that had impelled her in this great -enterprise. Wangenheim gave me a complete picture of the German Empire -embarking on a great buccaneering expedition, in which the spoils of -success were to be the accumulated riches of her neighbours and the -world position which their skill and industry had built up through the -centuries. - -If England attempted to starve Germany, said Wangenheim, Germany’s -response would be a simple one: she would starve France. At that time, -we must remember, Germany expected to have Paris within a week, and she -believed that this would ultimately give her control of the whole -country. It was evidently the German plan, as understood by Wangenheim, -to hold this nation as a pawn for England’s behaviour, a kind of hostage -on a gigantic scale. In that case, should England gain any military -advantage, Germany would attempt to counter-attack by torturing the -whole French people. At that moment German soldiers were murdering -innocent Belgians in return for the alleged misbehaviour of other -Belgians, and evidently Germany had planned to apply this principle to -whole nations as well as to individuals. - -All through this and other talks, Wangenheim showed the greatest -animosity to Russia. - -“We’ve got our foot on Russia’s corn,” he said, “and we propose to keep -it there.” - -By this he must have meant that Germany had sent the _Goeben_ and the -_Breslau_ through the Dardanelles and that by that master-stroke she -controlled Constantinople. The old Byzantine capital, said Wangenheim, -was the prize which a victorious Russia would demand, and her lack of an -all-the-year-round port in warm waters was Russia’s tender spot--her -“corn.” At this time Wangenheim boasted that Germany had 174 German -gunners at the Dardanelles, that the strait could be closed in less -than thirty minutes, and that Souchon, the German admiral, had informed -him that the strait was impregnable. “We shall not close the -Dardanelles, however,” he said, “unless England attacks them.” - -At that time England, although she had declared war on Germany, had -played no conspicuous part in the military operations; her “contemptible -little army” was making its heroic retreat from Mons. Wangenheim -entirely discounted England as an enemy. It was the German intention, he -said, to place their big guns at Calais, and throw their shells across -the English Channel to the English coast towns; that Germany would not -have Calais within the next ten days did not occur to him as a -possibility. In this and other conversations at about the same time -Wangenheim laughed at the idea that England could create a large -independent army. “The idea is preposterous,” he said. “It takes -generations of militarism to produce anything like the German army. We -have been building it up for two hundred years. It takes thirty years of -constant training to produce such generals as we have. Our army will -always maintain its organization. We have 500,000 recruits reaching -military age every year and we cannot possibly lose that number -annually, so that our army will be kept intact.” - -A few weeks later civilization was outraged by the German bombardment of -English coast towns, such as Scarborough and Hartlepool. This was no -sudden German inspiration, but part of their carefully considered plans. -Wangenheim told me, on September 6, 1914, that Germany intended to -bombard all English harbours, so as to stop the food supply. It is also -apparent that German ruthlessness against American sea trade was no -sudden decision of Von Tirpitz, for, on this same date, the German -Ambassador to Constantinople warned me that it would be very dangerous -for the United States to send ships to England! - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -A CLASSIC INSTANCE OF GERMAN PROPAGANDA - - -In those August and September days Germany had no intention of -precipitating Turkey immediately into the war. As I then had a deep -interest in the welfare of the Turkish people and in maintaining peace, -I telegraphed Washington asking if I might use my influence to keep -Turkey neutral. I received a reply that I might do this provided that I -made my representations unofficially and purely upon humanitarian -grounds. As the English and the French ambassadors were exerting all -their efforts to keep Turkey out of the war, I knew that my intervention -in the same interest would not displease the British Government. -Germany, however, might regard any interference on my part as an -unneutral act, and I asked Wangenheim if there would be any objection -from that source. - -His reply somewhat surprised me, though I saw through it soon afterward. -“Not at all,” he said. “Germany desires, above all, that Turkey shall -remain neutral.” - -Undoubtedly Turkey’s policy at that moment precisely fitted in with -German plans. Wangenheim was steadily increasing his ascendancy over the -Turkish Cabinet, and Turkey was then pursuing the course that best -served the German aims. Her policy was keeping the Entente on -tenterhooks; it never knew from day to day where Turkey stood, whether -she would remain neutral or enter the war on Germany’s side. Because -Turkey’s attitude was so uncertain, Russia was compelled to keep large -forces in the Caucasus, England was obliged to strengthen her forces in -Egypt and India, and to maintain a considerable fleet at the mouth of -the Dardanelles. All this worked in beautifully with Germany’s plans, -for these detached forces just so much weakened England and Russia on -the European battle front. I am now speaking of the period just before -the Marne, when Germany expected to defeat France and Russia with the -aid of her ally, Austria, and thus obtain a victory that would have -enabled her to dictate the future of Europe. Should Turkey at that time -be actually engaged in military operations, she could do no more toward -bringing about this victory than she was doing now, by keeping -considerable Russian and English forces away from the most important -fronts. But should Germany win this easy victory with Turkey’s aid, she -might find her new ally an embarrassment. Turkey would certainly demand -compensation and she would not be particularly modest in her demands, -which most likely would include the full control of Egypt and perhaps -the return of Balkan territories. Such readjustments would have -interfered with the Kaiser’s plans. Thus he had no interest in having -Turkey as an active ally, except in the event that he did not speedily -win his anticipated triumph. But if Russia should make great progress -against Austria, then Turkey’s active alliance would have great value, -especially if her entry should be so timed as to bring in Bulgaria and -Rumania as allies. Meanwhile, Wangenheim was playing a waiting game, -making Turkey a potential German ally, strengthening her army and her -navy, and preparing to use her, whenever the moment arrived for using -her to the best advantage. If Germany could not win the war without -Turkey’s aid, Germany was prepared to take her in as an ally; if she -could win without Turkey, then she would not have to pay the Turk for -his coöperation. Meanwhile, the sensible course was to keep her prepared -in case the Turkish forces became essential to German success. - -The duel that now took place between Germany and the Entente for -Turkey’s favour was a most unequal one. The fact was that Germany had -won the victory when she smuggled the _Goeben_ and the _Breslau_ into -the Sea of Marmora. The English, French, and Russian ambassadors well -understood this, and they knew that they could not make Turkey an active -ally of the Entente; they probably had no desire to do so, but they did -hope that they might keep her neutral. To this end they now directed all -their efforts. “You have had enough of war,” they would tell Talaat and -Enver. “You have fought two wars in the last four years; you will ruin -your country absolutely if you get involved in this one.” The Entente -had only one consideration to offer Turkey for her neutrality, and this -was an offer to guarantee the integrity of the Ottoman Empire. The -Entente ambassadors showed their great desire to keep Turkey out of the -war by their disinclination to press to the limit their case against the -_Breslau_ and the _Goeben_. It is true that they repeatedly protested -against the continued presence of these ships, but every time the -Turkish officials maintained that they were Turkish vessels. - -“If that is so,” Sir Louis Mallet would urge, and his argument was -unassailable, “why don’t you remove the German officers and crews?” -That was the intention, the Grand Vizier would answer; the Turkish crews -that had been sent to man the ships which had been built in England, he -would say, were returning to Turkey and they would be put on board the -_Goeben_ and the _Breslau_ as soon as they reached Constantinople. But -days and weeks went by; these crews came home, and still Germany manned -and officered the cruisers. These backings and fillings naturally did -not deceive the British and French foreign offices. The presence of the -_Goeben_ and the _Breslau_ was a standing _casus belli_, but the Entente -ambassadors did not demand their passports, for such an act would have -precipitated the very crisis which they were seeking to delay, and, if -possible, to avoid--Turkey’s entrance as Germany’s ally. Unhappily the -Entente’s promise to guarantee Turkey’s integrity did not win Turkey to -their side. - -“They promised that we should not be dismembered after the Balkan wars,” -Talaat would tell me, “and see what happened to European Turkey then.” - -Wangenheim constantly harped upon this fact. “You can’t trust anything -they say,” he would tell Talaat and Enver, “didn’t they all go back on -you a year ago?” And then with great cleverness he would play upon the -only emotion which really actuates the Turk. The descendants of Osman -hardly resemble any people I have ever known. They do not hate, they do -not love; they have no lasting animosities or affections. They only -fear. And naturally they attribute to others the motives which regulate -their own conduct. “How stupid you are,” Wangenheim would tell Talaat -and Enver, discussing the English attitude. “Don’t you see why the -English want you to keep out? It is because they fear you. Don’t you -see that, with the help of Germany, you have again become a great -military power? No wonder England doesn’t want to fight you!” He dinned -this so continually in their ears that they finally believed it, for -this argument not only completely explained to them the attitude of the -Entente, but it flattered Turkish pride. - -Whatever may have been the attitude of Enver and Talaat, I think that -England and France were more popular with all classes in Turkey than was -Germany. The Sultan was opposed to war; the heir apparent, Youssouff -Isseddin, was openly pro-Ally; the Grand Vizier, Saïd Halim, favoured -England rather than Germany; Djemal, the third member of the ruling -triumvirate, had the reputation of being a Francophile--he had recently -returned from Paris, where the reception he had received had greatly -flattered him; a majority of the Cabinet had no enthusiasm for Germany; -and public opinion, so far as public opinion existed in Turkey, regarded -England, not Germany, as Turkey’s historic friend. Wangenheim, -therefore, had much opposition to overcome, and the methods which he -took to break it down form a classic illustration of German propaganda. -He started a lavish publicity campaign against England, France, and -Russia. I have described the feelings of the Turks at losing their ships -in England. Wangenheim’s agents now filled columns of purchased space in -the newspapers with bitter attacks on England for taking over these -vessels. The whole Turkish press rapidly passed under the control of -Germany. Wangenheim purchased the _Ikdam_, one of the largest Turkish -newspapers, which immediately began to sing the praises of Germany and -to abuse the Entente. The _Osmanischer Lloyd_, published in French and -German, became an organ of the German Embassy. Although the Turkish -Constitution guaranteed a free press, a censorship was established in -the interest of the Central Powers. All Turkish editors were ordered to -write in Germany’s favour and they obeyed instructions. The _Jeune -Turc_, a pro-Entente newspaper, printed in French, was suppressed. The -Turkish papers exaggerated German victories and completely manufactured -others; they were constantly printing the news of Entente defeats, most -of them wholly imaginary. In the evening Wangenheim and Pallavicini -would show me official telegrams giving the details of military -operations, but when, in the morning, I would look in the newspapers, I -would find that this news had been twisted or falsified in Germany’s -favour. A certain Baron Oppenheim travelled all over Turkey -manufacturing public opinion against England and France. Ostensibly he -was an archæologist, while in reality he opened offices everywhere from -which issued streams of slander against the Entente. Huge maps were -pasted on walls, showing all the territory which Turkey had lost in the -course of a century. Russia was portrayed as the nation chiefly -responsible for these “robberies,” and attention was drawn to the fact -that England had now become Russia’s ally. Pictures were published, -showing the grasping powers of the Entente as rapacious animals, -snatching at poor Turkey. Enver was advertised as the “hero” who had -recovered Adrianople; Germany was pictured as Turkey’s friend; the -Kaiser suddenly became “Hadji Wilhelm,” the great protector of Islam, -and stories were even printed that he had become a convert to -Mohammedanism. The Turkish populace was informed that the Moslems of -India and of Egypt were about to revolt and throw off their English -“tyrants.” The Turkish man-on-the-street was taught to say, “_Gott -Strafe England_,” and all the time the motive power of this infamous -campaign was German money. - -But Germany was doing more than poisoning the Turkish mind; she was -appropriating Turkey’s military resources. I have already described how, -in January, 1914, the Kaiser had taken over the Turkish army and -rehabilitated it in preparation for the European war. He now proceeded -to do the same thing with the Turkish navy. In August, Wangenheim -boasted to me that, “We now control both the Turkish army and navy.” At -the time the _Goeben_ and _Breslau_ arrived, an English mission, headed -by Admiral Limpus, was hard at work restoring the Turkish navy. Soon -afterward Limpus and his associates were unceremoniously dismissed; the -manner of their going was really disgraceful, for not even the most -ordinary courtesies were shown them. The English naval officers quietly -and unobservedly left Constantinople for England--all except the Admiral -himself, who had to remain longer because of his daughter’s illness. - -Night after night whole carloads of Germans landed at Constantinople -from Berlin; the aggregations to the population finally amounted to -3,800 men, most of them sent to man the Turkish navy and to manufacture -ammunition. They filled the cafés every night, and they paraded the -streets of Constantinople in the small hours of the morning, howling and -singing German patriotic songs. Many of them were skilled mechanics, who -immediately went to work repairing the destroyers and other ships and -putting them in shape for war. The British firm of Armstrong & Vickers -had a splendid dock in Constantinople, and this the Germans now -appropriated. All day and night we could hear this work going on and we -could hardly sleep because of the hubbub of riveting and hammering. -Wangenheim now found another opportunity for instilling more poison into -the minds of Enver, Talaat, and Djemal. The German workers, he declared, -had found that the Turkish ships were in a desperate state of disrepair, -and for this he naturally blamed the English naval mission. He said that -England had deliberately let the Turkish navy go to decay and he -asserted that this was all a part of England’s plot to ruin Turkey! -“Look!” he would exclaim, “see what we Germans have done for the Turkish -army, and see what the English have done for your ships!” As a matter of -fact, all this was untrue, for Admiral Limpus had worked hard and -conscientiously to improve the navy and had accomplished excellent -results in that direction. - -All this time the Germans were working at the Dardanelles, seeking to -strengthen the fortifications, and preparing for a possible Allied -attack. As September lengthened into October, the Sublime Porte -practically ceased to be the headquarters of the Ottoman Empire. I -really think that the most influential seat of authority at that time -was a German merchant ship, the _General_. It was moored in the Golden -Horn, at the Galata Bridge, and a permanent stairway had been built, -leading to its deck. I knew well one of the most frequent visitors to -this ship, an American who used to come to the embassy and entertain me -with stories of what was going on. - -The _General_, this American now informed me, was practically a German -club or hotel. The officers of the _Goeben_ and the _Breslau_ and other -German officers who had been sent to command the Turkish ships ate and -slept on board. Admiral Souchon, who had brought the German cruisers to -Constantinople, presided over these gatherings. Souchon was a man of -French Huguenot extraction; he was a short, dapper, clean-cut sailor, -very energetic and alert, and to the German passion for command and -thoroughness he added much of the Gallic geniality and buoyancy. -Naturally he gave much liveliness to the evening parties on the -_General_, and the beer and champagne which were liberally dispensed on -these occasions loosened the tongues of his fellow officers. Their -conversation showed that they entertained no illusions as to who really -controlled the Turkish navy. Night after night their impatience for -action grew; they kept declaring that, if Turkey did not presently -attack the Russians, they would force her to do so. They would relate -how they had sent German ships into the Black Sea, in the hope of -provoking the Russian fleet to some action that would make war -inevitable. Toward the end of October my friend told me that hostilities -could not much longer be avoided; the Turkish fleet had been fitted for -action, everything was ready, and the impetuosity of these -_kriegslustige_ German officers could not much longer be restrained. - -“They are just like a lot of boys with chips on their shoulders! They -are simply spoiling for a fight!” he said. - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -GERMANY CLOSES THE DARDANELLES AND SO SEPARATES RUSSIA FROM HER ALLIES - - -On September 27th, Sir Louis Mallet, the British Ambassador, entered my -office in a considerably disturbed state of mind. The Khedive of Egypt -had just left me, and I began to talk to Sir Louis about Egyptian -matters. - -“Let’s discuss that some other time,” he said. “I have something far -more important to tell you. They have closed the Dardanelles.” - -By “they” he meant, of course, not the Turkish Government, the only -power which had the legal right to take this drastic step, but the -actual ruling powers in Turkey, the Germans. Sir Louis had good reason -for bringing me this piece of news, since this was an outrage against -the United States as well as against the Allies. He asked me to go with -him and make a joint protest. I suggested, however, that it would be -better for us to act separately and I immediately started for the house -of the Grand Vizier. - -When I arrived a cabinet conference was in session, and, as I sat in the -anteroom, I could hear several voices in excited discussion. Among them -all I could distinctly distinguish the familiar tones of Talaat, Enver, -Djavid, the Minister of Finance, and other members of the Government. It -was quite plain, from all that I could overhear through the thin -partitions, that these nominal rulers of Turkey were almost as -exasperated over the closing as were Sir Louis Mallet and myself. - -The Grand Vizier came out in answer to my request. He presented a -pitiable sight. He was, in title at least, the most important official -of the Turkish Government, the mouthpiece of the Sultan himself, yet now -he presented a picture of abject helplessness and fear. His face was -blanched and he was trembling from head to foot. He was so overcome by -his emotions that he could hardly speak; when I asked him whether the -news was true that the Dardanelles had been closed, he finally stammered -out that it was. - -“You know this means war,” I said, and I protested as strongly as I -could in the name of the United States. - -All the time that we were talking I could hear the loud tones of Talaat -and his associates in the interior apartment. The Grand Vizier excused -himself and went back into the room. He then sent out Djavid to discuss -the matter with me. - -“It’s all a surprise to us,” were Djavid’s first words--this statement -being a complete admission that the Cabinet had had nothing to do with -it. I repeated that the United States would not submit to closing the -Dardanelles; Turkey was at peace, the Sultan had no legal right to shut -the strait to merchant ships except in case of war. I said that an -American ship, laden with supplies and stores for the American Embassy, -was outside at that moment waiting to come in. Djavid suggested that I -have this vessel unload her cargo at Smyrna: the Turkish Government, he -obligingly added, would pay the cost of transporting it overland to -Constantinople. This proposal, of course, was a ridiculous evasion of -the issue and I brushed it aside. - -Djavid then said that the Cabinet proposed to investigate the matter; -that, in fact, they were discussing it at that moment. He told me how it -had happened. A Turkish torpedo boat had passed through the Dardanelles -and attempted to enter the Ægean. The British warships stationed outside -hailed the ship, examined it, and found that there were German sailors -on board. The English Admiral at once ordered the vessel to go back; -this, under the circumstances, he had a right to do. Weber Pasha, the -German general who was then in charge of the fortifications, did not -consult the Turks but immediately gave orders to close the strait. -Wangenheim had already boasted to me, as I have said, that the -Dardanelles could be closed in thirty minutes and the Germans now made -good his words. Down went the mines and the nets; the lights in the -lighthouses were extinguished; signals were put up, notifying all ships -that there was “no thoroughfare” and the deed, the most high-handed -which the Germans had yet committed, was done. And here I found these -Turkish statesmen, who alone had authority over this indispensable strip -of water, trembling and stammering with fear, running hither and yon -like a lot of frightened rabbits, appalled at the enormity of the German -act, yet apparently powerless to take any decisive action. I certainly -had a graphic picture of the extremities to which Teutonic bullying had -reduced the present rulers of the Turkish Empire. And at the same moment -before my mind rose the figure of the Sultan, whose signature was -essential to close legally these waters, quietly dozing at his palace, -entirely oblivious of the whole transaction. - -Though Djavid informed me that the Cabinet might decide to reopen the -Dardanelles, it did not do so. This great passageway has now remained -closed for more than four years, from September 27, 1914. I saw, of -course, precisely what this action signified. That month of September -had been a disillusioning one for the Germans. The French had beaten -back the invasion and had driven the German armies to entrenchments -along the Aisne. The Russians were sweeping triumphantly through -Galicia; already they had captured Lemberg and it seemed not improbable -that they would soon cross the Carpathians into Austria-Hungary. In -those days Pallavicini, the Austrian Ambassador, was a discouraged, -lamentable figure. He confided to me his fears for the future, telling -me that the German programme of a short, decisive war had clearly failed -and that it was now quite evident that Germany could win, if she could -win at all, which was exceedingly doubtful, only after a protracted -struggle. I have described how Wangenheim, while preparing the Turkish -army and navy for any eventualities, was simply holding Turkey in his -hand, intending actively to use her forces only in case Germany failed -to crush France and Russia in the first campaign. Now that that failure -was manifest, Wangenheim was instructed to use the Turkish Empire as an -active ally. Hitherto, this nation of 20,000,000 had been a passive -partner, held back by Wangenheim until Germany had decided that it would -be necessary to pay the price of letting her into the war as a real -participant. The time had come when Germany needed the Turkish army, and -the outward sign that the situation had changed was the closing of the -Dardanelles. Thus Wangenheim had accomplished the task for which he had -been working, and in this act had fittingly crowned his achievement of -bringing in the _Goeben_ and the _Breslau_. Few Americans realize, even -to-day, what an overwhelming influence this act wielded upon future -military operations. Yet the fact that the war has lasted for so many -years is explained by this closing of the Dardanelles. - -For this is the element in the situation that separated Russia from her -allies, that, in less than a year, led to her defeat and collapse, -which, in turn, was the reason why the Russian revolution became -possible. The map discloses that this enormous land of Russia has just -four ways of reaching the seas. One is by way of the Baltic, and this -the German fleet had already closed. Another is Archangel, on the Arctic -Ocean, a port which is frozen over several months in the year, and which -connects with the heart of Russia only by a long, single-track railroad. -Another is the Pacific port of Vladivostok, also ice bound for three -months, which is in connection with Russia only by the thin line of the -Siberian railway, 5,000 miles long. The fourth passage was that of the -Dardanelles; in fact, this was the only practicable one. This was the -narrow gate through which the surplus products of 175,000,000 people -reached Europe, and nine tenths of all Russian exports and imports had -gone this way for years. By suddenly closing it, Germany destroyed -Russia both as an economic and a military power. By shutting off the -exports of Russian grain, she deprived Russia of the financial power -essential to successful warfare. What was perhaps even more fatal, she -prevented England and France from getting munitions to the Russian -battle front in sufficient quantity to stem the German onslaught. As -soon as the Dardanelles was closed, Russia had to fall back on Archangel -and Vladivostok for such supplies as she could get from these ports. The -cause of the military collapse of Russia in 1915 is now well known; the -soldiers simply had no ammunition with which to fight. The first half of -the year 1918 Germany spent in an unsuccessful attempt to drive a -“wedge” between the French and English armies on the western front; to -separate one ally from another and so obtain a position where she could -attack each one separately. Yet the task of undoing the Franco-Russian -treaty, and driving such a “wedge” between Russia and her western -associates, proved to have been an easy one. It was simply a matter, as -I have described, of controlling a corrupt and degenerate government, -getting possession, while she was still at peace, of her main -executives, her army, her navy, her resources, and then, at the proper -moment, ignoring the nominal rulers and closing a little strip of water -about twenty miles long and two or three wide! It did not cost a single -human life or the firing of a single gun, yet, in a twinkling, Germany -accomplished what probably three million men, opposed to a well-equipped -Russian force, could not have brought to pass. It was one of the most -dramatic military triumphs of the war, and it was all the work of German -propaganda, German penetration, and German diplomacy. - -In the days following this bottling up of Russia, the Bosphorus began to -look like a harbour which has been suddenly stricken with the plague. -Hundreds of ships arrived from Russia, Rumania, and Bulgaria, loaded -with grain, lumber, and other products, only to discover that they could -go no farther. There were not docks enough to accommodate them, and -they had to swing out into the stream, drop anchor, and await -developments. The waters were a cluster of masts and smoke stacks, and -the crowded vessels became so dense that a motor boat had difficulty in -picking its way through the tangled forest. The Turks held out hopes -that they might reopen the water way, and for this reason these vessels, -constantly increasing in number, waited patiently for a month or so. -Then one by one they turned around, pointed their noses toward the Black -Sea, and lugubriously started for their home ports. In a few weeks the -Bosphorus and adjoining waters had become a desolate waste. What for -years had been one of the most animated shipping ports in the world, was -ruffled only by an occasional launch, or a tiny Turkish caïque, or now -and then a little sailing vessel. And for an accurate idea of what this -meant, from a military standpoint, we need only call to mind the Russian -battle front in the next year. There the peasants were fighting German -artillery with their unprotected bodies, having few rifles and few heavy -guns, while mountains of useless ammunition were piling up in their -distant Arctic and Pacific ports, with no railroads to take them to the -field of action. - - - - -CHAPTER X - -TURKEY’S ABROGATION OF THE CAPITULATIONS--ENVER LIVING IN A PALACE, WITH -PLENTY OF MONEY AND AN IMPERIAL BRIDE - - -Another question, which had been under discussion for several months, -now became involved in the Turkish international situation. That was the -matter of the capitulations. These were the treaty rights which for -centuries had regulated the position of foreigners in the Turkish -Empire. Turkey had never been admitted to a complete equality with -European nations, and in reality she had never been an independent -sovereignty. The Sultan’s laws and customs differed so radically from -those of Europe and America that no non-Moslem country could think of -submitting its citizens in Turkey to them. In many matters, therefore, -the principle of ex-territoriality had always prevailed in favour of all -citizens or subjects of countries enjoying capitulatory rights. Almost -all European countries, as well as the United States, for centuries had -had their own consular courts and prisons in which they tried and -punished crimes which their nationals committed in Turkey. We all had -our schools, which were subject, not to Turkish law and protection, but -to that of the country which maintained them. Thus Robert College and -the Constantinople College for Women, those wonderful institutions which -American philanthropy has erected on the Bosphorus, as well as - -[Illustration: THE MARQUIS GARRONI, ITALIAN AMBASSADOR TO THE SUBLIME -PORTE IN 1914] - -[Illustration: M. TOCHEFF, BULGARIAN MINISTER AT CONSTANTINOPLE IN -1914] - -[Illustration: THE AMERICAN SUMMER EMBASSY ON THE BOSPHORUS - -Not far away, across the Strait, which is here only a mile wide, Darius -crossed with his Asiatic hosts nearly 2,500 years ago] - -hundreds of American religious, charitable, and educational -institutions, practically stood on American territory and looked upon -the American Embassy as their guardian. Several nations had their own -post offices, as they did not care to submit their mail to the Ottoman -postal service. Turkey likewise did not have unlimited power of taxation -over foreigners. It could not even increase their customs taxes without -the consent of the foreign powers. In 1914 it could impose only 11 per -cent. in tariff dues, and was attempting to secure the right to increase -the amount to 14. We have always regarded England as the only free-trade -country, overlooking the fact that this limitation in Turkey’s customs -dues had practically made the Ottoman Empire an unwilling follower of -Cobden. Turkey was thus prohibited by the Powers from developing any -industries of her own; instead, she was forced to take large quantities -of inferior articles from Europe. Against these restrictions Turkish -statesmen had protested for years, declaring that they constituted an -insult to their pride as a nation and also interfered with their -progress. However, the agreement was a bi-lateral one, and Turkey could -not change it without the consent of all the contracting powers. Yet -certainly the present moment, when both the Entente and the Central -Powers were cultivating Turkey, served to furnish a valuable opportunity -to make the change. And so, as soon as the Germans had begun their march -toward Paris, the air was filled with reports that Turkey intended to -abrogate the capitulations. Rumour said that Germany had consented, as -part of the consideration for Turkish aid in the war, and that England -had agreed to the abrogation, as part of her payment for Turkish -neutrality. Neither of these reports was true. What was manifest, -however, was the panic which the mere suggestion of abrogation produced -on the foreign population. The idea of becoming subject to the Turkish -laws and perhaps being thrown into Turkish prisons made their flesh -creep--and with good reason. - -About this time I had a long conference with Enver. He asked me to call -at his residence, as he was laid up with an infected toe, the result of -a surgical operation. I thus had an illuminating glimpse of the Minister -of War _en famille_. Certainly this humble man of the people had risen -in the world. His house, which was in one of the quietest and most -aristocratic parts of the city, was a splendid old building, very large -and very elaborate. I was ushered through a series of four or five -halls, and as I went by one door the Imperial Princess, Enver’s wife, -slightly opened it and peeked through at me. Farther on another Turkish -lady opened her door and also obtained a fleeting glimpse of the -Ambassadorial figure. I was finally escorted into a beautiful room in -which Enver lay reclining on a semi-sofa. He had on a long silk dressing -gown and his stockinged feet hung languidly over the edge of the divan. -He looked much younger than in his uniform; he was an extremely neat and -well-groomed object, with a pale, smooth face, made even more striking -by his black hair, and with delicate white hands, and long, tapering -fingers. He might easily have passed for under thirty, and, in fact, he -was not much over that age. He had at hand a violin, and a piano near by -also testified to his musical taste. The room was splendidly tapestried; -perhaps its most conspicuous feature was a daïs upon which stood a -golden chair; this was the marriage throne of Enver’s imperial wife. As -I glanced around at all this luxury, I must admit that a few -uncharitable thoughts came to mind and that I could not help pondering a -question which was then being generally asked in Constantinople. Where -did Enver get the money for this expensive establishment? He had no -fortune of his own--his parents had been wretchedly poor, and his salary -as a cabinet minister was only about $8,000. His wife had a moderate -allowance as an imperial princess, but she had no private resources. -Enver had never engaged in business, he had been a revolutionist, -military leader, and politician all his life. But here he was living at -a rate that demanded a very large income. In other ways Enver was giving -evidences of great and sudden prosperity, and already I had heard much -of his investments in real estate, which were the talk of the town. - -Enver wished to discuss the capitulations. He practically said that the -Cabinet had decided on the abrogation, and he wished to know the -attitude of the United States. He added that certainly a country which -had fought for its independence as we had would sympathize with Turkey’s -attempt to shake off these shackles. We had helped Japan free herself -from similar burdens and wouldn’t we now help Turkey? Certainly Turkey -was as civilized a nation as Japan? - -I answered that I thought that the United States might consent to -abandon the capitulations in so far as they were economic. It was my -opinion that Turkey should control her customs duties and be permitted -to levy the same taxes on foreigners as on her own citizens. So long as -the Turkish courts and Turkish prisons maintained their present -standards, however, we could never agree to give up the judicial -capitulations. Turkey should reform the abuses of her courts; then, -after they had established European ideas in the administration of -justice, the matter could be discussed. Enver replied that Turkey would -be willing to have mixed tribunals and to have the United States -designate some of the judges, but I suggested that, inasmuch as American -judges did not know the Turkish language or Turkish law, his scheme -involved great practical difficulties. I also told him that the American -schools and colleges were very dear to Americans, and that we would -never consent to subjecting them to Turkish jurisdiction. - -Despite the protests of all the ambassadors, the Cabinet issued its -notification that the capitulations would be abrogated on October 1st. -This abrogation was all a part of the Young Turks’ plan to free -themselves from foreign tutelage and to create a new country on the -basis of “Turkey for the Turks.” It represented, as I shall show, what -was the central point of Turkish policy, not only in the empire’s -relations to foreign powers, but to her subject peoples. England’s -position on this question was about the same as our own; the British -Government would consent to the modification of the economic -restrictions, but not the others. Wangenheim was greatly disturbed, and -I think that his foreign office reprimanded him for letting the -abrogation take place, because he blandly asked me to announce that I -was the responsible person! As October 1st approached, the foreigners in -Turkey were in a high state of apprehension. The Dardanelles had been -closed, shutting them off from Europe, and now they felt that they were -to be left to the mercy of Turkish courts and Turkish prisons. Inasmuch -as it was the habit in Turkish prisons to herd the innocent with the -guilty, and to place in the same room with murderers, people who had -been charged, with minor offenses, but not convicted of them, and to -bastinado recalcitrant witnesses, the fears of the foreign residents may -well be imagined. The educational institutions were also apprehensive, -and in their interest I now appealed to Enver. He assured me that the -Turks had no hostile intention toward Americans. I replied that he -should show in unmistakable fashion that Americans would not be harmed. - -“All right,” he answered. “What would you suggest?” - -“Why not ostentatiously visit Robert College on October 1st, the day the -capitulations are abrogated?” I said. - -The idea was rather a unique one, for in all the history of this -institution an important Turkish official had never entered its doors. -But I knew enough of the Turkish character to understand that an open, -ceremonious visit by Enver would cause a public sensation. News of it -would reach the farthest limits of the Turkish Empire, and it was -certain that the Turks would interpret it as meaning that one of the two -most powerful men in Turkey had taken this and other American -institutions under his patronage. Such a visit would exercise a greater -protective influence over American colleges and schools in Turkey than -an army corps. I was therefore greatly pleased when Enver promptly -adopted my suggestion. - -On the day that the capitulations were abrogated, Enver appeared at the -American Embassy with two autos, one for himself and me, and the other -for his adjutants, all of whom were dressed in full uniform. I was -pleased that Enver had made the proceeding so spectacular, for I wished -it to have the widest publicity. On the ride up to the college I told -Enver all about these American institutions and what they were doing for -Turkey. He really knew very little about them, and, like most Turks, he -half suspected that they concealed a political purpose. - -“We Americans are not looking for material advantages in Turkey,” I -said. “We merely demand that you treat kindly our children, these -colleges, for which all the people in the United States have the warmest -affection.” - -I told him that Mr. Cleveland H. Dodge, President of the trustees of -Robert College, and Mr. Charles R. Crane, President of the trustees of -the Women’s College, were intimate friends of President Wilson. “These,” -I added, “represent what is best in America and the fine altruistic -spirit which in our country accumulates wealth and then uses it to found -colleges and schools. In establishing these institutions in Turkey they -are trying, not to convert your people to Christianity, but to help -train them in the sciences and arts and so prepare to make them better -citizens. Americans feel that the Bible lands have given them their -religion and they wish to repay with the best thing America has--its -education.” I then told him about Mrs. Russell Sage and Miss Helen -Gould, who had made large gifts to the Women’s College. - -“But where do these people get all the money for such benefactions?” -Enver asked. - -I then entertained him for an hour or so with a few pages from our own -“American Nights.” I told him how Jay Gould had arrived in New York, a -penniless and ragged boy, with a mousetrap which he had invented, and -how he had died, almost thirty years afterward, leaving a fortune of -about $100,000,000. I told him how Commodore Vanderbilt had started life -as a ferryman and had become America’s greatest railroad “magnate”; how -Rockefeller had begun his career sitting on a high stool in a Cleveland -commission house, earning six dollars a week, and had created the -greatest fortune that had ever been accumulated by a single man in the -world’s history. I told him how the Dodges had become our great “copper -kings” and the Cranes our great manufacturers of iron pipe. Enver found -these stories more thrilling than any that had ever come out of Bagdad, -and I found afterward that he had retold them so frequently that they -had reached almost all the important people in Constantinople. - -Enver was immensely impressed also by what I said about the American -institutions. He went through all the buildings and expressed his -enthusiasm at everything he saw, and he even suggested that he would -like to send his brother there. He took tea with Mrs. Gates, wife of -President Gates, discussed most intelligently the courses, and asked if -we could not introduce the study of agriculture. The teachers he met -seemed to be a great revelation. - -“I expected to find these missionaries as they are pictured in the -Berlin newspapers,” he said, “with long hair and hanging jaws, and hands -clasped constantly in a prayerful attitude. But here is Dr. Gates, -talking Turkish like a native and acting like a man of the world. I am -more than pleased, and thank you for bringing me.” - -We all saw Enver that afternoon in his most delightful aspect. My idea -that this visit in itself would protect the colleges from disturbance -proved to have been a happy one. The Turkish Empire has been a -tumultuous place in the last four years, but the American colleges have -had no difficulties, either with the Turkish Government or with the -Turkish populace. - -This visit was only an agreeable interlude in events of the most -exciting character. Enver, amiable as he could be on occasion, had -deliberately determined to put Turkey in the war on Germany’s side. -Germany had now reached the point where she no longer concealed her -intentions. Once before, when I had interfered in the interest of peace, -Wangenheim had encouraged my action. The reason, as I have indicated, -was that, at that time, Germany had wished Turkey to keep out of the -war, for the German General Staff expected to win without her help. But -now Wangenheim wanted Turkey in. As I was not working in Germany’s -interest, but as I was anxious to protect American institutions, I still -kept urging Enver and Talaat to keep out. This made Wangenheim angry. “I -thought that you were a neutral?” he now exclaimed. - -“I thought that you were--in Turkey,” I answered. - -Toward the end of October, Wangenheim was leaving nothing undone to -start hostilities; all he needed now was a favourable occasion. - -Even after Germany had closed the Dardanelles, the German Ambassador’s -task was not an easy one. Talaat was not yet entirely convinced that his -best policy was war, and, as I have already said, there was still plenty -of pro-Ally sympathy in official quarters. It was Talaat’s plan not to -seize all the cabinet offices at once, - -[Illustration: ENVER PASHA, MINISTER OF WAR - - A man of the people, who, at 26, was a leader in the revolution - which deposed Abdul Hamid and established the new régime of the - Young Turks. At that time the Young Turks honestly desired to - establish a Turkish democracy. This attempt failed miserably and - the Young Turk leaders then ruled the Turkish Empire for their own - selfish purposes, and developed a government which is much more - wicked and murderous than that of Abdul Hamid. Enver is the man - chiefly responsible for turning the Turkish army over to Germany. - He imagines himself a Turkish combination of Napoleon and Frederick - the Great -] - -[Illustration: SAÏD HALIM, EX-GRAND VIZIER - - Saïd is an Egyptian prince, who provided campaign money for the - political activities of the Young Turks, and, as a reward, was made - Grand Vizier. In this position he was not permitted to exercise any - real authority. He was promised that when the Young Turks succeeded - in expelling England from Egypt, he should become Khedive -] - -but gradually to elbow his way into undisputed control. At this crisis -the most popularly respected members of the Ministry were Djavid, -Minister of Finance, a man who was Jewish by race, but a Mohammedan by -religion; Mahmoud Pasha, Minister of Public Works, a Circassian; Bustány -Effendi, Minister of Commerce and Agriculture, a Christian Arab; and -Oskan Effendi, Minister of Posts and Telegraphs, an Armenian--and a -Christian, of course. All these leaders, as well as the Grand Vizier, -openly opposed war and all now informed Talaat and Enver that they would -resign if Germany succeeded in her intrigues. Thus the atmosphere was -exciting; how tense the situation was a single episode will show. Sir -Louis Mallet, the British Ambassador, had accepted an invitation to dine -at the American Embassy on October 20th, but he sent word at the last -moment that he was ill and could not come. I called on the Ambassador an -hour or two afterward and found him in his garden, apparently in the -best of health. Sir Louis smiled and said that his illness had been -purely political. He had received a letter telling him that he was to be -assassinated that evening, this letter informing him of the precise spot -where the tragedy was to take place, and the time. He therefore thought -that he had better stay indoors. As I had no doubt that some such crime -had been planned, I offered Sir Louis the protection of our Embassy. I -gave him the key to the back gate of the garden; and, with Lord -Wellesley, one of his secretaries--a descendant of the Duke of -Wellington--I made all arrangements for his escape to our quarters in -case a flight became necessary. Our two embassies were so located that, -in the event of an attack, he might go unobserved from the back gate of -his to the back gate of ours. “These people are relapsing into the -Middle Ages,” said Sir Louis, “when it was quite the thing to throw -ambassadors into dungeons,” and I think that he anticipated that the -present Turks might treat him in the same way. I at once went to the -Grand Vizier and informed him of the situation, insisting that nothing -less than a visit from Talaat to Sir Louis, assuring him of his safety, -would undo the harm already done. I could make this demand with -propriety, as we had already made arrangements to take over British -interests when the break came. Within two hours Talaat made such a -visit. Though one of the Turkish newspapers was printing scurrilous -attacks on Sir Louis he was personally very popular with the Turks, and -the Grand Vizier expressed his amazement and regret--and he was entirely -sincere--that such threats had been made. - - - - -CHAPTER XI - -GERMANY FORCES TURKEY INTO THE WAR - - -But we were all then in a highly nervous state, because we knew that -Germany was working hard to produce a _casus belli_. Souchon frequently -sent the _Goeben_ and the _Breslau_ to manœuvre in the Black Sea, -hoping that the Russian fleet would attack. There were several pending -situations that might end in war. Turkish and Russian troops were having -occasional skirmishes on the Persian and Caucasian frontier. On October -29th, Bedouin troops crossed the Egyptian border and had a little -collision with British soldiers. On this same day I had a long talk with -Talaat. I called in the interest of the British Ambassador, to tell him -about the Bedouins crossing into Egypt. “I suppose,” Sir Louis wrote me, -“that this means war; you might mention this news to Talaat and impress -upon him the possible results of this mad act.” Already Sir Louis had -had difficulties with Turkey over this matter. When he had protested to -the Grand Vizier about the Turkish troops near the Egyptian frontier, -the Turkish statesman had pointedly replied that Turkey recognized no -such thing as an Egyptian frontier. By this he meant, of course, that -Egypt itself was Turkish territory and that the English occupation was a -temporary usurpation. When I brought this Egyptian situation to Talaat’s -attention he said that no Ottoman Bedouins had crossed into Egypt. The -Turks had been building wells on the Sinai peninsula to use in case war -broke out with England; England was destroying these wells and the -Bedouins, said Talaat, had interfered to stop this destruction. - -At this meeting Talaat frankly told me that Turkey had decided to side -with the Germans and to sink or swim with them. He went again over the -familiar grounds, and added that if Germany won--and Talaat said that he -was convinced that Germany would win--the Kaiser would get his revenge -on Turkey if Turkey had not helped him to obtain this victory. Talaat -frankly admitted that fear--the motive, which, as I have said, is the -one that chiefly inspires Turkish acts--was driving Turkey into a German -alliance. He analyzed the whole situation most dispassionately; he said -that nations could not afford such emotions as gratitude, or hate, or -affection; the only guide to action should be cold-blooded policy. - -“At this moment,” said Talaat, “it is for our interest to side with -Germany; if, a month from now, it is our interest to embrace France and -England we shall do that just as readily.” - -“Russia is our greatest enemy,” he continued; “and we are afraid of her. -If now, while Germany is attacking Russia, we can give her a good strong -kick, and so make her powerless to injure us for some time, it is -Turkey’s duty to administer that kick!” - -And then turning to me with a half-melancholy, half-defiant smile, he -summed up the whole situation. - -“_Ich mit die Deutschen_,” he said, in his broken German. - -Because the Cabinet was so divided, however, the Germans themselves had -to push Turkey over the precipice. The evening following my talk with -Talaat, most fateful news came from Russia. Three Turkish torpedo boats -had entered the harbour of Odessa, had sunk the Russian gunboat -_Donetz_, killing a part of the crew, and had damaged two Russian -dreadnaughts. They also sank the French ship _Portugal_, killing two of -the crew and wounding two others. They then turned their shells on the -town and destroyed a sugar factory, with some loss of life. German -officers commanded these Turkish vessels; there were very few Turks on -board, as the Turkish crews had been given a holiday for the Turkish -religious festival of _Bairam_. The act was simply a wanton and -unprovoked one; the Germans raided the town deliberately, in order to -make war inevitable. The German officers on the _General_, as my friend -had told me, were constantly threatening to commit some such act, if -Turkey did not do so; well, now they had done it. When this news reached -Constantinople, Djemal was playing cards at the Cercle d’Orient. As -Djemal was Minister of Marine, this attack, had it been an official act -of Turkey, could have been made only on his orders. When someone called -him from the card table to tell him the news, Djemal was much excited. -“I know nothing about it,” he replied. “It has not been done by my -orders.” On the evening of the 29th I had another talk with Talaat. He -told me that he had known nothing of this attack beforehand and that the -whole responsibility rested with the German, Admiral Souchon. - -Whether Djemal and Talaat were telling the truth in thus pleading -ignorance I do not know; my opinion is that they were expecting some -such outrage as this. But there is no question that the Grand Vizier, -Saïd Halim, was genuinely grieved. When M. Bompard and Sir Louis Mallet -called on him and demanded their passports, he burst into tears. He -begged them to delay; he was sure that the matter could be adjusted. The -Grand Vizier was the only member of the Cabinet whom Enver and Talaat -particularly wished to placate. As a prince of the royal house of Egypt -and as an extremely rich nobleman, his presence in the Cabinet, as I -have already said, gave it a certain standing. This probably explains -the message which I now received. Talaat asked me to call upon the -Russian Ambassador and ask what amends Turkey could make that would -satisfy the Czar. There is little likelihood that Talaat sincerely -wished me to patch up the difficulty; his purpose was merely to show the -Grand Vizier that he was attempting to meet his wishes, and, in this -way, to keep him in the Cabinet. I saw M. Giers, but found him in no -submissive mood. He said that Turkey could make amends only by -dismissing all the German officers in the Turkish army and navy; he had -his instructions to leave at once and he intended to do so. However, he -would wait long enough in Bulgaria to receive their reply, and, if they -accepted his terms, he would come back. - -“Russia, herself, will guarantee that the Turkish fleet does not again -come into the Black Sea,” said M. Giers, grimly. Talaat called on me in -the afternoon, saying that he had just had lunch with Wangenheim. The -Cabinet had the Russian reply under consideration, he said; the Grand -Vizier wished to have M. Giers’s terms put in writing; would I attempt -to get it? By this time Garroni, the Italian Ambassador, had taken -charge of Russian affairs, and I told Talaat that such negotiations -were out of my hands and that any further negotiations must be conducted -through him. - -“Why don’t you drop your mask as messenger boy of the Grand Vizier and -talk to me as Talaat?” I asked. - -He laughed and said: “Well, Wangenheim, Enver, and I prefer that the war -shall come now.” - -Bustány, Oskan, Mahmoud, and Djavid at once carried out their threats -and resigned from the Cabinet, thus leaving the government in the hands -of Moslem Turks. The Grand Vizier, although he had threatened to resign, -did not do so; he was exceedingly pompous and vain, and enjoyed the -dignities of his office so much that, when it came to the final -decision, he could not surrender them. Thus the net result of Turkey’s -entrance into the war, so far as internal politics was concerned, was to -put the nation entirely in the hands of the Committee of Union and -Progress, which now controlled the Government in practically all its -departments. Thus the idealistic organization which had come into -existence to give Turkey the blessings of democracy had ended by -becoming a tool of Prussian autocracy. - -One final picture I have of these exciting days. On the evening of the -30th I called at the British Embassy. British residents were already -streaming in large numbers to my office for protection, and fears of ill -treatment, even the massacre of foreigners, filled everybody’s mind. -Amid all this tension I found one imperturbable figure. Sir Louis was -sitting in the chancery, before a huge fireplace, with large piles of -documents heaped about him in a semi-circle. Secretaries and clerks were -constantly entering, their arms full of papers, which they added to the -accumulations already surrounding the Ambassador. Sir Louis would take -up document after document, glance through it and almost invariably drop -it into the fire. These papers contained the embassy records for -probably a hundred years. In them were written the great achievements of -a long line of distinguished ambassadors. They contained the story of -all the diplomatic triumphs in Turkey of Stratford de Redcliffe, the -“Great Elchi,” as the Turks called him, who, for the greater part of -almost fifty years, from 1810 to 1858, practically ruled the Turkish -Empire in the interest of England. The records of other great British -ambassadors at the Sublime Porte now went, one by one, into Sir Louis -Mallet’s fire. The long story of British ascendency in Turkey had -reached its close. The twenty-years’ campaign of the Kaiser to destroy -England’s influence and to become England’s successor had finally -triumphed, and the blaze in Sir Louis’s chancery was really the funeral -pyre of England’s vanished power in Turkey. As I looked upon this -dignified and yet somewhat pensive diplomat, sitting there amid all the -splendours of the British Embassy, I naturally thought of how once the -sultans had bowed with fear and awe before the majesty of England, in -the days when Prussia and Germany were little more than names. Yet the -British Ambassador, as is usually the case with British diplomatic and -military figures, was quiet and self-possessed. We sat there before his -fire and discussed the details of his departure. He gave me a list of -the English residents who were to leave and those who were to stay, and -I made final arrangements with Sir Louis for taking over British -interests. Distressing in many ways as was this collapse of British -influence in Turkey, the honour of Great Britain and that of her -ambassador was still secure. Sir Louis had not purchased Turkish -officials with money, as had Wangenheim; he had not corrupted the -Turkish press, trampled on every remaining vestige of international law, -fraternized with a gang of political desperadoes, and conducted a -ceaseless campaign of misrepresentations and lies against his enemy. The -diplomatic game that had ended in England’s defeat was one which English -statesmen were not qualified to play. It called for talents such as only -a Wangenheim possessed--it needed that German statecraft which, in -accordance with Bismarck’s maxim, was ready to sacrifice for the -Fatherland “not only life but honour.” - - - - -CHAPTER XII - -THE TURKS ATTEMPT TO TREAT ALIEN ENEMIES DECENTLY BUT THE GERMANS INSIST -ON PERSECUTING THEM - - -Soon after the bombardment of Odessa I was closeted with Enver, -discussing the subject which was then uppermost in the minds of all the -foreigners in Turkey. How would the Government treat its resident -enemies? Would it intern them, establish concentration camps, pursue -them with German malignity, and perhaps apply the favourite Turkish -measure with Christians--torture and massacre? Thousands of enemy -subjects were then living in the Ottoman Empire; many of them had spent -their whole lives there; others had even been born on Ottoman soil. All -these people, when Turkey entered the war, had every reason to expect -the harshest kind of treatment. It is no exaggeration to say that most -of them lived in constant fear of murder. The Dardanelles had been -closed, so that there was little chance that outside help could reach -these aliens; the capitulatory rights, under which they had lived for -centuries, had been abrogated. There was really nothing between the -foreign residents and destruction except the American flag. The state of -war had now made me, as American Ambassador, the protector of all -British, French, Serbian, and Belgian subjects. I realized from the -beginning that my task would be a difficult one. On one hand were the -Germans, urging their well-known ideas of repression and brutality, -while on the other were the Turks, with their traditional aversion to -Christians and their natural instinct to maltreat those who are -helplessly placed in their power. - -Yet I had certain strong arguments on my side and I now had called upon -Enver for the purpose of laying them before him. Turkey desired the good -opinion of the United States, and hoped, after the war, to find support -among American financiers. At that time all the embassies in -Constantinople took it for granted that the United States would be the -peacemaker; if Turkey expected us to be her friend, I now told Enver, -she would have to treat enemy foreigners in a civilized way. - -“You hope to be reinstated as a world power,” I said. “You must remember -that the civilized world will carefully watch you; your future status -will depend on how you conduct yourself in war.” The ruling classes -among the Turks, including Enver, realized that the outside world -regarded them as a people who had no respect for the sacredness of human -life or the finer emotions and they keenly resented this attitude. I now -reminded Enver that Turkey had a splendid opportunity to disprove all -these criticisms. “The world may say you are barbarians,” I argued; -“show by the way you treat these alien enemies that you are not. Only in -this way can you be freed permanently from the ignominy of the -capitulations. Prove that you are worthy of being emancipated from -foreign tutelage. Be civilized--be modern!” - -In view of what was happening in Belgium and northern France at that -moment, my use of the word “modern,” was a little unfortunate. Enver -quickly saw the point. Up to this time he had maintained his usual -attitude of erect and dignified composure, and his face, as always, had -been attentive, imperturbable, almost expressionless. Now in a flash his -whole bearing changed. His countenance broke into a cynical smile, he -leaned over, brought his fist down on the table, and said: - -“Modern! No; however Turkey shall wage war, at least we shall not be -‘modern.’ That is the most barbaric system of all. We shall simply try -to be decent!” - -Naturally I construed this as a promise; I understood the changeableness -of the Turkish character well enough, however, to know that more than a -promise was necessary. The Germans were constantly prodding the Turkish -officials, persuading them to adopt the favourite German plan against -enemy aliens. Germany has revived many of the principles of ancient and -medieval warfare, one of her most barbaric resurrections from the past -being this practice of keeping certain representatives of the -population, preferably people of distinction and influence, as hostages -for the “good behaviour” of others. At this moment the German military -staff was urging the Turks to keep foreign residents for this purpose. -Just as the Germans held non-combatants in Belgium as security for the -“friendliness” of the Belgians, and placed Belgian women and children at -the head of their advancing armies, so the Germans in Turkey were now -planning to use French and British residents as part of their protective -system against the Allied fleet. That this sinister influence was -constantly at work I well knew; therefore it was necessary that I should -meet it immediately, and, if possible, gain the upper hand at the very -start. I decided that the departure of the Entente diplomats and -residents from Constantinople would really put to the test my ability to -protect the foreign residents. If all the French and English who really -wished to leave could safely get out of Turkey, I believed that this -demonstration would have a restraining influence, not only upon the -Germans, but upon the underlings of the Turkish official world. - -As soon as I arrived at the railroad station, the day following the -break, I saw that my task was to be a difficult one. I had arranged with -the Turkish authorities for two trains; one for the English and French -residents, which was to leave at seven o’clock, and one for the -diplomats and their staff, which was to go at nine. But the arrangement -was not working according to schedule. The station was a surging mass of -excited and frightened people; the police were there in full force, -pushing the crowds back; the scene was an indescribable mixture of -soldiers, gendarmes, diplomats, baggage, and Turkish functionaries. - -One of the most conspicuous figures was Bedri Bey, prefect of police, a -lawyer politician, who had recently been elevated to this position, and -who keenly realized the importance of his new office. Bedri was an -intimate friend and political subordinate of Talaat and one of his most -valuable tools. He ranked high in the Committee of Union and Progress, -and aspired ultimately to obtain a cabinet position. Perhaps his most -impelling motive was his hatred of foreigners and foreign influence. In -his eyes Turkey was the land exclusively of the Turks; he despised all -the other elements in its population, and he particularly resented the -control which the foreign embassies had for years exerted in the -domestic concerns of his country. Indeed, there were few men in Turkey -with whom the permanent abolition of the capitulations was such a -serious matter. Naturally in the next few months I saw much of Bedri; he -was constantly crossing my path, taking an almost malicious pleasure in -interfering with every move which I made in the interest of the -foreigners. His attitude was half provoking, half jocular; we were -always trying to outwit each other--I attempting to protect the French -and British, Bedri always turning up as an obstacle to my efforts; the -fight for the foreigners, indeed, almost degenerated into a personal -duel between the Prefect of Police and the American Embassy. Bedri was -capable, well educated, very agile, and not particularly ill-natured, -but he loved to toy with a helpless foreigner. Naturally, he found his -occupation this evening a congenial one. - -“What’s all the trouble about?” I asked Bedri. - -“We have changed our minds,” he said, and his manner showed that the -change had not been displeasing to him. “We shall let the train go that -is to take the ambassadors and their staffs. But we have decided not to -let the unofficial classes leave--the train that was to take them will -not go.” - -My staff and I had worked hard to get this safe passage for the enemy -nationals. Now apparently some influence had negatived our efforts. This -sudden change in plans was producing the utmost confusion and -consternation. At the station there were two groups of passengers, one -of which could go and the other of which could not. The British and -French ambassadors did not wish to leave their nationals behind, and the -latter refused to believe that their train, which the Turkish officials -had definitely promised, would not start sometime that evening. I -immediately called up Enver, who substantiated Bedri’s statement. Turkey -had many subjects in Egypt, he said, whose situation was causing great -anxiety. Before the French and English residents could leave Turkey, -assurances must be given that the rights of Turkish subjects in these -countries would be protected. I had no difficulty in arranging this -detail, for Sir Louis Mallet immediately gave the necessary assurances. -However, this did not settle the matter; indeed, it had been little more -than a pretext. Bedri still refused to let the train start; the order -holding it up, he said, could not be rescinded, for that would now -disarrange the general schedule and might cause accidents. I recognized -all this as mere Turkish evasion and I knew that the order had come from -a higher source than Bedri; still nothing could be done at that moment. -Moreover, Bedri would let no one get on the diplomatic train until I had -personally identified him. So I had to stand at a little gate, and pass -upon each applicant. Everyone, whether he belonged to the diplomatic -corps or not, attempted to force himself through this narrow passageway, -and we had an old-fashioned Brooklyn Bridge crush on a small scale. -People were running in all directions, checking baggage, purchasing -tickets, arguing with officials, consoling distracted women and -frightened children, while Bedri, calm and collected, watched the whole -pandemonium with an unsympathetic smile. Hats were knocked off, clothing -was torn, and, to add to the confusion, Mallet, the British Ambassador, -became involved in a set-to with an officious Turk--the Englishman -winning first honours easily; and I caught a glimpse of Bompard, the -French Ambassador, vigorously shaking a Turkish policeman. One lady -dropped her baby in my arms, later another handed me a small boy, and -still later, when I was standing at the gate, identifying Turkey’s -departing guests, one of the British secretaries made me the custodian -of his dog. Meanwhile, Sir Louis Mallet became obstreperous and refused -to leave. - -“I shall stay here,” he said, “until the last British subject leaves -Turkey.” - -But I told him that he was no longer the protector of the British; that -I, as American Ambassador, had assumed this responsibility; and that I -could hardly assert myself in this capacity if he remained in -Constantinople. - -“Certainly,” I said, “the Turks would not recognize me as in charge of -British interests if you remain here.” - -Moreover, I suggested that he remain at Dedeagatch for a few days, and -await the arrival of his fellow British. Sir Louis reluctantly accepted -my point of view and boarded the train. As the train left the station I -caught my final glimpse of the British Ambassador, sitting in a private -car, almost buried in a mass of trunks, satchels, boxes, and diplomatic -pouches, surrounded by his embassy staff, and sympathetically watched by -his secretary’s dog. - -The unofficial foreigners remained in the station several hours, hoping -that, at the last moment, they would be permitted to go. Bedri, however, -was inexorable. Their position was almost desperate. They had given up -their quarters in Constantinople, and now found themselves practically -stranded. Some were taken in by friends for the night, others found -accommodations - -[Illustration: SIR LOUIS MALLET - -(On the left.) British Ambassador in Constantinople when the war began. -To the right is M. Bompard, the French Ambassador.] - -[Illustration: GENERAL LIMAN VON SANDERS - -This is the head of the military mission sent by the Kaiser to -Constantinople in the latter part of 1913, to reorganize the Turkish -army in preparation for the coming war. He really directed the Turkish -mobilization in August, 1914--three months before Turkey declared war.] - -in hotels. But their situation caused the utmost anxiety. Evidently, -despite all official promises, Turkey was determined to keep these -foreign residents as hostages. On the one hand were Enver and Talaat, -telling me that they intended to conduct their war in a humane manner, -and, on the other, were their underlings, such as Bedri, behaving in a -fashion that negatived all these civilized pretensions. The fact was -that the officials were quarrelling among themselves about the treatment -of foreigners; and the German General Staff was telling the Cabinet that -they were making a great mistake in showing any leniency to their enemy -aliens. Finally, I succeeded in making arrangements for them to leave -the following day. Bedri, in more complaisant mood, spent that afternoon -at the embassy, viséing passports; we both went to the station in the -evening and started the train safely toward Dedeagatch. I gave a box of -candy--”Turkish Delights,” to each one of the fifty women and children -on the train; it altogether was a happy party and they made no attempt -to hide their relief at leaving Turkey. At Dedeagatch they met the -diplomatic corps, and the reunion that took place, I afterward learned, -was extremely touching. I was made happy by receiving many testimonials -of their gratitude, in particular a letter, signed by more than a -hundred, expressing their thanks to Mrs. Morgenthau, the embassy staff, -and myself. - -There were still many who wished to go and next day I called on Talaat -in their behalf. I found him in one of his most gracious moods. The -Cabinet, he said, had carefully considered the whole matter of English -and French residents in Turkey, and my arguments, he added, had greatly -influenced them. They had reached the formal decision that enemy aliens -could leave or remain, as they preferred. There would be no -concentration camps, civilians could pursue their usual business in -peace, and, so long as they behaved themselves, they would not be -molested. - -“We propose to show,” said Talaat, “by our treatment of aliens, that we -are not a race of barbarians.” - -In return for this promise he asked a favour of me: would I not see that -Turkey was praised in the American and European press for this decision? - -After returning to the embassy I immediately sent for Mr. Theron Damon, -correspondent of the Associated Press, Doctor Lederer, correspondent of -the _Berliner Tageblatt_, and Doctor Sandler, who represented the Paris -_Herald_, and gave them interviews, praising the attitude of Turkey -toward the foreign residents. I also cabled the news to Washington, -London, and Paris and to all our consuls. - -Hardly had I finished with the correspondents when I again received -alarming news. I had arranged for another train that evening, and I now -heard that the Turks were refusing to visé the passports of those whose -departure I had provided for. This news, coming right after Talaat’s -explicit promise, was naturally disturbing. I immediately started for -the railroad station, and the sight which I saw there increased my anger -at the Minister of the Interior. A mass of distracted people filled the -inclosure; the women were weeping, and the children were screaming, -while a platoon of Turkish soldiers, commanded by an undersized popinjay -of a major, was driving everybody out of the station with the flat sides -of their guns. Bedri, as usual, was there, and as usual, he was clearly -enjoying the confusion; certain of the passengers, he told me, had not -paid their income tax, and, for this reason, they would not be permitted -to leave. I announced that I would be personally responsible for this -payment. - -“I can’t get ahead of you, Mr. Ambassador, can I?” said Bedri, with a -laugh. From this we all thought that my offer had settled the matter and -that the train would leave according to schedule. But then suddenly, -came another order holding it up again. - -Since I had just had a promise from Talaat I decided to find that -functionary and learn what all this meant. I jumped into my automobile -and went to the Sublime Porte, where he usually had his headquarters. -Finding no one there, I told the chauffeur to drive directly to Talaat’s -house. Sometime before I had visited Enver in his domestic surroundings -and this occasion now gave me the opportunity to compare his manner of -life with that of his more powerful associate. The contrast was a -startling one. I had found Enver living in luxury, in one of the most -aristocratic parts of the town, while now I was driving to one of the -poorer sections. We came to a narrow street, bordered by little rough, -unpainted wooden houses; only one thing distinguished this thoroughfare -from all others in Constantinople and suggested that it was the abiding -place of the most powerful man in the Turkish Empire. At either end -stood a policeman, letting no one enter who could not give a -satisfactory reason for doing so. Our auto, like all others, was -stopped, but we were promptly permitted to pass when we explained who we -were. As contrasted with Enver’s palace, with its innumerable rooms and -gorgeous furniture, Talaat’s house was an old, rickety, wooden, -three-story building. All this, I afterward learned, was part of the -setting which Talaat had staged for his career. Like many an American -politician, he had found his position as a man of “the people” a -valuable political asset, and he knew that a sudden display of -prosperity and ostentation would weaken his influence with the Union and -Progress Committee, most of whose members, like himself, had risen from -the lower walks of life. The contents of the house were quite in keeping -with the exterior. There were no suggestions of Oriental magnificence. -The furniture was cheap; a few coarse prints hung on the walls, and one -or two well-worn rugs were scattered on the floor. On one side stood a -wooden table, and on this rested a telegraph instrument--once Talaat’s -means of earning a living, and now a means by which he communicated with -his associates. In the present troubled conditions in Turkey Talaat -sometimes preferred to do his own telegraphing! - -Amid these surroundings I awaited for a few minutes the entrance of the -Big Boss of Turkey. In due time a door opened at the other end of the -room, and a huge, lumbering, gaily-decorated figure entered. I was -startled by the contrast which this Talaat presented to the one who had -become such a familiar figure to me at the Sublime Porte. It was no -longer the Talaat of the European clothes and the thin veneer of -European manners; the man whom I now saw looked like a real Bulgarian -gypsy. Talaat wore the usual red Turkish fez; the rest of his bulky form -was clothed in thick gray pajamas; and from this combination protruded a -rotund, smiling face. His mood was half genial, half deprecating; Talaat -well understood what pressing business had led me to invade his -domestic privacy, and his behaviour now resembled that of the -unrepentant bad boy in school. He came and sat down with a good-natured -grin, and began to make excuses. Quietly the door opened again, and a -hesitating little girl was pushed into the room, bringing a tray of -cigarettes and coffee. Presently I saw that a young woman, apparently -about twenty-five years old, was standing back of the child, urging her -to enter. Here, then, were Talaat’s wife and adopted daughter; I had -already discovered that, while Turkish women never enter society or act -as hostesses, they are extremely inquisitive about their husbands’ -guests, and like to get surreptitious glimpses of them. Evidently Madame -Talaat, on this occasion, was not satisfied with her preliminary view, -for, a few minutes afterward, she appeared at a window directly opposite -me, but entirely unseen by her husband, who was facing in the other -direction, and there she remained very quiet and very observant for -several minutes. As she was in the house, she was unveiled; her face was -handsome and intelligent; and it was quite apparent that she enjoyed -this close-range view of an American ambassador. - -“Well, Talaat,” I said, realizing that the time had come for plain -speaking, “don’t you know how foolishly you are acting? You told me a -few hours ago that you had decided to treat the French and English -decently and you asked me to publish this news in the American and -foreign press. I at once called in the newspaper men and told them how -splendidly you were behaving. And this at your own request! The whole -world will be reading about it to-morrow. Now you are doing your best to -counteract all my efforts in your behalf; here you have repudiated your -first promise to be decent. Are you going to keep the promises you made -me? Will you stick to them, or do you intend to keep changing your mind -all the time? Now let’s have a real understanding. The thing we -Americans particularly pride ourselves on is keeping our word. We do it -as individuals and as a nation. We refuse to deal with people as equals -who do not do this. You might as well understand now that we can do no -business with each other unless I can depend on your promises.” - -“Now, this isn’t my fault,” Talaat answered. “The Germans are to blame -for stopping that train. The German Chief of Staff has just returned and -is making a big fuss, saying that we are too easy with the French and -English and that we must not let them go away. He says that we must keep -them for hostages. It was his interference that did this.” - -That was precisely what I had suspected. Talaat had given me his -promise, then Bronssart, head of the German Staff, had practically -countermanded his orders. Talaat’s admission gave me the opening which I -had wished for. By this time my relations with Talaat had become so -friendly that I could talk to him with the utmost frankness. - -“Now, Talaat,” I said, “you have got to have someone to advise you in -your relations with foreigners. You must make up your mind whether you -want me or the German Staff. Don’t you think you will make a mistake if -you place yourself entirely in the hands of the Germans? The time may -come when you will need me against them.” - -“What do you mean by that?” he asked, watching for my answer with -intense curiosity. - -“The Germans are sure to ask you to do many things you don’t want to do. -If you can tell them that the American Ambassador objects, my support -may prove useful to you. Besides, you know you all expect peace in a few -months. You know that the Germans really care nothing for Turkey, and -certainly you have no claims on the Allies for assistance. There is only -one nation in the world that you can look to as a disinterested friend -and that is the United States.” - -This fact was so apparent that I hardly needed to argue it in any great -detail. However, I had another argument that struck still nearer home. -Already the struggle between the war department and the civil powers had -started. I knew that Talaat, although he was Minister of the Interior, -and a civilian, was determined not to sacrifice a tittle of his -authority to Enver, the Germans, and the representatives of the -military. - -“If you let the Germans win this point to-day,” I said, “you are -practically in their power. You are now the head of affairs, but you are -still a civilian. Are you going to let the military, represented by -Enver and the German staff, overrule your orders? Apparently that is -what has happened to-day. If you submit to it, you will find that they -will be running things from now on. The Germans will put this country -under martial law; then where will you civilians be?” - -I could see that this argument was having its effect on Talaat. He -remained quiet for a few moments, evidently pondering my remarks. Then -he said, with the utmost deliberation, - -“I am going to help you.” - -He turned around to his table and began working his telegraph -instrument. I shall never forget the picture; this huge Turk, sitting -there in his gray pajamas and his red fez, working industriously his own -telegraph key, his young wife gazing at him through a little window and -the late afternoon sun streaming into the room. Evidently the ruler of -Turkey was having his troubles, and, as the argument went on over the -telegraph, Talaat would bang his key with increasing irritation. He told -me that the pompous major at the station insisted on having Enver’s -written orders--since orders over the wire might easily be -counterfeited. It took Talaat some time to locate Enver, and then the -dispute apparently started all over again. A piece of news which Talaat -received at that moment over the wire almost ruined my case. After a -prolonged thumping of his instrument, in the course of which Talaat’s -face lost its geniality and became almost savage, he turned to me and -said: - -“The English bombarded the Dardanelles this morning and killed two -Turks!” - -And then he added: - -“We intend to kill three Christians for every Moslem killed!” - -For a moment I thought that everything was lost. Talaat’s face reflected -only one emotion--hatred of the English. Afterward, when reading the -Cromer report on the Dardanelles, I found that the British Committee -stigmatized this early attack as a mistake, since it gave the Turks an -early warning of their plans. I can testify that it was a mistake for -another reason, for I now found that these few strange shots almost -destroyed my plans to get the foreign residents out of Turkey. Talaat -was enraged, and I had to go over much of the - -[Illustration: - -© Underwood & Underwood - -GERMAN AND TURKISH OFFICERS ON BOARD THE “GOEBEN” - - All the men, except the ones at the extreme left and extreme right, - are Germans. Two months before Turkey entered the European war, - Admiral Souchon--the central figure in this group--controlled the - Turkish navy. All this time the German Government maintained that - it had “sold” the _Goeben_ and the _Breslau_ to Turkey. -] - -[Illustration: BEDRI BEY, PREFECT OF POLICE AT CONSTANTINOPLE - - A leader of the Young Turks and an intimate friend of Talaat. Mr. - Morgenthau’s attempts to protect the English and French became a - contest between himself and Bedri, who accepted the German view - that foreigners should not be treated with “too great leniency”. -] - -[Illustration: DJAVID BEY, MINISTER OF FINANCE IN TURKISH CABINET - - A Jew by race but a Mohammedan by religion; an influential member - of the Young Turk party. He was Pro-Ally in his sympathies, and - resigned when Turkey entered the war on Germany’s side, though - afterward he resumed office. -] - -ground again, but finally I succeeded in pacifying him once more. I saw -that he was vacillating between his desire to punish the English and his -desire to assert his own authority over that of Enver and the Germans. -Fortunately the latter motive gained the ascendancy. At all hazard, he -was determined to show that he was boss. - -We remained there more than two hours, my involuntary host pausing now -and then in his telegraphing to entertain me with the latest political -gossip. Djavid, the Minister of Finance, he said, had resigned, but had -promised to work for them at home. The Grand Vizier, despite his -threats, had been persuaded to retain his office. Foreigners in the -interior would not be molested unless Beirut, Alexandretta, or some -unfortified port were bombarded, but, if such attacks were made, they -would exact reprisals of the French and English. Talaat’s conversation -showed that he had no particular liking for the Germans. They were -overbearing and insolent, he said, constantly interfering in military -matters and treating the Turks with disdain. - -Finally the train was arranged. Talaat had shown several moods in this -interview; he had been by turns sulky, good-natured, savage, and -complaisant. There is one phase of the Turkish character which -Westerners do not comprehend and that is its keen sense of humour. -Talaat himself greatly loved a joke and a funny story. Now that he had -reëstablished friendly relations and redeemed his promise, Talaat became -jocular once more. - -“Your people can go now,” he said with a laugh. “It’s time to buy your -candies, Mr. Ambassador!” - -This latter, of course, was a reference to the little gifts which I had -made to the women and children the night before. We immediately -returned to the station, where we found the disconsolate passengers -sitting around waiting for a favourable word. When I told them that the -train would leave that evening, their thanks and gratitude were -overwhelming. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII - -THE INVASION OF NOTRE DAME DE SION - - -Talaat’s statement that the German Chief of Staff, Bronssart, had really -held up this train, was a valuable piece of information. I decided to -look into the matter further, and, with this idea in my mind, I called -next day on Wangenheim. The Turkish authorities, I said, had solemnly -promised that they would treat their enemies decently, and certainly I -could not tolerate any interference in the matter from the German Chief -of Staff. Wangenheim had repeatedly told me that the Germans were -looking to President Wilson as the peacemaker and I therefore used the -same argument with him that I had urged on Talaat. Proceedings of this -sort would not help his country when the day of the final settlement -came! Here, I said, we have a strange situation; a so-called barbarous -country, like Turkey, attempting to make civilized warfare and treat -their Christian enemies with decency and kindness, and, on the other -hand, a supposedly cultured and Christian nation, like Germany, which is -trying to persuade them to revert to barbarism. “What sort of an -impression do you think that will make on the American people?” I asked -Wangenheim. He expressed a willingness to help and suggested, as my -consideration for such help, that I should try to persuade the United -States to insist on free commerce with Germany, so that his country -could receive plentiful cargoes of copper, wheat, and cotton. This was -a subject to which, as I shall relate, Wangenheim constantly returned. - -Despite Wangenheim’s promise I had practically no support from the -German Embassy in my attempt to protect the foreign residents from -Turkish ill treatment. I realized that, owing to my religion, there -might be a feeling in certain quarters that I was not exerting all my -energies in behalf of these Christian peoples and religious -organizations--hospitals, schools, monasteries, and convents--and I -naturally thought that it would strengthen my influence with the Turks -if I could have the support of my most powerful Christian colleagues. I -had a long discussion on this matter with Pallavicini, himself a -Catholic and the representative of the greatest Catholic power. -Pallavicini frankly told me that Wangenheim would do nothing that would -annoy the Turks. There was then a constant fear that the English and -French fleets would force the Dardanelles, capture Constantinople, and -hand it over to Russia, and only the Turkish forces, said Pallavicini, -could prevent such a calamity. The Germans, therefore, believed that -they were dependent on the good graces of the Turkish Government, and -would do nothing to antagonize them. Evidently Pallavicini wished me to -believe that Wangenheim and he really desired to help. Yet this plea was -hardly frank, for I knew all the time that Turkey, if the Germans had -not constantly interfered, would have behaved decently. I found that the -evil spirit was not the Turkish Government, but Von Bronssart, the -German Chief of Staff. The fact that certain members of the Turkish -Cabinet, who represented European and Christian culture--men like -Bustány and Oskan--had resigned as a protest against Turkey’s action in -entering the war, made the situation of foreigners even more dangerous. -There was also much conflict of authority; a policy decided on one day -would be reversed the next, the result being that we never knew where we -stood. The mere fact that the Government promised me that foreigners -would not be maltreated by no means settled the matter, for some -underling, like Bedri Bey, could frequently find an excuse for -disregarding instructions. The situation, therefore, was one that called -for constant vigilance; I had not only to get pledges from men like -Talaat and Enver, but I had personally to see that these pledges were -carried into action. - -I awoke one November morning at four o’clock; I had been dreaming, or I -had had a “presentiment,” that all was not going well with the Sion -Sœurs, a French sisterhood which had for many years conducted a -school for girls in Constantinople. Madame Bompard, the wife of the -French Ambassador, and several ladies of the French colony, had -particularly requested us to keep a watchful eye on this institution. It -was a splendidly conducted school; the daughters of many of the best -families of all nationalities attended it, and when these girls were -assembled, the Christians wearing silver crosses and the non-Christians -silver stars, the sight was particularly beautiful and impressive. -Naturally the thought of the brutal Turks breaking into such a community -was enough to arouse the wrath of any properly constituted man. Though -we had nothing more definite than an uneasy feeling that something might -be wrong, Mrs. Morgenthau and I decided to go up immediately after -breakfast. As we approached the building we noted nothing particularly -suspicious; the place was quiet and the whole atmosphere was one of -peace and sanctity. Just as we ascended the steps, however, five Turkish -policemen followed on our heels. They crowded after us into the -vestibule, much to the consternation of a few of the sisters, who -happened to be in the waiting room. The mere fact that the American -Ambassador came with the police in itself increased their alarm, though -our arrival together was purely accidental. - -“What do you want?” I asked, turning to the men. As they spoke only -Turkish, naturally they did not understand me, and they started to push -me aside. My own knowledge of Turkish was extremely limited, but I knew -that the word “Elchi” meant “Ambassador.” So, pointing to myself, I -said, - -“Elchi American.” - -This scrap of Turkish worked like magic. In Turkey an ambassador is a -much-revered object, and these policemen immediately respected my -authority. Meanwhile the sisters had sent for their superior, Mère -Elvira. This lady was one of the most distinguished and influential -personages in Constantinople. That morning, as she came in quietly and -faced these Turkish policemen, showing not a sign of fear, and -completely overawing them by the splendour and dignity of her bearing, -she represented to my eyes almost a supernatural being. Mère Elvira was -a daughter of one of the most aristocratic families of France; she was a -woman of perhaps forty years of age, with black hair and shining black -eyes, all accentuated by a pale face that radiated culture, character, -and intelligence. I could not help thinking, as I looked at her that -morning, that there was not a diplomatic circle in the world to which -she would not have added grace and dignity. In a few seconds Mère Elvira -had this present distracting situation completely under control. She -sent for a sister who spoke Turkish and questioned the policemen. They -said that they were acting under Bedri’s orders. All the foreign schools -were to be closed that morning, the Government intending to seize all -their buildings. There were about seventy-two teachers and sisters in -this convent; the police had orders to shut all these into two rooms, -where they were to be held practically as prisoners. There were about -two hundred girls; these were to be turned out into the streets, and -left to shift for themselves. The fact that it was raining in torrents, -and that the weather was extremely cold, accentuated the barbarity of -this proceeding. Yet every enemy school and religious institution in -Constantinople was undergoing a similar experience at this time. Clearly -this was a situation which I could not handle alone, and I at once -telephoned my Turkish-speaking legal adviser. Herein is another incident -which may have an interest for those who believe in providential -intervention. When I arrived in Constantinople telephones had been -unknown, but, in the last few months, an English company had been -introducing a system. The night before my experience with the Sion -Sœurs, my legal adviser had called me up and proudly told me that his -telephone had just been installed. I jotted down his number, and this -memorandum I now found in my pocket. Without my interpreter I should -have been hard pressed, and without this telephone I could not have -immediately brought him to the spot. - -While waiting for his arrival I delayed the operations of the policemen, -and my wife, who fortunately speaks French, was obtaining all the -details from the sisters. Mrs. Morgenthau understood the Turks well -enough to know that they had other plans than the mere expulsion of the -sisters and their charges. The Turks regard these institutions as -repositories of treasure; the valuables which they contain are greatly -exaggerated in the popular mind; and it was a safe assumption that, -among other things, this expulsion was an industrious raiding expedition -for tangible evidences of wealth. - -“Have you any money and other valuables here?” Mrs. Morgenthau asked one -of the sisters. - -Yes, they had quite a large amount; it was kept in a safe upstairs. My -wife told me to keep the policemen busy and then she and one of the -sisters quietly disappeared from the scene. Upstairs the sister -disclosed about a hundred square pieces of white flannel into each one -of which had been sewed twenty gold coins. In all, the Sion Sœurs had -in this liquid form about fifty thousand francs. They had been fearing -expulsion for some time and had been getting together their money in -this form, so that they could carry it away with them when forced to -leave Turkey. Besides this, the sisters had several bundles of -securities, and many valuable papers, such as the charter of their -school. Certainly here was something that would appeal to Turkish -cupidity. Mrs. Morgenthau knew that if the police once obtained control -of the building there would be little likelihood that the Sion Sœurs -would ever see their money again. With the aid of the sisters, my wife -promptly concealed as much as she could on her person, descended the -stairs, and marched through the line of gendarmes out into the rain. -Mrs. Morgenthau told me afterward that her blood almost ran cold with -fright as she passed by these guardians of the law; from all external -signs, however, she was absolutely calm and collected. She stepped into -the waiting auto, was driven to the American Embassy, placed the money -in our vault, and promptly returned to the school. Again Mrs. Morgenthau -solemnly ascended the stairs with the sisters. This time they took her -to the gallery of the Cathedral, which stood behind the convent, but -could be entered through it. One of the sisters lifted up a tile from a -particular spot in the floor, and again disclosed a heap of gold coins. -This was secreted on Mrs. Morgenthau’s clothes, and once more she walked -past the gendarmes, out into the rain, and was driven rapidly to the -Embassy. In these two trips my wife succeeded in getting the money of -the sisters to a place where it would be safe from the Turks. - -Between Mrs. Morgenthau’s trips Bedri had arrived. He told me that -Talaat had himself given the order for closing all the institutions and -that they had intended to have the entire job finished before nine -o’clock. I have already said that the Turks have a sense of humour; but -to this statement I should add that it sometimes manifests itself in a -perverted form. Bedri now seemed to think that locking more than seventy -Catholic sisters in two rooms and turning two hundred young and -carefully nurtured girls into the streets of Constantinople was a great -joke. - -“We were going at it early in the morning and have it all over before -you heard anything about it,” he said with a laugh. “But you seem never -to be asleep.” - -“You are very foolish to try to play such tricks on us,” I said. “Don’t -you know that I am going to write a book? If you go on behaving this -way, I shall put you in as the villain.” - -This remark was an inspiration of the moment; it was then that it first -occurred to me that these experiences might prove sufficiently -interesting for publication. Bedri took the statement seriously, and it -seemed to have a sobering effect. - -“Do you really intend to write a book?” he asked, almost anxiously. - -“Why not?” I rejoined. “General Lew Wallace was minister here--didn’t he -write a book? ‘Sunset’ Cox was also minister here--didn’t he write one? -Why shouldn’t I? And you are such an important character that I shall -have to give you a part. Why do you go on acting in a way that will make -me describe you as a very bad man? These sisters here have always been -your friends. They have never done you anything but good; they have -educated many of your daughters; why do you treat them in this shameful -fashion?” - -This plea produced an effect; Bedri consented to postpone execution of -the order until we could get Talaat on the wire. In a few minutes I -heard Talaat laughing over the telephone. - -“I tried to escape you,” he said, “but you have caught me again. Why -make such a row about this matter? Didn’t the French themselves expel -all their nuns and monks? Why shouldn’t we do it?” - -After I had remonstrated over this indecent haste Talaat told Bedri to -suspend the order until we had had a chance to talk the matter over. -Naturally this greatly relieved Mère Elvira and the sisters. Just as we -were about to leave, Bedri suddenly had a new idea. There was one detail -which he had apparently forgotten. - -“We’ll leave the Sion sisters alone for the present,” he said, “but we -must get their money.” - -Reluctantly I acquiesced in his suggestion--knowing that all the -valuables were safely reposing in the American Embassy. So I had the -pleasure of standing by and watching Bedri and his associates search the -whole establishment. All they turned up was a small tin box containing a -few copper coins, a prize which was so trifling that the Turks disdained -to take it. They were much puzzled and disappointed, and from that day -to this they have never known what became of the money. If my Turkish -friends do me the honour of reading these pages, they will find that I -have explained here for the first time one of the many mysteries of -those exciting days. - -As some of the windows of the convent opened on the court of the -Cathedral, which was Vatican property, we contended that the Turkish -Government could not seize it. Such of the sisters as were neutrals were -allowed to remain in possession of the part that faced the Vatican land, -while the rest of the building was turned into an Engineers’ School. We -arranged that the French nuns should have ten days to leave for their -own country; they all reached their destination safely, and most are at -present engaged in charities and war work in France. - -My jocular statement that I intended to write a book deeply impressed -Bedri, and, in the next few weeks, he repeatedly referred to it. I kept -banteringly telling him that, unless his behaviour improved, I should be -forced to picture him as the villain. One day he asked me, in all -seriousness, whether he could not do something that would justify me in -portraying him in a more favourable light. This attitude gave me an -opportunity I had been seeking for some time. Constantinople had for -many years been a centre for the white-slave trade and a particularly -vicious gang was then operating under cover of a fake synagogue. A -committee, organized to fight this crew, had made me an honorary -chairman. I told Bedri that he now had the chance to secure a -reputation; because of the war, his powers as Prefect of Police had been -greatly increased and a little vigorous action on his part would -permanently rid the city of this disgrace. The enthusiasm with which -Bedri adopted my suggestion and the thoroughness and ability with which -he did the work entitle him to the gratitude of all decent people. In a -few days every white-slave trader in Constantinople was scurrying for -safety; most were arrested, a few made their escape; such as were -foreigners, after serving terms in jail, were expelled from the country. -Bedri furnished me photographs of all the culprits and they are now on -file in our State Department. I was not writing a book at that time, but -I felt obliged to secure some public recognition for Bedri’s work. I -therefore sent his photograph, with a few words about his achievement, -to the New York _Times_, which published it in a Sunday edition. That a -great American newspaper had recognized him in this way delighted Bedri -beyond words. For months he carried in his pocket the page of the -_Times_ containing his picture, showing it to all his friends. This -event ended my troubles with the Prefect of Police; for the rest of my -stay we had very few serious clashes. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV - -WANGENHEIM AND THE BETHLEHEM STEEL COMPANY--A HOLY WAR THAT WAS MADE IN -GERMANY - - -All this time I was increasing my knowledge of the modern German -character, as illustrated in Wangenheim and his associates. In the early -days of the war, the Germans showed their most ingratiating side to -Americans; as time went on, however, and it became apparent that public -opinion in the United States almost unanimously supported the Allies, -and that the Washington Administration would not disregard the -neutrality laws in order to promote Germany’s interest, this friendly -attitude changed and became almost hostile. - -The grievance to which the German Ambassador constantly returned with -tiresome iteration was the old familiar one--the sale of American -ammunition to the Allies. I hardly ever met him that he did not speak -about it. He was constantly asking me to write to President Wilson, -urging him to declare an embargo; of course, my contention that the -commerce in munitions was entirely legitimate made no impression. As the -struggle at the Dardanelles became more intense, Wangenheim’s insistence -on the subject of American ammunition grew. He asserted that most of the -shells used at the Dardanelles had been made in America and that the -United States was really waging war on Turkey. - -One day, more angry than usual, he brought me a piece of shell. On it -clearly appeared the inscription “B.S.Co.” - -“Look at that!” he said. “I suppose you know what ‘B.S.Co.’ means? That -is the Bethlehem Steel Company! This will make the Turks furious. And -remember that we are going to hold the United States responsible for it. -We are getting more and more proof, and we are going to hold you to -account for every death caused by American shells. If you would only -write home and make them stop selling ammunition to our enemies, the war -would be over very soon.” - -I made the usual defense, and called Wangenheim’s attention to the fact -that Germany had sold munitions to Spain in the Spanish War, but all -this was to no purpose. All that Wangenheim saw was that American -supplies formed an asset to his enemy; the legalities of the situation -did not interest him. Of course I refused point blank to write to the -President about the matter. - -A few days afterward an article appeared in the _Ikdam_ discussing -Turkish and American relations. This contribution, for the greater part, -was extremely complimentary to America; its real purpose, however, was -to contrast the present with the past, and to point out that our action -in furnishing ammunition to Turkey’s enemies was hardly in accordance -with the historic friendship between the two countries. The whole thing -was evidently written merely to get before the Turkish people a -statement almost parenthetically included in the final paragraph. -“According to the report of correspondents at the Dardanelles it appears -that most of the shells fired by the British and French during the last -bombardment were made in America.” At this time the German Embassy -controlled the _Ikdam_, and was conducting it entirely in the interest -of German propaganda. A statement of this sort, instilled into the minds -of impressionable and fanatical Turks, might have the most deplorable -consequences. I therefore took the matter up immediately with the man -whom I regarded as chiefly responsible for the attack--the German -Ambassador. - -At first Wangenheim asserted his innocence; he was as bland as a child -in protesting his ignorance of the whole affair. I called his attention -to the fact that the statements in the _Ikdam_ were almost identically -the same as those which he had made to me a few days before; that the -language in certain spots, indeed, was almost a repetition of his own -conversation. - -“Either you wrote that article yourself,” I said, “or you called in the -reporter and gave him the leading ideas.” - -Wangenheim saw that there was no use in further denying the authorship. - -“Well,” he said, throwing back his head, “what are you going to do about -it?” - -This Tweed-like attitude rather nettled me and I resented it on the -spot. - -“I’ll tell you what I am going to do about it,” I replied, “and you know -that I will be able to carry out my threats. Either you stop stirring up -anti-American feeling in Turkey or I shall start a campaign of -anti-German sentiment here. - -“You know, Baron,” I added, “that you Germans are skating on very thin -ice in this country. You know that the Turks don’t love you any too -well. In fact, you know that Americans are more popular here than you -are. Supposing that I go out, tell the Turks how you are simply using -them for your own benefit--that you do not really regard them as your -allies, but merely as pawns in the game which you are playing. Now, in -stirring up anti-American feeling here you are touching my softest spot. -You are exposing our educational and religious institutions to the -attacks of the Turks. No one knows what they may do if they are -persuaded that their relatives are being shot down by American bullets. -You stop this at once, or in three weeks I will fill the whole of Turkey -with animosity toward the Germans. It will be a battle between us, and I -am ready for it.” - -Wangenheim’s attitude changed at once. He turned around, put his arm on -my shoulder, and assumed a most conciliatory, almost affectionate, -manner. - -“Come, let us be friends,” he said. “I see that you are right about -this. I see that such attacks might injure your friends, the -missionaries. I promise you that they will be stopped.” - -From that day the Turkish press never made the slightest unfriendly -allusion to the United States. The abruptness with which the attacks -ceased showed me that the Germans had evidently extended to Turkey one -of the most cherished expedients of the Fatherland--absolute government -control of the press. But when I think of the infamous plots which -Wangenheim was instigating at that moment, his objection to the use of a -few American shells by English battleships--if English battleships used -any such shells, which I seriously doubt--seems almost grotesque. In the -early days Wangenheim had explained to me one of Germany’s main purposes -in forcing Turkey into the conflict. He made this explanation quietly -and nonchalantly, as though it had been quite the most ordinary matter -in the world. Sitting in his office, puffing away at his big black -German cigar, he unfolded Germany’s scheme to arouse the whole fanatical -Moslem world against the Christians. Germany had planned a real “holy -war” as one means of destroying English and French influence in the -world. “Turkey herself is not the really important matter,” said -Wangenheim. “Her army is a small one, and we do not expect it to do very -much. For the most part it will act on the defensive. But the big thing -is the Moslem world. If we can stir the Mohammedans up against the -English and Russians, we can force them to make peace.” - -What Wangenheim evidently meant by the “Big thing” became apparent on -November 13th, when the Sultan issued his declaration of war; this -declaration was really an appeal for a _Jihad_, or a “Holy War” against -the infidel. Soon afterward the Sheik-ul-Islam published his -proclamation, summoning the whole Moslem world to arise and massacre -their Christian oppressors. “Oh, Moslems!” concluded this document. “Ye -who are smitten with happiness and are on the verge of sacrificing your -life and your goods for the cause of right, and of braving perils, -gather now around the Imperial throne, obey the commands of the -Almighty, who, in the Koran, promises us bliss in this and in the next -world; embrace ye the foot of the Caliph’s throne and know ye that the -state is at war with Russia, England, France, and their Allies, and that -these are the enemies of Islam. The Chief of the believers, the Caliph, -invites you all as Moslems to join in the Holy War!” - -The religious leaders read this proclamation to their assembled -congregations in the mosques; all the newspapers printed it -conspicuously; it was spread broadcast in all the countries which had -large Mohammedan populations--India, China, Persia, Egypt, Algiers, -Tripoli, Morocco, and the like; in all these places it was read to the -assembled multitudes and the populace was exhorted to obey the mandate. -The _Ikdam_, the Turkish newspaper which had passed into German -ownership, was constantly inciting the masses. “The deeds of our -enemies,” wrote this Turco-German editor, “have brought down the wrath -of God. A gleam of hope has appeared. All Mohammedans, young and old, -men, women, and children, must fulfil their duty so that the gleam may -not fade away, but give light to us forever. How many great things can -be accomplished by the arms of vigorous men, by the aid of others, of -women and children!... The time for action has come. We shall all have -to fight with all our strength, with all our soul, with teeth and nails, -with all the sinews of our bodies and of our spirits. If we do it, the -deliverance of the subjected Mohammedan kingdoms is assured. Then, if -God so wills, we shall march unashamed by the side of our friends who -send their greetings to the Crescent. Allah is our aid and the Prophet -is our support.” - -The Sultan’s proclamation was an official public document, and dealt -with the proposed Holy War only in a general way, but about this same -time a secret pamphlet appeared which gave instructions to the faithful -in more specific terms. This paper was not read in the mosques; it was -distributed stealthily in all Mohammedan countries--India, Egypt, -Morocco, Syria, and many others; and it was significantly printed in -Arabic, the language of the Koran. It was a lengthy document--the -English translation contains 10,000 words--full of quotations from the -Koran, and its style was frenzied in its appeal to racial and religious -hatred. It described a detailed plan of operations for the assassination -and extermination of all Christians--except those of German nationality. -A few extracts will fairly portray its spirit: “O people of the faith -and O beloved Moslems, consider, even though but for a brief moment, the -present condition of the Islamic world. For if you consider this but for -a little you will weep long. You will behold a bewildering state of -affairs which will cause the tear to fall and the fire of grief to -blaze. You see the great country of India, which contains hundreds of -millions of Moslems, fallen, because of religious divisions and -weaknesses, into the grasp of the enemies of God, the infidel English. -You see forty millions of Moslems in Java shackled by the chains of -captivity and of affliction under the rule of the Dutch, although these -infidels are much fewer in number than the faithful and do not enjoy a -much higher civilization. You see Egypt, Morocco, Tunis, Algeria, and -the Sudan suffering the extremes of pain and groaning in the grasp of -the enemies of God and his apostle. You see the vast country of Siberia -and Turkestan and Khiva and Bokhara and the Caucasus and the Crimea and -Kazan and Ezferhan and Kosahastan, whose Moslem peoples believe in the -unity of God, ground under the feet of their oppressors, who are the -enemies already of our religion. You behold Persia being prepared for -partition and you see the city of the Caliphate, which for ages has -unceasingly fought breast to breast with the enemies of our religion, -now become the target for oppression and violence. Thus wherever you -look you see that the enemies of the true religion, particularly the -English, the Russian, and the French, have oppressed Islam and invaded -its rights in every possible way. We cannot enumerate the insults we -have received at the hands of these nations who desire totally to -destroy Islam and drive all Mohammedans off the face of the earth. This -tyranny has passed all endurable limits; the cup of our oppression is -full to overflowing.... In brief, the Moslems work and the infidels eat; -the Moslems are hungry and suffer and the infidels gorge themselves and -live in luxury. The world of Islam sinks down and goes backward, and the -Christian world goes forward and is more and more exalted. The Moslems -are enslaved and the infidels are the great rulers. This is all because -the Moslems have abandoned the plan set forth in the Koran and ignored -the Holy War which it commands.... But the time has now come for the -Holy War, and by this the land of Islam shall be forever freed from the -power of the infidels who oppress it. This holy war has now become a -sacred duty. Know ye that the blood of infidels in the Islamic lands may -be shed with impunity--except those to whom the Moslem power has -promised security and who are allied with it. [Herein we find that -Germans and Austrians are excepted from massacre.] The killing of -infidels who rule over Islam has become a sacred duty, whether you do it -secretly or openly, as the Koran has decreed: ‘Take them and kill them -whenever you find them. Behold we have delivered them unto your hands -and given you supreme power over them.’ He who kills even one -unbeliever of those who rule over us, whether he does it secretly or -openly, shall be rewarded by God. And let every Moslem, in whatever part -of the world he may be, swear a solemn oath to kill at least three or -four of the infidels who rule over him, for they are the enemies of God -and of the faith. Let every Moslem know that his reward for doing so -shall be doubled by the God who created heaven and earth. A Moslem who -does this shall be saved from the terrors of the day of Judgment, of the -resurrection of the dead. Who is the man who can refuse such a -recompense for such a small deed?... Yet the time has come that we -should rise up as the rising of one man, in one hand a sword, in the -other a gun, in his pocket balls of fire and death-dealing missiles, and -in his heart the light of the faith, and that we should lift up our -voices, saying--India for the Indian Moslems, Java for the Javanese -Moslems, Algeria for the Algerian Moslems, Morocco for the Moroccan -Moslems, Tunis for the Tunisan Moslems, Egypt for the Egyptian Moslems, -Iran for the Iranian Moslems, Turan for the Turanian Moslems, Bokhara -for the Bokharan Moslems, Caucasus for the Caucasian Moslems, and the -Ottoman Empire for the Ottoman Turks and Arabs.” - -Specific instructions for carrying out this holy purpose follow. There -shall be a “heart war”--every follower of the Prophet, that is, shall -constantly nourish in his spirit a hatred of the infidel; a “speech -war”--with tongue and pen every Moslem shall spread this same hatred -wherever Mohammedans live; and a war of deed--fighting and killing the -infidel wherever he shows his head. This latter conflict, says the -pamphlet, is the “true war.” There is to be a “little holy war” and a -“great holy war”; the first describes the battle which every Mohammedan -is to wage in his community against his Christian neighbours, and the -second is the great world struggle which united Islam, in India, Arabia, -Turkey, Africa, and other countries is to wage against the infidel -oppressors. “The Holy War,” says the pamphlet, “will be of three forms. -First, the individual war, which consists of the individual personal -deed. This may be carried on with cutting, killing instruments, like the -holy war which one of the faithful made against Peter Galy, the infidel -English governor, like the slaying of the English chief of police in -India, and like the killing of one of the officials arriving in Mecca by -Abi Busir (may God be pleased with him).” The document gives several -other instances of assassination which the faithful are enjoined to -imitate. Second, the believers are told to organize “bands,” and to go -forth and slay Christians. The most useful are those organized and -operating in secret. “It is hoped that the Islamic world of to-day will -profit very greatly from such secret bands.” The third method is by -“organized campaigns,” that is, by trained armies. - -In all parts of this incentive to murder and assassination there are -indications that a German hand has exercised an editorial supervision. -Only those infidels are to be slain, “who rule over us”--that is, those -who have Mohammedan subjects. As Germany has no such subjects, this -saving clause was expected to protect Germans from assault. The Germans, -with their usual interest in their own well-being and their usual -disregard of their ally, evidently overlooked the fact that Austria had -many Mohammedan subjects in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Moslems are -instructed that they should form armies, “even though it may be -necessary to introduce some foreign elements”--that is, bring in German -instructors and German officers. “You must remember”--this is evidently -intended as a blanket protection to Germans everywhere--”that it is -absolutely unlawful to oppose any of the peoples of other religions -between whom and the Moslems there is a covenant or of those who have -not manifested hostility to the seat of the Caliphate or those who have -entered under the protection of the Moslems.” - -Even though I had not had Wangenheim’s personal statement that the -Germans intended to arouse the Mohammedans everywhere against England, -France, and Russia, these interpolations would clearly enough have -indicated the real inspiration of this amazing document. At the time -Wangenheim discussed the matter with me, his chief idea seemed to be -that a “holy war” of this sort would be the quickest means of forcing -England to make peace. According to this point of view, it was really a -great peace offensive. At that time Wangenheim reflected the conviction, -which was prevalent in all official circles, that Germany had made a -mistake in bringing England into the conflict, and it was evidently his -idea now that if back fires could be started against England in India, -Egypt, the Sudan, and other places, the British Empire would withdraw. -Even if British Mohammedans refused to rise, Wangenheim believed that -the mere threat of such an uprising would induce England to abandon -Belgium and France to their fate. The danger of spreading such -incendiary literature among a wildly fanatical people is apparent. I was -not the only neutral diplomat who feared the most serious consequences. -M. Tocheff, the Bulgarian Minister, one of the ablest members of the -diplomatic corps, was much disturbed. At that time Bulgaria was neutral, -and M. Tocheff used to tell me that his country hoped to maintain this -neutrality. Each side, he said, expected that Bulgaria would become its -ally, and it was Bulgaria’s policy to keep each side in this expectant -frame of mind. Should Germany succeed in starting a “Holy War” and -should massacres result, Bulgaria, added M. Tocheff, would certainly -join forces with the Entente. - -We arranged that he should call upon Wangenheim and repeat this -statement, and that I should bring similar pressure to bear upon Enver. -From the first, however, the Holy War proved a failure. The Mohammedans -of such countries as India, Egypt, Algiers, and Morocco knew that they -were getting far better treatment than they could obtain under any other -conceivable conditions. Moreover, the simple-minded Mohammedans could -not understand why they should prosecute a holy war against Christians -and at the same time have Christian nations, such as Germany and -Austria, as their partners. This association made the whole proposition -ridiculous. The Koran, it is true, commands the slaughter of Christians, -but that sacred volume makes no exception in favour of the Germans and, -in the mind of the fanatical Mohammedan, a German _rayah_ is as much -Christian dirt as an Englishman or a Frenchman, and his massacre is just -as meritorious an act. The fine distinctions necessitated by European -diplomacy he understands about as completely as he understands the law -of gravitation or the nebular hypothesis. The German failure to take -this into account is only another evidence of the fundamental German -clumsiness and real ignorance of racial psychology. The only tangible -fact that stands out clearly is the Kaiser’s desire to let loose -300,000,000 Mohammedans in a gigantic St. Bartholomew massacre of -Christians. - -Was there then no “holy war” at all? Did Wangenheim’s “Big Thing” really -fail? Whenever I think of this burlesque _Jihad_ a particular scene in -the American Embassy comes to my mind. On one side of the table sits -Enver, most peacefully sipping tea and eating cakes, and on the other -side is myself, engaged in the same unwarlike occupation. It is November -14th, the day after the Sultan has declared his holy war; there have -been meetings at the mosques and other places, at which the declaration -has been read and fiery speeches made. Enver now assures me that -absolutely no harm will come to Americans; in fact, that there will be -no massacres anyway. While he is talking, one of my secretaries comes in -and tells me that a little mob is making demonstrations against certain -foreign establishments. It has assailed an Austrian shop which has -unwisely kept up its sign saying that it has “English clothes” for sale. -I ask Enver what this means; he answers that it is all a mistake; there -is no intention of attacking anybody. A little while after he leaves I -am informed that the mob has attacked the Bon Marché, a French dry-goods -store, and is heading directly for the British Embassy. I at once call -Enver on the telephone; it is all right, he says, nothing will happen to -the embassy. A minute or two after, the mob immediately wheels about and -starts for Tokatlian’s, the most important restaurant in -Constantinople. The fact that this is conducted by an Armenian makes it -fair game. Six men who have poles, with hooks at the end, break all the -mirrors and windows, others take the marble tops of the tables and smash -them to bits. In a few minutes the place has been completely gutted. - -This demonstration comprised the “Holy War,” so far as Constantinople -understood it. Such was the inglorious end of Germany’s attempt to -arouse 300,000,000 Mohammedans against the Christian world! Only one -definite result did the Kaiser accomplish by spreading this inciting -literature. It aroused in the Mohammedan soul all that intense animosity -toward the Christian which is the fundamental fact in his strange -emotional nature, and thus started passions aflame that afterward spent -themselves in the massacres of the Armenians and other subject peoples. - - - - -CHAPTER XV - -DJEMAL, A TROUBLESOME MARK ANTONY--THE FIRST GERMAN ATTEMPT TO GET A -GERMAN PEACE - - -In early November, 1914, the railroad station at Haidar Pasha was the -scene of a great demonstration. Djemal, the Minister of Marine, one of -the three men who were then most powerful in the Turkish Empire, was -leaving to take command of the Fourth Turkish Army, which had its -headquarters in Syria. All the members of the Cabinet and other -influential people in Constantinople assembled to give this departing -satrap an enthusiastic farewell. They hailed him as the “Saviour of -Egypt,” and Djemal himself, just before his train started, made this -public declaration: - -“I shall not return to Constantinople until I have conquered Egypt!” - -The whole performance seemed to me to be somewhat bombastic. Inevitably -it called to mind the third member of another bloody triumvirate who, -nearly two thousand years before, had left his native land to become the -supreme dictator of the East. And Djemal had many characteristics in -common with Mark Antony. Like his Roman predecessor, his private life -was profligate; like Antony, he was an insatiate gambler, spending much -of his leisure over the card table at the Cercle d’Orient. Another trait -which he had in common with the great Roman orator was his enormous -vanity. The Turkish world seemed to be disintegrating in Djemal’s time, -just as the Roman Republic was dissolving in the days of Antony; Djemal -believed that he might himself become the heir of one or more of its -provinces and possibly establish a dynasty. He expected that the -military expedition on which he was now starting would make him not only -the conqueror of Turkey’s fairest province, but also one of the powerful -figures of the world. Afterward, in Syria, he ruled as independently as -a medieval robber baron--whom in other details he resembled; he became a -kind of sub-sultan, holding his own court, having his own selamlik, -issuing his own orders, dispensing freely his own kind of justice, and -often disregarding the authorities at Constantinople. - -The applause with which Djemal’s associates were speeding his departure -was not entirely disinterested. The fact was that most of them were -exceedingly glad to see him go. He had been a thorn in the side of -Talaat and Enver for some time, and they were perfectly content that he -should exercise his imperious and stubborn nature against the Syrians, -Armenians, and other non-Moslem elements in the Mediterranean provinces. -Djemal was not a popular man in Constantinople. The other members of the -triumvirate, in addition to their less desirable qualities, had certain -attractive traits--Talaat, his rough virility and spontaneous good -nature, Enver, his courage and personal graciousness--but there was -little about Djemal that was pleasing. An American physician who had -specialized in the study of physiognomy had found Djemal a fascinating -subject. He told me that he had never seen a face that so combined -ferocity with great power and penetration. Enver, as his history showed, -could be cruel and bloodthirsty, but he hid his more insidious -qualities under a face that was bland, unruffled, and even agreeable. -Djemal, however, did not disguise his tendencies, for his face clearly -pictured the inner soul. His eyes were black and piercing; their -sharpness, the rapidity and keenness with which they darted from one -object to another, taking in apparently everything with a few -lightning-like glances, signalized cunning, remorselessness, and -selfishness to an extreme degree. Even his laugh, which disclosed all -his white teeth, was unpleasant and animal-like. His black hair and -black beard, contrasting with his pale face, only heightened this -impression. At first Djemal’s figure seemed somewhat insignificant--he -was undersized, almost stumpy, and somewhat stoop-shouldered; as soon as -he began to move, however, it was evident that his body was full of -energy. Whenever he shook your hand, gripping you with a vise-like grasp -and looking at you with those roving, penetrating eyes, the man’s -personal force became impressive. - -Yet, after a momentary meeting, I was not surprised to hear that Djemal -was a man with whom assassination and judicial murder were all part of -the day’s work. Like all the Young Turks his origin had been extremely -humble. He had joined the Committee of Union and Progress in the early -days, and his personal power, as well as his relentlessness, had rapidly -made him one of the leaders. After the murder of Nazim, Djemal had -become Military Governor of Constantinople, his chief duty in this post -being to remove from the scene the opponents of the ruling powers. This -congenial task he performed with great skill, and the reign of terror -that resulted was largely Djemal’s handiwork. Subsequently Djemal -became a member of the Cabinet, but he could not work harmoniously with -his associates; he was always a troublesome partner. In the days -preceding the break with the Entente he was popularly regarded as a -Francophile. Whatever feeling Djemal may have entertained toward the -Entente, he made little attempt to conceal his detestation of the -Germans. It is said that he would swear at them in their presence--in -Turkish, of course; and he was one of the few important Turkish -officials who never came under their influence. The fact was that Djemal -represented that tendency which was rapidly gaining the ascendancy in -Turkish policy--Pan-Turkism. He despised the subject peoples of the -Ottoman country--Arabs, Greeks, Armenians, Circassians, Jews; it was his -determination to Turkify the whole empire. His personal ambition brought -him into frequent conflict with Enver and Talaat, who told me many times -that they could not control him. It was for this reason that, as I have -said, they were glad to see him go--not that they really expected him to -capture the Suez Canal and drive the English out of Egypt. Incidentally, -this appointment fairly indicated the incongruous organization that then -existed in Turkey. As Minister of Marine, Djemal’s real place was at the -Navy Department; instead of working in his official field the head of -the navy was sent to lead an army over the burning sands of Syria and -Sinai. - -Yet Djemal’s expedition represented Turkey’s most spectacular attempt to -assert its military power against the Allies. As Djemal moved out of the -station, the whole Turkish populace felt that an historic moment had -arrived. Turkey in less than a century had lost the greater part of her -dominions, and nothing had more pained the national pride than the -English occupation of Egypt. All during this occupation, Turkish -suzerainty had been recognized; as soon as Turkey declared war on Great -Britain, however, the British had ended this fiction and had formally -taken over this great province. Djemal’s expedition was Turkey’s reply -to this act of England. The real purpose of the war, the Turkish people -had been told, was to restore the vanishing empire of the Osmans, and to -this great undertaking the recovery of Egypt was merely the first step. -The Turks also knew that, under English administration, Egypt had become -a prosperous country and that it would, therefore, yield great treasure -to the conqueror. It is no wonder that the huzzahs of the Turkish people -followed the departing Djemal. - -About the same time Enver left to take command of Turkey’s other great -military enterprise--the attack on Russia through the Caucasus. Here -also were Turkish provinces to be “redeemed.” After the war of 1878, -Turkey had been compelled to cede to Russia certain rich territories -between the Caspian and the Black seas, inhabited chiefly by Armenians, -and it was this country which Enver now proposed to reconquer. But Enver -had no ovation on his leaving. He went away quietly and unobserved. With -the departure of these two men the war was now fairly on. - -Despite these martial enterprises, other than warlike preparations were -now under way in Constantinople. At that time--in the latter part of -1914--its external characteristics suggested nothing but war, yet now it -suddenly became the great headquarters of peace. The English fleet was -constantly threatening the Dardanelles and every day Turkish troops -were passing through the streets. Yet these activities did not chiefly -engage the attention of the German Embassy. Wangenheim was thinking of -one thing and of one thing only; this fire-eating German had suddenly -become a man of peace. For he now learned that the greatest service -which a German ambassador could render his emperor would be to end the -war on terms that would save Germany from exhaustion and even from ruin; -to obtain a settlement that would reinstate his fatherland in the -society of nations. - -In November, Wangenheim began discussing this subject. It was part of -Germany’s system, he told me, not only to be completely prepared for war -but also for peace. “A wise general, when he begins his campaign, always -has at hand his plans for a retreat, in case he is defeated,” said the -German Ambassador. “This principle applies just the same to a nation -beginning war. There is only one certainty about war--and that is that -it must end some time. So, when we plan war, we must consider also a -campaign for peace.” - -But Wangenheim was interested then in something more tangible than this -philosophic principle. Germany had immediate reasons for desiring the -end of hostilities, and Wangenheim discussed them frankly and cynically. -He said that Germany had prepared for only a short war, because she had -expected to crush France and Russia in two brief campaigns, lasting not -longer than six months. Clearly this plan had failed and there was -little likelihood that Germany would win the war; Wangenheim told me -this in so many words. Germany, he added, would make a great mistake if -she persisted in fighting to the point of - -[Illustration: THE BRITISH EMBASSY - -This establishment and many others came under Mr. Morgenthau’s -protection when Turkey entered the war. At one time the American -Ambassador represented ten nations at the Sublime Porte.] - -[Illustration: ROBERT COLLEGE AT CONSTANTINOPLE - -Founded by Americans more than fifty years ago. Turkey’s best -educational institution and the place where many of the intellectual -leaders of the Balkans have received their education.] - -exhaustion, for such a fight would mean the permanent loss of her -colonies, her mercantile marine, and her whole economic and commercial -status. “If we don’t get Paris in thirty days, we are beaten,” -Wangenheim had told me in August, and though his attitude changed -somewhat after the battle of the Marne, he made no attempt to conceal -the fact that the great rush campaign had collapsed, that all the -Germans could now look forward to was a tedious, exhausting war, and -that all they could obtain from the existing situation would be a drawn -battle. “We have made a mistake this time,” Wangenheim said, “in not -laying in supplies for a protracted struggle; it was an error, however, -that we shall not repeat; next time we shall store up enough copper and -cotton to last for five years.” - -Wangenheim had another reason for wishing an immediate peace, and it was -a reason which shed much light upon the shamelessness of German -diplomacy. The preparation which Turkey was making for the conquest of -Egypt caused this German ambassador much annoyance and anxiety. The -interest and energy which the Turks had manifested in this enterprise -were particularly giving him concern. Naturally I thought at first that -Wangenheim was worried that Turkey would lose; yet he confided to me -that his real fear was that his ally might succeed. A victorious Turkish -campaign in Egypt, Wangenheim explained, might seriously interfere with -Germany’s plans. Should Turkey conquer Egypt, naturally Turkey would -insist at the peace table on retaining this great province and would -expect Germany to support her in this claim. But Germany had no -intention then of promoting the reëstablishment of the Turkish Empire. -At that time she hoped to reach an understanding with England, the -basis of which was to be something in the nature of a division of -interests in the East. Germany desired above all to obtain Mesopotamia -as an indispensable part of her Hamburg-Bagdad scheme. In return for -this, she was prepared to give her endorsement to England’s annexation -of Egypt. Thus it was Germany’s plan at that time that she and England -should divide Turkey’s two fairest dominions. This was one of the -proposals which Germany intended to bring forth in the peace conference -which Wangenheim was now scheming for, and clearly Turkey’s conquest of -Egypt would have presented complications in the way of carrying out this -plan. On the morality of Germany’s attitude to her ally, Turkey, it is -hardly necessary to comment. The whole thing was all of a piece with -Germany’s policy of “realism” in foreign relations. - -Nearly all German classes, in the latter part of 1914 and the early part -of 1915, were anxiously looking for peace and they turned to -Constantinople as the most promising spot where peace negotiations might -most favourably be started. The Germans took it for granted that -President Wilson would be the peacemaker; indeed, they never for a -moment thought of any one else in this capacity. The only point that -remained for consideration was the best way to approach the President. -Such negotiations would most likely be conducted through one of the -American ambassadors in Europe. Obviously, Germany had no means of -access to the American ambassadors in the great enemy capitals, and -other circumstances induced the German statesmen to turn to the American -Ambassador in Turkey. - -At this time a German diplomat appeared in Constantinople who has -figured much in recent history--Dr. Richard von Kühlmann, afterward -Minister for Foreign Affairs. In the last five years Dr. Von Kühlmann -has seemed to appear in that particular part of the world where -important confidential diplomatic negotiations are being conducted by -the German Empire. Prince Lichnowsky has described his activities in -London in 1913 and 1914, and he figured even more conspicuously in the -infamous peace treaty of Brest-Litovsk. Soon after the war started Dr. -Von Kühlmann came to Constantinople as Conseiller of the German Embassy, -succeeding Von Mutius, who had been called to the colours. For one -reason his appointment was appropriate, for Kühlmann had been born in -Constantinople, and had spent his early life there, his father having -been president of the Anatolian railway. He therefore understood the -Turks as only one can who has lived with them for many years. -Personally, he proved to be an interesting addition to the diplomatic -colony. He impressed me as not a particularly aggressive, but a very -entertaining, man; he apparently wished to become friendly with the -American Embassy and he possessed a certain attraction for us all as he -had just come from the trenches and gave us many vivid pictures of life -at the front. At that time we were all keenly interested in modern -warfare, and Kühlmann’s details of trench fighting held us spellbound -many an afternoon and evening. His other favourite topic of conversation -was _Welt-Politik_, and on all foreign matters he struck me as -remarkably well informed. At that time we did not regard Von Kühlmann as -an important man, yet the industry with which he attended to his -business attracted everyone’s attention even then. Soon, however, I -began to have a feeling that he was exerting a powerful influence in a -quiet, velvety kind of way. He said little, but I realized that he was -listening to everything and storing all kinds of information away in his -mind; he was apparently Wangenheim’s closest confidant, and the man upon -whom the Ambassador was depending for his contact with the German -Foreign Office. About the middle of December, Von Kühlmann left for -Berlin, where he stayed about two weeks. On his return, in the early -part of January, 1915, there was a noticeable change in the atmosphere -of the German Embassy. Up to that time Wangenheim had discussed peace -negotiations more or less informally, but now he took up the matter -specifically. I gathered that Kühlmann had been called to Berlin to -receive all the latest details on this subject, and that he had come -back with the definite instructions that Wangenheim should move at once. -In all my talks with the German Ambassador on peace, Kühlmann was always -hovering in the background; at one most important conference he was -present, though he participated hardly at all in the conversation, but -his rôle, as usual, was that of a subordinate and quietly eager -listener. - -Wangenheim now informed me that January, 1915, would be an excellent -time to end the war. Italy had not yet entered, though there was every -reason to believe that she would do so by spring. Bulgaria and Rumania -were still holding aloof, though no one expected that their waiting -attitude would last forever. France and England were preparing for the -first of the “spring offensives,” and the Germans had no assurance that -it would not succeed; indeed, they much feared that the German armies -would meet disaster. The British and French warships were gathering at -the Dardanelles; and the German General Staff and practically all -military and naval experts in Constantinople believed that the Allied -fleets could force their way through and capture the city. Most Turks by -this time were sick of the war, and Germany always had in mind that -Turkey might make a separate peace. Afterward I discovered that whenever -the military situation looked ominous to Germany, she was always -thinking about peace, but that if the situation improved she would -immediately become warlike again; it was a case of sick-devil, -well-devil. Yet, badly as Wangenheim wanted peace in January, 1915, it -was quite apparent that he was not thinking of a permanent peace. The -greatest obstacle to peace at that time was the fact that Germany showed -no signs that she regretted her crimes, and there was not the slightest -evidence of the sackcloth in Wangenheim’s attitude now. Germany had made -a bad guess, that was all; what Wangenheim and the other Germans saw in -the situation was that their stock of wheat, cotton, and copper was -inadequate for a protracted struggle. In my notes of my conversations -with Wangenheim I find him frequently using such phrases as the “next -war,” “next time,” and, in confidently looking forward to another -greater world cataclysm than the present, he merely reflected the -attitude of the dominant junker-military class. The Germans apparently -wanted a reconciliation--a kind of an armistice--that would give their -generals and industrial leaders time to prepare for the next conflict. -At that time, nearly four years ago, Germany was moving for practically -the same kind of peace negotiations which she has suggested many times -since and is suggesting now; Wangenheim’s plan was that representatives -of the warring powers should gather around a table and settle things on -the principle of “give and take.” He said that there was no sense in -demanding that each side state its terms in advance. - -“For both sides to state their terms in advance would ruin the whole -thing,” he said. “What would we do? Germany, of course, would make -claims which the other side would regard as ridiculously extravagant. -The Entente would state terms which would put all Germany in a rage. As -a result, both sides would get so angry that there would be no -conference. No--if we really want to end this war we must have an -armistice. Once we stop fighting, we shall not go at it again. History -presents no instance in a great war where an armistice has not resulted -in peace. It will be so in this case.” - -Yet, from Wangenheim’s conversation I did obtain a slight inkling of -Germany’s terms. The matter of Egypt and Mesopotamia, set forth above, -was one of them. Wangenheim was quite insistent that Germany must have -permanent naval bases in Belgium, with which her navy could at all times -threaten England with blockade and so make sure “the freedom of the -seas.” Germany wanted coaling rights everywhere; this demand looks -absurd because Germany has always possessed such rights in peace times. -She might give France a piece of Lorraine and a part of Belgium--perhaps -Brussels--in return for the payment of an indemnity. - -Wangenheim requested that I should place Germany’s case before the -American Government. My letter to Washington is dated January 11, 1915. -It went fully into the internal situation which then prevailed and gave -the reasons why Germany and Turkey desired peace. - -A particularly interesting part of this incident was that Germany was -apparently ignoring Austria. Pallavicini, the Austrian Ambassador, knew -nothing of the pending negotiations until I myself informed him of them. -In thus ignoring his ally, the German Ambassador meant no personal -disrespect; he was merely treating him precisely as his Foreign Office -was treating Vienna--not as an equal, but practically as a retainer. The -world is familiar enough with Germany’s military and diplomatic -absorption of Austria-Hungary, but that Wangenheim should have made so -important a move as to attempt peace negotiations and have left it to -Pallavicini to learn about it through a third party shows that, as far -back as January, 1915, the Austro-Hungarian Empire had ceased to be an -independent nation. - -Nothing came of this proposal, of course. Our Government declined to -take action, evidently not regarding the time as opportune. Both Germany -and Turkey, as I shall tell, recurred to this subject afterward. This -particular negotiation ended in the latter part of March, when Kühlmann -left Constantinople to become Minister at The Hague. He came and paid -his farewell call at the American Embassy, as charming, as entertaining, -and as debonair as ever. His last words, as he shook my hand and left -the building, were--subsequent events have naturally caused me to -remember them: - -“We shall have peace within three months, Excellency!” - -This little scene took place, and this happy forecast was made, in -March, 1915! - - - - -CHAPTER XVI - -THE TURKS PREPARE TO FLEE FROM CONSTANTINOPLE AND ESTABLISH A NEW -CAPITAL IN ASIA MINOR--THE ALLIED FLEET BOMBARDING THE DARDANELLES - - -Probably one thing that stimulated this German desire for peace was the -situation at the Dardanelles. In early January, when Wangenheim -persuaded me to write my letter to Washington, Constantinople was in a -state of the utmost excitement. It was reported that the Allies had -assembled a fleet of forty warships at the mouth of the Dardanelles and -that they intended to attempt the forcing of the straits. What made the -situation particularly tense was the belief, which then generally -prevailed in Constantinople, that such an attempt would succeed. -Wangenheim shared this belief, and so in a modified form, did Von der -Goltz, who probably knew as much about the Dardanelles defenses as any -other man, as he had for years been Turkey’s military instructor. I find -in my diary Von der Goltz’s precise opinion on this point, as reported -to me by Wangenheim, and I quote it exactly as written at that time: -“Although he thought it was almost impossible to force the Dardanelles, -still, if England thought it an important move of the general war, they -could, by sacrificing ten ships, force the entrance, and do it very -fast, and be up in the Marmora within ten hours from the time they -forced it.” - -[Illustration: THE AMERICAN EMBASSY STAFF - -under the Ambassadorship of Mr. Morgenthau.] - -[Illustration: THE MODERN TURKISH SOLDIER - -In the uniform and equipment introduced by the Germans. The fez--the -immemorial symbol of the Ottoman--is replaced by a modern helmet.] - -The very day that Wangenheim gave me this expert opinion of Von der -Goltz, he asked me to store several cases of his valuables in the -American Embassy. Evidently he was making preparations for his own -departure. - -Reading the Cromer report on the Dardanelles bombardment, I find that -Admiral Sir John Fisher, then First Sea Lord, placed the price of -success at twelve ships. Evidently Von der Goltz and Fisher did not -differ materially in their estimates. - -The situation of Turkey, when these first rumours of an allied -bombardment reached us, was fairly desperate. On all sides there were -evidences of the fear and panic that had stricken not only the populace, -but the official classes. Calamities from all sides were apparently -closing in on the country. Up to January 1, 1915, Turkey had done -nothing to justify her participation in the war; on the contrary, she -had met defeat practically everywhere. Djemal, as already recorded, had -left Constantinople as the prospective “Conqueror of Egypt,” but his -expedition had proved to be a bloody and humiliating failure. Enver’s -attempt to redeem the Caucasus from Russian rule had resulted in an even -more frightful military disaster. He had ignored the advice of the -Germans, which was to let the Russians advance to Sivas and make his -stand there, and, instead, he had boldly attempted to gain Russian -territory in the Caucasus. This army had been defeated at every point, -but the military reverses did not end its sufferings. The Turks had a -most inadequate medical and sanitary service; typhus and dysentery broke -out in all the camps, the deaths from these diseases reaching 100,000 -men. Dreadful stories were constantly coming in, telling of the -sufferings of these soldiers. That England was preparing for an invasion -of Mesopotamia was well known, and no one at that time had any reason to -believe that it would not succeed. Every day the Turks expected the news -that the Bulgarians had declared war and were marching on -Constantinople, and they knew that such an attack would necessarily -bring in Rumania and Greece. It was no diplomatic secret that Italy was -waiting only for the arrival of warm weather to join the Allies. At this -moment the Russian fleet was bombarding Trebizond, on the Black Sea, and -was daily expected at the entrance to the Bosphorus. Meanwhile, the -domestic situation was deplorable: all over Turkey thousands of the -populace were daily dying of starvation; practically all able-bodied men -had been taken into the army, so that only a few were left to till the -fields; the criminal requisitions had almost destroyed all business; the -treasury was in a more exhausted state than normally, for the closing of -the Dardanelles and the blockading of the Mediterranean ports had -stopped all imports and customs dues; and the increasing wrath of the -people seemed likely any day to break out against Talaat and his -associates. And now, surrounded by increasing troubles on every hand, -the Turks learned that this mighty armada of England and her allies was -approaching, determined to destroy the defenses and capture the city. At -that time there was no force which the Turks feared so greatly as they -feared the British fleet. Its tradition of several centuries of -uninterrupted victories had completely seized their imagination. It -seemed to them superhuman--the one overwhelming power which it was -hopeless to contest. - -Wangenheim and also nearly all of the German military and naval forces -not only regarded the forcing of the Dardanelles as possible, but they -believed it to be inevitable. The possibility of British success was one -of the most familiar topics of discussion, and the weight of opinion, -both lay and professional, inclined in favour of the Allied fleets. -Talaat told me that an attempt to force the straits would succeed--it -only depended on England’s willingness to sacrifice a few ships. The -real reason why Turkey had sent a force against Egypt, Talaat added, was -to divert England from making an attack on the Gallipoli peninsula. The -state of mind that existed is shown by the fact that, on January 1st, -the Turkish Government had made preparations for two trains, one of -which was to take the Sultan and his suite to Asia Minor, while the -other was intended for Wangenheim, Pallavicini, and the rest of the -diplomatic corps. On January 2d, I had an illuminating talk with -Pallavicini. He showed me a certificate given him by Bedri, the Prefect -of Police, passing him and his secretaries and servants on one of these -emergency trains. He also had seat tickets for himself and all of his -suite. He said that each train would have only three cars, so that it -could make great speed; he had been told to have everything ready to -start at an hour’s notice. Wangenheim made little attempt to conceal his -apprehensions. He told me that he had made all preparations to send his -wife to Berlin, and he invited Mrs. Morgenthau to accompany her, so that -she, too, could be removed from the danger zone. Wangenheim showed the -fear, which was then the prevailing one, that a successful bombardment -would lead to fires and massacres in Constantinople as well as in the -rest of Turkey. In anticipation of such disturbances he made a -characteristic suggestion. Should the fleet pass the Dardanelles, he -said, the life of no Englishman in Turkey would be safe--they would all -be massacred. As it was so difficult to tell an Englishman from an -American, he proposed that I should give the Americans a distinctive -button to wear, which would protect them from Turkish violence. As I was -convinced that Wangenheim’s real purpose was to arrange some sure means -of identifying the English and of so subjecting them to Turkish -ill-treatment, I refused to act on this amiable suggestion. - -Another incident illustrates the nervous tension which prevailed in -those January days. I noticed that some shutters at the British Embassy -were open, so Mrs. Morgenthau and I went up to investigate. In the early -days we had sealed this building, which had been left in my charge, and -this was the first time we had broken the seals to enter. About two -hours after we returned from this tour of inspection, Wangenheim came -into my office in one of his now familiar agitated moods. It had been -reported, he said, that Mrs. Morgenthau and I had been up to the Embassy -getting it ready for the British Admiral, who expected soon to take -possession! - -All this seems a little absurd now, for, in fact, the Allied fleets made -no attack at that time. At the very moment when the whole of -Constantinople was feverishly awaiting the British dreadnaughts, the -British Cabinet in London was merely considering the advisability of -such an enterprise. The record shows that Petrograd, on January 2d, -telegraphed the British Government, asking that some kind of a -demonstration be made against the Turks, who were pressing the Russians -in the Caucasus. Though an encouraging reply was immediately sent to -this request, it was not until January 28th that the British Cabinet -definitely issued orders for an attack on the Dardanelles. It is no -longer a secret that there was no unanimous confidence in the success of -such an undertaking. Admiral Carden recorded his belief that the strait -“could not be rushed, but that extended operations with a large number -of ships might succeed.” The penalty of failure, he added, would be the -great loss that England would suffer in prestige and influence in the -East; how true this prophecy proved I shall have occasion to show. Up to -this time one of the fundamental and generally accepted axioms of naval -operations had been that warships should not attempt to attack fixed -land fortifications. But the Germans had demonstrated the power of -mobile guns against fortresses in their destruction of the emplacements -at Liége and Namur, and there was a belief in some quarters of England -that these events had modified this naval principle. Mr. Churchill, at -that time the head of the Admiralty, placed great confidence in the -destructive power of a new superdreadnaught which had just been -finished--the _Queen Elizabeth_--and which was then on its way to join -the Mediterranean fleet. - -We in Constantinople knew nothing about these deliberations then, but -the result became apparent in the latter part of February. On the -afternoon of the nineteenth, Pallavicini, the Austrian Ambassador, came -to me with important news. The Marquis was a man of great personal -dignity, yet it was apparent that he was this day exceedingly nervous, -and, indeed, he made no attempt to conceal his apprehension. The Allied -fleets, he said, had reopened their attack on the Dardanelles, and this -time their bombardment had been extremely ferocious. At that hour things -were going badly for the Austrians; the Russian armies were advancing -victoriously; Serbia had hurled the Austrians over the frontier, and the -European press was filled with prognostications of the break up of the -Austrian Empire. Pallavicini’s attitude this afternoon was a perfect -reflection of the dangers that were then encompassing his country. He -was a sensitive and proud man; proud of his emperor and proud of what he -regarded as the great Austro-Hungarian Empire; and he now appeared to be -overburdened by the fear that this extensive Hapsburg fabric, which had -withstood the assaults of so many centuries, was rapidly being -overwhelmed with ruin. Like most human beings, Pallavicini yearned for -sympathy; he could obtain none from Wangenheim, who seldom took him into -his confidence and consistently treated him as the representative of a -nation that was compelled to submit to the overlordship of Germany. -Perhaps that was the reason why the Austrian Ambassador used to pour out -his heart to me. And now this Allied bombardment of the Dardanelles came -as the culmination of all his troubles. At this time the Central Powers -believed that they had Russia bottled up; that they had sealed the -Dardanelles, and that she could neither get her wheat to market nor -import the munitions needed for carrying on the war. Germany and Austria -thus had a stranglehold on their gigantic foe, and, if this condition -could be maintained indefinitely, the collapse of Russia would be -inevitable. At present, it is true, the Czar’s forces were making a -victorious campaign, and this in itself was sufficiently alarming to -Austria; but their present supplies of war materials would ultimately be -exhausted and then their great superiority in men would help them little -and they would inevitably go to pieces. But should Russia get -Constantinople, with the control of the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus, -she could obtain all the munitions needed for warfare on the largest -scale, and the defeat of the Central Powers might immediately follow; -and such a defeat, Pallavicini well understood, would be far more -serious for Austria than for Germany. Wangenheim had told me that it was -Germany’s plan, in case the Austro-Hungarian Empire disintegrated, to -incorporate her 12,000,000 Germans in the Hohenzollern domain, and -Pallavicini, of course, was familiar with this danger. The Allied attack -on the Dardanelles thus meant to Pallavicini the extinction of his -country, for if we are properly to understand his state of mind we must -remember that he firmly believed, as did almost all the other important -men in Constantinople, that such an attack would succeed. - -Wangenheim’s existence was made miserable by this same haunting -conviction. As I have already shown, the bottling up of Russia was -almost exclusively the German Ambassador’s performance. He had brought -the _Goeben_ and the _Breslau_ into Constantinople, and by this -manœuvre had precipitated Turkey into the war. The forcing of the -strait would mean more than the transformation of Russia into a -permanent and powerful participant in the war; it meant--and this was by -no means an unimportant consideration with Wangenheim--the undoing of -his great personal achievement. Yet Wangenheim showed his apprehensions -quite differently from Pallavicini. In true German fashion, he resorted -to threats and bravado. He gave no external signs of depression, but his -whole body tingled with rage. He was not deploring his fate; he was -looking for ways of striking back. He would sit in my office, smoking -with his usual energy, and tell me all the terrible things which he -proposed to do to his enemy. The thing that particularly preyed upon -Wangenheim’s mind was the exposed position of the German Embassy. It -stood on a high hill, one of the most conspicuous buildings in the town, -a perfect target for an enterprising English admiral. Almost the first -object the British fleet would sight, as it entered the harbour, would -be this yellow monument of the Hohenzollerns, and the temptation to -shell it might prove irresistible. - -“Let them dare destroy my Embassy!” Wangenheim said. “I’ll get even with -them! If they fire a single shot at it, we’ll blow up the French and the -English embassies! Go tell the Admiral that, won’t you? Tell him also -that we have the dynamite all ready to do it!” - -Wangenheim also showed great anxiety over the proposed removal of the -Government to Eski-Shehr. In early January, when everyone was expecting -the arrival of the Allied fleet, preparations had been made for moving -the Government to Asia Minor; and now, at the first rumbling of the -British and French guns, the special trains were prepared once more, -Wangenheim and Pallavicini both told me of their unwillingness to -accompany the Sultan and the Government to Asia Minor. Should the Allies -capture Constantinople, the ambassadors of the Central Powers would -find themselves cut off from their home countries and completely in the -hands of the Turks. “The Turks could then hold us as hostages,” said -Wangenheim. They urged Talaat to establish the emergency government at -Adrianople, from which town they could motor in and out of -Constantinople, and then, in case the city were captured, they could -make their escape home. The Turks, on the other hand, refused to adopt -this suggestion because they feared an attack from Bulgaria. Wangenheim -and Pallavicini now found themselves between two fires. If they stayed -in Constantinople, they might become prisoners of the English and -French; on the other hand, if they went to Eski-Shehr, it was not -unlikely that they would become prisoners of the Turks. Many evidences -of the flimsy basis on which rested the Germano-Turkish alliance had -come to my attention, but this was about the most illuminating. -Wangenheim knew, as did everybody else, that, in case the French and -English captured Constantinople, the Turks would vent their rage not -mainly against the Entente, but against the Germans who had enticed them -into the war. - -It all seems so strange now, this conviction that was uppermost in the -minds of everybody then--that the success of the Allied fleets against -the Dardanelles was inevitable and that the capture of Constantinople -was a matter of only a few days. I recall an animated discussion that -took place at the American Embassy on the afternoon of February 24th. -The occasion was Mrs. Morgenthau’s weekly reception--meetings which -furnished almost the only opportunity in those days for the -foregathering of the diplomats. Practically all were on hand this -afternoon. The first great bombardment of the Dardanelles had taken -place five days before; this had practically destroyed the -fortifications at the mouth of the strait. There was naturally only one -subject of discussion: Would the Allied fleets get through? What would -happen if they did? Everybody expressed an opinion, Wangenheim, -Pallavicini, Garroni, the Italian Ambassador; D’Anckarsvard, the Swedish -Minister; Koloucheff, the Bulgarian Minister; Kühlmann; and -Scharfenberg, First Secretary of the German Embassy, and it was the -unanimous opinion that the Allied attack would succeed. I particularly -remember Kühlmann’s attitude. He discussed the capture of Constantinople -almost as though it was something which had taken place already. The -Persian Ambassador showed great anxiety; his embassy stood not far from -the Sublime Porte; he told me that he feared that the latter building -would be bombarded and that a few stray shots might easily set afire his -own residence, and he asked if he might move his archives to the -American Embassy. The wildest rumours were afloat; we were told that the -Standard Oil agent at the Dardanelles had counted seventeen transports -loaded with troops; that the warships had already fired 800 shots and -had levelled all the hills at the entrance; and that Talaat’s bodyguard -had been shot--the implication being that the bullet had missed its -intended victim. It was said that the whole Turkish populace was aflame -with the fear that the English and the French, when they reached the -city, would celebrate the event by a wholesale attack on Turkish women. -The latter reports were, of course, absurd; they were merely -characteristic rumours set afloat by the Germans and their Turkish -associates. The fact is that the great mass of the people in -Constantinople were probably praying that the Allied attack would -succeed and so release them from the control of the political gang that -then ruled the country. - -And in all this excitement there was one lonely and despondent -figure--this was Talaat. Whenever I saw him in those critical days, he -was the picture of desolation and defeat. The Turks, like most primitive -peoples, wear their emotions on the surface, and with them the -transition from exultation to despair is a rapid one. The thunder of the -British guns at the straits apparently spelled doom to Talaat. The -letter carrier of Adrianople seemed to have reached the end of his -career. He again confided to me his expectation that the English would -capture the Turkish capital, and once more he said that he was sorry -that Turkey had entered the war. Talaat well knew what would happen as -soon as the Allied fleet entered the Sea of Marmora. According to the -report of the Cromer Commission, Lord Kitchener, in giving his assent to -a purely naval expedition, had relied upon a revolution in Turkey to -make the enterprise successful. Lord Kitchener has been much criticized -for his part in the Dardanelles attack; I owe it to his memory, however, -to say that on this point he was absolutely right. Had the Allied fleets -once passed the defenses at the straits, the administration of the Young -Turks would have come to a bloody end. As soon as the guns began to -fire, placards appeared on the hoardings, denouncing Talaat and his -associates as responsible for all the woes that had come to Turkey. -Bedri, the Prefect of Police, was busy collecting all the unemployed -young men and sending them out of the city; his purpose was to free -Constantinople of all who might start a revolution against the Young -Turks. It was a common report that Bedri feared this revolution much -more than he feared the British fleet. And this was the same Nemesis -that was every moment now pursuing Talaat. - -A single episode illustrates the nervous excitement that prevailed. Dr. -Lederer, the correspondent of the _Berliner Tageblatt_, made a short -visit to the Dardanelles, and, on his return, reported to certain ladies -of the diplomatic circle that the German officers had told him that they -were wearing their shrouds, as they expected any minute to be buried -there. This statement went around the city like wild fire, and Dr. -Lederer was threatened with arrest for making it. He appealed to me for -help; I took him to Wangenheim, who refused to have anything to do with -him; Lederer, he said, was an Austrian subject, although he represented -a German newspaper. His anger at Lederer for this indiscretion was -extreme. But I finally succeeded in getting the unpopular journalist -into the Austrian Embassy, where he was harboured for the night. In a -few days, Lederer had to leave town. - -In the midst of all this excitement, there was one person who was -apparently not at all disturbed. Though ambassadors, generals, and -politicians might anticipate the worst calamities, Enver’s voice was -reassuring and quiet. The man’s coolness and really courageous spirit -never shone to better advantage. In late December and January, when the -city had its first fright over the bombardment, Enver was fighting the -Russians in the Caucasus. His experiences in this campaign, as already -described, had been far from glorious. Enver had left Constantinople in -November to join his army, an expectant conqueror; he returned, in the -latter part of January, the commander of a thoroughly beaten and -demoralized force. Such a disastrous experience would have utterly -ruined almost any other military leader, and that Enver felt his -reverses keenly was evident from the way in which he kept himself from -public view. I had my first glimpse of him, after his return, at a -concert, given for the benefit of the Red Crescent. At this affair Enver -sat far back in a box, as though he intended to keep as much as possible -out of sight; it was quite apparent that he was uncertain as to the -cordiality of his reception by the public. All the important people in -Constantinople, the Crown Prince, the members of the Cabinet, and the -ambassadors attended this function, and, in accordance with the usual -custom, the Crown Prince sent for these dignitaries, one after another, -for a few words of greeting and congratulation. After that the visiting -from box to box became general. The heir to the throne sent for Enver as -well as the rest, and this recognition evidently gave him a new courage, -for he began to mingle with the diplomats, who also treated him with the -utmost cordiality and courtesy. Enver apparently regarded this -favourable notice as having reëstablished his standing, and now once -more he assumed a leading part in the crisis. A few days afterward he -discussed the situation with me. He was much astonished, he said, at the -fear that so generally prevailed, and he was disgusted at the -preparations that had been made to send away the Sultan and the -Government and practically leave the city a prey to the English. He did -not believe that the Allied fleets could force the Dardanelles; he had -recently inspected all the fortifications and he had every confidence in -their ability to resist successfully. Even though the ships did get -through, he insisted that Constantinople should be defended to the last -man. - -Yet Enver’s assurance did not satisfy his associates. They had made all -their arrangements for the British fleet. If, in spite of the most -heroic resistance the Turkish armies could make, it still seemed likely -that the Allies were about to capture the city, the ruling powers had -their final plans all prepared. They proposed to do to this great -capital precisely what the Russians had done to Moscow, when Napoleon -appeared before it. - -“They will never capture an existing city,” they told me, “only a heap -of ashes.” As a matter of fact, this was no idle threat. I was told that -cans of petroleum had been already stored in all the police stations and -other places, ready to fire the town at a moment’s notice. As -Constantinople is largely built of wood, this would have been no very -difficult task. But they were determined to destroy more than these -temporary structures; the plans aimed at the beautiful architectural -monuments built by the Christians long before the Turkish occupation. -The Turks had particularly marked for dynamiting the Mosque of Saint -Sophia. This building, which had been a Christian church centuries -before it became a Mohammedan mosque, is one of the most magnificent -structures of the vanished Byzantine Empire. Naturally the suggestion of -such an act of vandalism aroused us all, and I made a plea to Talaat -that Saint Sophia should be spared. He treated the proposed destruction -lightly. - -“There are not six men in the Committee of Union and Progress,” he told -me, “who care for anything that is old. We all like new things!” - -That was all the satisfaction I obtained in this matter at that time. - -Enver’s insistence that the Dardanelles could resist caused his -associates to lose confidence in his judgment. About a year afterward, -Bedri Bey, the Prefect of Police, gave me additional details. While -Enver was still in the Caucasus, Bedri said, Talaat had called a -conference, a kind of council of war, on the Dardanelles. This had been -attended by Liman von Sanders, the German general who had reorganized -the Turkish army; Usedom, the German admiral who was the -inspector-general of the Ottoman coast defenses, Bronssart, the German -Chief of Staff of the Turkish army, and several others. Every man -present gave it as his opinion that the British and French fleets could -force the straits; the only subject of dispute, said Bedri, was whether -it would take the ships eight or twenty hours to reach Constantinople -after they had destroyed the defenses. Enver’s position was well -understood, but this council decided to ignore him and to make the -preparations without his knowledge--to eliminate the Minister of War, at -least temporarily, from their deliberations. - -In early March, Bedri and Djambolat, who was Director of Public Safety, -came to see me. At that time the exodus from the capital had begun; -Turkish women and children were being moved into the interior; all the -banks had been compelled to send their gold into Asia Minor; the -archives of the Sublime Porte had already been carried to Eski-Shehr; -and practically all the ambassadors and their suites, as well as most -of the government officials, had made their preparations to leave. The -Director of the Museum, who was one of the six Turks to whom Talaat had -referred as “liking old things” had buried many of Constantinople’s -finest works of art in cellars or covered them for protection. Bedri -came to arrange the details of my departure. As ambassador I was -personally accredited to the Sultan, and it would obviously be my duty, -said Bedri, to go wherever the Sultan went. The train was all ready, he -added; he wished to know how many people I intended to take, so that -sufficient space could be reserved. To this proposal I entered a flat -refusal. I informed Bedri that I thought that my responsibilities made -it necessary for me to remain in Constantinople. Only a neutral -ambassador, I said, could forestall massacres and the destruction of the -city, and certainly I owed it to the civilized world to prevent, if I -could, such calamities as these. If my position as ambassador made it -inevitable that I should follow the Sultan, I would resign and become -honorary Consul-General. - -Both Bedri and Djambolat were much younger and less experienced men than -I, and I therefore told them that they needed a man of maturer years to -advise them in an international crisis of this kind. I was not only -interested in protecting foreigners and American institutions, but I was -also interested, on general humanitarian grounds, in safeguarding the -Turkish population from the excesses that were generally expected. The -several nationalities, many of them containing elements which were given -to pillage and massacre, were causing great anxiety. I therefore -proposed to Bedri and Djambolat that the three of us form a kind of a -committee to take control in the approaching crisis. - -[Illustration: THE MINISTRY OF WAR - - This was the headquarters of Enver Pasha. It was in this building - that Enver gave Mr. Morgenthau his promise not to ill-treat enemy - aliens. “Will you be modern?” asked the American Ambassador. - “No--not modern,” said Enver, probably thinking of Belgium, “that - is the most barbaric system of all--Turkey will simply try to be - decent!” -] - -[Illustration: THE MINISTRY OF MARINE - - Headquarters of Djemal, who, soon after war started, went to Syria - as commander of the Fourth Army Corps. Later Enver occupied this - office in addition to that of Minister of War. The position was not - an onerous one, as the Turkish navy played little part in the war. -] - -[Illustration: HALIL BEY IN BERLIN - - President of the Turkish Parliament and a leader of the Young - Turks--afterward Minister for Foreign Affairs. -] - -[Illustration: TALAAT AND KÜHLMANN - - Kühlmann, now Foreign Minister, was in 1915 in Constantinople, - acting as go-between in peace negotiations. -] - -[Illustration: - -© Underwood & Underwood - -GENERAL MERTENS - -The German chief technical officer at the Dardanelles and Admiral Von -Usedom, inspector general of Ottoman coast defenses.] - -They consented and the three of us sat down and decided on a course of -action. We took a map of Constantinople and marked the districts which, -under the existing rules of warfare, we agreed that the Allied fleet -would have the right to bombard. Thus, we decided that the War Office, -Marine Office, telegraph offices, railroad stations, and all public -buildings could quite legitimately be made the targets for their guns. -Then we marked out certain zones which we should insist on regarding as -immune. The main residential section, and the part where all the -embassies are located, is Pera, the district on the north shore of the -Golden Horn. This we marked as not subject to attack. We also delimited -certain residential areas of Stamboul and Galata, the Turkish sections. -I telegraphed to Washington, asking the State Department to obtain a -ratification of these plans and an agreement to respect these zones of -safety from the British and French governments. I received a reply -indorsing my action. - -All preparations had thus been made. At the station stood the trains -which were to take the Sultan and the Government and the ambassadors to -Asia Minor. They had steam up, ready to move at a minute’s notice. We -were all awaiting the triumphant arrival of the Allied fleet. - - - - -CHAPTER XVII - -ENVER AS THE MAN WHO DEMONSTRATED “THE VULNERABILITY OF THE BRITISH -FLEET”--OLD-FASHIONED DEFENSES OF THE DARDANELLES - - -When the situation had reached this exciting stage, Enver asked me to -visit the Dardanelles. He still insisted that the fortifications were -impregnable and he could not understand, he said, the panic which was -then raging in Constantinople. He had visited the Dardanelles himself, -had inspected every gun and every emplacement, and he was entirely -confident that his soldiers could hold off the Allied fleet -indefinitely. He had taken Talaat down, and by doing so he had -considerably eased that statesman’s fears. It was Enver’s conviction -that, if I should visit the fortifications, I would be persuaded that -the fleets could never get through, and that I would thus be able to -give such assurances to the people that the prevailing excitement would -subside. I disregarded certain natural doubts as to whether an -ambassador should expose himself to the dangers of such a situation--the -ships were bombarding nearly every day--and promptly accepted Enver’s -invitation. - -On the morning of the 15th, we left Constantinople on the _Yuruk_. Enver -himself accompanied us as far as Panderma, an Asiatic town on the Sea of -Marmora. The party included several other notables: Ibrahim Bey, the -Minister of Justice; Husni Pasha, the general who had commanded the -army which had deposed Abdul Hamid in the Young Turk revolution; and -Senator Cheriff Djafer Pasha, an Arab and a direct descendant of the -Prophet. A particularly congenial companion was Fuad Pasha, an old field -marshal, who had led an adventurous career; despite his age, he had an -immense capacity for enjoyment, was a huge feeder and a capacious -drinker, and had as many stories to tell of exile, battle, and hair -breadth escapes as Othello. All of these men were much older than Enver, -and all of them were descended from far more distinguished ancestors, -yet they treated this stripling with the utmost deference. - -Enver seemed particularly glad of this opportunity to discuss the -situation. Immediately after breakfast, he took me aside, and together -we went up to the deck. The day was a beautiful sunny one, and the sky -in the Marmora was that deep blue which we find only in this part of the -world. What most impressed me was the intense quiet, the almost desolate -inactivity of these silent waters. Our ship was almost the only one in -sight, and this inland sea, which in ordinary times was one of the -world’s greatest commercial highways, was now practically a primeval -waste. The whole scene was merely a reflection of the great triumph -which German diplomacy had accomplished in the Near East. For nearly six -months not a Russian merchant ship had passed through the straits. All -the commerce of Rumania and Bulgaria, which had normally found its way -to Europe across this inland sea, had long since disappeared. The -ultimate significance of all this desolation was that Russia was -blockaded and completely isolated from her allies. How much that one -fact has meant in the history of the world for the last three years! And -now England and France were seeking to overcome this disadvantage; to -link up their own military resources with those of their great eastern -ally, and to restore to the Dardanelles and the Marmora the thousands of -ships that meant Russia’s existence as a military and economic, and -even, as subsequent events have shown, as a political power. We were -approaching the scene of one of the great crises of the war. - -Would England and her allies succeed in this enterprise? Would their -ships at the Dardanelles smash the fortifications, break through, and -again make Russia a permanent force in the war? That was the main -subject which Enver and I discussed, as for nearly three hours we walked -up and down the deck. Enver again referred to the “silly panic” that had -seized nearly all classes in the capital. “Even though Bulgaria and -Greece both turn against us,” he said, “we shall defend Constantinople -to the end. We have plenty of guns, plenty of ammunition, and we have -these on terra firma, whereas the English and French batteries are -floating ones. And the natural advantages of the straits are so great -that the warships can make little progress against them. I do not care -what other people may think. I have studied this problem more thoroughly -than any of them, and I feel that I am right. As long as I am at the -head of the War Department, we shall not give up. Indeed, I do not know -just what these English and French battleships are driving at. Suppose -that they rush the Dardanelles, get into the Marmora and reach -Constantinople; what good will that do them? They can bombard and -destroy the city, I admit; but they cannot capture it, as they have -only a few troops to land. Unless they do bring a large army, they will -really be caught in a trap. They can perhaps stay here for two or three -weeks until their food and supplies are all exhausted and then they will -have to go back--rush the straits again, and again run the risk of -annihilation. In the meantime, we would have repaired the forts, brought -in troops, and made ourselves ready for them. It seems to me to be a -very foolish enterprise.” - -I have already told how Enver had taken Napoleon as his model, and in -this Dardanelles expedition he now apparently saw a Napoleonic -opportunity. As we were pacing the deck he stopped a moment, looked at -me earnestly, and said: - -“I shall go down in history as the man who demonstrated the -vulnerability of England and her fleet. I shall show that her navy is -not invincible. I was in England a few years before the war and -discussed England’s position with many of her leading men, such as -Asquith, Churchill, Haldane. I told them that their course was wrong. -Winston Churchill declared that England could defend herself with her -navy alone, and that she needed no large army. I told Churchill that no -great empire could last that did not have both an army and a navy. I -found that Churchill’s opinion was the one that prevailed everywhere in -England. There was only one man I met who agreed with me, that was Lord -Roberts. Well, Churchill has now sent his fleet down here--perhaps to -show me that his navy can do all that he said it could do. Now we’ll -see.” - -Enver seemed to regard his naval expedition as a personal challenge from -Mr. Churchill to himself--almost like a continuation of their argument -in London. - -“You, too, should have a large army,” said Enver, referring to the -United States. - -“I do not believe,” he went on, “that England is trying to force the -Dardanelles because Russia has asked her to. When I was in England I -discussed with Churchill the possibility of a general war. He asked me -what Turkey would do in such a case, and said that, if we took Germany’s -side, the British fleet would force the Dardanelles and capture -Constantinople. Churchill is not trying to help Russia--he is carrying -out the threat made to me at that time.” - -Enver spoke with the utmost determination and conviction; he said that -nearly all the damage inflicted on the outside forts had been repaired, -and that the Turks had methods of defense the existence of which the -enemy little suspected. He showed great bitterness against the English; -he accused them of attempting to bribe Turkish officials and even said -that they had instigated attempts upon his own life. On the other hand, -he displayed no particular friendliness toward the Germans. Wangenheim’s -overbearing manners had caused him much irritation, and the Turks, he -said, got on none too well with the German officers. - -“The Turks and Germans,” he added, “care nothing for each other. We are -with them because it is our interest to be with them; they are with us -because that is their interest. Germany will back Turkey just so long as -that helps Germany; Turkey will back Germany just so long as that helps -Turkey.” - -Enver seemed much impressed at the close of our interview with the -intimate personal relations which we had established with each other. He -apparently believed that he, the great Enver, the Napoleon of the -Turkish Revolution, had unbended in discussing his nation’s affairs with -a mere ambassador. - -“You know,” he said, “that there is no one in Germany with whom the -Emperor talks as intimately as I have talked with you to-day.” - -We reached Panderma about two o’clock. Here Enver and his auto were put -ashore and our party started again, our boat arriving at Gallipoli late -in the afternoon. We anchored in the harbour and spent the night on -board. All the evening we could hear the guns bombarding the -fortifications, but these reminders of war and death did not affect the -spirits of my Turkish hosts. The occasion was for them a great lark; -they had spent several months in hard, exacting work, and now they -behaved like boys suddenly let out for a vacation. They cracked jokes, -told stories, sang the queerest kinds of songs, and played childish -pranks upon one another. The venerable Fuad, despite his nearly ninety -years, developed great qualities as an entertainer, and the fact that -his associates made him the butt of most of their horse-play apparently -only added to his enjoyment of the occasion. The amusement reached its -height when one of his friends surreptitiously poured him a glass of -eau-de-cologne. The old gentleman looked at the new drink a moment and -then diluted it with water. I was told that the proper way of testing -_raki_, the popular Turkish tipple, is by mixing it with water; if it -turns white under this treatment, it is the real thing and may be safely -drunk. Apparently water has the same effect upon eau-de-cologne, for the -contents of Fuad’s glass, after this test, turned white. The old -gentleman, therefore, poured the whole thing down his throat without a -grimace--much to the hilarious entertainment of his tormentors. - -In the morning we started again. We now had fairly arrived in the -Dardanelles, and from Gallipoli we had a sail of nearly twenty-five -miles to Tchanak Kalé. For the most part this section of the strait is -uninteresting and, from a military point of view, it is unimportant. The -stream is about two miles wide, both sides are low-lying and marshy, and -only a few scrambling villages show any signs of life. I was told that -there were a few ancient fortifications, their rusty guns pointing -toward the Marmora, the emplacements having been erected there in the -early part of the nineteenth century for the purpose of preventing -hostile ships entering from the north. These fortifications, however, -were so inconspicuous that I could not see them; my hosts informed me -that they had no fighting power, and that, indeed, there was nothing in -the northern part of the straits, from Point Nagara to the Marmora, that -could offer resistance to any modern fleet. The chief interest which I -found in this part of the Dardanelles was purely historic and legendary. -The ancient town of Lampsacus appeared in the modern Lapsaki, just -across from Gallipoli, and Nagara Point is the site of the ancient -Abydos, from which village Leander used to swim nightly across the -Hellespont to Hero--a feat which was repeated about one hundred years -ago by Lord Byron. Here also Xerxes crossed from Asia to Greece on a -bridge of boats, embarking on that famous expedition which was to make -him master of mankind. The spirit of Xerxes, I thought, as I passed the -scene of his exploit, is still quite active in the world! The Germans -and Turks had found a less romantic use for this, - -[Illustration: THE RED CRESCENT - -It here marks a Turkish Field Hospital, as a warning to aviators not to -bomb.] - -[Illustration: ENVER PASHA - - “I shall go down in history,” this Turkish leader told Mr. - Morgenthau “as the man who demonstrated the vulnerability of - England and her fleet. I shall show that her navy is not - invincible.” -] - -the narrowest part of the Dardanelles, for here they had stretched a -cable and anti-submarine barrage of mines and nets--a device, which, as -I shall describe, did not keep the English and French underwater boats -out of the Marmora and the Bosphorus. It was not until we rounded this -historic point of Nagara that the dull monotony of flat shores gave -place to a more diversified landscape. On the European side the cliffs -now began to descend precipitously to the water, reminding me of our own -Palisades along the Hudson, and I obtained glimpses of the hills and -mountain ridges that afterward proved such tragical stumbling blocks to -the valiant Allied armies. The configuration of the land south of -Nagara, with its many hills and ridges, made it plain why the military -engineers had selected this stretch of the Dardanelles as the section -best adapted to defense. Our boat was now approaching what was perhaps -the most commanding point in the whole strait--the city Tchanak, or, to -give it its modern European name, Dardanelles. In normal times this was -a thriving port of 16,000 people, its houses built of wood, the -headquarters of a considerable trade in wool and other products, and for -centuries it had been an important military station. Now, excepting for -the soldiers, it was deserted, the large civilian population having been -moved into Anatolia. The British fleet, we were told, had bombarded this -city; yet this statement seemed hardly probable, for I saw only a single -house that had been hit, evidently by a stray shell which had been aimed -at the near-by fortifications. - -Djevad Pasha, the Turkish Commander-in-Chief at the Dardanelles, met us -and escorted our party to headquarters. Djevad was a man of culture and -of pleasing and cordial manners; as he spoke excellent German I had no -need of an interpreter. I was much impressed by the deference with which -the German officers treated him; that he was the Commander-in-Chief in -this theatre of war, and that the generals of the Kaiser were his -subordinates, was made plainly apparent. As we passed into his office, -Djevad stopped in front of a piece of a torpedo, mounted in the middle -of the hall, evidently as a souvenir. - -“There is the great criminal!” he said, calling my attention to the -relic. - -About this time the newspapers were hailing the exploit of an English -submarine, which had sailed from England to the Dardanelles, passed -under the mine field, and torpedoed the Turkish warship _Mesudié_. - -“That’s the torpedo that did it!” said Djevad. “You’ll see the wreck of -the ship when you go down.” - -The first fortification I visited was that of Anadolu Hamidié (that is, -Asiatic Hamidié) located on the water’s edge just outside of Tchanak. My -first impression was that I was in Germany. The officers were -practically all Germans and everywhere Germans were building buttresses -with sacks of sand and in other ways strengthening the emplacements. -Here German, not Turkish, was the language heard on every side. Colonel -Wehrle, who conducted me over these batteries, took the greatest delight -in showing them. He had the simple pride of the artist in his work, and -told me of the happiness that had come into his days when Germany had at -last found herself at war. All his life, he said, he had spent in -military practices, and, like most Germans, he had become tired of -manœuvres, sham battles, and other forms of mimic hostilities. Yet -he was approaching fifty, he had become a colonel, and he was fearful -that his career would close without actual military experience--and then -the splendid thing had happened and here he was, fighting a real English -enemy, firing real guns and shells! There was nothing brutal about -Wehrle’s manners; he was a “_gemütlich_” gentleman from Baden, and -thoroughly likable; yet he was all aglow with the spirit of “_Der Tag_.” -His attitude was simply that of a man who had spent his lifetime -learning a trade and who now rejoiced at the chance of exercising it. -But he furnished an illuminating light on the German military character -and the forces that had really caused the war. - -[Illustration: PLAN _of_ ANADOLÜ HAMIDIEM BATTERY, March 1915.] - -Feeling myself so completely in German country, I asked Colonel Wehrle -why there were so few Turks on this side of the strait. “You won’t ask -me that question this afternoon,” he said, smiling, “when you go over to -the other side.” - -The location of Anadolu Hamidié seemed ideal. It stands right at the -water’s edge, and consists--or it did then--of ten guns, every one -completely sweeping the Dardanelles. Walking upon the parapet, I had a -clear view of the strait, and Kum Kalé, at the entrance, about fifteen -miles away, stood out conspicuously. No warship could enter these waters -without immediately coming within complete sight of her gunners. Yet the -fortress itself, to an unprofessional eye like my own, was not -particularly impressive. The parapet and traverses were merely mounds of -earth, and stand to-day practically as they were finished by their -French constructors in 1837. There is a general belief that the Germans -had completely modernized the Dardanelles defenses, but this was not -true at that time. The guns defending Fort Anadolu Hamidié were more -than thirty years old, all being the Krupp model of 1885, and the rusted -exteriors of some of them gave evidences of their age. Their extreme -range was only about nine miles, while the range of the battleships -opposing them was about ten miles, and that of the _Queen Elizabeth_ was -not far from eleven. The figures which I have given for Anadolu Hamidié -apply also to practically all the guns at the other effective -fortifications. So far as the advantage of range was concerned, -therefore, the Allied fleet had a decided superiority, the _Queen -Elizabeth_ alone having them all practically at her mercy. Nor did the -fortifications contain very considerable supplies of ammunition. At that -time the European and American papers were printing stories that train -loads of shells and guns were coming by way of Rumania from Germany to -the Dardanelles. From facts which I learned on this trip and -subsequently I am convinced that these reports were pure fiction. A -small number of “red heads”--that is, non-armour-piercing projectiles -useful only for fighting landing parties--had been brought from -Adrianople and were reposing in Hamidié at the time of my visit, but -these were small in quantity and of no value in fighting ships. I lay -this stress upon Hamidié because this was the most important -fortification in the Dardanelles. Throughout the whole bombardment it -attracted more of the Allied fire than any other position, and it -inflicted at least 60 per cent. of all the damage that was done to the -attacking ships. It was Anadolu Hamidié which, in the great bombardment -of March 18th, sank the _Bouvet_, the French battleship, and which in -the course of the whole attack disabled several other units. All its -officers were Germans and eighty-five per cent. of the men on duty came -from the crews of the _Goeben_ and the _Breslau_. - -Getting into the automobile, we sped along the military road to -Dardanos, passing on the way the wreck of the _Mesudié_. The Dardanos -battery was as completely Turkish as the Hamidié was German. The guns at -Dardanos were somewhat more modern than those at Hamidié--they were the -Krupp model of 1905. Here also was stationed the only new battery which -the Germans had established up to the time of my visit; it consisted of -several guns which they had taken from the German and Turkish warships -then lying in the Bosphorus. A few days before our inspection the Allied -fleet had entered the Bay of Erenkeui and had submitted Dardanos to a -terrific bombardment, the evidences of which I saw on every hand. The -land for nearly half a mile about seemed to have been completely churned -up; it looked like photographs I had seen of the battlefields in -France. The strange thing was that, despite all this punishment, the -batteries themselves remained intact; not a single gun, my guides told -me, had been destroyed. - -“After the war is over,” said General Mertens, “we are going to -establish a big tourist resort here, build a hotel, and sell relics to -you Americans. We shall not have to do much excavating to find them--the -British fleet is doing that for us now.” - -This sounded like a passing joke, yet the statement was literally true. -Dardanos, where this emplacement is located, was one of the famous -cities of the ancient world; in Homeric times it was part of the -principality of Priam. Fragments of capitals and columns are still -visible. And the shells from the Allied fleet were now ploughing up many -relics which had been buried for thousands of years. One of my friends -picked up a water jug which had perhaps been used in the days of Troy. -The effectiveness of modern gunfire in excavating these evidences of a -long lost civilization was striking--though unfortunately the relics did -not always come to the surface intact. - -The Turkish generals were extremely proud of the fight which this -Dardanos battery had made against the British ships. They would lead me -to the guns that had done particularly good service and pat them -affectionately. For my benefit Djevad called out Lieutenant Hassan, the -Turkish officer who had defended this position. He was a little fellow, -with jet-black hair, black eyes, extremely modest and almost shrinking -in the presence of these great generals. Djevad patted Hassan on both -cheeks, while another high Turkish officer stroked his hair; one would -have thought that he was a faithful dog who had just performed some -meritorious service. - -“It is men like you of whom great heroes are made,” said General Djevad. -He asked Hassan to describe the attack and the way it had been met. The -embarrassed lieutenant quietly told his story, though he was moved -almost to tears by the appreciation of his exalted chiefs. - -“There is a great future for you in the army,” said General Djevad, as -we parted from this hero. - -Poor Hassan’s “future” came two days afterward when the Allied fleet -made its greatest attack. One of the shells struck his dugout, which -caved in, killing the young man. Yet his behaviour on the day I visited -his battery showed that he regarded the praise of his general as -sufficient compensation for all that he had suffered or all that he -might suffer. - -I was much puzzled by the fact that the Allied fleet, despite its large -expenditures of ammunition, had not been able to hit this Dardanos -emplacement. I naturally thought at first that such a failure indicated -poor marksmanship, but my German guides said that this was not the case. -All this misfire merely illustrated once more the familiar fact that a -rapidly manœuvring battleship is under a great disadvantage in -shooting at a fixed fortification. But there was another point involved -in the Dardanos battery. My hosts called my attention to its location; -it was perched on the top of the hill, in full view of the ships, -forming itself a part of the skyline. Dardanos was merely five steel -turrets, each armed with a gun, approached by a winding trench. - -“That,” they said, “is the most difficult thing in the world to hit. It -is so distinct that it looks easy, but the whole thing is an illusion.” - -I do not understand completely the optics of the situation; but it seems -that the skyline creates a kind of mirage, so that it is practically -impossible to hit anything at that point, except by accident. The gunner -might get what was apparently a perfect sight, yet his shell would go -wild. The record of Dardanos had been little short of marvellous. Up to -March 18th, the ships had fired at it about 4,000 shells. One turret had -been hit by a splinter, which had also scratched the paint, another had -been hit and slightly bent in, and another had been hit near the base -and a piece about the size of a man’s hand had been knocked out. But not -a single gun had been even slightly damaged. Eight men had been killed, -including Lieutenant Hassan, and about forty had been wounded. That was -the extent of the destruction. - -“It was the optical illusion that saved Dardanos,” one of the Germans -remarked. - - - - -CHAPTER XVIII - -THE ALLIED ARMADA SAILS AWAY, THOUGH ON THE BRINK OF VICTORY - - -Again getting into the automobile, we rode along the shore, my host -calling my attention to the mine fields, which stretched from Tchanak -southward about seven miles. In this area the Germans and Turks had -scattered nearly 400 mines. They told me with a good deal of gusto that -the Russians had furnished a considerable number of these destructive -engines. Day after day Russian destroyers sowed mines at the Black Sea -entrance to the Bosphorus, hoping that they would float down stream and -fulfil their appointed task. Every morning Turkish and German mine -sweepers would go up, fish out these mines, and place them in the -Dardanelles. - -The battery at Erenkeui had also been subjected to a heavy bombardment, -but it had suffered little. Unlike Dardanos, it was situated back of a -hill, completely shut out from view. In order to fortify this spot, I -was told, the Turks had been compelled practically to dismantle the -fortifications of the inner straits--that section of the stream which -extends from Tchanak to Point Nagara. This was the reason why this -latter part of the Dardanelles was now practically unfortified. The guns -that had been moved for this purpose were old-style Krupp pieces of the -model of 1885. - -South of Erenkeui, on the hills bordering the road the Germans had -introduced an innovation. They had found several Krupp howitzers left -over from the Bulgarian war and had installed them on concrete -foundations. Each battery had four or five of these emplacements so -that, as I approached them, I found several substantial bases that -apparently had no guns. I was mystified further at the sight of -a herd of buffaloes--I think I counted sixteen engaged in the -operation--hauling one of these howitzers from one emplacement to -another. This, it seems, was part of the plan of defense. As soon as the -dropping shells indicated that the fleet had obtained the range, the -howitzer would be moved, with the aid of buffalo teams, to another -concrete emplacement. - -“We have even a better trick than that,” remarked one of the officers. -They called out a sergeant, and recounted his achievement. This soldier -was the custodian of a contraption which, at a distance, looked like a -real gun, but which, when I examined it near at hand, was apparently an -elongated section of sewer pipe. Back of a hill, entirely hidden from -the fleet, was placed the gun with which this sergeant had coöperated. -The two were connected by telephone. When the command came to fire, the -gunner in charge of the howitzer would discharge his shell, while the -man in charge of the sewer pipe would burn several pounds of black -powder and send forth a conspicuous cloud of inky smoke. Not unnaturally -the Englishmen and Frenchmen on the ships would assume that the shells -speeding in their direction came from the visible smoke cloud and would -proceed to centre all their attention upon that spot. The space around -this burlesque gun was pock-marked with shell holes; the sergeant in -charge, I was told, had attracted more than 500 shots, while the real -artillery piece still remained intact and undetected. - -From Erenkeui we motored back to General Djevad’s headquarters, where we -had lunch. Djevad took me up to an observation post, and there before my -eyes I had the beautiful blue expanse of the Ægean. I could see the -entrances to the Dardanelles, Sedd-ul-Bahr and Kum Kalé standing like -the guardians of a gateway, with the rippling sunny waters stretching -between. Far out I saw the majestic ships of England and France sailing -across the entrance, and still farther away, I caught a glimpse of the -island of Tenedos, behind which we knew that a still larger fleet lay -concealed. Naturally this prospect brought to mind a thousand historic -and legendary associations, for there is probably no single spot in the -world more crowded with poetry and romance. Evidently my Turkish escort, -General Djevad, felt the spell, for he took a telescope and pointed at a -bleak expanse, perhaps six miles away. - -“Look at that spot,” he said, handing me the glass. “Do you know what -that is?” - -I looked but could not identify this sandy beach. - -“Those are the Plains of Troy,” he said. “And the river that you see -winding in and out,” he added, “we Turks call it the Mendere, but Homer -knew it as the Scamander. Back of us, only a few miles distant, is Mount -Ida.” - -Then he turned his glass out to sea, swept the field where the British -ships lay, and again asked me to look at an indicated spot. I -immediately brought within view a magnificent English warship, all -stripped for battle, quietly steaming along like a man walking on -patrol duty. - -“That,” said General Djevad, “is the _Agamemnon_”! - -“Shall I fire a shot at her?” he asked me. - -“Yes, if you’ll promise me not to hit her,” I answered. - -We lunched at headquarters, where we were joined by Admiral Usedom, -General Mertens, and General Pomiankowsky, the Austrian Military Attaché -at Constantinople. The chief note in the conversation was one of -absolute confidence in the future. Whatever the diplomats and -politicians in Constantinople may have thought, these men, Turks and -Germans, had no expectation--at least their conversation betrayed -none--that the Allied fleets would pass their defenses. What they seemed -to hope for above everything was that their enemies would make another -attack. - -“If we could only get a chance at the _Queen Elizabeth_!” said one eager -German, referring to the greatest ship in the British navy, then lying -off the entrance. - -As the Rhein wine began to disappear, their eagerness for the combat -increased. - -“If the damn fools would only make a landing!” exclaimed one--I quote -his exact words. - -The Turkish and German officers, indeed, seemed to vie with each other -in expressing their readiness for the fray. Probably a good deal of this -was bravado, intended for my consumption--indeed, I had private -information that their exact estimate of the situation was much less -reassuring. Now, however, they declared that the war had presented no -real opportunity for the German and English navies to measure swords, -and for this reason the Germans at the Dardanelles welcomed this chance -to try the issue. - -Having visited all the important places on the Anatolian side, we took a -launch and sailed over to the Gallipoli peninsula. We almost had a -disastrous experience on this trip. As we approached the Gallipoli -shore, our helmsman was asked if he knew the location of the minefield, -and if he could steer through the channel. He said “yes” and then -steered directly for the mines! Fortunately the other men noticed the -mistake in time, and so we arrived safely at Kilid-ul-Bahr. The -batteries here were of about the same character as those on the other -side; they formed one of the main defenses of the straits. Here -everything, so far as a layman could judge, was in excellent condition, -barring the fact that the artillery pieces were of old design and the -ammunition not at all plentiful. - -The batteries showed signs of a heavy bombardment. None had been -destroyed, but shell holes surrounded the fortifications. My Turkish and -German escorts looked at these evidences of destruction rather seriously -and they were outspoken in their admiration for the accuracy of the -allied fire. - -“How do they ever get the range?” This was the question they were asking -each other. What made the shooting so remarkable was the fact that it -came, not from Allied ships in the straits, but from ships stationed in -the Ægean Sea, on the other side of the Gallipoli peninsula. The gunners -had never seen their target, but had had to fire at a distance of nearly -ten miles, over high hills, and yet many of their shells had barely -missed the batteries at Kilid-ul-Bahr. - -When I was there, however, the place was quiet, for no fighting was -going on that day. For my particular benefit the officers put one of -their gun crews through a drill, so that I could obtain a perfect -picture of the behaviour of the Turks in action. In their mind’s eye -these artillerists now saw the English ships advancing within range, all -their guns pointed to destroy the followers of the Prophet. The bugleman -blew his horn, and the whole company rushed to their appointed places. -Some were bringing shells, others were opening the breeches, others were -taking the ranges, others were straining at pulleys, and others were -putting the charges into place. Everything was eagerness and activity; -evidently the Germans had been excellent instructors, but there was more -to it than German military precision, for the men’s faces lighted up -with all that fanaticism which supplies the morale of Turkish soldiers. -These gunners momentarily imagined that they were shooting once more at -the infidel English, and the exercise was a congenial one. Above the -shouts of all I could hear the singsong chant of the leader, intoning -the prayer with which the Moslem has rushed to battle for thirteen -centuries. - -“Allah is great, there is but one God, and Mohammed is his Prophet!” - -When I looked upon these frenzied men, and saw so plainly written in -their faces their uncontrollable hatred of the unbeliever, I called to -mind what the Germans had said in the morning about the wisdom of not -putting Turkish and German soldiers together. I am quite sure that, had -this been done, here at least the “Holy War” would have proved a -success, and that the Turks would have vented their hatred of Christians -on those who happened to be nearest at hand, for the moment overlooking -the fact that they were allies. - -I returned to Constantinople that evening, and two days afterward, on -March 18th, the Allied fleet made its greatest attack. As all the world -knows, that attack proved disastrous to the Allies. The outcome was the -sinking of the _Bouvet_, the _Ocean_, and the _Irresistible_ and the -serious crippling of four other vessels. Of the sixteen ships engaged in -this battle of the 18th, seven were thus put temporarily or permanently -out of action. Naturally the Germans and Turks rejoiced over this -victory. The police went around, and ordered each householder to display -a prescribed number of flags in honour of the event. The Turkish people -have so little spontaneous patriotism or enthusiasm of any kind that -they would never decorate their establishments without such definite -orders. As a matter of fact, neither Germans nor Turks regarded this -celebration too seriously, for they were not yet persuaded that they had -really won a victory. Most still believed that the Allied fleets would -succeed in forcing their way through. The only question, they said, was -whether the Entente was ready to sacrifice the necessary number of -ships. Neither Wangenheim nor Pallavicini believed that the disastrous -experience of the 18th would end the naval attack, and for days they -anxiously waited for the fleet to return. The high tension lasted for -days and weeks after the repulse of the 18th. We were still momentarily -expecting the renewal of the attack. But the great armada never -returned. - -Should it have come back? Could the Allied ships really have captured -Constantinople? I am constantly asked this question. As a layman my own -opinion can have little value, but I have quoted the opinions of the -German generals and admirals, and of the Turks--practically all of -whom, except Enver, believed that the enterprise would succeed, and I am -half inclined to believe that Enver’s attitude was merely a case of -graveyard whistling. In what I now have to say on this point, therefore, -I wish it understood that I am giving not my own views, but merely those -of the officials then in Turkey who were best qualified to judge. - -Enver had told me, in our talk on the deck of the _Yuruk_, that he had -“plenty of guns--plenty of ammunition.” But this statement was not true. -A glimpse at the map will show why Turkey was not receiving munitions -from Germany or Austria at that time. The fact was that Turkey was just -as completely isolated from her allies then as was Russia. There were -two railroad lines leading from Constantinople to Germany. One went by -way of Bulgaria and Serbia. Bulgaria was then not an ally; even though -she had winked at the passage of guns and shells, this line could not -have been used, since Serbia, which controlled the vital link extending -from Nish to Belgrade, was still intact. The other railroad line went -through Rumania, by way of Bucharest. This route was independent of -Serbia, and, had the Rumanian Government consented, it would have formed -a clear route from the Krupps to the Dardanelles. The fact that -munitions could be sent with the connivance of the Rumanian Government -perhaps accounts for the suspicion that guns and shells were going by -that route. Day after day the French and British ministers protested at -Bucharest against this alleged violation of neutrality, only to be met -with angry denials that the Germans were using this line. There is no -doubt now that the Rumanian Government was perfectly honourable in -making these denials. It is not unlikely that the Germans themselves -started all these stories, merely to fool the Allied fleet into the -belief that their supplies were inexhaustible. - -Let us suppose that the Allies had returned, say on the morning of the -nineteenth, what would have happened? The one overwhelming fact is that -the fortifications were very short of ammunition. They had almost -reached the limit of their resisting power when the British fleet passed -out on the afternoon of the 18th. I had secured permission for Mr. -George A. Schreiner, the well-known American correspondent of the -Associated Press, to visit the Dardanelles on this occasion. On the -night of the 18th, this correspondent discussed the situation with -General Mertens, who was the chief technical officer at the straits. -General Mertens admitted that the outlook was very discouraging for the -defense. - -“We expect that the British will come back early to-morrow morning,” he -said, “and if they do, we may be able to hold out for a few hours.” - -General Mertens did not declare in so many words that the ammunition was -practically exhausted, but Mr. Schreiner discovered that such was the -case. The fact was that Fort Hamidié, the most powerful defense on the -Asiatic side, had just seventeen armour-piercing shells left, while at -Kilid-ul-Bahr, which was the main defense on the European side, there -were precisely ten. - -“I should advise you to get up at six o’clock to-morrow morning,” said -General Mertens, “and take to the Anatolian hills. That’s what we are -going to do.” - -The troops at all the fortifications had their orders to man the guns -until the last shell had been fired and then to abandon the forts. - -Once these defenses became helpless, the problem of the Allied fleet -would have been a simple one. The only bar to their progress would have -been the minefield, which stretched from a point about two miles north -of Erenkeui to Kilid-ul-Bahr. But the Allied fleet had plenty of -mine-sweepers, which could have made a channel in a few hours. North of -Tchanak, as I have already explained, there were a few guns, but they -were of the 1878 model, and could not discharge projectiles that could -pierce modern armour plate. North of Point Nagara there were only two -batteries, and both dated from 1835! Thus, once having silenced the -outer straits, there was nothing to bar the passage to Constantinople -except the German and Turkish warships. The _Goeben_ was the only -first-class fighting ship in either fleet, and it would not have lasted -long against the _Queen Elizabeth_. The disproportion in the strength of -the opposing fleets, indeed, was so enormous that it is doubtful whether -there would ever have been an engagement. - -Thus the Allied fleet would have appeared before Constantinople on the -morning of the twentieth. What would have happened then? We have heard -much discussion as to whether this purely naval attack was justified. -Enver, in his conversation with me, had laid much stress on the -absurdity of sending a fleet to Constantinople, supported by no adequate -landing force, and much of the criticism since passed upon the -Dardanelles expedition has centred on that point. Yet it is my opinion -that this exclusively naval attack was justified. I base this judgment -purely upon the political situation which then existed in Turkey. Under -ordinary circumstances such an enterprise would probably have been a -foolish one, but the political conditions in Constantinople then were -not ordinary. There was no solidly established government in Turkey at -that time. A political committee, not exceeding forty members, headed by -Talaat, Enver, and Djemal, controlled the Central Government, but their -authority throughout the empire was exceedingly tenuous. As a matter of -fact, the whole Ottoman state, on that eighteenth day of March, 1915, -when the Allied fleet abandoned the attack, was on the brink of -dissolution. All over Turkey ambitious chieftains had arisen, who were -momentarily expecting its fall, and who were looking for the opportunity -to seize their parts of the inheritance. As previously described, Djemal -had already organized practically an independent government in Syria. In -Smyrna Rahmi Bey, the Governor-General, had often disregarded the -authorities at the capital. In Adrianople Hadji Adil, one of the most -courageous Turks of the time, was believed to be plotting to set up his -own government. Arabia had already become practically an independent -nation. Among the subject races the spirit of revolt was rapidly -spreading. The Greeks and the Armenians would also have welcomed an -opportunity to strengthen the hands of the Allies. The existing -financial and industrial conditions seemed to make revolution -inevitable. Many farmers went on strike; they had no seeds and would not -accept them as a free gift from the Government because, they said, as -soon as their crops should be garnered the armies would immediately -requisition them. As for Constantinople, the populace there and the -best elements among the Turks, far from opposing the arrival of the -Allied fleet, would have welcomed it with joy. The Turks themselves were -praying that the British and French would take their city, for this -would relieve them of the controlling gang, emancipate them from the -hated Germans, bring about peace, and end their miseries. - -No one understood this better than Talaat. He was taking no chances on -making an expeditious retreat, in case the Allied fleet appeared before -the city. For several months the Turkish leaders had been casting -envious glances at a Minerva automobile that had been reposing in the -Belgian legation ever since Turkey’s declaration of war. Talaat finally -obtained possession of the coveted prize. He had obtained somewhere -another automobile, which he had loaded with extra tires, gasolene, and -all the other essentials of a protracted journey. This was evidently -intended to accompany the more pretentious machine as a kind of “mother -ship.” Talaat stationed these automobiles on the Asiatic side of the -city with chauffeurs constantly at hand. Everything was prepared to -leave for the interior of Asia Minor at a moment’s notice. - -But the great Allied armada never returned to the attack. - -About a week after this momentous defeat, I happened to drop in at the -German Embassy. Wangenheim had a distinguished visitor whom he asked me -to meet. I went into his private office and there was Von der Goltz -Pasha, recently returned from Belgium, where he had served as governor. -I must admit that, meeting Goltz thus informally, I had difficulty in -reconciling his personality with all the stories that were then coming -out of Belgium. That morning this mild-mannered, spectacled gentleman -seemed sufficiently quiet and harmless. Nor did he look his age--he was -then about seventy-four; his hair was only streaked with gray, and his -face was almost unwrinkled; I should not have taken him for more than -sixty-five. The austerity and brusqueness and ponderous dignity which -are assumed by most highly-placed Germans were not apparent. His voice -was deep, musical, and pleasing, and his manners were altogether -friendly and ingratiating. The only evidence of pomp in his bearing was -his uniform; he was dressed as a field marshal, his chest blazing with -decorations and gold braid. Von der Goltz explained and half apologized -for his regalia by saying that he had just returned from an audience -with the Sultan. He had come to Constantinople to present his majesty a -medal from the Kaiser, and was taking back to Berlin a similar mark of -consideration from the Sultan to the Kaiser, besides an imperial present -of 10,000 cigarettes. - -The three of us sat there for some time, drinking coffee, eating German -cakes, and smoking German cigars. I did not do much of the talking, but -the conversation of Von der Goltz and Wangenheim seemed to me to shed -much light upon the German mind, and especially on the trustworthiness -of German military reports. The aspect of the Dardanelles fight that -interested them most at that time was England’s complete frankness in -publishing her losses. That the British Government should issue an -official statement, saying that three ships had been sunk and that four -others had been badly damaged, struck them as most remarkable. In this -announcement I merely saw a manifestation of the usual British desire -to make public the worst--the policy which we Americans also believe to -be the best in war times. But no such obvious explanation could satisfy -these wise and solemn Teutons. No, England had some deep purpose in -telling the truth so unblushingly; what could it be? - -“_Es ist ausserordentlich!_” (It is extraordinary) said Von der Goltz, -referring to England’s public acknowledgment of defeat. - -“_Es ist unerhört!_” (It is unheard of) declared the equally astonished -Wangenheim. - -These master diplomatists canvassed one explanation after another, and -finally reached a conclusion that satisfied the higher strategy. -England, they agreed, really had had no enthusiasm for this attack, -because, in the event of success, she would have had to hand -Constantinople over to Russia--something which England really did not -intend to do. By publishing the losses, England showed Russia the -enormous difficulties of the task; she had demonstrated, indeed, that -the enterprise was impossible. After such losses, England intended -Russia to understand that she had made a sincere attempt to gain this -great prize of war and expected her not to insist on further sacrifices. - -The sequel to this great episode in the war came in the winter of -1915-16. By this time Bulgaria had joined the Central Powers, Serbia had -been overwhelmed, and the Germans had obtained a complete, unobstructed -railroad line from Constantinople to Austria and Germany. Huge Krupp -guns now began to come over this line--all destined for the Dardanelles. -Sixteen great batteries, of the latest model, were emplaced near the -entrance, completely controlling Seddul-Bahr. The Germans lent the -Turks 500,000,000 marks, much of which was spent defending this -indispensable highway. The thinly fortified straits through which I -passed in March, 1915, is now as impregnably fortified as Heligoland. It -is doubtful if all the fleets in the world could force the Dardanelles -to-day. - - - - -CHAPTER XIX - -A FIGHT FOR THREE THOUSAND CIVILIANS - - -On the second of May, 1915, Enver sent his aide to the American Embassy, -bringing a message which he requested me to transmit to the French and -British governments. About a week before this visit the Allies had -landed on the Gallipoli peninsula. They had evidently concluded that a -naval attack by itself could not destroy the defenses and open the road -to Constantinople, and they had now adopted the alternative plan of -despatching large bodies of troops, to be supported by the guns of their -warships. Already many thousands of Australians and New Zealanders had -entrenched themselves at the tip of the peninsula, and the excitement -that prevailed in Constantinople was almost as great as that which had -been caused by the appearance of the fleet two months before. - -Enver now informed me that the Allied ships were bombarding in reckless -fashion, and ignoring the well-established international rule that such -bombardments should be directed only against fortified places; British -and French shells, he said, were falling everywhere, destroying -unprotected Moslem villages and killing hundreds of innocent -non-combatants. Enver asked me to inform the Allied governments that -such activities must immediately cease. He had decided to collect all -the British and French citizens who were then living in Constantinople, -take them down to the Gallipoli peninsula and scatter them in Moslem -villages and towns. The Allied fleets would then be throwing their -projectiles not only against peaceful and unprotected Moslems, but -against their own countrymen. It was Enver’s idea that this threat, -communicated by the American Ambassador to the British and French -governments, would soon put an end to “atrocities” of this kind. I was -given a few days’ respite to get the information to London and Paris. - -At that time about 3,000 British and French citizens were living in -Constantinople. The great majority belonged to the class known as -Levantines; nearly all had been born in Turkey and in many cases their -families had been domiciled in that country for two or more generations. -The retention of their European citizenship is almost their only contact -with the nation from which they have sprung. Not uncommonly we meet in -the larger cities of Turkey men and women who are English by race and -nationality, but who speak no English, French being the usual language -of the Levantine. The great majority have never set foot in England, or -any other European country; they have only one home, and that is Turkey. -The fact that the Levantine usually retains citizenship in the nation of -his origin was now apparently making him a fitting object for Turkish -vengeance. Besides these Levantines, a large number of English and -French were then living in Constantinople, as teachers in the schools, -as missionaries, and as important business men and merchants. The -Ottoman Government now proposed to assemble all these residents, both -those who were immediately and those who were remotely connected with -Great Britain and France, and to place them in exposed positions on the -Gallipoli peninsula as targets for the Allied fleet. - -Naturally my first question when I received this startling information -was whether the warships were really bombarding defenseless towns. If -they were murdering non-combatant men, women, and children in this -reckless fashion, such an act of reprisal as Enver now proposed would -probably have had some justification. It seemed to me incredible, -however, that the English and French could commit such barbarities. I -had already received many complaints of this kind from Turkish officials -which, on investigation, had turned out to be untrue. Only a little -while before Dr. Meyer, the first assistant to Suleyman Nouman, the -Chief of the Medical Staff, had notified me that the British fleet had -bombarded a Turkish hospital and killed 1,000 invalids. When I looked -into the matter, I found that the building had been but slightly -damaged, and only one man killed. I now naturally suspected that this -latest tale of Allied barbarity rested on a similarly flimsy foundation. -I soon discovered, indeed, that this was the case. The Allied fleet was -not bombarding Moslem villages at all. A number of British warships had -been stationed in the Gulf of Saros, an indentation of the Ægean Sea, on -the western side of the peninsula, and from this vantage point they were -throwing shells into the city of Gallipoli. All the “bombarding” of -towns in which they were now engaging was limited to this one city. In -doing this the British navy was not violating the rules of civilized -warfare, for Gallipoli had long since been evacuated of its civilian -population, and the Turks had established military headquarters in -several of the houses, which had properly become the object of the -Allied attack. I certainly knew of no rule of warfare which prohibited -an attack upon a military headquarters. As to the stories of murdered -civilians, men, women, and children, these proved to be gross -exaggerations; as almost the entire civilian population had long since -left, any casualties resulting from the bombardment must have been -confined to the armed forces of the empire. - -I now discussed the situation for some time with Mr. Ernest Weyl, who -was generally recognized as the leading French citizen in -Constantinople, and with Mr. Hoffman Philip, the Conseiller of the -Embassy, and then decided that I would go immediately to the Sublime -Porte and protest to Enver. - -The Council of Ministers was sitting at the time, but Enver came out. -His manner was more demonstrative than usual. As he described the attack -of the British fleet, he became extremely angry; it was not the -imperturbable Enver with whom I had become so familiar. - -“These cowardly English!” he exclaimed. “They tried for a long time to -get through the Dardanelles, and we were too much for them! And see what -kind of a revenge they are taking. Their ships sneak up into the outer -bay, where our guns cannot reach them, and shoot over the hills at our -little villages, killing harmless old men, women, and children, and -bombarding our hospitals. Do you think we are going to let them do that? -And what can we do? Our guns don’t reach over the hills, so that we -cannot meet them in battle. If we could, we would drive them off, just -as we did at the straits a month ago. We have no fleet to send to -England to bombard their unfortified towns as they are bombarding ours. -So we have decided to move all the English and French we can find to -Gallipoli. Let them kill their own people as well as ours.” - -I told him that, granted that the circumstances were as he had stated -them, he had grounds for indignation. But I called his attention to the -fact that he was wrong; that he was accusing the Allies of crimes which -they were not committing. - -“This is about the most barbarous thing that you have ever -contemplated,” I said. “The British have a perfect right to attack a -military headquarters like Gallipoli.” - -But my argument did not move Enver. I became convinced that he had not -decided on this step as a reprisal to protect his own countrymen, but -that he and his associates were blindly venting their rage. The fact -that the Australians and New Zealanders had successfully effected a -landing had aroused their most barbarous instincts. Enver referred to -this landing in our talk; though he professed to regard it lightly, and -said that he would soon push the French and English into the sea, I saw -that it was causing him much concern. The Turk, as I have said before, -is psychologically primitive; to answer the British landing at Gallipoli -by murdering hundreds of helpless British who were in his power would -strike him as perfectly logical. As a result of this talk I gained only -a few concessions. Enver agreed to postpone the deportation until -Thursday--it was then Sunday; to exclude women and children from the -order, and to take none of the British and French who were then -connected with American institutions. - -“All the rest will have to go,” was his final word. “Moreover,” he -added, “we don’t purpose to have the enemy submarines in the Marmora -torpedo the transports we are sending to the Dardanelles. In the future -we shall put a few Englishmen and Frenchmen on every ship we send down -there as a protection to our own soldiers.” - -When I returned to our embassy I found that the news of the proposed -deportation had been published. The amazement and despair that -immediately resulted were unparalleled, even in that city of constant -sensations. Europeans, by living for many years in the Levant, seem to -acquire its emotions, particularly its susceptibility to fear and -horror, and now, no longer having the protection of their embassies, -these fears were intensified. A stream of frenzied people began to pour -into the Embassy. From their tears and cries one would have thought that -they were immediately to be taken out and shot, and that there was any -possibility of being saved seemed hardly to occur to them. Yet all the -time they insisted that I should get individual exemptions. One could -not go because he had a dependent family; another had a sick child; -another was ill himself. My ante-room was full of frantic mothers, -asking me to secure exemption for their sons, and of wives, who sought -special treatment for their husbands. They made all kinds of impossible -suggestions: I should resign my ambassadorship as a protest; I should -even threaten Turkey with war by the United States! They constantly -besieged my wife, who spent hours listening to their stories and -comforting them. In all this exciting mass there were many who faced the -situation with more courage. - -The day after my talk with Enver, Bedri, the Prefect of Police, began to -arrest some of the victims. - -The next morning one of my callers made what would ordinarily have -seemed to be an obvious suggestion. This visitor was a German. He told -me that Germany would suffer greatly in reputation if the Turks carried -out their plan; the world would not possibly be convinced that Germans -had not devised the whole scheme. He said that I should call upon the -German and Austrian ambassadors; he was sure that they would support me -in my pleas for decent treatment. As I had made appeals to Wangenheim -several times before in behalf of foreigners, without success, I had -hardly thought it worth while to ask his coöperation in this instance. -Moreover, the plan of using non-combatants as a protective screen in -warfare was such a familiar German device that I was not at all sure -that the German Staff had not instigated the Turks. I decided, however, -to adopt the advice of my German visitor and seek Wangenheim’s -assistance. I must admit that I did this as a forlorn hope, but at least -I thought it only fair to Wangenheim to give him a chance to help. - -I called upon him in the evening at ten o’clock and stayed with him -until eleven. I spent the larger part of this hour in a fruitless -attempt to interest him in the plight of these non-combatants. -Wangenheim said point blank that he would not assist me. “It is -perfectly proper,” he maintained, “for the Turks to establish a -concentration camp at Gallipoli. It is also proper for them to put -non-combatant English and French on their transports and thus insure -them against attack. As I made repeated attempts to argue the matter, -Wangenheim would deftly shift the conversation to other topics. -According to my record of this talk, written out at the time, the German -Ambassador discussed almost every subject except the one upon which I -had called. - -“This act of the Turks will greatly injure Germany----” I would begin. - -“Do you know that the English soldiers at Gaba Tepe are without food and -drink?” he would reply. “They made an attack to capture a well and were -repulsed. The English have taken their ships away so as to prevent their -soldiers from retreating----” - -“But about this Gallipoli business,” I interrupted. “Germans themselves -here in Constantinople have said that Germany should stop it----” - -“The Allies landed 45,000 men on the peninsula,” Wangenheim answered, -“and of these 10,000 were killed. In a few days we shall attack the rest -and destroy them.” - -When I attempted to approach the subject from another angle, this master -diplomatist would begin discussing Rumania and the possibility of -obtaining ammunition by way of that country. - -“Your Secretary Bryan,” he said, “has just issued a statement showing -that it would be unneutral for the United States to refuse to sell -ammunition to the Allies. So we have used this same argument with the -Rumanians; if it is unneutral not to sell ammunition, it is certainly -unneutral to refuse to transport it!” - -The humorous aspects of this argument appealed to Wangenheim, but I -reminded him that I was there to discuss the lives of between 2,000 and -3,000 non-combatants. As I touched upon this subject again, Wangenheim -replied that the United States would not be acceptable to Germany as a -peacemaker now, because we were so friendly to the Entente. He insisted -on giving me all the details of recent German successes in the -Carpathians and the latest news on the Italian situation. - -“We would rather fight Italy than have her for our ally,” he said. - -At another time all this would have greatly entertained me, but not -then. It was quite apparent that Wangenheim would not discuss the -proposed deportation, further than to say that the Turks were justified. -His statement that it was planned to establish a “concentration camp” at -Gallipoli unfolded his whole attitude. Up to this time the Turks had not -established concentration camps for enemy aliens anywhere. I had -earnestly advised them not to establish such camps, thus far with -success. On the other hand, the Germans were protesting that Turkey was -“too lenient” and urging the establishment of such camps in the -interior. Wangenheim’s use of the words “concentration camps in -Gallipoli” showed that the German view was at last prevailing and that I -was losing my battle for the foreigners. An internment camp is a -distressing place under the most favourable circumstances, but who, -except a German or a Turk, ever conceived of establishing one right in -the field of battle? Let us suppose that the English and the French -should assemble all their enemy aliens, march them to the front, and -place them in a camp in No Man’s Land, directly in the fire of both -armies. That was precisely the kind of a “concentration camp” which the -Turks and Germans now intended to establish for the resident aliens of -Constantinople--for my talk with Wangenheim left no doubt in my mind -that the Germans were parties to the plot. - -[Illustration: TURKISH QUARTERS AT THE DARDANELLES - -These dugouts, for the most part, were well protected. The Turks -defended their batteries with great heroism and skill.] - -[Illustration: LOOKING NORTH TO THE CITY OF GALLIPOLI - -This part of the Dardanelles is practically unfortified.] - -They feared that the land attack on the Dardanelles would succeed, just -as they had feared that the naval attack would succeed, and they were -prepared to use any weapon, even the lives of several thousand -non-combatants, in their efforts to make it a failure. - -My talk with Wangenheim produced no results, so far as enlisting his -support was concerned, but it stiffened my determination to defeat this -enterprise. I also called upon Pallavicini, the Austrian Ambassador. He -at once declared that the proposed deportation was “inhuman.” - -“I will take up the matter with the Grand Vizier,” he said, “and see if -I can’t stop it.” - -“But you know that is perfectly useless,” I answered. “The Grand Vizier -has no power--he is only a figurehead. Only one man can stop this, that -is Enver.” - -Pallavicini had far finer sensibilities and a tenderer conscience than -Wangenheim, and I had no doubt that he was entirely sincere in his -desire to prevent this crime. But he was a diplomat of the old Austrian -school. Nothing in his eyes was so important as diplomatic etiquette. As -the representative of his emperor, propriety demanded that he should -conduct all his negotiations with the Grand Vizier, who was also at that -time Minister for Foreign Affairs. He never discussed state matters with -Talaat and Enver--indeed, he had only limited official relations with -these men, the real rulers of Turkey. And now the saving of 3,000 lives -was not, in Pallavicini’s eyes, any reason why he should disregard the -traditional routine of diplomatic intercourse. - -“I must go strictly according to rules in this matter,” he said. And, in -the goodness of his heart, he did speak to Saïd Halim. Following this -example Wangenheim also spoke to the Grand Vizier. In Wangenheim’s case, -however, the protest was merely intended for the official record. - -“You may fool some people,” I told the German Ambassador, “but you know -that speaking to the Grand Vizier in this matter is of about as much use -as shouting in the air.” - -However, there was one member of the diplomatic corps who worked -wholeheartedly in behalf of the threatened foreigners. This was M. -Koloucheff, the Bulgarian Minister. As soon as he heard of this latest -Turco-German outrage, he immediately came to me with offers of -assistance. He did not propose to waste his time by a protest to the -Grand Vizier, but announced his intention of going immediately to the -source of authority, Enver himself. Koloucheff was an extremely -important man at that particular time, for Bulgaria was then neutral and -both sides were angling for her support. - -Meanwhile, Bedri and his minions were busy arresting some of the doomed -English and French. The deportation was arranged to take place Thursday -morning. On Wednesday, the excitement reached the hysterical stage. It -seemed as if the whole foreign population of Constantinople had gathered -at the American Embassy. Scores of weeping women and haggard men -assembled in front and at the side of the building; more than three -hundred gained personal access to my office, hanging desperately upon -the Ambassador and his staff. Many almost seemed to think that I -personally held their fates in my hand; in their agony of spirit some -even denounced me, insisting that I was not exerting all my powers in -their behalf. Whenever I left my office and passed into the hall I was -almost mobbed by scores of terror-stricken and dishevelled mothers and -wives. The nervous tension was frightful; I seized the telephone, called -up Enver, and demanded an interview. - -He replied that he would be happy to receive me on Thursday. By this -time, however, the prisoners would already have been on their way to -Gallipoli. - -“No,” I replied, “I must see you this afternoon.” - -Enver made all kinds of excuses; he was busy, he had appointments -scheduled for the whole day. - -“I presume you want to see me about the English and French,” he said. -“If that is so, I can tell you now that it will be useless. Our minds -are made up. Orders have been issued to the police to gather them all by -to-night and to ship them down to-morrow morning.” - -I still insisted that I must see him that afternoon and he still -attempted to dodge the interview. - -“My time is all taken,” he said. “The Council of Ministers sits at four -o’clock and the meeting is to be a very important one. I can’t absent -myself.” - -Emboldened by the thought of the crowds of women that were flooding the -whole Embassy I decided on an altogether unprecedented move. - -“I shall not be denied an interview,” I replied. “I shall come up to the -cabinet room at four o’clock. If you refuse to receive me then, I shall -insist on going into the council room and discussing the matter with the -whole Cabinet. I shall be interested to learn whether the Turkish -Cabinet will refuse to receive the American Ambassador.” - -It seemed to me that I could almost hear Enver gasp over the telephone. -I presume few responsible ministers of any country have ever had such an -astounding proposition made to them. - -“If you will meet me at the Sublime Porte at 3:30,” he answered, after a -considerable pause, “I shall arrange to see you.” - -When I reached the Sublime Porte I was told that the Bulgarian Minister -was having a protracted conference with Enver. Naturally I was willing -to wait, for I knew what the two men were discussing. Presently M. -Koloucheff came out; his face was tense and anxious, clearly revealing -the ordeal through which he had just passed. - -“It is perfectly hopeless,” he said to me. “Nothing will move Enver: he -is absolutely determined that this thing shall go through. I cannot wish -you good luck, for you will have none.” - -The meeting which followed between Enver and myself was the most -momentous I had had up to that time. We discussed the fate of the -foreigners for nearly an hour. I found Enver in one of his most polite -but most unyielding moods. He told me before I began that it was useless -to talk--that the matter was a closed issue. But I insisted on telling -him what a splendid impression Turkey’s treatment of her enemies had -made on the outside world. “Your record in this matter is better than -that of any other belligerent country,” I said. “You have not put them -into concentration camps, you have let them stay here and continue their -ordinary business, just as before. You have done this in spite of strong -pressure to act otherwise. Why do you destroy all the good effect this -has produced by now making such a fatal mistake as you propose?” - -But Enver insisted that the Allied fleets were bombarding unfortified -towns, killing women, children, and wounded men. - -“We have warned them through you that they must not do this,” he said, -“but they don’t stop.” - -This statement, of course, was not true, but I could not persuade Enver -that he was wrong. He expressed great appreciation for all that I had -done, and regretted for my sake that he could not accept my advice. I -told him that the foreigners had suggested that I threaten to give up -the care of British and French interests. - -“Nothing would suit us better,” he quickly replied. “The only difficulty -we have with you is when you come around and bother us with English and -French affairs.” - -I asked him if I had ever given him any advice that had led them into -trouble. He graciously replied that they had never yet made a mistake by -following my suggestions. - -“Very well, take my advice in this case, too,” I replied. “You will find -later that you have made no mistake by doing so. I tell you that it is -my positive opinion that your cabinet is committing a terrible error by -taking this step.” - -“But I have given orders to this effect,” Enver answered. “I cannot -countermand them. If I did, my whole influence with the army would go. -Once having given an order I never change it. My own wife asked me to -have her servants exempted from military service and I refused. The -Grand Vizier asked exemption for his secretary, and I refused him, -because I had given orders. I never revoke orders and I shall not do it -in this case. If you can show me some way in which this order can be -carried out and your protégés still saved, I shall be glad to listen.” - -I had already discovered one of the most conspicuous traits in the -Turkish character: its tendency to compromise and to bargain. Enver’s -request for a suggestion now gave me an opportunity to play on this -characteristic. - -“All right,” I said. “I think I can. I should think you could still -carry out your orders without sending all the French and English -residents down. If you would send only a few, you would still win your -point. You could still maintain discipline in the army, and these few -would be as strong a deterrent to the Allied fleet as sending all.” - -It seemed to me that Enver almost eagerly seized upon this suggestion as -a way out of his dilemma. - -“How many will you let me send?” he asked quickly. The moment he put -this question I knew that I had carried my point. - -“I would suggest that you take twenty English and twenty French--forty -in all.” - -“Let me have fifty,” he said. - -“All right--we won’t haggle over ten,” I answered. “But you must make -another concession. Let me pick out the fifty who are to go.” - -This agreement had relieved the tension, and now the gracious side of -Enver’s nature began to show itself again. - -“No, Mr. Ambassador,” he replied. “You have prevented me from making a -mistake this afternoon; now let me prevent you from making one. If you -select the fifty men who are to go, you will simply make fifty enemies. -I think too much of you to let you do that. I will prove to you that I -am your real friend. Can’t you make some other suggestion?” - -“Why not take the youngest? They can stand the fatigue best.” - -“That is fair,” answered Enver. He said that Bedri, who was in the -building at that moment, would select the “victims.” This caused me some -uneasiness; I knew that Enver’s modification of his order would -displease Bedri, whose hatred of the foreigners had shown itself on many -occasions, and that the head of the police would do his best to find -some way of evading it. So I asked Enver to send for Bedri and give him -his new orders in my presence. Bedri came in, and, as I had suspected, -he did not like the new arrangement at all. As soon as he heard that he -was to take only fifty and the youngest he threw up his hands and began -to walk up and down the room. - -“No, no, this will never do!” he said. “I don’t want the youngest, I -must have notables!” - -But Enver stuck to the arrangement and gave Bedri orders to take only -the youngest men. It was quite apparent that Bedri needed humouring, so -I asked him to ride with me to the American Embassy, where we would have -tea and arrange all the details. This invitation had an instantaneous -effect which the American mind will have difficulty in comprehending. An -American would regard it as nothing wonderful to be seen publicly riding -with an ambassador, or to take tea at an embassy. But this is a -distinction which never comes to a minor functionary, such as a Prefect -of Police, in the Turkish capital. Possibly I lowered the dignity of my -office in extending this invitation to Bedri; Pallavicini would probably -have thought so; but it certainly paid, for it made Bedri more pliable -than he would otherwise have been. - -When we reached the Embassy, we found the crowds still there, awaiting -the results of my intercession. When I told the besiegers that only -fifty had to go and these the youngest, they seemed momentarily -stupefied. They could not understand it at first; they believed that I -might obtain some modification of the order, but nothing like this. -Then, as the truth dawned upon them, I found myself in the centre of a -crowd that had apparently gone momentarily insane, this time not from -grief, but from joy. Women, the tears streaming down their faces, -insisted on throwing themselves on their knees, seizing both my hands, -and covering them with kisses. Mature men, despite my violent -protestations, persisted in hugging me and kissing me on both cheeks. -For several minutes I struggled with this crowd, embarrassed by its -demonstrations of gratitude, but finally I succeeded in breaking away -and secreting myself and Bedri in an inner room. - -“Can’t I have a few notables?” he asked. - -“I’ll give you just one,” I replied. - -“Can’t I have three?” he asked again. - -“You can have all who are under fifty,” I answered. - -But that did not satisfy him, as there was not a solitary person of -distinction under that age limit. Bedri really had his eye on Messieurs -Weyl, Rey, and Dr. Frew. But I had one “notable” up my sleeve whom I was -willing to concede. Dr. Wigram, an Anglican clergyman, one of the most -prominent men in the foreign colony, had pleaded with me, asking - -[Illustration: THE BRITISH SHIP “ALBION” - -Shelling the fortifications at the Inner Strait. The splashes near the -ship show that the Turks are replying vigorously.] - -[Illustration: THE DARDANELLES AS IT WAS MARCH 16, 1915 - - When Ambassador Morgenthau, at the invitation of the Turkish - Government, visited all the batteries. He found the batteries well - defended, but short of ammunition and completely outranged by the - guns of the Allied fleets. On March 19th the Germans and Turks were - prepared to retreat to Anatolia and leave Constantinople at the - mercy of the British. The Allies abandoned the attack at the - precise moment when complete victory was in their grasp. -] - -that he might be permitted to go with the hostages and furnish them such -consolation as religion could give them. I knew that nothing would -delight Dr. Wigram more than to be thrown as a sop to Bedri’s passion -for “notables.” - -“Dr. Wigram is the only notable you can have,” I said to Bedri. So he -accepted him as the best that he could do in that line. - -Mr. Hoffman Philip, the _Conseiller_ of the American Embassy--now -American Minister to Colombia--had already expressed a desire to -accompany the hostages, so that he might minister to their comfort. This -manifestation of a fine humanitarian spirit was nothing new in Mr. -Philip. Although not in good health, he had returned to Constantinople -after Turkey had entered the war, in order that he might assist me in -the work of caring for the foreign residents. Through all that arduous -period he constantly displayed that sympathy for the unfortunate, the -sick, and the poor, which is innate in his character. Though it was -somewhat irregular for a representative of the Embassy to engage in such -a hazardous enterprise as this one, Mr. Philip pleaded so earnestly that -finally I reluctantly gave my consent. I also obtained permission for -Mr. Arthur Ruhl of _Collier’s_ and Mr. Henry West Suydam, of the -Brooklyn _Eagle_, to accompany the party. - -At the end Bedri had to have his little joke. Though the fifty were -informed that the boat for Gallipoli would leave the next morning at six -o’clock, he, with his police, visited their houses at midnight, and -routed them all out of bed. The crowd that assembled at the dock the -next morning looked somewhat weather-beaten and worse for wear. Bedri -was there, superintending the whole proceeding, and when he came up to -me, he good-naturedly reproached me again for letting him have only one -“notable.” In the main, he behaved very decently, though he could not -refrain from telling the hostages that the British airplanes were -dropping bombs on Gallipoli! Of the twenty-five “Englishmen” assembled -there were only two who had been born in England, and of the twenty-five -“Frenchmen” only two who had been born in France. They carried satchels -containing food and other essentials, their assembled relatives had -additional bundles, and Mrs. Morgenthau sent several large cases of food -to the ship. The parting of these young men with their families was -affecting, but they all stood it bravely. - -I returned to the Embassy, somewhat wearied by the excitement of the -last few days and in no particularly gracious humour for the honour -which now awaited me. For I had been there only a few minutes when His -Excellency, the German Ambassador, was announced. Wangenheim discussed -commonplaces for a few minutes and then approached the real object of -his call. He asked me to telegraph to Washington that he had been -“helpful” in getting the number of the Gallipoli hostages reduced to -fifty! In view of the actual happenings this request was so preposterous -that I could scarcely maintain my composure. I had known that, in going -through the form of speaking to the Grand Vizier, Wangenheim had been -manufacturing his protest for future use, but I had not expected him to -fall back upon it so soon. - -“Well,” said Wangenheim, “at least telegraph your government that I -didn’t ‘_hetz_’ the Turks in this matter.” - -The German verb “_hetzen_” means about the same as the English “sic,” in -the sense of inciting a dog. I was in no mood to give Wangenheim a clean -bill of health, and told him so. In fact, I specifically reported to -Washington that he had refused to help me. A day or two afterward -Wangenheim called me on the telephone and began to talk in an excited -and angry tone. His government had wired him about my telegram to -Washington. I told him that if he desired credit for assistance in -matters of this kind, he should really exert himself and do something. - -The hostages had an uncomfortable time at Gallipoli; they were put into -two wooden houses with no beds and no food except that which they had -brought themselves. The days and nights were made wretched by the -abundant vermin that is a commonplace in Turkey. Had Mr. Philip not gone -with them, they would have suffered seriously. After the unfortunates -had been there for a few days I began work with Enver again to get them -back. Sir Edward Grey, then British Secretary for Foreign Affairs, had -requested our State Department to send me a message with the request -that I present it to Enver and his fellow ministers; its purport was -that the British Government would hold them personally responsible for -any injury to the hostages. I presented this message to Enver on May -9th. I had seen Enver in many moods, but the unbridled rage which Sir -Edward’s admonition now caused was something entirely new. As I read the -telegram his face became livid, and he absolutely lost control of -himself. The European polish which Enver had sedulously acquired dropped -like a mask; I now saw him for what he really was--a savage, -bloodthirsty Turk. - -“They will not come back!” he shouted. “I shall let them stay there -until they rot!” - -“I would like to see those English touch me!” he continued. - -I saw that the method which I had always used with Enver, that of -persuasion, was the only possible way of handling him. I tried to soothe -the Minister now, and, after a while, he quieted down. - -“But don’t ever threaten me again!” he said. - -After spending a week at Gallipoli, the party returned. The Turks had -moved their military headquarters from Gallipoli and the English fleet, -therefore, ceased to bombard it. All came back in good condition and -were welcomed home with great enthusiasm. - - - - -CHAPTER XX - -MORE ADVENTURES OF THE FOREIGN RESIDENTS - - -The Gallipoli deportation gives some idea of my difficulties in -attempting to fulfil my duty as the representative of Allied interests -in the Ottoman Empire. Yet, despite these occasional outbursts of -hatred, in the main the Turkish officials themselves behaved very well. -They had promised me at the beginning that they would treat their alien -enemies decently, and would permit them either to remain in Turkey, and -follow their accustomed occupations, or to leave the empire. They -apparently believed that the world would judge them, after the war was -over, not by the way they treated their own subject peoples but by the -way they treated the subjects of the enemy powers. The result was that a -Frenchman, an Englishman, or an Italian enjoyed far greater security in -Turkey than an Armenian, a Greek, or a Jew. Yet against this disposition -to be decent a persistent malevolent force was constantly manifesting -itself. In a letter to the State Department, I described the influence -that was working against foreigners in Turkey. “The German Ambassador,” -I wrote on May 14, 1915, “keeps pressing on the Turks the advisability -both of repressive measures and of detaining as hostages the subjects of -the belligerent powers. I have had to encounter the persistent -opposition of my German colleague in endeavouring to obtain permission -for the departure of the subjects of the nationalities under our -protection.” - -Now and then the Turkish officials would retaliate upon one of their -enemy aliens, usually in reprisal for some injury, or fancied injury, -inflicted on their own subjects in enemy countries. Such acts gave rise -to many exciting episodes, some tragical, some farcical, all -illuminating in the light they shed upon Turkish character and upon -Teutonic methods. - -One afternoon I was sitting with Talaat, discussing routine matters, -when his telephone rang. - -“_Pour vous_,” said the Minister, handing me the receiver. - -It was one of my secretaries. He told me that Bedri had arrested Sir -Edwin Pears, had thrown him into prison, and had seized all his papers. -Sir Edwin was one of the best-known British residents of Constantinople. -For forty years he had practised law in the Ottoman capital; he had also -written much for the press during that period, and had published several -books which had given him fame as an authority on Oriental history and -politics. He was about eighty years old and of venerable and -distinguished appearance. When the war started I had exacted a special -promise from Talaat and Bedri that, in no event, should Sir Edwin Pears -and Prof. Van Millingen of Robert College be disturbed. This telephone -message which I now received--curiously enough, in Talaat’s -presence--seemed to indicate that this promise had been broken. - -I now turned to Talaat and spoke in a manner that made no attempt to -conceal my displeasure. - -“Is this all your promises are worth?” I asked. “Can’t you find anything -better to do than to molest such a respectable old man as Sir Edwin -Pears? What has he ever done to you?” - -“Come, come, don’t get excited,” rejoined Talaat. “He’s only been in -prison for a few hours, and I will see that he is released.” - -He tried to get Bedri on the wire, but failed. By this time I knew Bedri -well enough to understand his methods of operation. When Bedri really -wished to be reached on the telephone, he was the most accessible man in -the world; when his presence at the other end of the wire might prove -embarrassing, the most painstaking search could not reveal his -whereabouts. As Bedri had given me his solemn promise that Sir Edwin -should not be disturbed, this was an occasion when the Prefect of Police -preferred to keep himself inaccessible. - -“I shall stay in this room until you get Bedri,” I now told Talaat. The -big Turk took the situation good-humouredly. We waited a considerable -period, but Bedri succeeded in avoiding an encounter. Finally I called -up one of my secretaries and told him to go out and hunt for the missing -prefect. - -“Tell Bedri,” I said, “that I have Talaat under arrest in his own office -and that I shall not let him leave it until he has been able to instruct -Bedri to release Sir Edwin Pears.” - -Talaat was greatly enjoying the comedy of the situation; he knew Bedri’s -ways even better than I did and he was much interested in seeing whether -I should succeed in finding him. But in a few moments the telephone -rang. It was Bedri. I told Talaat to tell him that I was going to the -prison in my own automobile to get Sir Edwin Pears. - -“Please don’t let him do that,” replied Bedri. “Such an occurrence would -make me personally ridiculous and destroy my influence.” - -“Very well,” I replied, “I shall wait until 6.15. If Sir Edwin is not -restored to his family by that time, I shall go to the Police -Headquarters and get him.” - -As I returned to the Embassy I stopped at the Pears residence and -attempted to soothe Lady Pears and her daughter. - -“If your father is not here at 6.15,” I told Miss Pears, “please let me -know immediately.” - -Promptly at that time my telephone rang. It was Miss Pears, who informed -me that Sir Edwin had just reached home. - -The next day Sir Edwin called at the Embassy to thank me for my efforts -in his behalf. He told me that the German Ambassador had also worked for -his release. This latter statement somewhat surprised me, as I knew no -one else had had a chance to make a move, since everything transpired -while I had been in Talaat’s office. Half an hour afterward I met -Wangenheim himself; he dropped in at Mrs. Morgenthau’s reception. I -referred to the Pears case and asked him whether he had used any -influence in obtaining his freedom. My question astonished him greatly. - -“What?” he said. “I helped you to secure that man’s release! _Der alte -Gauner!_ (The old rascal.) Why, I was the man who had him arrested!” - -“What have you got against him?” I asked. - -“In 1876,” Wangenheim replied, “that man was pro-Russian and against -Turkey!” - -Such are the long memories of the Germans! In 1876, Sir Edwin wrote -several articles for the London _Daily News_, describing the Bulgarian -massacres. At that time the reports of these fiendish atrocities were -generally disbelieved and Sir Edwin’s letters placed all the -incontrovertible facts before the English-speaking peoples, and had much -to do with the emancipation of Bulgaria from Turkish rule. This act of -humanity and journalistic statesmanship had brought Sir Edwin much fame -and now, after forty years, Germany proposed to punish him by casting -him into a Turkish prison! Again the Turks proved more considerate than -their German allies, for they not only gave Sir Edwin his liberty and -his papers, but permitted him to return to London. - -Bedri, however, was a little mortified at my successful intervention in -this instance and decided to even up the score. Next to Sir Edwin Pears, -the most prominent English-speaking barrister in Constantinople was Dr. -Mizzi, a Maltese, 70 years old. The ruling powers had a grudge against -him, for he was the proprietor of the _Levant Herald_, a paper which had -published articles criticizing the Union and Progress Committee. On the -very night of the Pears episode, Bedri went to Dr. Mizzi’s house at -eleven o’clock, routed the old gentleman out of bed, arrested him, and -placed him on a train for Angora, in Asia Minor. As a terrible epidemic -of typhus was raging in Angora, this was not a desirable place of -residence for a man of Dr. Mizzi’s years. The next morning, when I heard -of it for the first time, Dr. Mizzi was well on the way to his place of -exile. - -“This time I got ahead of you!” said Bedri, with a triumphant laugh. He -was as good-natured about it and as pleased as a boy. At last he had -“put one over” on the American Ambassador, who had been unguardedly -asleep in his bed when this old man had been railroaded to a fever camp -in Asia Minor. - -But Bedri’s success was not so complete, after all. At my request Talaat -had Dr. Mizzi sent to Konia, instead of to Angora. There one of the -American missionaries, Dr. Dodd, had a splendid hospital; I arranged -that Dr. Mizzi could have a nice room in this building, and here he -lived for several months, with congenial associates, good food, a -healthy atmosphere, all the books he wanted, and one thing without which -he would have been utterly miserable--a piano. So I still thought that -the honours between Bedri and myself were a little better than even. - -Early in January, 1916, word was received that the English were -maltreating Turkish war prisoners in Egypt. Soon afterward I received -letters from two Australians, Commander Stoker and Lieutenant -Fitzgerald, telling me that they had been confined for eleven days in a -miserable, damp dungeon at the War Office, with no companions except a -monstrous swarm of vermin. These two naval officers had come to -Constantinople on one of that famous fleet of American-built submarines -which had made the daring trip from England, dived under the mines in -the Dardanelles, and arrived in the Marmora, where for several weeks -they terrorized and dominated this inland sea, practically putting an -end to all shipping. The particular submarine on which my correspondents -arrived, the _E_ 15, had been caught in the Dardanelles, and its crew -and officers had been sent to the Turkish military prison at Afium Kara -Hissar in Asia Minor. When news of the alleged maltreatment of Turkish -prisoners in Egypt was received, lots were drawn among these prisoners -to see which two should be taken to Constantinople and imprisoned in -reprisal. Stoker and Fitzgerald drew the unlucky numbers, and had been -lying in this terrible underground cell for eleven days. I immediately -took the matter up with Enver and suggested that a neutral doctor and -officer examine the Turks in Egypt and report on the truth of the -stories. We promptly received word that the report was false, and that, -as a matter of fact, the Turkish prisoners in English hands were -receiving excellent treatment. - -About this time I called on Monsignor Dolci, the Apostolic Delegate to -Turkey. He happened to refer to a Lieutenant Fitzgerald, who, he said, -was then a prisoner of war at Afium Kara Hissar. - -“I am much interested in him,” said Monsignor Dolci, “because he is -engaged to the daughter of the British Minister to the Vatican. I spoke -to Enver about him and he promised that he would receive special -treatment.” - -“What is his first name?” I asked. - -“Jeffrey.” - -“He’s receiving ‘special treatment’ indeed,” I answered. “Do you know -that he is in a dungeon in Constantinople this very moment?” - -Naturally M. Dolci was much disturbed but I reassured him, saying that -his protégé would be released in a few days. - -“You see how shamefully you treated these young men,” I now said to -Enver, “you should do something to make amends.” - -“All right, what would you suggest?” - -Stoker and Fitzgerald were prisoners of war, and, according to the usual -rule, would have been sent back to the prison camp after being released -from their dungeon. I now proposed that Enver should give them a -vacation of eight days in Constantinople. He entered into the spirit of -the occasion and the men were released. They certainly presented a sorry -sight; they had spent twenty-five days in the dungeon, with no chance to -bathe or to shave, with no change of linen or any of the decencies of -life. But Mr. Philip took charge, furnished them the necessaries, and in -a brief period we had before us two young and handsome British naval -officers. Their eight days’ freedom turned out to be a triumphal -procession, notwithstanding that they were always accompanied by an -English-speaking Turkish officer. Monsignor Dolci and the American -Embassy entertained them at dinner and they had a pleasant visit at the -Girls’ College. When the time came to return to their prison camp, the -young men declared that they would be glad to spend another month in -dungeons if they could have a corresponding period of freedom in the -city when liberated. - -In spite of all that has happened I shall always have one kindly -recollection of Enver for his treatment of Fitzgerald. I told the -Minister of War about the Lieutenant’s engagement. - -“Don’t you think he’s been punished enough?” I asked. “Why don’t you let -the boy go home and marry his sweetheart?” - -The proposition immediately appealed to Enver’s sentimental side. - -“I’ll do it,” he replied, “if he will give me his word of honour not to -fight against Turkey any more.” - -Fitzgerald naturally gave this promise, and so his comparatively brief -stay in the dungeon had the result of freeing him from imprisonment and -restoring him to happiness. As poor Stoker had formed no romantic -attachments that would have justified a similar plea in his case, he had -to go back to the prison in Asia Minor. He did this, however, in a -genuinely sporting spirit that was worthy of the best traditions of the -British navy. - - - - -CHAPTER XXI - -BULGARIA ON THE AUCTION BLOCK - - -The failure of the Allied fleet at the Dardanelles did not definitely -settle the fate of Constantinople. Naturally the Turks and the Germans -felt immensely relieved when the fleet sailed away. But they were by no -means entirely easy in their minds. The most direct road to the ancient -capital still remained available to their enemies. - -In early September, 1915, one of the most influential Germans in the -city gave me a detailed explanation of the prevailing military -situation. He summed up the whole matter in the single phrase: - -“We cannot hold the Dardanelles without the military support of -Bulgaria.” - -This meant, of course, that unless Bulgaria aligned herself with Turkey -and the Central Empires, the Gallipoli expedition would succeed, -Constantinople would fall, the Turkish Empire would collapse, Russia -would be reëstablished as an economic and military power, and the war, -in a comparatively brief period, would terminate in a victory for the -Entente. Not improbably the real neutrality of Bulgaria would have had -the same result. It is thus perhaps not too much to say that, in -September and October of 1915, the Bulgarian Government held the -duration of the war in its hands. - -This fact is of such preëminent importance that I can hardly emphasize -it too strongly. I suggest that my readers take down the map of a part -of the world with which they are not very familiar--that of the Balkan -States, as determined by the Treaty of Bucharest. All that remains of -European Turkey is a small irregular area stretching about one hundred -miles west of Constantinople. The nation whose land is contiguous to -European Turkey is Bulgaria. The main railroad line to Western Europe -starts at Constantinople and runs through Bulgaria, by way of -Adrianople, Philippopolis, and Sofia. At that time Bulgaria could muster -an army of 500,000 well-trained, completely organized troops. Should -these once start marching toward Constantinople, there was practically -nothing to bar their way. Turkey had a considerable army, it is true, -but it was then finding plenty of employment repelling the Allied forces -at the Dardanelles and the Russians in the Caucasus. With Bulgaria -hostile, Turkey could obtain neither troops nor munitions from Germany. -Turkey would have been completely isolated, and, under the pounding of -Bulgaria, would have disappeared as a military force, and as a European -state, in one very brief campaign. - -I wish to direct particular attention to this railroad, for it was, -after all, the main strategic prize for which Germany was contending. -After leaving Sofia it crosses northeastern Serbia, the most important -stations being at Nish and Belgrade. From the latter point it crosses -the River Save and later the River Danube, and thence pursues its course -to Budapest and Vienna and thence to Berlin. Practically all the -military operations that took place in the Balkans in 1915-16 had for -their ultimate object the possession of this road. Once holding this -line Turkey and - -[Illustration] - -Germany would no longer be separated; economically and militarily they -would become a unit. The Dardanelles, as I have described, was the link -that connected Russia with her allies; with this passage closed Russia’s -collapse rapidly followed. The valleys of the Morava and the Maritza, in -which this railroad is laid, constituted for Turkey a kind of waterless -Dardanelles. In her possession it gave her access to her allies; in the -possession of her enemies, the Ottoman Empire would go to pieces. Only -the accession of Bulgaria to the Teutonic cause could give the Turks and -Germans this advantage. As soon as Bulgaria entered, that section of the -railroad extending to the Serbian frontier would at once become -available. If Bulgaria joined the Central Powers as an active -participant, the conquest of Serbia would - -[Illustration: TCHEMENLIK AND FORT ANADOLU HAMIDIÉ - - The latter, the works in the background, was the chief - fortification on the Asiatic side. It inflicted the most damage on - the Allied fleet and was the chief object of the fleet’s attack. It - was almost entirely manned by German officers and men. -] - -[Illustration: FORT DARDANOS - - These guns date from 1905. It was not until Bulgaria entered the - war and Serbia was overwhelmed that the Germans reinforced the - Dardanelles. Now this strait is as completely fortified as - Heligoland. Probably all the fleets of the world could not force - the passage to-day. -] - -inevitably follow, and this would give the link extending from Nish to -Belgrade to the Teutonic powers. Thus the Bulgarian alliance would make -Constantinople a suburb of Berlin, place all the resources of the Krupps -at the disposal of the Turkish army, make inevitable the failure of the -Allied attack on Gallipoli, and lay the foundation of that Oriental -Empire which had been for thirty years the mainspring of German policy. - -It is thus apparent what my German friend meant when, in early -September, he said that, “without Bulgaria we cannot hold the -Dardanelles.” Everybody sees this so clearly now that there is a -prevalent belief that Germany had arranged this Bulgarian alliance -before the outbreak of the war. On this point I have no definite -knowledge. That the Bulgarian king and the Kaiser may have arranged this -coöperation in advance is not unlikely. But we must not make the mistake -of believing that this settled the matter, for the experience of the -last few years shows us that treaties are not to be taken too seriously. -Whether there was an understanding or not, I know that the Turkish -officials and the Germans by no means regarded it as settled that -Bulgaria would take their side. In their talks with me they constantly -showed the utmost apprehension over the outcome; and at one time the -fear was general that Bulgaria would take the side of the Entente. - -I had my first personal contact with the Bulgarian negotiations in the -latter part of May, when I was informed that M. Koloucheff, the -Bulgarian Minister, had notified Robert College that the Bulgarian -students could not remain until the end of the college year, but would -have to return home by June 5th. The Constantinople College for Women -had also received word that all the Bulgarian girls must return at the -same time. Both these American institutions had many Bulgarian students, -in most cases splendid representatives of their country; it is through -these colleges, indeed, that the distant United States and Bulgaria had -established such friendly relations. But they had never had such an -experience before. - -Everybody was discussing the meaning of this move. It seemed quite -apparent. The chief topic of conversation at that time was Bulgaria. -Would she enter the war? If so, on which side would she cast her -fortunes? One day it was reported that she would join the Entente; the -next day that she had decided to ally herself with the Central Powers. -The prevailing belief was that she was actively bargaining with both -sides and looking for the highest terms. Should Bulgaria go with the -Entente, however, it would be undesirable to have any Bulgarian subjects -marooned in Turkey. As the boys and girls in the American colleges -usually came from important Bulgarian families--one of them was the -daughter of General Ivanoff, who led the Bulgarian armies in the Balkan -wars--the Bulgarian Government might naturally have a particular -interest in their safety. - -The conclusion reached by most people was that Bulgaria had decided to -take the side of the Entente. The news rapidly spread throughout -Constantinople. The Turks were particularly impressed. Dr. Patrick, -President of Constantinople College for Women, arranged a hurried -commencement for her Bulgarian students, which I attended. It was a sad -occasion, more like a funeral than the festivity that usually took -place. I found the Bulgarian girls almost in a hysterical state; they -all believed that war was coming immediately, and that they were being -bundled home merely to prevent them from falling into the clutches of -the Turks. My sympathies were so aroused that we brought them down to -the American Embassy, where we all spent a delightful evening. After -dinner the girls dried their eyes and entertained us by singing many of -their beautiful Bulgarian songs, and what had started as a mournful day -thus had a happy ending. Next morning the girls all left for Bulgaria. - -A few weeks afterward the Bulgarian Minister told me that the Government -had summoned the students home merely for political effect. There was no -immediate likelihood of war, he said. But Bulgaria wished Germany and -Turkey to understand that there was still a chance that she might join -the Entente. Bulgaria, as all of us suspected, was apparently on the -auction block. The one fixed fact in the Bulgarian position was the -determination to have Macedonia. Everything, said Koloucheff, depended -upon that. His conversations reflected the general Bulgarian view that -Bulgaria had fairly won this territory in the first Balkan war, that the -Powers had unjustly permitted her to be deprived of it, that it was -Bulgarian by race, language, and tradition, and that there could be no -permanent peace in the Balkans until it was returned to its rightful -possessors. But Bulgaria insisted on more than a promise, to be redeemed -after the war was over; she demanded immediate occupation. Once -Macedonia were turned over to Bulgaria, she would join her forces to -those of the Entente. There were two great prizes in the game then -being played in the Balkans: one was Macedonia, which Bulgaria must -have; and the other Constantinople, which Russia was determined to get. -Bulgaria was entirely willing that Russia should have Constantinople if -she herself could obtain Macedonia. - -I was given to understand that the Bulgarian General Staff had plans all -completed for the capture of Constantinople, and that they had shown -these plans to the Entente. Their programme called for a Bulgarian army -of about 300,000 men who would besiege Constantinople twenty-three days -from the time the signal to start should be given. But promises of -Macedonia would not suffice; the Bulgarian must have possession. - -Bulgaria recognized the difficulties of the Allied position. She did not -believe that Serbia and Greece would voluntarily surrender Macedonia, -nor did she believe that the Allies would dare to take this country away -from them by force. In that event, she thought that there was a danger -that Serbia might make a separate peace with the Central Powers. On the -other hand, Bulgaria would object if Serbia received Bosnia and -Herzegovina as compensation for the loss of Macedonia--she felt that an -enlarged Serbia would be a constant menace to her, and hence a future -menace to peace in the Balkans. Thus the situation was extremely -difficult and complicated. - -One of the best-informed men in Turkey was Paul Weitz, the correspondent -of the _Frankfurter Zeitung_. Weitz was more than a journalist; he had -spent thirty years in Constantinople; he had the most intimate personal -knowledge of Turkish affairs, and he was the confidant and adviser of -the German Embassy. His duties there were actually semi-diplomatic. -Weitz had really been one of the most successful agencies in the German -penetration of Turkey; it was common talk that he knew every important -man in the Turkish Empire, the best way to approach him, and his price. -I had several talks with Weitz about Bulgaria during those critical -August and early September days. He said many times that it was not at -all certain that she would join her forces with Germany. Yet on -September 7th Weitz came to me with important news. The situation had -changed over night. Baron Neurath, the Conseiller of the German Embassy -at Constantinople, had gone to Sofia, and, as a result of his visit, an -agreement had been signed that would make Bulgaria Germany’s ally. - -Germany, said Weitz, had won over Bulgaria by doing something which the -Entente had not been able and willing to do. It had secured her the -possession at once of a piece of coveted territory. Serbia had refused -to give Bulgaria immediate possession of Macedonia; Turkey, on the other -hand, had now surrendered a piece of the Ottoman Empire. The amount of -land in question, it is true, was apparently insignificant, yet it had -great strategic advantages and represented a genuine sacrifice by -Turkey. The Maritza River, a few miles north of Enos, bends to the east, -to the north, and then to the west again, creating a block of territory, -with an area of nearly 1,000 square miles, including the important -cities of Demotica, Kara Agatch, and half of Adrianople. What makes this -land particularly important is that it contains about fifty miles of the -railroad which runs from Dedeagatch to Sofia. All this railroad, that -is, except - -[Illustration] - -this fifty miles, is laid in Bulgarian territory; this short strip, -extending through Turkey, cuts Bulgaria’s communications with the -Mediterranean. Naturally Bulgaria yearned for this piece of land; and -Turkey now handed it over to her. This cession changed the whole Balkan -situation and it made Bulgaria an ally of Turkey and the Central Powers. -Besides the railroad, Bulgaria obtained that part of Adrianople which -lay west of the Maritza River. In addition, of course, Bulgaria was to -receive Macedonia, as soon as that province could be occupied by -Bulgaria and her allies. - -I vividly remember the exultation of Weitz when this agreement was -signed. - -“It’s all settled,” he told me. “Bulgaria has decided to join us. It was -all arranged last night at Sofia.” - -The Turks also were greatly relieved. For the first time they saw the -way out of their troubles. The Bulgarian arrangement, Enver told me, had -taken a tremendous weight off their minds. - -“We Turks are entitled to the credit,” he said, “of bringing Bulgaria in -on the side of the Central Powers. She would never have come to our -assistance if we hadn’t given her that slice of land. By surrendering it -immediately and not waiting till the end of the war, we showed our good -faith. It was very hard for us to do it, of course, especially to give -up part of the city of Adrianople, but it was worth the price. We really -surrendered this territory in exchange for Constantinople, for if -Bulgaria had not come in on our side, we would have lost this city. Just -think how enormously we have improved our position. We have had to keep -more than 200,000 men at the Bulgarian frontier, to protect us against -any possible attack from that quarter. We can now transfer all these -troops to the Gallipoli peninsula, and thus make it absolutely -impossible that the Allies’ expedition can succeed. We are also greatly -hampered at the Dardanelles by the lack of ammunition. But Bulgaria, -Austria, and Germany are to make a joint attack on Serbia and will -completely control that country in a few weeks. So we shall have a -direct railroad line from Constantinople into Austria and Germany and -can get all the war supplies which we need. With Bulgaria on our side no -attack can be made on Constantinople from the north--we have created an -impregnable bulwark against Russia. I do not deny that the situation had -caused us great anxiety. We were afraid that Greece and Bulgaria would -join hands, and that would also bring in Rumania. Then Turkey would have -been lost; they would have had us between a pair of pincers. But now we -have only one task before us, that is to drive the English and French at -the Dardanelles into the sea. With all the soldiers and all the -ammunition which we need, we shall do this in a very short time. We gave -up a small area because we saw that that was the way to win the war.” - -The outcome justified Enver’s prophecies in almost every detail. Three -months after Bulgaria accepted the Adrianople bribe, the Entente -admitted defeat and withdrew its forces from the Dardanelles; and, with -this withdrawal, Russia, which was the greatest potential source of -strength to the Allied cause and the country which, properly organized -and supplied, might have brought the Allies a speedy triumph, -disappeared as a vital factor in the war. When the British and French -withdrew from Gallipoli that action turned adrift this huge hulk of a -country to flounder to anarchy, dissolution, and ruin. - -The Germans celebrated this great triumph in a way that was -characteristically Teutonic. In their - -[Illustration: THE AMERICAN WARD OF THE TURKISH HOSPITAL] - -[Illustration: STUDENTS OF THE CONSTANTINOPLE COLLEGE (An American -institution) - -On the terrace of the American Embassy. The young man to the left of Mr. -Morgenthau is M. Koloucheff, Bulgarian Minister to Turkey.] - -minds, January 17, 1916, stands out as one of the big dates in the war. -There was great rejoicing in Constantinople, for the first Balkan -express--or, as the Germans called it, the _Balkanzug_--was due to -arrive that afternoon! The railroad station was decorated with flags and -flowers, and the whole German and Austrian population of Constantinople, -including the Embassy staffs, assembled to welcome the incoming train. -As it finally rolled into the station, thousands of “hochs” went up from -as many raucous throats. - -Since that January 17, 1916, the Balkanzug has run regularly from Berlin -to Constantinople. The Germans believe that it is as permanent a feature -of the new Germanic Empire as the line from Berlin to Hamburg. - - - - -CHAPTER XXII - -THE TURK REVERTS TO THE ANCESTRAL TYPE - - -The withdrawal of the Allied fleet from the Dardanelles had consequences -which the world does not yet completely understand. The practical effect -of the event, as I have said, was to isolate the Turkish Empire from all -the world excepting Germany and Austria. England, France, Russia, and -Italy, which for a century had held a restraining hand over the Ottoman -Empire, had finally lost all power to influence or control. The Turks -now perceived that a series of dazzling events had changed them from -cringing dependents of the European Powers into free agents. For the -first time in two centuries they could now live their national life -according to their own inclinations, and govern their peoples according -to their own will. The first expression of this rejuvenated national -life was an episode which, so far as I know, is the most terrible in the -history of the world. New Turkey, freed from European tutelage, -celebrated its national rebirth by murdering not far from a million of -its own subjects. - -I can hardly exaggerate the effect which the repulse of the Allied fleet -produced upon the Turks. They believed that they had won the really -great decisive battle of the war. For several centuries, they said, the -British fleet had victoriously sailed the seas and had now met its first -serious reverse at the hands of the Turks. In the first moments of -their pride, the Young Turk leaders saw visions of the complete -resurrection of their empire. What had for two centuries been a decaying -nation had suddenly started on a new and glorious life. In their pride -and arrogance the Turks began to look with disdain upon the people that -had taught them what they knew of modern warfare, and nothing angered -them so much as any suggestion that they owed any part of their success -to their German allies. - -“Why should we feel any obligation to the Germans?” Enver would say to -me. “What have they done for us which compares with what we have done -for them? They have lent us some money and sent us a few officers, it is -true, but see what we have done! We have defeated the British -fleet--something which neither the Germans nor any other nation could -do. We have stationed armies on the Caucasian front, and so have kept -busy large bodies of Russian troops that would have been used on the -western front. Similarly we have compelled England to keep large armies -in Egypt, in Mesopotamia, and in that way we have weakened the Allied -armies in France. No, the Germans could never have achieved their -military successes without us; the shoe of obligation is entirely on -their foot.” - -This conviction possessed the leaders of the Union and Progress Party -and now began to have a determining effect upon Turkish national life -and Turkish policy. Essentially the Turk is a bully and a coward; he is -brave as a lion when things are going his way, but cringing, abject, and -nerveless when reverses are overwhelming him. And now that the fortunes -of war were apparently favouring the empire, I began to see an entirely -new Turk unfolding before my eyes. The hesitating and fearful Ottoman, -feeling his way cautiously amid the mazes of European diplomacy, and -seeking opportunities to find an advantage for himself in the divided -counsels of the European powers, gave place to an upstanding, almost -dashing figure, proud and assertive, determined to live his own life and -absolutely contemptuous of his Christian foes. I was really witnessing a -remarkable development in race psychology--an almost classical instance -of reversion to type. The ragged, unkempt Turk of the twentieth century -was vanishing and in his place was appearing the Turk of the fourteenth -and the fifteenth, the Turk who had swept out of his Asiatic fastnesses, -conquered all the powerful peoples in his way, and founded in Asia, -Africa, and Europe one of the most extensive empires that history has -known. If we are properly to appreciate this new Talaat and Enver and -the events which now took place, we must understand the Turk who, under -Osman and his successors, exercised this mighty but devastating -influence in the world. We must realize that the basic fact underlying -the Turkish mentality is its utter contempt for all other races. A -fairly insane pride is the element that largely explains this strange -human species. The common term applied by the Turk to the Christian is -“dog,” and in his estimation this is no mere rhetorical figure; he -actually looks upon his European neighbours as far less worthy of -consideration than his own domestic animals. “My son,” an old Turk once -said, “do you see that herd of swine? Some are white, some are black, -some are large, some are small--they differ from each other in some -respects, but they are all swine. So it is with Christians. Be not -deceived, my son. These Christians may wear fine clothes, their women -may be very beautiful to look upon; their skins are white and splendid; -many of them are very intelligent and they build wonderful cities and -create what seem to be great states. But remember that underneath all -this dazzling exterior they are all the same--they are all swine.” - -Practically all foreigners, while in the presence of a Turk, are -conscious of this attitude. The Turk may be obsequiously polite, but -there is invariably an almost unconscious feeling that he is mentally -shrinking from his Christian friend as something unclean. And this -fundamental conviction for centuries directed the Ottoman policy toward -its subject peoples. This wild horde swept from the plains of Central -Asia and, like a whirlwind, overwhelmed the nations of Mesopotamia and -Asia Minor; it conquered Egypt, Arabia, and practically all of northern -Africa and then poured into Europe, crushed the Balkan nations, occupied -a large part of Hungary, and even established the outposts of the -Ottoman Empire in the southern part of Russia. So far as I can discover, -the Ottoman Turks had only one great quality, that of military genius. -They had several military leaders of commanding ability, and the early -conquering Turks were brave, fanatical, and tenacious fighters, just as -their descendants are to-day. I think that these old Turks present the -most complete illustration in history of the brigand idea in politics. -They were lacking in what we may call the fundamentals of a civilized -community. They had no alphabet and no art of writing; no books, no -poets, no art, and no architecture; they built no cities and they -established no lasting state. They knew no law except the rule of might, -and they had practically no agriculture and no industrial organization. -They were simply wild and marauding horsemen, whose one conception of -tribal success was to pounce upon people who were more civilized than -themselves and plunder them. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries -these tribes overran the cradles of modern civilization, which have -given Europe its religion and, to a large extent, its civilization. At -that time these territories were the seats of many peaceful and -prosperous nations. The Mesopotamian valley supported a large -industrious agricultural population; Bagdad was one of the largest and -most flourishing cities in existence; Constantinople had a greater -population than Rome, and the Balkan region and Asia Minor contained -several powerful states. Over all this part of the world the Turk now -swept as a huge, destructive force. Mesopotamia in a few years became a -desert; the great cities of the Near East were reduced to misery, and -the subject peoples became slaves. Such graces of civilization as the -Turk has acquired in five centuries have practically all been taken from -the subject peoples whom he so greatly despises. His religion comes from -the Arabs; his language has acquired a certain literary value by -borrowing certain Arabic and Persian elements; and his writing is -Arabic. Constantinople’s finest architectural monument, the Mosque of -St. Sophia, was originally a Christian church, and all so-called Turkish -architecture is derived from the Byzantine. The mechanism of business -and industry has always rested in the hands of the subject peoples, -Greeks, Jews, Armenians, and Arabs. The Turks have learned little of -European art or science, they have established very few educational -institutions, and illiteracy is the prevailing rule. The result is that -poverty has attained a degree of sordidness and misery in the Ottoman -Empire which is almost unparalleled elsewhere. The Turkish peasant lives -in a mud hut; he sleeps on a dirt floor; he has no chairs, no tables, no -eating utensils, no clothes except the few scant garments which cover -his back and which he usually wears for many years. - -In the course of time these Turks might learn certain things from their -European and Arab neighbours, but there was one idea which they could -never even faintly grasp. They could not understand that a conquered -people were anything except slaves. When they took possession of a land, -they found it occupied by a certain number of camels, horses, buffaloes, -dogs, swine, and human beings. Of all these living things the object -that physically most resembled themselves they regarded as the least -important. It became a common saying with them that a horse or a camel -was far more valuable than a man; these animals cost money, whereas -“infidel Christians” were plentiful in the Ottoman countries and could -easily be forced to labour. It is true that the early Sultans gave the -subject peoples and the Europeans in the empire certain rights, but -these in themselves really reflected the contempt in which all -non-Moslems were held. I have already described the “Capitulations,” -under which foreigners in Turkey had their own courts, prisons, -post-offices, and other institutions. Yet the early sultans gave these -privileges not from a spirit of tolerance, but merely because they -looked upon the Christian nations as unclean and therefore unfit to -have any contact with the Ottoman administrative and judicial system. -The sultans similarly erected the several peoples, such as the Greeks -and the Armenians, into separate “millets,” or nations, not because they -desired to promote their independence and welfare, but because they -regarded them as vermin, and therefore disqualified for membership in -the Ottoman state. The attitude of the Government toward their Christian -subjects was illustrated by certain regulations which limited their -freedom of action. The buildings in which Christians lived should not be -conspicuous and their churches should have no belfry. Christians could -not ride a horse in the city, for that was the exclusive right of the -noble Moslem. The Turk had the right to test the sharpness of his sword -upon the neck of any Christian. - -Imagine a great government year in and year out maintaining this -attitude toward many millions of its own subjects! And for centuries the -Turks simply lived like parasites upon these overburdened and -industrious people. They taxed them to economic extinction, stole their -most beautiful daughters and forced them into their harems, took -Christian male infants by the hundreds of thousands and brought them up -as Moslem soldiers. I have no intention of describing the terrible -vassalage and oppression that went on for five centuries; my purpose is -merely to emphasize this innate attitude of the Moslem Turk to people -not of his own race and religion--that they are not human beings with -rights, but merely chattels, which may be permitted to live when they -promote the interest of their masters, but which may be pitilessly -destroyed when they have ceased to be useful. This attitude is -intensified by a total disregard for human life and an intense delight -in inflicting physical human suffering which are not unusually the -qualities of primitive peoples. - -Such were the mental characteristics of the Turk in his days of military -greatness. In recent times his attitude toward foreigners and his -subject peoples had superficially changed. His own military decline and -the ease with which the infidel nations defeated his finest armies had -apparently given the haughty descendants of Osman a respect at least for -their prowess. The rapid disappearance of his own empire in a hundred -years, the creation out of the Ottoman Empire of new states like Greece, -Serbia, Bulgaria, and Rumania, and the wonderful improvement which had -followed the destruction of the Turkish yoke in these benighted lands, -may have increased the Ottoman hatred for the unbeliever, but at least -they had a certain influence in opening his eyes to his importance. Many -Turks also now received their education in European universities; they -studied in their professional schools, and they became physicians, -surgeons, lawyers, engineers, and chemists of the modern kind. However -much the more progressive Moslems might despise their Christian -associates, they could not ignore the fact that the finest things, in -this temporal world at least, were the products of European and American -civilization. And now that one development of modern history which -seemed to be least understandable to the Turk began to force itself upon -the consciousness of the more intelligent and progressive. Certain -leaders arose who began to speak surreptitiously of such things as -“Constitutionalism,” “Liberty,” “Self-government,” and to whom the -Declaration of Independence contained certain truths that might have a -value even for Islam. These daring spirits began to dream of overturning -the autocratic Sultan and of substituting a parliamentary system for his -irresponsible rule. I have already described the rise and fall of this -Young Turk movement under such leaders as Talaat, Enver, Djemal, and -their associates in the Committee of Union and Progress. The point which -I am emphasizing here is that this movement presupposed a complete -transformation of Turkish mentality, especially in its attitude toward -subject peoples. No longer, under the reformed Turkish state, were -Greeks, Syrians, Armenians, and Jews to be regarded as “filthy giaours.” -All these peoples were henceforth to have equal rights and equal duties. -A general love feast now followed the establishment of the new régime, -and scenes of almost frenzied reconciliation, in which Turks and -Armenians embraced each other publicly, apparently signalized the -absolute union of the long antagonistic peoples. The Turkish leaders, -including Talaat and Enver, visited Christian churches and sent forth -prayers of thanksgiving for the new order, and went to Armenian -cemeteries to shed tears of retribution over the bones of the martyred -Armenians who lay there. Armenian priests reciprocally paid their -tributes to the Turks in Mohammedan mosques. Enver Pasha visited several -Armenian schools, telling the children that the old days of -Moslem-Christian strife had passed forever and that the two peoples were -now to live together as brothers and sisters. There were cynics who -smiled at all these demonstrations and yet one development encouraged -even them to believe that an earthly paradise had arrived. All through -the period of domination only the master Moslem had been permitted to -bear arms and serve in the Ottoman army. To be a soldier was an -occupation altogether too manly and glorious for the despised Christian. -But now the Young Turks encouraged all Christians to arm, and enrolled -them in the army on an equality with Moslems. These Christians fought, -both as officers and soldiers, in the Italian and the Balkan wars, -winning high praise from the Turkish generals for their valour and -skill. Armenian leaders had figured conspicuously in the Young Turk -movement; these men apparently believed that a constitutional Turkey was -possible. They were conscious of their own intellectual and industrial -superiority to the Turks, and knew that they could prosper in the -Ottoman Empire if left alone, whereas, under European control, they -would have greater difficulty in meeting the competition of the more -rigorous European colonists who might come in. With the deposition of -the Red Sultan, Abdul Hamid, and the establishment of a constitutional -system, the Armenians now for the first time in several centuries felt -themselves to be free men. - -But, as I have already described, all these aspirations vanished like a -dream. Long before the European War began, the Turkish democracy had -disappeared. The power of the new Sultan had gone, and the hopes of -regenerating Turkey on modern lines had gone also, leaving only a group -of individuals, headed by Talaat and Enver, actually in possession of -the state. Having lost their democratic aspirations these men now -supplanted them with a new national conception. In place of a democratic -constitutional state they resurrected the idea of Pan-Turkism; in place -of equal treatment of all Ottomans, they decided to establish a country -exclusively for Turks. I have called this a new conception; yet it was -new only to the individuals who then controlled the destiny of the -empire, for, in reality, it was simply an attempt to revive the most -barbaric ideas of their ancestors. It represented, as I have said, -merely an atavistic reversion to the original Turk. We now saw that the -Turkish leaders, in talking about liberty, equality, fraternity, and -constitutionalism, were merely children repeating phrases; that they had -used the word “democracy” merely as a ladder by which to climb to power. -After five hundred years’ close contact with European civilization, the -Turk remained precisely the same individual as the one who had emerged -from the steppes of Asia in the Middle Ages. He was clinging just as -tenaciously as his ancestors to that conception of a state as consisting -of a few master individuals whose right it is to enslave and plunder and -maltreat any peoples whom they can subject to their military control. -Though Talaat and Enver and Djemal all came of the humblest families, -the same fundamental ideas of master and slave possessed them that -formed the statecraft of Osman and the early Sultans. We now discovered -that a paper constitution and even tearful visits to Christian churches -and cemeteries could not uproot the inborn preconception of this nomadic -tribe that there are only two kinds of people in the world--the -conquering and the conquered. - -When the Turkish Government abrogated the Capitulations, and in this way -freed themselves from the domination of the foreign powers, they were -merely taking one step toward realizing this Pan-Turkish ideal. I have -alluded to the difficulties which I had with them over the Christian -schools. Their determination to uproot these, or at least to transform -them into Turkish institutions, was merely another detail in the same -racial progress. Similarly, they attempted to make all foreign business -houses employ only Turkish labour, insisting that they should discharge -their Greek, Armenian, and Jewish clerks, stenographers, workmen, and -other employees. They ordered all foreign houses to keep their books in -Turkish; they wanted to furnish employment for Turks, and enable them to -acquire modern business methods. The Ottoman Government even refused to -have any dealings with the representative of the largest Austrian -munition maker unless he admitted a Turk as a partner. They developed a -mania for suppressing all languages except Turkish. For decades French -had been the accepted language of foreigners in Constantinople; most -street signs were printed in both French and Turkish. One morning the -astonished foreign residents discovered that all these French signs had -been removed and that the names of streets, the directions on street -cars, and other public notices, appeared only in those strange Turkish -characters, which very few of them understood. Great confusion resulted -from this change, but the ruling powers refused to restore the detested -foreign language. - -These leaders not only reverted to the barbaric conceptions of their -ancestors, but they went to extremes that had never entered the minds of -the early sultans. Their fifteenth and sixteenth century predecessors -treated the subject peoples as dirt under their feet, yet they believed -that they had a certain usefulness and did not disdain to make them -their slaves. But this Committee of Union and Progress, led by Talaat -and Enver, now decided to do away with them altogether. The old -conquering Turks had made the Christians their servants, but their -parvenu descendants bettered their instruction, for they determined to -exterminate them wholesale and Turkify the empire by massacring the -non-Moslem elements. Originally this was not the statesmanlike -conception of Talaat and Enver; the man who first devised it was one of -the greatest monsters known to history, the “Red Sultan,” Abdul Hamid. -This man came to the throne in 1876, at a critical period in Turkish -history. In the first two years of his reign, he lost Bulgaria as well -as important provinces in the Caucasus, his last remaining vestiges of -sovereignty in Montenegro, Serbia, and Rumania, and all his real powers -in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Greece had long since become an independent -nation, and the processes that were to wrench Egypt from the Ottoman -Empire had already begun. As the Sultan took stock of his inheritance, -he could easily foresee the day when all the rest of his domain would -pass into the hand of the infidel. What had caused this disintegration -of this extensive Turkish Empire? The real cause, of course, lay deep in -the character of the Turk, but Abdul Hamid saw only the more obvious -fact that the intervention of the great European Powers had brought -relief to these imprisoned nations. Of all the new kingdoms which had -been carved out of the Sultan’s dominions, Serbia--let us remember this -fact to her everlasting honour--is the only one that has won her own -independence. Russia, France, and Great Britain have set free all the -rest. And what had happened several times before might happen again. -There still remained one compact race in the Ottoman Empire that had -national aspirations and national potentialities. In the northeastern -part of Asia Minor, bordering on Russia, there were six provinces in -which the Armenians formed the largest element in the population. From -the time of Herodotus this portion of Asia has borne the name of -Armenia. The Armenians of the present day are the direct descendants of -the people who inhabited the country three thousand years ago. Their -origin is so ancient that it is lost in fable and mystery. There are -still undeciphered cuneiform inscriptions on the rocky hills of Van, the -largest Armenian city, that have led certain scholars--though not many, -I must admit--to identify the Armenian race with the Hittites of the -Bible. What is definitely known about the Armenians, however, is that -for ages they have constituted the most civilized and most industrious -race in the eastern section of the Ottoman Empire. From their mountains -they have spread over the Sultan’s dominions, and form a considerable -element in the population of all the large cities. Everywhere they are -known for their industry, their intelligence, and their decent and -orderly lives. They are so superior to the Turks intellectually and -morally that much of the business and industry had passed into their -hands. With the Greeks, the Armenians constitute the economic strength -of the empire. These people became Christians in the fourth century and -established the Armenian Church as their state religion. This is said to -be the oldest Christian Church in existence. - -In face of persecutions which have had no parallel elsewhere these -people have clung to their early Christian faith with the utmost -tenacity. For fifteen hundred years they have lived there in Armenia, a -little island of Christians surrounded by backward peoples of hostile -religion and hostile race. Their long existence has been one unending -martyrdom. The territory which they inhabit forms the connecting link -between Europe and Asia, and all the Asiatic invasions--Saracens, -Tartars, Mongols, Kurds, and Turks--have passed over their peaceful -country. For centuries they have thus been the Belgium of the East. -Through all this period the Armenians have regarded themselves not as -Asiatics, but as Europeans. They speak an Indo-European language, their -racial origin is believed by scholars to be Aryan, and the fact that -their religion is the religion of Europe has always made them turn their -eyes westward. And out of that western country, they have always hoped, -would some day come the deliverance that would rescue them from their -murderous masters. And now, as Abdul Hamid, in 1876, surveyed his -shattered domain, he saw that its most dangerous spot was Armenia. He -believed, rightly or wrongly, that these Armenians, like the Rumanians, -the Bulgarians, the Greeks, and the Serbians, aspired to restore their -independent medieval nation, and he knew that Europe and America -sympathized with this ambition. The Treaty of Berlin, which had -definitely ended the Turco-Russian War, contained an article which gave -the European Powers a protecting hand over the Armenians. How could the -Sultan free himself permanently from this danger? An enlightened -administration, which would have transformed the Armenians into free men -and made them safe in their lives and property and civil and religious -rights, would probably have made them peaceful and loyal subjects. But -the Sultan could not rise to such a conception of statesmanship as this. -Instead, Abdul Hamid apparently thought that there was only one way of -ridding Turkey of the Armenian problem--and that was to rid her of the -Armenians. The physical destruction of 2,000,000 men, women, and -children by massacres, organized and directed by the state, seemed to be -the one sure way of forestalling the further disruption of the Turkish -Empire. - -And now for nearly thirty years Turkey gave the world an illustration of -government by massacre. We in Europe and America heard of these events -when they reached especially monstrous proportions, as they did in -1895-96, when nearly 200,000 Armenians were most atrociously done to -death. But through all these years the existence of the Armenians was -one continuous nightmare. Their property was stolen, their men were -murdered, their women were ravished, their young girls were kidnapped -and forced to live in Turkish harems. Yet Abdul Hamid was not able to -accomplish his full purpose. Had he had his will, he would have -massacred the whole nation in one hideous orgy. He attempted to -exterminate the Armenians in 1895 and 1896, but found certain -insuperable obstructions to his scheme. Chief of these were England, -France, and Russia. These atrocities called Gladstone, then eighty-six -years old, from his retirement, and his speeches, in which he denounced -the Sultan as “the great assassin,” aroused the whole world to the -enormities that were taking place. It became apparent that unless the -Sultan desisted, England, France, and Russia would intervene, and the -Sultan well knew, that, in case this intervention took place, such -remnants of Turkey as had survived earlier partitions would disappear. -Thus Abdul Hamid had to abandon his satanic enterprise of destroying a -whole race by murder, yet Armenia continued to suffer the slow agony of -pitiless persecution. Up to the outbreak of the European War not a day -had passed in the Armenian vilayets without its outrages and its -murders. The Young Turk régime, despite its promises of universal -brotherhood, brought no respite to the Armenians. A few months after the -love feastings already described, one of the worst massacres took place -at Adana, in which 35,000 people were destroyed. - -And now the Young Turks, who had adopted so many of Abdul Hamid’s ideas, -also made his Armenian policy their own. Their passion for Turkifying -the nation seemed to demand logically the extermination of all -Christians--Greeks, Syrians, and Armenians. Much as they admired the -Mohammedan conquerors of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, they -stupidly believed that these great warriors had made one fatal mistake, -for they had had it in their power completely to obliterate the -Christian populations and had neglected to do so. This policy in their -opinion was a fatal error of statesmanship and explained all the woes -from which Turkey has suffered in modern times. Had these old Moslem -chieftains, when they conquered Bulgaria, put all the Bulgarians to the -sword, and peopled the Bulgarian country with Moslem Turks, there would -never have been any modern Bulgarian problem and Turkey would never have -lost this part of her empire. Similarly, had they destroyed all the -Rumanians, Serbians, and Greeks, the provinces which are now occupied -by these races would still have remained integral parts of the Sultan’s -domain. They felt that the mistake had been a terrible one, but that -something might be saved from the ruin. They would destroy all Greeks, -Syrians, Armenians, and other Christians, move Moslem families into -their homes and into their farms, and so make sure that these -territories would not similarly be taken away from Turkey. In order to -accomplish this great reform, it would not be necessary to murder every -living Christian. The most beautiful and healthy Armenian girls could be -taken, converted forcibly to Mohammedanism, and made the wives or -concubines of devout followers of the Prophet. Their children would then -automatically become Moslems and so strengthen the empire, as the -Janissaries had strengthened it formerly. These Armenian girls represent -a high type of womanhood and the Young Turks, in their crude, intuitive -way, recognized that the mingling of their blood with the Turkish -population would exert a eugenic influence upon the whole. Armenian boys -of tender years could be taken into Turkish families and be brought up -in ignorance of the fact that they were anything but Moslems. These were -about the only elements, however, that could make any valuable -contributions to the new Turkey which was now being planned. Since all -precautions must be taken against the development of a new generation of -Armenians, it would be necessary to kill outright all men who were in -their prime and thus capable of propagating the accursed species. Old -men and women formed no great danger to the future of Turkey, for they -had already fulfilled their natural function of leaving descendants; -still they were nuisances and therefore should be disposed of. - -Unlike Abdul Hamid, the Young Turks found themselves in a position where -they could carry out this holy enterprise. Great Britain, France, and -Russia had stood in the way of their predecessor. But now these -obstacles had been removed. The Young Turks, as I have said, believed -that they had defeated these nations and that they could therefore no -longer interfere with their internal affairs. Only one power could -successfully raise objections and that was Germany. In 1898, when all -the rest of Europe was ringing with Gladstone’s denunciations and -demanding intervention, Kaiser Wilhelm the Second had gone to -Constantinople, visited Abdul Hamid, pinned his finest decorations on -that bloody tyrant’s breast, and kissed him on both cheeks. The same -Kaiser who had done this in 1898 was still sitting on the throne in -1915, and was now Turkey’s ally. Thus for the first time in two -centuries the Turks, in 1915, had their Christian populations utterly at -their mercy. The time had finally come to make Turkey exclusively the -country of the Turks. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIII - -THE “REVOLUTION” AT VAN - - -The Turkish province of Van lies in the remote northeastern corner of -Asia Minor; it touches the frontiers of Persia on the east and its -northern boundary looks toward the Caucasus. It is one of the most -beautiful and most fruitful parts of the Turkish Empire and one of the -richest in historical associations. The city of Van, which is the -capital of the vilayet, lies on the eastern shores of the lake of the -same name; it is the one large town in Asia Minor in which the Armenian -population is larger than the Moslem. In the fall of 1914, its -population of about 30,000 people represented one of the most peaceful -and happy and prosperous communities in the Turkish Empire. Though Van, -like practically every other section where Armenians lived, had had its -periods of oppression and massacre, yet the Moslem yoke, comparatively -speaking, rested upon its people rather lightly. Its Turkish governor, -Tahsin Pasha, was one of the more enlightened type of Turkish officials. -Relations between the Armenians, who lived in the better section of the -city, and the Turks and the Kurds, who occupied the mud huts in the -Moslem quarter, had been tolerably agreeable for many years. - -The location of this vilayet, however, inevitably made it the scene of -military operations, and made the activities of its Armenian population -a matter of daily suspicion. Should Russia attempt an invasion of -Turkey one of the most accessible routes lay through this province. The -war had not gone far when causes of irritation arose. The requisitions -of army supplies fell far more heavily upon the Christian than upon the -Mohammedan elements in Van, just as they did in every other part of -Turkey. The Armenians had to stand quietly by while the Turkish officers -appropriated all their cattle, all their wheat, and all their goods of -every kind, giving them only worthless pieces of paper in exchange. The -attempt at general disarmament that took place also aroused their -apprehension, which was increased by the brutal treatment visited upon -Armenian soldiers in the Caucasus. On the other hand, the Turks made -many charges against the Christian population, and, in fact, they -attributed to them the larger share of the blame for the reverses which -the Turkish armies had suffered in the Caucasus. The fact that a -considerable element in the already changed forces was composed of -Armenians aroused their unbridled wrath. Since about half the Armenians -in the world inhabit the Russian provinces in the Caucasus and are -liable, like all Russians, to military service, there were certainly no -legitimate grounds for complaint, so far as these Armenian levies were -_bona fide_ subjects of the Czar. But the Turks asserted that large -numbers of Armenian soldiers in Van and other of their Armenian -provinces deserted, crossed the border, and joined the Russian army, -where their knowledge of roads and the terrain was an important factor -in the Russian victories. Though the exact facts are not yet -ascertained, it seems not unlikely that such desertions, perhaps a few -hundred, did take place. At the beginning of the war, Union and -Progress agents appeared in Erzeroum and Van and appealed to the -Armenian leaders to go into Russian Armenia and attempt to start -revolutions against the Russian Government; and the fact that the -Ottoman Armenians refused to do this contributed further to the -prevailing irritation. The Turkish Government has made much of the -“treasonable” behaviour of the Armenians of Van and have even urged it -as an excuse for their subsequent treatment of the whole race. Their -attitude illustrates once more the perversity of the Turkish mind. After -massacring hundreds of thousands of Armenians in the course of thirty -years, outraging their women and girls, and robbing and maltreating them -in every conceivable way, the Turks still apparently believed that they -had the right to expect from them the most enthusiastic “loyalty”. That -the Armenians all over Turkey sympathized with the Entente was no -secret. “If you want to know how the war is going,” wrote a humorous -Turkish newspaper, “all you need to do is to look in the face of an -Armenian. If he is smiling, then the Allies are winning; if he is -downcast, then the Germans are successful.” If an Ottoman Armenian -soldier should desert and join the Russians, that would unquestionably -constitute a technical crime against the state, and might be punished -without violating the rules of all civilized countries. Only the Turkish -mind, however--and possibly the Junker--could regard it as furnishing an -excuse for the terrible barbarities that now took place. - -Though the air, all during the autumn and winter of 1914-15, was filled -with premonitions of trouble, the Armenians behaved with remarkable -self-restraint. For years it had been the Turkish policy to provoke the -Christian population into committing overt acts, and then seizing upon -such misbehaviour as an excuse for massacres. The Armenian clergy and -political leaders saw many evidences that the Turks were now up to their -old tactics, and they therefore went among the people, cautioning them -to keep quiet, to bear all insults and even outrages patiently, so as -not to give the Moslems the opening which they were seeking. “Even -though they burn a few of our villages,” these leaders would say, “do -not retaliate, for it is better that a few be destroyed than that the -whole nation be massacred.” - -When the war started, the Central Government recalled Tahsin Pasha, the -conciliatory governor of Van, and replaced him with Djevdet Bey, a -brother-in-law of Enver Pasha. This act in itself was most disquieting. -Turkish officialdom has always contained a minority of men who do not -believe in massacre as a state policy and cannot be depended upon to -carry out strictly the most bloody orders of the Central Government. -Whenever massacres have been planned, therefore, it has been customary -first to remove such “untrustworthy” public servants and replace them by -men who are regarded as more reliable. The character of Tahsin’s -successor made his displacement still more alarming. Djevdet had spent -the larger part of his life at Van; he was a man of unstable character, -friendly to non-Moslems one moment, hostile the next, hypocritical, -treacherous, and ferocious according to the worst traditions of his -race. He hated the Armenians and cordially sympathized with the -long-established Turkish plan of solving the Armenian problem. There is -little question that he came to Van with definite instructions to -exterminate all Armenians in this province, but, for the first few -months, conditions did not facilitate such operations. Djevdet himself -was absent fighting the Russians in the Caucasus and the near approach -of the enemy made it a wise policy for the Turks to refrain from -maltreating the Armenians of Van. But early in the spring the Russians -temporarily retreated. It is generally recognized as good military -tactics for a victorious army to follow up the retreating enemy. In the -eyes of the Turkish generals, however, the withdrawal of the Russians -was a happy turn of war mainly because it deprived the Armenians of -their protectors and left them at the mercies of the Turkish army. -Instead of following the retreating foe, therefore, the Turks’ army -turned aside and invaded their own territory of Van. Instead of fighting -the trained Russian army of men, they turned their rifles, machine guns, -and other weapons upon the Armenian women, children, and old men in the -villages of Van. Following their usual custom, they distributed the most -beautiful Armenian women among the Moslems, sacked and burned the -Armenian villages, and massacred uninterruptedly for days. On April -15th, about 500 young Armenian men of Akantz were mustered to hear an -order of the Sultan; at sunset they were marched outside the town and -every man shot in cold blood. This procedure was repeated in about -eighty Armenian villages in the district north of Lake Van, and in three -days 24,000 Armenians were murdered in this atrocious fashion. A single -episode illustrates the unspeakable depravity of Turkish methods. A -conflict having broken out at Shadak, Djevdet Bey, who had meanwhile -returned to Van, asked four of the leading Armenian citizens to go to -this town and attempt to quiet the multitude. These men made the trip, -stopping at all Armenian villages along the way, urging everybody to -keep public order. After completing their work these four Armenians were -murdered in a Kurdish village. - -And so when Djevdet Bey, on his return to his official post, demanded -that Van furnish him immediately 4,000 soldiers, the people were -naturally in no mood to accede to his request. When we consider what had -happened before and what happened subsequently, there remains little -doubt concerning the purpose which underlay this demand. Djevdet, acting -in obedience to orders from Constantinople, was preparing to wipe out -the whole population, and his purpose in calling for 4,000 able-bodied -men was merely to massacre them, so that the rest of the Armenians might -have no defenders. The Armenians, parleying to gain time, offered to -furnish five hundred soldiers and to pay exemption money for the rest; -now, however, Djevdet began to talk aloud about “rebellion,” and his -determination to “crush” it at any cost. “If the rebels fire a single -shot,” he declared, “I shall kill every Christian man, woman, and” -(pointing to his knee) “every child, up to here.” For some time the -Turks had been constructing entrenchments around the Armenian quarter -and filling them with soldiers and, in response to this provocation, the -Armenians began to make preparations for a defense. On April 20th, a -band of Turkish soldiers seized several Armenian women who were entering -the city; a couple of Armenians ran to their assistance and were shot -dead. The Turks now opened fire on the Armenian quarters with rifles -and artillery; soon a large part of the town was in flames and a regular -siege had started. The whole Armenian fighting force consisted of only -1,500 men; they had only 300 rifles and a most inadequate supply of -ammunition, while Djevdet had an army of 5,000 men, completely equipped -and supplied. Yet the Armenians fought with the utmost heroism and -skill; they had little chance of holding off their enemies indefinitely, -but they knew that a Russian army was fighting its way to Van and their -utmost hope was that they would be able to defy the besiegers until -these Russians arrived. As I am not writing the story of sieges and -battles, I cannot describe in detail the numerous acts of individual -heroism, the coöperation of the Armenian women, the ardour and energy of -the Armenian children, the self-sacrificing zeal of the American -missionaries, especially Doctor Ussher and his wife and Miss Grace H. -Knapp, and the thousand other circumstances that made this terrible -month one of the most glorious pages in modern Armenian history. The -wonderful thing about it is that the Armenians triumphed. After nearly -five weeks of sleepless fighting, the Russian army suddenly appeared and -the Turks fled into the surrounding country, where they found -appeasement for their anger by further massacres of unprotected Armenian -villagers. Doctor Ussher, the American medical missionary whose hospital -at Van was destroyed by bombardment, is authority for the statement -that, after driving off the Turks, the Russians began to collect and to -cremate the bodies of Armenians who had been murdered in the province, -with the result that 55,000 bodies were burned. - -I have told this story of the “Revolution” in Van not only because it -marked the first stage in this organized attempt to wipe out a whole -nation, but because these events are always brought forward by the Turks -as a justification of their subsequent crimes. As I shall relate, Enver, -Talaat, and the rest, when I appealed to them in behalf of the -Armenians, invariably instanced the “revolutionists” of Van as a sample -of Armenian treachery. The famous “Revolution,” as this recital shows, -was merely the determination of the Armenians to save their women’s -honour and their own lives, after the Turks, by massacring thousands of -their neighbours, had shown them the fate that awaited them. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIV - -THE MURDER OF A NATION - - -The destruction of the Armenian race in 1915 involved certain -difficulties that had not impeded the operations of the Turks in the -massacres of 1895 and other years. In these earlier periods the Armenian -men had possessed little power or means of resistance. In those days -Armenians had not been permitted to have military training, to serve in -the Turkish army, or to possess arms. As I have already said, these -discriminations were withdrawn when the revolutionists obtained the -upper hand in 1908. Not only were the Christians now permitted to bear -arms, but the authorities, in the full flush of their enthusiasm for -freedom and equality, encouraged them to do so. In the early part of -1915, therefore, every Turkish city contained thousands of Armenians who -had been trained as soldiers and who were supplied with rifles, pistols, -and other weapons of defense. The operations at Van once more disclosed -that these men could use their weapons to good advantage. It was thus -apparent that an Armenian massacre this time would generally assume more -the character of warfare than those wholesale butcheries of defenseless -men and women which the Turks had always found so congenial. If this -plan of murdering a race were to succeed, two preliminary steps would -therefore have to be taken: it would be necessary to render all Armenian -soldiers powerless and to deprive of their arms the Armenians in every -city and town. Before Armenia could be slaughtered, Armenia must be made -defenseless. - -In the early part of 1915, the Armenian soldiers in the Turkish army -were reduced to a new status. Up to that time most of them had been -combatants, but now they were all stripped of their arms and transformed -into workmen. Instead of serving their country as artillerymen and -cavalrymen, these former soldiers now discovered that they had been -transformed into road labourers and pack animals. Army supplies of all -kinds were loaded on their backs, and, stumbling under the burdens and -driven by the whips and bayonets of the Turks, they were forced to drag -their weary bodies into the mountains of the Caucasus. Sometimes they -would have to plough their way, burdened in this fashion, almost waist -high through snow. They had to spend practically all their time in the -open, sleeping on the bare ground--whenever the ceaseless prodding of -their taskmasters gave them an occasional opportunity to sleep. They -were given only scraps of food; if they fell sick they were left where -they had dropped, their Turkish oppressors perhaps stopping long enough -to rob them of all their possessions--even of their clothes. If any -stragglers succeeded in reaching their destinations, they were not -infrequently massacred. In many instances Armenian soldiers were -disposed of in even more summary fashion, for it now became almost the -general practice to shoot them in cold blood. In almost all cases the -procedure was the same. Here and there squads of 50 or 100 men would be -taken, bound together in groups of four, and then marched out to a -secluded spot a short distance from the village. Suddenly the sound of -rifle shots would fill the air, and the Turkish soldiers who had acted -as the escort would sullenly return to camp. Those sent to bury the -bodies would find them almost invariably stark naked, for, as usual, the -Turks had stolen all their clothes. In cases that came to my attention, -the murderers had added a refinement to their victims’ sufferings by -compelling them to dig their graves before being shot. - -Let me relate a single episode which is contained in one of the reports -of our consuls and which now forms part of the records of the American -State Department. Early in July, 2,000 Armenian “amélés”--such is the -Turkish word for soldiers who have been reduced to workmen--were sent -from Harpoot to build roads. The Armenians in that town understood what -this meant and pleaded with the Governor for mercy. But this official -insisted that the men were not to be harmed, and he even called upon the -German missionary, Mr. Ehemann, to quiet the panic, giving that -gentleman his word of honour that the ex-soldiers would be protected. -Mr. Ehemann believed the Governor and assuaged the popular fear. Yet -practically every man of these 2,000 was massacred, and his body thrown -into a cave. A few escaped, and it was from these that news of the -massacre reached the world. A few days afterward another 2,000 soldiers -were sent to Diarbekir. The only purpose of sending these men out in the -open country was that they might be massacred. In order that they might -have no strength to resist or to escape by flight, these poor creatures -were systematically starved. Government agents went ahead on the road, -notifying the Kurds that the caravan was approaching and ordering them -to do their congenial duty. Not only did the Kurdish tribesmen pour -down from the mountains upon this starved and weakened regiment, but the -Kurdish women came with butcher’s knives in order that they might gain -that merit in Allah’s eyes that comes from killing a Christian. These -massacres were not isolated happenings; I could detail many more -episodes just as horrible as the one related above; throughout the -Turkish Empire a systematic attempt was made to kill all able-bodied -men, not only for the purpose of removing all males who might propagate -a new generation of Armenians, but for the purpose of rendering the -weaker part of the population an easy prey. - -Dreadful as were these massacres of unarmed soldiers, they were mercy -and justice themselves when compared with the treatment which was now -visited upon those Armenians who were suspected of concealing arms. -Naturally the Christians became alarmed when placards were posted in the -villages and cities ordering everybody to bring their arms to -headquarters. Although this order applied to all citizens, the Armenians -well understood what the result would be, should they be left -defenseless while their Moslem neighbours were permitted to retain their -arms. In many cases, however, the persecuted people patiently obeyed the -command; and then the Turkish officials almost joyfully seized their -rifles as evidence that a “revolution” was being planned and threw their -victims into prison on a charge of treason. Thousands failed to deliver -arms simply because they had none to deliver, while an even greater -number tenaciously refused to give them up, not because they were -plotting an uprising, but because they proposed to defend their own -lives - -[Illustration: ABDUL HAMID - - Known in history as the “Red Sultan” and stigmatized by Gladstone - as “the great assassin.” It was his state policy to solve the - Armenian problem by murdering the entire race. The fear of England, - France, Russia, and America, was the only thing that restrained him - from accomplishing this task. His successors, Talaat and Enver, no - longer fearing these nations, have more successfully carried out - his programme. -] - -[Illustration: A CHARACTERISTIC VIEW OF THE ARMENIAN COUNTRY] - -and their women’s honour against the outrages which they knew were being -planned. The punishment inflicted upon these recalcitrants forms one of -the most hideous chapters of modern history. Most of us believe that -torture has long ceased to be an administrative and judicial measure, -yet I do not believe that the darkest ages ever presented scenes more -horrible than those which now took place all over Turkey. Nothing was -sacred to the Turkish gendarmes; under the plea of searching for hidden -arms, they ransacked churches, treated the altars and sacred utensils -with the utmost indignity, and even held mock ceremonies in imitation of -the Christian sacraments. They would beat the priests into -insensibility, under the pretense that they were the centres of -sedition. When they could discover no weapons in the churches, they -would sometimes arm the bishops and priests with guns, pistols, and -swords, then try them before courts-martial for possessing weapons -against the law, and march them In this condition through the streets, -merely to arouse the fanatical wrath of the mobs. The gendarmes treated -women with the same cruelty and indecency as the men. There are cases on -record in which women accused of concealing weapons were stripped naked -and whipped with branches freshly cut from trees, and these beatings -were even inflicted on women who were with child. Violations so commonly -accompanied these searches that Armenian women and girls, on the -approach of the gendarmes, would flee to the woods, the hills, or to -mountain caves. - -As a preliminary to the searches everywhere, the strong men of the -villages and towns were arrested and taken to prison. Their tormentors -here would exercise the most diabolical ingenuity in their attempt to -make their victims declare themselves to be “revolutionists” and to tell -the hiding places of their arms. A common practice was to place the -prisoner in a room, with two Turks stationed at each end and each side. -The examination would then begin with the bastinado. This is a form of -torture not uncommon in the Orient; it consists of beating the soles of -the feet with a thin rod. At first the pain is not marked; but as the -process goes slowly on, it develops into the most terrible agony, the -feet swell and burst, and not infrequently, after being submitted to -this treatment, they have to be amputated. The gendarmes would bastinado -their Armenian victim until he fainted; they would then revive him by -sprinkling water on his face and begin again. If this did not succeed in -bringing their victim to terms, they had numerous other methods of -persuasion. They would pull out his eyebrows and beard almost hair by -hair; they would extract his finger nails and toe nails; they would -apply red-hot irons to his breast, tear off his flesh with red-hot -pincers, and then pour boiled butter into the wounds. In some cases the -gendarmes would nail hands and feet to pieces of wood--evidently in -imitation of the Crucifixion, and then, while the sufferer writhed in -his agony, they would cry: - -“Now let your Christ come and help you!” - -These cruelties--and many others which I forbear to describe--were -usually inflicted in the night time. Turks would be stationed around the -prisons, beating drums and blowing whistles, so that the screams of the -sufferers would not reach the villagers. - -In thousands of cases the Armenians endured these agonies and refused to -surrender their arms simply because they had none to surrender. -However, they could not persuade their tormentors that this was the -case. It therefore became customary, when news was received that the -searchers were approaching, for Armenians to purchase arms from their -Turkish neighbours so that they might be able to give them up and escape -these frightful punishments. - -One day I was discussing these proceedings with a responsible Turkish -official, who was describing the tortures inflicted. He made no secret -of the fact that the Government had instigated them, and, like all Turks -of the official classes, he enthusiastically approved this treatment of -the detested race. This official told me that all these details were -matters of nightly discussion at the headquarters of the Union and -Progress Committee. Each new method of inflicting pain was hailed as a -splendid discovery, and the regular attendants were constantly -ransacking their brains in the effort to devise some new torment. He -told me that they even delved into the records of the Spanish -Inquisition and other historic institutions of torture and adopted all -the suggestions found there. He did not tell me who carried off the -prize in this gruesome competition, but common reputation throughout -Armenia gave a preëminent infamy to Djevdet Bey, the Vali of Van, whose -activities in that section I have already described. All through this -country Djevdet was generally known as the “horseshoer of Bashkale” for -this connoisseur in torture had invented what was perhaps the -masterpiece of all--that of nailing horseshoes to the feet of his -Armenian victims. - -Yet these happenings did not constitute what the newspapers of the time -commonly referred to as the - -[Illustration] - -Armenian atrocities; they were merely the preparatory steps in the -destruction of the race. The Young Turks displayed greater ingenuity -than their predecessor, Abdul Hamid. The injunction of the deposed -Sultan was merely “to kill, kill”, whereas the Turkish democracy hit -upon an entirely new plan. Instead of massacring outright the Armenian -race, they now decided to deport it. In the south and southeastern -section of the Ottoman Empire lie the Syrian desert and the Mesopotamian -valley. Though part of this area was once the scene of a flourishing -civilization, for the last five centuries it has suffered the blight -that becomes the lot of any country that is subjected to Turkish rule; -and it is now a dreary, desolate waste, without cities and towns or life -of any kind, populated only by a few wild and fanatical Bedouin tribes. -Only the most industrious labour, expended through many years, could -transform this desert into the abiding place of any considerable -population. The Central Government now announced its intention of -gathering the two million or more Armenians living in the several -sections of the empire and transporting them to this desolate and -inhospitable region. Had they undertaken such a deportation in good -faith it would have represented the height of cruelty and injustice. As -a matter of fact, the Turks never had the slightest idea of -reëstablishing the Armenians in this new country. They knew that the -great majority would never reach their destination and that those who -did would either die of thirst and starvation, or be murdered by the -wild Mohammedan desert tribes. The real purpose of the deportation was -robbery and destruction; it really represented a new method of massacre. -When the Turkish authorities gave the orders for these deportations, -they were merely giving the death warrant to a whole race; they -understood this well, and, in their conversations with me, they made no -particular attempt to conceal the fact. - -All through the spring and summer of 1915 the deportations took place. -Of the larger cities, Constantinople, Smyrna, and Aleppo were spared; -practically all other places where a single Armenian family lived now -became the scenes of these unspeakable tragedies. Scarcely a single -Armenian, whatever his education or wealth, or whatever the social class -to which he belonged, was exempted from the order. In some villages -placards were posted ordering the whole Armenian population to present -itself in a public place at an appointed time--usually a day or two -ahead, and in other places the town crier would go through the streets -delivering the order vocally. In still others not the slightest warning -was given. The gendarmes would appear before an Armenian house and order -all the inmates to follow them. They would take women engaged in their -domestic tasks without giving them the chance to change their clothes. -The police fell upon them just as the eruption of Vesuvius fell upon -Pompeii; women were taken from the wash-tubs, children were snatched out -of bed, the bread was left half baked in the oven, the family meal was -abandoned partly eaten, the children were taken from the schoolroom, -leaving their books open at the daily task, and the men were forced to -abandon their ploughs in the fields and their cattle on the mountain -side. Even women who had just given birth to children would be forced to -leave their beds and join the panic-stricken throng, their sleeping -babies in their arms. Such things as they hurriedly snatched up--a -shawl, a blanket, perhaps a few scraps of food--were all that they could -take of their household belongings. To their frantic questions “Where -are we going?” the gendarmes would vouchsafe only one reply: “To the -interior.” - -In some cases the refugees were given a few hours, in exceptional -instances a few days, to dispose of their property and household -effects. But the proceeding, of course, amounted simply to robbery. They -could sell only to Turks, and since both buyers and sellers knew that -they had only a day or two to market the accumulations of a lifetime, -the prices obtained represented a small fraction of their value. Sewing -machines would bring one or two dollars--a cow would go for a dollar, a -houseful of furniture would be sold for a pittance. In many cases -Armenians were prohibited from selling or Turks from buying even at -these ridiculous prices; under pretense that the Government intended to -sell their effects to pay the creditors whom they would inevitably leave -behind, their household furniture would be placed in stores or heaped up -in public places, where it was usually pillaged by Turkish men and -women. The government officials would also inform the Armenians that, -since their deportation was only temporary, the intention being to bring -them back after the war was over, they would not be permitted to sell -their houses. Scarcely had the former possessors left the village, when -Mohammedan _mohadjirs_--immigrants from other parts of Turkey--would be -moved into the Armenian quarters. Similarly all their valuables--money, -rings, watches, and jewellery--would be taken to the police stations for -“safe keeping,” pending their return, and then parcelled out among the -Turks. Yet these robberies gave the refugees little anguish, for far -more terrible and agonizing scenes were taking place under their eyes. -The systematic extermination of the men continued; such males as the -persecutions which I have already described had left were now violently -dealt with. Before the caravans were started, it became the regular -practice to separate the young men from the families, tie them together -in groups of four, lead them to the outskirts, and shoot them. Public -hangings without trial--the only offense being that the victims were -Armenians--were taking place constantly. The gendarmes showed a -particular desire to annihilate the educated and the influential. From -American consuls and missionaries I was constantly receiving reports of -such executions, and many of the events which they described will never -fade from my memory. At Angora all Armenian men from fifteen to seventy -were arrested, bound together in groups of four, and sent on the road in -the direction of Caesarea. When they had travelled five or six hours and -had reached a secluded valley, a mob of Turkish peasants fell upon them -with clubs, hammers, axes, scythes, spades, and saws. Such instruments -not only caused more agonizing deaths than guns and pistols, but, as the -Turks themselves boasted, they were more economical, since they did not -involve the waste of powder and shell. In this way they exterminated the -whole male population of Angora, including all its men of wealth and -breeding, and their bodies, horribly mutilated, were left in the valley, -where they were devoured by wild beasts. After completing this -destruction, the peasants and gendarmes gathered in the local tavern, -comparing notes and boasting of the number of “giaours” that each had -slain. In Trebizond the men were placed in boats and sent out on the -Black Sea; gendarmes would follow them in boats, shoot them down, and -throw their bodies into the water. - -When the signal was given for the caravans to move, therefore, they -almost invariably consisted of women, children, and old men. Any one who -could possibly have protected them from the fate that awaited them had -been destroyed. Not infrequently the prefect of the city, as the mass -started on its way, would wish them a derisive “pleasant journey.” -Before the caravan moved the women were sometimes offered the -alternative of becoming Mohammedans. Even though they accepted the new -faith, which few of them did, their earthly troubles did not end. The -converts were - -[Illustration: FISHING VILLAGE ON LAKE VAN - -In this district about 55,000 Armenians were massacred.] - -[Illustration: REFUGEES AT VAN CROWDING AROUND A PUBLIC OVEN, HOPING TO -GET BREAD - - These people were torn from their homes almost without warning, and - started toward the desert. Thousands of children and women as well - as men died on these forced journeys, not only from hunger and - exposure, but also from the inhuman cruelty of their guards. -] - -compelled to surrender their children to a so-called “Moslem Orphanage,” -with the agreement that they should be trained as devout followers of -the Prophet. They themselves must then show the sincerity of their -conversion by abandoning their Christian husbands and marrying Moslems. -If no good Mohammedan offered himself as a husband, then the new convert -was deported, however strongly she might protest her devotion to Islam. - -At first the Government showed some inclination to protect these -departing throngs. The officers usually divided them into convoys, in -some cases numbering several hundred, in others several thousand. The -civil authorities occasionally furnished ox-carts which carried such -household furniture as the exiles had succeeded in scrambling together. -A guard of gendarmerie accompanied each convoy, ostensibly to guide and -protect it. Women, scantily clad, carrying babies in their arms or on -their backs, marched side by side with old men hobbling along with -canes. Children would run along, evidently regarding the procedure, in -the early stages, as some new lark. A more prosperous member would -perhaps have a horse or a donkey, occasionally a farmer had rescued a -cow or a sheep, which would trudge along at his side, and the usual -assortment of family pets--dogs, cats, and birds--became parts of the -variegated procession. From thousands of Armenian cities and villages -these despairing caravans now set forth; they filled all the roads -leading southward; everywhere, as they moved on, they raised a huge -dust, and abandoned débris, chairs, blankets, bedclothes, household -utensils, and other impedimenta, marked the course of the processions. -When the caravans first started, the individuals bore some resemblance -to human beings; in a few hours, however, the dust of the road plastered -their faces and clothes, the mud caked their lower members, and the -slowly advancing mobs, frequently bent with fatigue and crazed by the -brutality of their “protectors,” resembled some new and strange animal -species. Yet for the better part of six months, from April to October, -1915, practically all the highways in Asia Minor were crowded with these -unearthly bands of exiles. They could be seen winding in and out of -every valley and climbing up the sides of nearly every mountain--moving -on and on, they scarcely knew whither, except that every road led to -death. Village after village and town after town was evacuated of its -Armenian population, under the distressing circumstances already -detailed. In these six months, as far as can be ascertained, about -1,200,000 people started on this journey to the Syrian desert. - -“Pray for us,” they would say as they left their homes--the homes in -which their ancestors had lived for 2,500 years. “We shall not see you -in this world again, but sometime we shall meet. Pray for us!” - -The Armenians had hardly left their native villages when the -persecutions began. The roads over which they travelled were little more -than donkey paths; and what had started a few hours before as an orderly -procession soon became a dishevelled and scrambling mob. Women were -separated from their children and husbands from their wives. The old -people soon lost contact with their families and became exhausted and -footsore. The Turkish drivers of the ox-carts, after extorting the last -coin from their charges, would suddenly dump them and their belongings -into the road, turn around, and return to the village for other -victims. Thus in a short time practically everybody, young and old, was -compelled to travel on foot. The gendarmes whom the Government had sent, -supposedly to protect the exiles, in a very few hours became their -tormentors. They followed their charges with fixed bayonets, prodding -any one who showed any tendency to slacken the pace. Those who attempted -to stop for rest, or who fell exhausted on the road, were compelled, -with the utmost brutality, to rejoin the moving throng. They even -prodded pregnant women with bayonets; if one, as frequently happened, -gave birth along the road, she was immediately forced to get up and -rejoin the marchers. The whole course of the journey became a perpetual -struggle with the Moslem inhabitants. Detachments of gendarmes would go -ahead, notifying the Kurdish tribes that their victims were approaching, -and Turkish peasants were also informed that their long-waited -opportunity had arrived. The Government even opened the prisons and set -free the convicts, on the understanding that they should behave like -good Moslems to the approaching Armenians. Thus every caravan had a -continuous battle for existence with several classes of enemies--their -accompanying gendarmes, the Turkish peasants and villagers, the Kurdish -tribes and bands of _Chétés_ or brigands. And we must always keep in -mind that the men who might have defended these wayfarers had nearly all -been killed or forced into the army as workmen, and that the exiles -themselves had been systematically deprived of all weapons before the -journey began. - -When the victims had travelled a few hours from their starting place, -the Kurds would sweep down from their mountain homes. Rushing up to the -young girls, they would lift their veils and carry the pretty ones off -to the hills. They would steal such children as pleased their fancy and -mercilessly rob all the rest of the throng. If the exiles had started -with any money or food, their assailants would appropriate it, thus -leaving them a hopeless prey to starvation. They would steal their -clothing, and sometimes even leave both men and women in a state of -complete nudity. All the time that they were committing these -depradations the Kurds would freely massacre, and the screams of women -and old men would add to the general horror. Such as escaped these -attacks in the open would find new terrors awaiting them in the Moslem -villages. Here the Turkish roughs would fall upon the women, leaving -them sometimes dead from their experiences or sometimes ravingly insane. -After spending a night in a hideous encampment of this kind, the exiles, -or such as had survived, would start again the next morning. The -ferocity of the gendarmes apparently increased as the journey -lengthened, for they seemed almost to resent the fact that part of their -charges continued to live. Frequently any one who dropped on the road -was bayoneted on the spot. The Armenians began to die by hundreds from -hunger and thirst. Even when they came to rivers, the gendarmes, merely -to torment them, would sometimes not let them drink. The hot sun of the -desert burned their scantily clothed bodies, and their bare feet, -treading the hot sand of the desert, became so sore that thousands fell -and died or were killed where they lay. Thus, in a few days, what had -been a procession of normal human beings became a stumbling horde of -dust-covered skeletons, ravenously looking for scraps of food, eating -any offal that came their way, crazed by the hideous sights that filled -every hour of their existence, sick with all the diseases that accompany -such hardships and privations, but still prodded on and on by the whips -and clubs and bayonets of their executioners. - -And thus, as the exiles moved, they left behind them another -caravan--that of dead and unburied bodies, of old men and of women dying -in the last stages of typhus, dysentery, and cholera, of little children -lying on their backs and setting up their last piteous wails for food -and water. There were women who held up their babies to strangers, -begging them to take them and save them from their tormentors, and -failing this, they would throw them into wells or leave them behind -bushes, that at least they might die undisturbed. Behind was left a -small army of girls who had been sold as slaves--frequently for a -medjidie, or about eighty cents--and who, after serving the brutal -purposes of their purchasers, were forced to lead lives of prostitution. -A string of encampments, filled by the sick and the dying, mingled with -the unburied or half-buried bodies of the dead, marked the course of the -advancing throngs. Flocks of vultures followed them in the air, and -ravenous dogs, fighting one another for the bodies of the dead, -constantly pursued them. The most terrible scenes took place at the -rivers, especially the Euphrates. Sometimes, when crossing this stream, -the gendarmes would push the women into the water, shooting all who -attempted to save themselves by swimming. Frequently the women -themselves would save their honour by jumping into the river, their -children in their arms. “In the last week in June,” I quote from a -consular report, “several parties of Erzeroum Armenians were deported on -successive days and most of them massacred on the way, either by -shooting or drowning. One, Madame Zarouhi, an elderly lady of means, who -was thrown into the Euphrates, saved herself by clinging to a boulder in -the river. She succeeded in approaching the bank and returned to -Erzeroum to hide herself in a Turkish friend’s house. She told Prince -Argoutinsky, the representative of the ‘All-Russian Urban Union’ in -Erzeroum, that she shuddered to recall how hundreds of children were -bayoneted by the Turks and thrown into the Euphrates, and how men and -women were stripped naked, tied together in hundreds, shot, and then -hurled into the river. In a loop of the river near Erzinghan, she said, -the thousands of dead bodies created such a barrage that the Euphrates -changed its course for about a hundred yards.” - -It is absurd for the Turkish Government to assert that it ever seriously -intended to “deport the Armenians to new homes”; the treatment which was -given the convoys clearly shows that extermination was the real purpose -of Enver and Talaat. How many exiled to the south under these revolting -conditions ever reached their destinations? The experiences of a single -caravan show how completely this plan of deportation developed into one -of annihilation. The details in question were furnished me directly by -the American Consul at Aleppo, and are now on file in the State -Department at Washington. On the first of June a convoy of three -thousand Armenians, mostly women, girls, and children, left Harpoot. -Following the usual custom the Government provided them an escort of -seventy gendarmes, under the command of a Turkish leader, a Bey. In -accordance with the common experience these gendarmes proved to be not -their protectors, but their tormentors and their executioners. Hardly -had they got well started on the road when ---- Bey took 400 liras from -the caravan, on the plea that he was keeping it safely until their -arrival at Malatia; no sooner had he robbed them of the only thing that -might have provided them with food than he ran away, leaving them all to -the tender mercies of the gendarmes. - -All the way to Ras-ul-Ain, the first station on the Bagdad line, the -existence of these wretched travellers was one prolonged horror. The -gendarmes went ahead, informing the half-savage tribes of the mountains -that several thousand Armenian women and girls were approaching. The -Arabs and Kurds began to carry off the girls, the mountaineers fell upon -them repeatedly, violating and killing the women, and the gendarmes -themselves joined in the orgy. One by one the few men who accompanied -the convoy were killed. The women had succeeded in secreting money from -their persecutors, keeping it in their mouths and hair; with this they -would buy horses, only to have them repeatedly stolen by the Kurdish -tribesmen. Finally the gendarmes, having robbed and beaten and violated -and killed their charges for thirteen days, abandoned them altogether. -Two days afterward the Kurds went through the party and rounded up all -the males who still remained alive. They found about 150, their ages -varying from 15 to 90 years, and these they promptly took away and -butchered to the last man. But that same day another convoy from Sivas -joined this one from Harpoot, increasing the numbers of the whole -Caravan to 18,000 people. - -Another Kurdish Bey now took command, and to him, as to all men placed -in the same position, the opportunity was regarded merely as one for -pillage, outrage, and murder. This chieftain summoned all his followers -from the mountains and invited them to work their complete will upon -this great mass of Armenians. Day after day and night after night the -prettiest girls were carried away; sometimes they returned in a pitiable -condition that told the full story of their sufferings. Any stragglers, -those who were so old and infirm and sick that they could not keep up -with the marchers, were promptly killed. Whenever they reached a Turkish -village all the local vagabonds were permitted to prey upon the Armenian -girls. When the diminishing band reached the Euphrates they saw the -bodies of 200 men floating upon the surface. By this time they had all -been so repeatedly robbed that they had practically nothing left except -a few ragged clothes, and even these the Kurds now took; and the larger -part of the convoy marched for five days almost completely naked under -the scorching desert sun. For another five days they did not have a -morsel of bread or a drop of water. “Hundreds fell dead on the way,” the -report reads, “their tongues were turned to charcoal, and when, at the -end of five days, they reached a fountain, the whole convoy naturally -rushed toward it. But here the policemen barred the way and forebade -them to take a single drop of water.” Their purpose was to sell it at -from one to three liras a cup and sometimes they actually withheld the -water after getting the money. “At another place, where there were -wells, some women threw themselves into them, as there was no rope or -pail to draw up the water. These women were drowned and, in spite of -that, the rest of the people drank from that well,” the dead bodies -still remaining there and polluting the water. Sometimes, when the wells -were shallow and the women could go down into them and come out again, -the other people would rush to lick or suck their wet, dirty clothes, in -the effort to quench their thirst. When they passed an Arab village in -their naked condition the Arabs pitied them and gave them old pieces of -cloth to cover themselves with. Some of the exiles who still had money -bought some clothes; but some still remained who travelled thus naked -all the way to the city of Aleppo. The poor women could hardly walk for -shame; they all walked bent double. - -On the seventieth day a few creatures reached Aleppo. Out of the -combined convoy of 18,000 souls just 150 women and children reached -their destination. A few of the rest, the most attractive, were still -living as captives of the Kurds and Turks; all the rest were dead. - -My only reason for relating such dreadful things as this is that, -without the details, the English-speaking public cannot understand -precisely what this nation is which we call Turkey. I have by no means -told the most terrible details, for a complete narration of the sadistic -orgies of which these Armenian men and women were the victims can never -be printed in an American publication. Whatever crimes the most -perverted instincts of the human mind can devise, and whatever -refinements of persecution and injustice the most debased imagination -can conceive, became the daily misfortunes of this devoted people. I am -confident that the whole history of the human race contains no such -horrible episode as this. The great massacres and persecutions of the -past seem almost insignificant when compared with the sufferings of the -Armenian race in 1915. The slaughter of the Albigenses in the early part -of the thirteenth century has always been regarded as one of the most -pitiful events in history. In these outbursts of fanaticism about 60,000 -people were killed. In the massacre of St. Bartholomew about 30,000 -human beings lost their lives. The Sicilian Vespers, which has always -figured as one of the most fiendish outbursts of this kind, caused the -destruction of 8,000. Volumes have been written about the Spanish -Inquisition under Torquemada, yet in the eighteen years of his -administration only a little more than 8,000 heretics were done to -death. Perhaps the one event in history that most resembles the Armenian -deportations was the expulsion of the Jews from Spain by Ferdinand and -Isabella. According to Prescott 160,000 were uprooted from their homes -and scattered broadcast over Africa and Europe. Yet all these previous -persecutions seem almost trivial when we compare them with the -sufferings of the Armenians, in which at least 600,000 people were -destroyed and perhaps as many as 1,000,000. And these earlier massacres, -when we compare them with the spirit that directed the Armenian -atrocities, have one feature that we can almost describe as an excuse: -they were the product of religious fanaticism and most of the men and -women who instigated them sincerely believed that they were devoutly -serving their Maker. Undoubtedly religious fanaticism was an impelling -motive with the Turkish and Kurdish rabble who slew Armenians as a -service to Allah, but the men who really conceived the crime had no such -motive. Practically all of them were atheists, with no more respect for -Mohammedanism than for Christianity, and with them the one motive was -cold-blooded, calculating state policy. - -The Armenians are not the only subject people in Turkey which have -suffered from this policy of making Turkey exclusively the country of -the Turks. The story which I have told about the Armenians I could also -tell with certain modifications about the Greeks and the Syrians. Indeed -the Greeks were the first victims of this nationalizing idea. I have -already described how, in the few months preceding the European War, the -Ottoman Government began deporting its Greek subjects along the coast of -Asia Minor. These outrages aroused little interest in Europe or the -United States, yet in the space of three or four months more than -100,000 Greeks were taken from their age-long homes in the Mediterranean -littoral and removed to the Greek Islands and the interior. For the -larger part these were bona-fide deportations; that is, the Greek -inhabitants were actually removed to new places and were not subjected -to wholesale massacre. It was probably for the reason that the civilized -world did not protest against these deportations that the Turks -afterward decided to apply the same methods on a larger scale not only -to the Greeks but to the Armenians, Syrians, Nestorians, and others of -its subject peoples. In fact, Bedri Bey, the Prefect of Police at -Constantinople, himself told one of my secretaries that the Turks had -expelled the Greeks so successfully that they had decided to apply the -same method to all the other races in the empire. - -The martyrdom of the Greeks, therefore, comprised two periods: that -antedating the war, and that which began in the early part of 1915. The -first affected chiefly the Greeks on the seacoast of Asia Minor. The -second affected those living in Thrace and in the territories -surrounding the Sea of Marmora, the Dardanelles, the Bosphorus, and the -coast of the Black Sea. These latter, to the extent of several hundred -thousand, were sent to the interior of Asia Minor. The Turks adopted -almost identically the same procedure against the Greeks as that which -they had adopted against the Armenians. They began by incorporating the -Greeks into the Ottoman army and then transforming them into labour -battalions, using them to build roads in the Caucasus and other scenes -of action. These Greek soldiers, just like the Armenians, died by -thousands from cold, hunger, and other privations. The same -house-to-house searches for hidden weapons took place in the Greek -villages, and Greek men and women were beaten and tortured just as were -their fellow Armenians. The Greeks had to submit to the same forced -requisitions, which amounted in their case, as in the case of the -Armenians, merely to plundering on a wholesale scale. The Turks -attempted to force the Greek subjects to become Mohammedans; Greek -girls, just like Armenian girls, were stolen and taken to Turkish harems -and Greek boys were kidnapped and placed in Moslem households. The -Greeks, just like the Armenians, were accused of disloyalty to the -Ottoman Government; the Turks accused them of furnishing supplies to the -English submarines in the Marmora and also of acting as spies. The Turks -also declared that the Greeks were not loyal to the Ottoman Government, -and that they also looked forward to the day when the Greeks inside of -Turkey would become part of Greece. These latter charges were -unquestionably true; that the Greeks, after suffering for five centuries -the most unspeakable outrages at the hands of the Turks, should look -longingly to the day when their territory should be part of the -fatherland, was to be expected. The Turks, as in the case of the -Armenians, seized upon this as an excuse for a violent onslaught on the -whole race. Everywhere the Greeks were gathered in groups and, under the -so-called protection of Turkish gendarmes, they were transported, the -larger part on foot, into the interior. Just how many were scattered in -this fashion is not definitely known, the estimates varying anywhere -from 200,000 up to 1,000,000. These caravans suffered great privations, -but they were not submitted to general massacre as were the Armenians, -and this is probably the reason why the outside world has not heard so -much about them. The Turks showed them this greater consideration not -from any motive of pity. The Greeks, unlike the Armenians, had a -government which was vitally interested in their welfare. At this time -there was a general apprehension among the Teutonic Allies that Greece -would enter the war on the side of the Entente, and a wholesale massacre -of Greeks in Asia Minor would unquestionably have produced such a state -of mind in Greece that its pro-German king would have been unable longer -to keep his country out of the war. It was only a matter of state -policy, therefore, that saved these Greek subjects of Turkey from all -the horrors that befell the Armenians. But their sufferings are still -terrible, and constitute another chapter in the long story of crimes for -which civilization will hold the Turk responsible. - - - - -CHAPTER XXV - -TALAAT TELLS WHY HE “DEPORTS” THE ARMENIANS - - -It was some time before the story of the Armenian atrocities reached the -American Embassy in all its horrible details. In January and February -fragmentary reports began to filter in, but the tendency was at first to -regard them as mere manifestations of the disorders that had prevailed -in the Armenian provinces for many years. When the reports came from -Urumia, both Enver and Talaat dismissed them as wild exaggerations, and -when, for the first time, we heard of the disturbances at Van, these -Turkish officials declared that they were nothing more than a mob -uprising which they would soon have under control. I now see, what was -not apparent in those early months, that the Turkish Government was -determined to keep the news, as long as possible, from the outside -world. It was clearly the intention that Europe and America should hear -of the annihilation of the Armenian race only after that annihilation -had been accomplished. As the country which the Turks particularly -wished to keep in ignorance was the United States, they resorted to the -most shameless prevarications when discussing the situation with myself -and with my staff. - -In early April the authorities arrested about two hundred Armenians in -Constantinople and sent them into the interior. Many of those who were -then deported were educational and social leaders and men who were -prominent in industry and in finance. I knew many of these men and -therefore felt a personal interest in their misfortunes. But when I -spoke to Talaat about their expulsion, he replied that the Government -was acting in self-defense. The Armenians at Van, he said, had already -shown their abilities as revolutionists; he knew that these leaders in -Constantinople were corresponding with the Russians and he had every -reason to fear that they would start an insurrection against the Central -Government. The safest plan, therefore, was to send them to Angora and -other interior towns. Talaat denied that this was part of any general -concerted scheme to rid the city of its Armenian population, and -insisted that the Armenian masses in Constantinople would not be -disturbed. - -But soon the accounts from the interior became more specific and more -disquieting. The withdrawal of the Allied fleet from the Dardanelles -produced a distinct change in the atmosphere. Until then there were -numerous indications that all was not going well in the Armenian -provinces; when it at last became definitely established, however, that -the traditional friends of Armenia, Great Britain, France, and Russia, -could do nothing to help that suffering people, the mask began to -disappear. In April I was suddenly deprived of the privilege of using -the cipher for communicating with American consuls. The most rigorous -censorship also was applied to letters. Such measures could mean only -that things were happening in Asia Minor which the authorities were -determined to conceal. But they did not succeed. Though all sorts of -impediments were placed to travelling, certain Americans, chiefly -missionaries, succeeded in getting through. For hours they would sit in -my office and, with tears streaming down their faces, they would tell me -of the horrors through which they had passed. Many of these, both men -and women, were almost broken in health from the scenes which they had -witnessed. In many cases they brought me letters from American consuls, -confirming the most dreadful of their narrations and adding many -unprintable details. The general purport of all these first-hand reports -was that the utter depravity and fiendishness of the Turkish nature, -already sufficiently celebrated through the centuries, had now surpassed -themselves. There was only one hope of saving nearly 2,000,000 people -from massacre, starvation, and even worse, I was told--that was the -moral power of the United States. These spokesmen of a condemned nation -declared that, unless the American Ambassador could persuade the Turk to -stay his destroying arm, the whole Armenian nation would disappear. It -was not only American and Canadian missionaries who made this personal -appeal. Several of their German associates begged me to intercede. These -men and women confirmed all the worst things which I had heard, and they -were unsparing in denouncing their own fatherland. They did not conceal -the humiliation which they felt, as Germans, in the fact that their own -nation was allied with a people that could perpetrate such infamies, but -they understood German policy well enough to know that Germany would not -intercede. There was no use in expecting aid from the Kaiser, they -said--America must stop the massacres, or they would go on. - -Technically, of course, I had no right to interfere. According to the -cold-blooded legalities of the situation, - -[Illustration: - -© Underwood & Underwood - -KAISER WILLIAM II, IN THE UNIFORM OF A TURKISH FIELD MARSHAL - - He remained acquiescent, refusing to intercede, while his allies, - the Turks, murdered anywhere from 600,000 to 1,000,000 Armenians. - This assassination of a whole people was the worst outcome of the - Prussian doctrine,--that anything is justified which promotes the - success of German arms. After the massacre was over, the Kaiser - decorated the Sultan, precisely as in 1898, after Abdul Hamid had - just massacred 200,000 Christians, he visited that potentate and - publicly embraced him. -] - -[Illustration: INTERIOR OF THE ARMENIAN CHURCH AT URFA - - Where many Armenians were burned. The Armenian Church was - established in the fourth century; it is said to be the oldest - state Christian church in existence. -] - -the treatment of Turkish subjects by the Turkish Government was purely a -domestic affair; unless it directly affected American lives and American -interests, it was outside the concern of the American Government. When I -first approached Talaat on the subject, he called my attention to this -fact in no uncertain terms. This interview was one of the most exciting -which I had had up to that time. Two missionaries had just called upon -me, giving the full details of the frightful happenings at Konia. After -listening to their stories, I could not restrain myself, and went -immediately to the Sublime Porte. I saw at once that Talaat was in one -of his most ferocious states of mind. For months he had been attempting -to secure the release of one of his closest friends, Ayoub Sabri, and -Zinnoun, who were held as prisoners by the English at Malta. His failure -in this matter was a constant grievance and irritation; he was always -talking about it, always making new suggestions for getting his friends -back to Turkey, and always appealing to me for help. So furious did the -Turkish Boss become when thinking about his absent friends that we -usually referred to these manifestations as Talaat in his “Ayoub Sabri -moods.” This particular morning the Minister of the Interior was in one -of his worst “Ayoub Sabri moods.” Once more he had been working for the -release of the exiles and once more he had failed. As usual, he -attempted to preserve outer calm and courtesy to me, but his short, -snappy phrases, his bull-dog rigidity, and his wrists, planted on the -table, showed that it was an unfavourable moment to stir him to any -sense of pity or remorse. I first spoke to him about a Canadian -missionary, Dr. McNaughton, who was receiving harsh treatment in Asia -Minor. - -“The man is an English agent,” he replied, “and we have the evidence for -it.” - -“Let me see it,” I asked. - -“We’ll do nothing for any Englishman or any Canadian,” he replied, -“until they release Ayoub and Zinnoun.” - -“But you promised to treat English in the employ of Americans as -Americans,” I replied. - -“That may be,” rejoined the Minister, “but a promise is not made to be -kept forever. I withdraw that promise now. There is a time limit on a -promise.” - -“But if a promise is not binding, what is?” I asked. - -“A guarantee,” Talaat answered quickly. - -This fine Turkish distinction had a certain metaphysical interest, but I -had more practical matters to discuss at that time. So I began to talk -about the Armenians at Konia. I had hardly started when Talaat’s -attitude became even more belligerent. His eyes lighted up, he brought -his jaws together, leaned over toward me, and snapped out: - -“Are _they_ Americans?” - -The implications of this question were hardly diplomatic; it was merely -a way of telling me that the matter was none of my business. In a moment -Talaat said this in so many words. - -“The Armenians are not to be trusted,” he said, “besides, what we do -with them does not concern the United States.” - -I replied that I regarded myself as the friend of the Armenians and was -shocked at the way that they were being treated. But he shook his head -and refused to discuss the matter. I saw that nothing could be gained by -forcing the issue at that time. I spoke in behalf of another British -subject who was not being treated properly. - -“He’s English, isn’t he?” answered Talaat. “Then I shall do as I like -with him!” - -“Eat him, if you wish!” I replied. - -“No,” said Talaat, “he would go against my digestion.” - -He was altogether in a reckless mood. “_Gott strafe England!_” he -shouted--using one of the few German phrases that he knew. “As to your -Armenians, we don’t give a rap for the future! We live only in the -present! As to the English, I wish you would telegraph Washington that -we shall not do a thing for them until they let out Ayoub Sabri and -Zinnoun!” - -Then leaning over, he struck a pose, pressed his hand to his heart, and -said, in English--I think this must have been almost all the English he -knew: - -“Ayoub Sabri--he--my--brudder!” - -Despite this I made another plea for Dr. McNaughton. - -“He’s not American,” said Talaat, “he’s a Canadian.” - -“It’s almost the same thing,” I said. - -“Well,” replied Talaat, “if I let him go, will you promise that the -United States will annex Canada?” - -“I promise,” said I, and we both laughed at this little joke. - -“Every time you come here,” Talaat finally said, “you always steal -something from me. All right, you can have your McNaughton!” - -Certainly this interview was not an encouraging beginning, so far as the -Armenians were concerned. But Talaat was not always in an “Ayoub Sabri -mood.” He went from one emotion to another as lightly as a child; I -would find him fierce and unyielding one day, and uproariously -good-natured and accommodating the next. Prudence indicated, therefore, -that I should await one of his more congenial moments before approaching -him on the subject that aroused all the barbarity in his nature. Such an -opportunity was soon presented. One day, soon after the interview -chronicled above, I called on Talaat again. The first thing he did was -to open his desk and pull out a handful of yellow cablegrams. - -“Why don’t you give this money to us?” he said, with a grin. - -“What money?” I asked. - -“Here is a cablegram for you from America, sending you a lot of money -for the Armenians. You ought not to use it that way; give it to us -Turks, we need it as badly as they do.” - -“I have not received any such cablegram,” I replied. - -“Oh, no, but you will,” he answered. “I always get all your cablegrams -first, you know. After I have finished reading them I send them around -to you.” - -This statement was the literal truth. Every morning all uncoded -cablegrams received in Constantinople were forwarded to Talaat, who read -them, before consenting to their being forwarded to their destinations. -Even the cablegrams of the ambassadors were apparently not exempt, -though, of course, the ciphered messages were not interfered with. -Ordinarily I might have protested against this infringement of my -rights, but Talaat’s engaging frankness about pilfering my -correspondence and in even waving my own cablegrams in my face gave me -an excellent opening to introduce the forbidden subject. - -But on this occasion, as on many others, Talaat was evasive and -non-committal and showed much hostility to the interest which the -American people were manifesting in the Armenians. He explained his -policy on the ground that the Armenians were in constant correspondence -with the Russians. The definite conviction which these conversations -left upon my mind was that Talaat was the most implacable enemy of this -persecuted race. “He gave me the impression,” such is the entry which I -find in my diary on August 3d, “that Talaat is the one who desires to -crush the poor Armenians.” He told me that the Union and Progress -Committee had carefully considered the matter in all its details and -that the policy which was being pursued was that which they had -officially adopted. He said that I must not get the idea that the -deportations had been decided upon hastily; in reality, they were the -result of prolonged and careful deliberation. To my repeated appeals -that he should show mercy to these people, he sometimes responded -seriously, sometimes angrily, and sometimes flippantly. - -“Some day,” he once said, “I will come and discuss the whole Armenian -subject with you,” and then he added in a low tone in Turkish: - -“But that day will never come!” - -“Why are you so interested in the Armenians, anyway?” he said, on -another occasion. “You are a Jew; these people are Christians. The -Mohammedans and the Jews always get on harmoniously. We are treating the -Jews here all right. What have you to complain of? Why can’t you let us -do with these Christians as we please?” - -I had frequently remarked that the Turks look upon practically every -question as a personal matter, yet this point of view rather stunned me. -However, it was a complete revelation of Turkish mentality; the fact -that, above all considerations of race and religion, there are such -things as humanity and civilization, never for a moment enters their -mind. They can understand a Christian fighting for a Christian and a Jew -fighting for a Jew, but such abstractions as justice and decency form no -part of their conception of things. - -“You don’t seem to realize,” I replied, “that I am not here as a Jew but -as American Ambassador. My country contains something more than -97,000,000 Christians and something less than 3,000,000 Jews. So, at -least in my ambassadorial capacity, I am 97 per cent. Christian. But -after all, that is not the point. I do not appeal to you in the name of -any race or any religion, but merely as a human being. You have told me -many times that you want to make Turkey a part of the modern progressive -world. The way you are treating the Armenians will not help you to -realize that ambition; it puts you in the class of backward, reactionary -peoples.” - -“We treat the Americans all right, too,” said Talaat. “I don’t see why -you should complain.” - -“But Americans are outraged by your persecutions of the Armenians,” I -replied. “You must base your principles on humanitarianism, not racial -discrimination, or the United States will not regard you as a friend and -an equal. And you should understand the great changes that are taking -place among Christians all over the world. They are forgetting their -differences and all sects are coming together as one. You look down on -American missionaries, but don’t forget that it is the best element in -America that supports their religious work, as well as their educational -institutions. Americans are not mere materialists, always chasing -money--they are broadly humanitarian, and interested in the spread of -justice and civilization throughout the world. After this war is over -you will face a new situation. You say that, if victorious, you can defy -the world, but you are wrong. You will have to meet public opinion -everywhere, especially in the United States. Our people will never -forget these massacres. They will always resent the wholesale -destruction of Christians in Turkey. They will look upon it as nothing -but wilful murder and will seriously condemn all the men who are -responsible for it. You will not be able to protect yourself under your -political status and say that you acted as Minister of the Interior and -not as Talaat. You are defying all ideas of justice as we understand the -term in our country.” - -Strangely enough, these remarks did not offend Talaat, but they did not -shake his determination. I might as well have been talking to a stone -wall. From my abstractions he immediately came down to something -definite. - -“These people,” he said, “refused to disarm when we told them to. They -opposed us at Van and at Zeitoun, and they helped the Russians. There is -only one way in which we can defend ourselves against them in the -future, and that is just to deport them.” - -“Suppose a few Armenians did betray you,” I said. “Is that a reason for -destroying a whole race? Is that an excuse for making innocent women -and children suffer?” - -“Those things are inevitable,” he replied. - -This remark to me was not quite so illuminating as one which Talaat made -subsequently to a reporter of the _Berliner Tageblatt_, who asked him -the same question. “We have been reproached,” he said, according to this -interviewer, “for making no distinction between the innocent Armenians -and the guilty; but that was utterly impossible, in view of the fact -that those who were innocent to-day might be guilty to-morrow”! - -One reason why Talaat could not discuss this matter with me freely, was -because the member of the embassy staff who did the interpreting was -himself an Armenian. In the early part of August, therefore, he sent a -personal messenger to me, asking if I could not see him alone--he said -that he himself would provide the interpreter. This was the first time -that Talaat had admitted that his treatment of the Armenians was a -matter with which I had any concern. The interview took place two days -afterward. It so happened that since the last time I had visited Talaat -I had shaved my beard. As soon as I came in the burly Minister began -talking in his customary bantering fashion. - -“You have become a young man again,” he said; “you are so young now that -I cannot go to you for advice any more.” - -“I have shaved my beard,” I replied, “because it had become very -gray--made gray by your treatment of the Armenians.” - -After this exchange of compliments we settled down to the business in -hand. “I have asked you to come to-day,” began Talaat, “so that I can -explain our - -[Illustration: ARMENIAN SOLDIERS - - Until 1908 no Armenian was allowed to serve in the Ottoman army. In - the Balkan Wars, they distinguished themselves by their bravery and - skill. In the present war, the Turks have taken away their arms and - transformed them into pack animals and road labourers. -] - -[Illustration: THOSE WHO FELL BY THE WAYSIDE - - Scenes like this were common all over the Armenian provinces, in - the spring and summer months of 1915. Death in its several - forms--massacre, starvation, exhaustion--destroyed the larger part - of the refugees. The Turkish policy was that of extermination under - the guise of deportation. -] - -[Illustration: A VIEW OF HARPOOT - -Where massacres of men took place on a large scale] - -position on the whole Armenian subject. We base our objections to the -Armenians on three distinct grounds. In the first place, they have -enriched themselves at the expense of the Turks. In the second place, -they are determined to domineer over us and to establish a separate -state. In the third place, they have openly encouraged our enemies. They -have assisted the Russians in the Caucasus and our failure there is -largely explained by their actions. We have therefore come to the -irrevocable decision that we shall make them powerless before this war -is ended.” - -On every one of these points I had plenty of arguments in rebuttal. -Talaat’s first objection was merely an admission that the Armenians were -more industrious and more able than the dull-witted and lazy Turks. -Massacre as a means of destroying business competition was certainly an -original conception! His general charge that the Armenians were -“conspiring” against Turkey and that they openly sympathized with -Turkey’s enemies merely meant, when reduced to its original elements, -that the Armenians were constantly appealing to the European Powers to -protect them against robbery, murder, and outrage. The Armenian problem, -like most race problems, was the result of centuries of ill-treatment -and injustice. There could be only one solution for it, the creation of -an orderly system of government, in which all citizens were to be -treated upon an equality, and in which all offenses were to be punished -as the acts of individuals and not as of peoples. I argued for a long -time along these and similar lines. - -“It is no use for you to argue,” Talaat answered, “we have already -disposed of three quarters of the Armenians; there are none at all left -in Bitlis, Van, and Erzeroum. The hatred between the Turks and the -Armenians is now so intense that we have got to finish with them. If we -don’t, they will plan their revenge.” - -“If you are not influenced by humane considerations,” I replied, “think -of the material loss. These people are your business men. They control -many of your industries. They are very large tax-payers. What would -become of you commercially without them?” - -“We care nothing about the commercial loss,” replied Talaat. “We have -figured all that out and we know that it will not exceed five million -pounds. We don’t worry about that. I have asked you to come here so as -to let you know that our Armenian policy is absolutely fixed and that -nothing can change it. We will not have the Armenians anywhere in -Anatolia. They can live in the desert but nowhere else.” - -I still attempted to persuade Talaat that the treatment of the Armenians -was destroying Turkey in the eyes of the world, and that his country -would never be able to recover from this infamy. - -“You are making a terrible mistake,” I said, and I repeated the -statement three times. - -“Yes, we may make mistakes,” he replied, “but”--and he firmly closed his -lips and shook his head--”we never regret.” - -I had many talks with Talaat on the Armenians, but I never succeeded in -moving him to the slightest degree. He always came back to the points -which he had made in this interview. He was very willing to grant any -request I made in behalf of the Americans or even of the French and -English, but I could obtain no general concessions for the Armenians. -He seemed to me always to have the deepest personal feeling in this -matter, and his antagonism to the Armenians seemed to increase as their -sufferings increased. One day, discussing a particular Armenian, I told -Talaat that he was mistaken in regarding this man as an enemy of the -Turks; that in reality he was their friend. - -“No Armenian,” replied Talaat, “can be our friend after what we have -done to them.” - -One day Talaat made what was perhaps the most astonishing request I had -ever heard. The New York Life Insurance Company and the Equitable Life -of New York had for years done considerable business among the -Armenians. The extent to which this people insured their lives was -merely another indication of their thrifty habits. - -“I wish,” Talaat now said, “that you would get the American life -insurance companies to send us a complete list of their Armenian policy -holders. They are practically all dead now and have left no heirs to -collect the money. It of course all escheats to the State. The -Government is the beneficiary now. Will you do so?” - -This was almost too much, and I lost my temper. - -“You will get no such list from me,” I said, and I got up and left him. - -One other episode involving the Armenians stirred Talaat to one of his -most ferocious moods. In the latter part of September, Mrs. Morgenthau -left for America. The sufferings of the Armenians had greatly preyed -upon her mind and she really left for home because she could not any -longer endure to live in such a country. But she determined to make one -last intercession for this poor people on her own account. Her way home -took her through Bulgaria, and she had received an intimation that Queen -Eleanor of that country would be glad to receive her. Perhaps it was -Mrs. Morgenthau’s well-known interest in social work that led to this -invitation. Queen Eleanor was a high-minded woman, who had led a sad and -lonely existence, and who was spending most of her time attempting to -improve the condition of the poor in Bulgaria. She knew all about social -work in American cities, and, a few years before, she had made all her -plans to visit the United States in order to study our settlements at -first hand. At the time of Mrs. Morgenthau’s visit the Queen had two -American nurses from the Henry Street Settlement of New York instructing -a group of Bulgarian girls in the methods of the American Red Cross. - -My wife was mainly interested in visiting the Queen in order that, as -one woman to another, she might make a plea for the Armenians. At that -time the question of Bulgaria’s entrance into the war had reached a -critical stage, and Turkey was prepared to make concessions to gain her -as an ally. It was therefore a propitious moment to make such an appeal. - -The Queen received Mrs. Morgenthau informally, and my wife spent about -an hour telling her all about the Armenians. Most of what she said was -entirely new to the Queen. Little had yet appeared in the European press -on this subject, and Queen Eleanor was precisely the kind of woman from -whom the truth would be concealed as long as possible. Mrs. Morgenthau -gave her all the facts about the treatment of Armenian women and -children and asked her to intercede in their behalf. She even went so -far as to suggest that it would be a terrible thing if Bulgaria, which -in the past had herself suffered such atrocities at the hands of the -Turks, should now become their allies in war. Queen Eleanor was greatly -moved. She thanked my wife for telling her these truths and said that -she would investigate immediately and see if something could not be -done. - -Just as Mrs. Morgenthau was getting ready to leave she saw the Duke of -Mecklenburg standing near the door. The Duke was in Sofia at that time -attempting to arrange for Bulgaria’s participation in the war. The Queen -introduced him to Mrs. Morgenthau; His Highness was polite, but his air -was rather cold and injured. His whole manner, particularly the stern -glances which he cast on Mrs. Morgenthau, showed that he had heard a -considerable part of the conversation. As he was exerting all his -efforts to bring Bulgaria in on Germany’s side, it is not surprising -that he did not relish the plea which Mrs. Morgenthau was making to the -Queen that Bulgaria should not ally herself with Turkey. - -Queen Eleanor immediately interested herself in the Armenian cause, and, -as a result, the Bulgarian Minister to Turkey was instructed to protest -against the atrocities. This protest accomplished nothing, but it did -arouse Talaat’s momentary wrath against the American Ambassador. A few -days afterward, when routine business called me to the Sublime Porte, I -found him in an exceedingly ugly humour. He answered most of my -questions savagely and in monosyllables, and I was afterward told that -Mrs. Morgenthau’s intercession with the Queen had put him into this -mood. In a few days, however, he was as good-natured as ever, for -Bulgaria had taken sides with Turkey. - -Talaat’s attitude toward the Armenians was summed up in the proud boast -which he made to his friends: “I have accomplished more toward solving -the Armenian problem in three months than Abdul Hamid accomplished in -thirty years!” - - - - -CHAPTER XXVI - -ENVER PASHA DISCUSSES THE ARMENIANS - - -All this time I was bringing pressure upon Enver also. The Minister of -War, as I have already indicated, was a different type of man from -Talaat. He concealed his real feelings much more successfully; he was -usually suave, cold-blooded, and scrupulously polite. And at first he -was by no means so callous as Talaat in discussing the Armenians. He -dismissed the early stories as wild exaggerations, declared that the -troubles at Van were merely ordinary warfare, and attempted to quiet my -fears that the wholesale annihilation of the Armenians had been decided -on. Yet all the time that Enver was attempting to deceive me, he was -making open admissions to other people--a fact of which I was aware. In -particular he made no attempt to conceal the real situation from Dr. -Lepsius, a representative of German missionary interests. Dr. Lepsius -was a high-minded Christian gentleman. He had been all through the -Armenian massacres of 1895, and he had raised considerable sums of money -to build orphanages for Armenian children who had lost their parents at -that time. He came again in 1915 to investigate the Armenian situation -in behalf of German missionary interests. He asked for the privilege of -inspecting the reports of American consuls and I granted it. These -documents, supplemented by other information which Dr. Lepsius -obtained, largely from German missionaries in the interior, left no -doubt in his mind as to the policy of the Turks. His feelings were -aroused chiefly against his own government. He expressed to me the -humiliation which he felt, as a German, that the Turks should set about -to exterminate their Christian subjects, while Germany, which called -itself a Christian country, was making no endeavours to prevent it. From -him Enver scarcely concealed the official purpose. Dr. Lepsius was -simply staggered by his frankness, for Enver told him in so many words -that they at last had an opportunity to rid themselves of the Armenians -and that they proposed to use it. - -By this time Enver had become more frank with me--the circumstantial -reports which I possessed made it useless for him to attempt to conceal -the true situation further--and we had many long and animated -discussions on the subject. One of these I recall with particular -vividness. I notified Enver that I intended to take up the matter in -detail and he laid aside enough time to go over the whole situation. - -“The Armenians had a fair warning,” Enver began, “of what would happen -to them in case they joined our enemies. Three months ago I sent for the -Armenian Patriarch and I told him that if the Armenians attempted to -start a revolution or to assist the Russians, I would be unable to -prevent mischief from happening to them. My warning produced no effect -and the Armenians started a revolution and helped the Russians. You know -what happened at Van. They obtained control of the city, used bombs -against government buildings, and killed a large number of Moslems. We -knew that they were planning uprisings in other places. You must -understand that we are now fighting for our lives at the Dardanelles and -that we are sacrificing thousands of men. While we are engaged in such a -struggle as this, we cannot permit people in our own country to attack -us in the back. We have got to prevent this no matter what means we have -to resort to. It is absolutely true that I am not opposed to the -Armenians as a people. I have the greatest admiration for their -intelligence and industry, and I should like nothing better than to see -them become a real part of our nation. But if they ally themselves with -our enemies, as they did in the Van district, they will have to be -destroyed. I have taken pains to see that no injustice is done; only -recently I gave orders to have three Armenians who had been deported -returned to their homes, when I found that they were innocent. Russia, -France, Great Britain, and America are doing the Armenians no kindness -by sympathizing with and encouraging them. I know what such -encouragement means to a people who are inclined to revolution. When our -Union and Progress Party attacked Abdul Hamid, we received all our moral -encouragement from the outside world. This encouragement was of great -help to us and had much to do with our success. It might similarly now -help the Armenians and their revolutionary programme. I am sure that if -these outside countries did not encourage them, they would give up all -their efforts to oppose the present government and become law-abiding -citizens. We now have this country in our absolute control and we can -easily revenge ourselves on any revolutionists.” - -“After all,” I said, “suppose what you say is true, why not punish the -guilty? Why sacrifice a whole race for the alleged crimes of -individuals?” - -“Your point is all right during peace times,” replied Enver. “We can -then use Platonic means to quiet Armenians and Greeks, but in time of -war we cannot investigate and negotiate. We must act promptly and with -determination. I also think that the Armenians are making a mistake in -depending upon the Russians. The Russians really would rather see them -killed than alive. They are as great a danger to the Russians as they -are to us. If they should form an independent government in Turkey, the -Armenians in Russia would attempt to form an independent government -there. The Armenians have also been guilty of massacres; in the entire -district around Van only 30,000 Turks escaped, all the rest were -murdered by the Armenians and Kurds. I attempted to protect the -non-combatants at the Caucasus; I gave orders that they should not be -injured, but I found that the situation was beyond my control. There are -about 70,000 Armenians in Constantinople and they will not be molested, -except those who are Dashnaguists and those who are plotting against the -Turks. However, I think you can ease your mind on the whole subject as -there will be no more massacres of Armenians.” - -I did not take seriously Enver’s concluding statement. At the time that -he was speaking, massacres and deportations were taking place all over -the Armenian provinces and they went on almost without interruption for -several months. - -As soon as the reports reached the United States the question of relief -became a pressing one. In the latter part of July, I heard that there -were 5,000 Armenians from Zeitoun and Sultanié who were receiving no -food whatever. I spoke about them to Enver, who positively declared that -they would receive proper food. He did not receive favourably any -suggestion that American representatives should go to that part of the -country and assist and care for the exiles. - -“For any American to do this,” he said, “would encourage all Armenians -and make further trouble. There are twenty-eight million people in -Turkey and one million Armenians, and we do not propose to have one -million disturb the peace of the rest of the population. The great -trouble with the Armenians is that they are separatists. They are -determined to have a kingdom of their own, and they have allowed -themselves to be fooled by the Russians. Because they have relied upon -the friendship of the Russians, they have helped them in this war. We -are determined that they shall behave just as Turks do. You must -remember that when we started this revolution in Turkey there were only -two hundred of us. With these few followers we were able to deceive the -Sultan and the public, who thought that we were immensely more numerous -and powerful than we were. We really prevailed upon him and the public -through our sheer audacity, and in this way we established the -Constitution. It is our own experience with revolutions which makes us -fear the Armenians. If two hundred Turks could overturn the Government, -then a few hundred bright, educated Armenians could do the same thing. -We have therefore deliberately adopted the plan of scattering them so -that they can do us no harm. As I told you once before, I warned the -Armenian Patriarch that if the Armenians attacked us while we were -engaged in a foreign war, that we Turks would hit back and that we would -hit back indiscriminately.” - -Enver always resented any suggestion that American missionaries or other -friends of the Armenians should go to help or comfort them. - -“They show altogether too much sympathy for them,” he said over and over -again. - -I had suggested that particular Americans should go to Tarsus and -Marsovan. - -“If they should go there, I am afraid that the local people in those -cities would become angry and they would be inclined to start some -disturbance which might create an incident. It is better for the -Armenians themselves, therefore, that the American missionaries should -keep away from them.” - -“But you are ruining the country economically,” I said at another time, -making the same point that I had made to Talaat. And he answered it in -almost the same words, thus showing that the subject had been completely -canvassed by the ruling powers. - -“Economic considerations are of no importance at this time. The only -important thing is to win. That’s the only thing we have on our mind. If -we win, everything will be all right; if we lose, everything will be all -wrong anyhow. Our situation is desperate, I admit it, and we are -fighting as desperate men fight. We are not going to let the Armenians -attack us in the rear.” - -The question of relief to the starving Armenians became every week a -more pressing one, but Enver still insisted that Americans should keep -away from the Armenian provinces. - -“How can we furnish bread to the Armenians,” Enver declared, “when we -can’t get enough for our own people? I know that they are suffering and -that it is quite likely that they cannot get bread at all this coming -winter. But we have the utmost difficulty in getting flour and clothing -right here in Constantinople.” - -I said that I had the money and that American missionaries were anxious -to go and use it for the benefit of the refugees. - -“We don’t want the Americans to feed the Armenians,” he flatly replied. -“That is one of the worst things that could happen to them. I have -already said that it is their belief that they have friends in other -countries which leads them to oppose the Government and so brings down -upon them all their miseries. If you Americans begin to distribute food -and clothing among them, they will then think that they have powerful -friends in the United States. This will encourage them to rebellion -again and then we shall have to punish them still more. If you will give -such money as you have received to the Turks, we shall see that it is -used for the benefit of the Armenians.” - -Enver made this proposal with a straight face, and he made it not only -on this occasion but on several others. At the very moment that Enver -suggested this mechanism of relief, the Turkish gendarmes and the -Turkish officials were not only robbing the Armenians of all their -household possessions, of all their food and all their money, but they -were even stripping women of their last shreds of clothing and prodding -their naked bodies with bayonets as they staggered across the burning -desert. And the Minister of War now proposed that we give our American -money to these same guardians of the law for distribution among their -charges! However, I had to be tactful. - -“If you or other heads of the Government would become personally -responsible for the distribution,” I said, “of course we would be glad -to entrust the money to you. But naturally you would not expect us to -give this money to the men who have been killing the Armenians and -outraging their women.” - -But Enver returned to his main point. - -“They must never know,” he said, “that they have a friend in the United -States. That would absolutely ruin them! It is far better that they -starve, and in saying this I am really thinking of the welfare of the -Armenians themselves. If they can only be convinced that they have no -friends in other countries, then they will settle down, recognize that -Turkey is their only refuge, and become quiet citizens. Your country is -doing them no kindness by constantly showing your sympathy. You are -merely drawing upon them greater hardships.” - -In other words, the more money which the Americans sent to feed the -Armenians, the more Armenians Turkey intended to massacre! Enver’s logic -was fairly maddening; yet he did relent at the end and permit me to help -the sufferers through certain missionaries. In all our discussions he -made this hypocritical plea that he was really a friend of this -distracted nation and that even the severity of the measures which he -had adopted was mercy in disguise. Since Enver always asserted that he -wished to treat the Armenians with justice--in this his attitude to me -was quite different from that of Talaat, who openly acknowledged his -determination to deport them--I went to the pains of preparing an -elaborate plan for bettering their condition. I suggested that, if he -wished to be just, he should protect the innocent refugees and lessen -this suffering as much as possible, and that for that purpose he should -appoint a special committee of Armenians to assist him and send a -capable Armenian, such as Oskan Effendi, formerly Minister of Posts and -Telegraphs, to study conditions and submit suggestions for remedying the -existing evils. Enver did not approve either of my proposals; as to the -first, he said that his colleagues would misunderstand it, and, as to -Oskan, he said that he admired him for his good work while he had been -in the Cabinet and had backed him in his severity toward the inefficient -officials, yet he could not trust him because he was a member of the -Armenian Dashnaguist Society. - -In another talk with Enver I began by suggesting that the Central -Government was probably not to blame for the massacres. I thought that -this would not be displeasing to him. - -“Of course I know that the Cabinet would never order such terrible -things as have taken place,” I said. “You and Talaat and the rest of the -Committee can hardly be held responsible. Undoubtedly your subordinates -have gone much further than you have ever intended. I realize that it is -not always easy to control your underlings.” - -Enver straightened up at once. I saw that my remarks, far from smoothing -the way to a quiet and friendly discussion, had greatly offended him. I -had intimated that things could happen in Turkey for which he and his -associates were not responsible. - -“You are greatly mistaken,” he said. “We have this country absolutely -under our control. I have no desire to shift the blame on to our -underlings and I am entirely willing to accept the responsibility myself -for everything that has taken place. The Cabinet itself has ordered the -deportations. I am convinced that we are completely justified in doing -this owing to the hostile attitude of the Armenians toward the Ottoman -Government, but we are the real rulers of Turkey, and no underling would -dare proceed in a matter of this kind without our orders.” - -Enver tried to mitigate the barbarity of his general attitude by showing -mercy in particular instances. I made no progress in my efforts to stop -the programme of wholesale massacre, but I did save a few Armenians from -death. One day I received word from the American Consul at Smyrna that -seven Armenians had been sentenced to be hanged. These men had been -accused of committing some rather vague political offense in 1909; yet -neither Rahmi Bey, the Governor General of Smyrna, nor the Military -Commander believed that they were guilty. When the order for execution -reached Smyrna these authorities wired Constantinople that under the -Ottoman law the accused had the right to appeal for clemency to the -Sultan. The answer which was returned to this communication well -illustrated the extent to which the rights of the Armenians were -regarded at that time: - -“Technically, you are right; hang them first and send the petition for -pardon afterward.” - -I visited Enver in the interest of these men on Bairam, which is the -greatest Mohammedan religious festival; it is the day that succeeds -Ramazan, their month of fasting. Bairam has one feature in common with -Christmas, for on that day it is customary for Mohammedans to exchange -small presents, usually sweets. So after the usual remarks of -felicitation, I said to Enver: - -“To-day is Bairam and you haven’t sent me any present yet.” - -Enver laughed. - -“What do you want? Shall I send you a box of candies?” - -“Oh, no,” I answered, “I am not so cheap as that. I want the pardon of -the seven Armenians whom the court-martial has condemned at Smyrna.” - -The proposition apparently struck Enver as very amusing. - -“That’s a funny way of asking for a pardon,” he said. “However, since -you put it that way, I can’t refuse.” - -He immediately sent for his aide and telegraphed to Smyrna, setting the -men free. - -Thus fortuitously is justice administered and decision involving human -lives made in Turkey. Nothing could make clearer the slight estimation -in which the Turks hold life, and the slight extent to which principle -controls their conduct. Enver spared these men not because he had the -slightest interest in their cases, but simply as a personal favour to me -and largely because of the whimsical manner in which I had asked it. In -all my talks on the Armenians the Minister of War treated the whole -matter more or less casually; he could discuss the fate of a race in a -parenthesis, and refer to the massacre of children as nonchalantly as we -would speak of the weather. - -One day Enver asked me to ride with him in the Belgrade forest. As I -was losing no opportunities to influence him, I accepted this -invitation. We autoed to Buyukdere, where four attendants with horses -met us. In our ride through the beautiful forest, Enver became rather -more communicative in his conversation than ever before. He spoke -affectionately of his father and mother; when they were married, he -said, his father had been sixteen and his mother only eleven, and he -himself had been born when his mother was fifteen. In talking of his -wife, the Imperial Princess, he disclosed a much softer side to his -nature than I had hitherto seen. He spoke of the dignity with which she -graced his home, regretted that Mohammedan ideas of propriety prohibited -her from entering social life, but expressed a wish that she and Mrs. -Morgenthau could meet. He was then furnishing a beautiful new palace on -the Bosphorus; when this was finished, he said, the Princess would -invite my wife to breakfast. Just then we were passing the house and -grounds of Senator Abraham Pasha, a very rich Armenian. This man had -been an intimate friend of the Sultan Abdul Aziz, and, since in Turkey a -man inherits his father’s friends as well as his property, the Crown -Prince of Turkey, a son of Abdul Aziz, made weekly visits to this -distinguished Senator. As we passed through the park, Enver noticed with -disgust that woodmen were cutting down trees and stopped them. When I -heard afterward that the Minister of War had bought this park, I -understood one of the reasons for his anger. Since Abraham Pasha was an -Armenian, this gave me an opportunity to open the subject again. - -I spoke to him of the terrible treatment from which the Armenian women -were suffering. - -“You said that you wanted to protect women and children,” I remarked, -“but I know that your orders are not being carried out.” - -“Those stories can’t be true,” he said. “I cannot conceive that a -Turkish soldier would ill-treat a woman who is with child.” - -Perhaps, if Enver could have read the circumstantial reports which were -then lying in the archives of the American Embassy, he might have -changed his mind. - -Shifting the conversation once more, he asked me about my saddle, which -was the well-known “General McClellan” type. Enver tried it and liked it -so much that he afterward borrowed it, had one made exactly like it for -himself--even including the number in one corner--and adopted it for one -of his regiments. He told me of the railroads which he was then building -in Palestine, said how well the Cabinet was working, and pointed out -that there were great opportunities in Turkey now for real-estate -speculation. He even suggested that he and I join hands in buying land -that was sure to rise in value! But I insisted in talking about the -Armenians. However, I made no more progress than before. - -“We shall not permit them to cluster in places where they can plot -mischief and help our enemies. So we are going to give them new -quarters.” - -This ride was so successful, from Enver’s point of view, that we took -another a few days afterward, and this time Talaat and Dr. Gates, the -President of Robert College, accompanied us. Enver and I rode ahead, -while our companions brought up the rear. These Turkish officials are -exceedingly jealous of their prerogatives, and, since the Minister of -War is the ranking member of the Cabinet, Enver insisted on keeping a -decorous interval between ourselves and the other pair of horsemen. I -was somewhat amused by this, for I knew that Talaat was the more -powerful politician; yet he accepted the discrimination and only once -did he permit his horse to pass Enver and myself. At this violation of -the proprieties, Enver showed his displeasure, whereat Talaat paused, -reined up his horse, and passed submissively to the rear. - -“I was merely showing Dr. Gates the gait of my horse,” he said, with an -apologetic air. - -But I was interested in more important matters than such fine -distinctions in official etiquette; I was determined to talk about the -Armenians. But again I failed to make any progress. Enver found more -interesting subjects of discussion. - -He began to talk of his horses, and now another incident illustrated the -mercurial quality of the Turkish mind--the readiness with which a Turk -passes from acts of monstrous criminality to acts of individual -kindness. Enver said that the horse races would take place soon and -regretted that he had no jockey. - -“I’ll give you an English jockey,” I said. “Will you make a bargain? He -is a prisoner of war; if he wins will you give him his freedom?” - -“I’ll do it,” said Enver. - -This man, whose name was Fields, actually entered the races as Enver’s -jockey, and came in third. He rode for his freedom, as Mr. Philip said! -Since he did not come in first, the Minister was not obliged, by the -terms of his agreement, to let him return to England, but Enver -stretched a point and gave him his liberty. - -On this same ride Enver gave me an exhibition of his skill as a -marksman. - -At one point in the road I suddenly heard a pistol shot ring out in the -air. It was Enver’s aide practising on a near-by object. Immediately -Enver dismounted, whipped out his revolver, and, thrusting his arm out -rigidly and horizontally, he took aim. - -“Do you see that twig on that tree?” he asked me. It was about thirty -feet away. - -When I nodded, Enver fired--and the twig dropped to the ground. - -The rapidity with which Enver could whip his weapon out of his pocket, -aim, and shoot, gave me one convincing explanation for the influence -which he exercised with the piratical crew that was then ruling Turkey. -There were plenty of stories floating around that Enver did not hesitate -to use this method of suasion at certain critical moments of his career; -how true these anecdotes were I do not know, but I can certainly testify -to the high character of his marksmanship. - -Talaat also began to amuse himself in the same way, and finally the two -statesmen started shooting in competition and behaving as gaily and as -carefree as boys let out of school. - -“Have you one of your cards with you?” asked Enver. He requested that I -pin it to a tree, which stood about fifty feet away. - -Enver then fired first. His hand was steady; his eye went straight to -the mark, and the bullet hit the card directly in the centre. This -success rather nettled Talaat. He took aim, but his rough hand and wrist -shook slightly--he was not an athlete like his younger, wiry, and -straight-backed associate. Several times Talaat hit around the edges of -the card, but he could not duplicate Enver’s skill. - -“If it had been a man I was firing at,” said the bulky Turk, jumping on -his horse again, “I would have hit him several times.” - -So ended my attempts to interest the two most powerful Turks of their -day in the fate of one of the most valuable elements in their empire! - - * * * * * - -I have already said that Saïd Halim, the Grand Vizier, was not an -influential personage. Nominally, his office was the most important in -the empire; actually, the Grand Vizier was a mere place-warmer, and -Talaat and Enver controlled the present incumbent, precisely as they -controlled the Sultan himself. Technically the ambassadors should have -conducted their negotiations with Saïd Halim, for he was Minister for -Foreign Affairs; I early discovered, however, that nothing could be -accomplished this way, and, though I still made my Monday calls as a -matter of courtesy, I preferred to deal directly with the men who had -the real power to decide all matters. In order that I might not be -accused of neglecting any means of influencing the Ottoman Government, I -brought the Armenian question several times to the Grand Vizier’s -attention. As he was not a Turk, but an Egyptian, and a man of education -and breeding, it seemed not unlikely that he might have a somewhat -different attitude toward the subject peoples. But I was wrong. The -Grand Vizier was just as hostile to the Armenians as Talaat and Enver. I -soon found that merely mentioning the subject irritated him greatly. -Evidently he did not care to have his elegant ease interfered with by -such disagreeable and unimportant subjects. The Grand Vizier showed his -attitude when the Greek Chargé d’Affaires spoke to him about the -persecutions of the Greeks. Saïd Halim said that such manifestations did -the Greeks more harm than good. - -“We shall do with them just the opposite from what we are asked to do,” -said the Grand Vizier. - -To my appeals the nominal chief minister was hardly more statesmanlike. -I had the disagreeable task of sending him, in behalf of the British, -French, and Russian governments, a notification that these Powers would -hold personally responsible for the Armenian atrocities the men who were -then directing Ottoman affairs. This meant, of course, that in the event -of Allied success, they would treat the Grand Vizier, Talaat, Enver, -Djemal and their companions as ordinary murderers. As I came into the -room to discuss this somewhat embarrassing message with this member of -the royal house of Egypt, he sat there, as usual, nervously fingering -his beads, and not in a particularly genial frame of mind. He at once -spoke of this telegram; his face flushed with anger, and he began a long -diatribe against the whole Armenian race. He declared that the Armenian -“rebels” had killed 120,000 Turks at Van. This and other of his -statements were so absurd that I found myself spiritedly defending the -persecuted race, and this aroused the Grand Vizier’s wrath still -further, and, switching from the Armenians, he began to abuse my own -country, making the usual charge that our sympathy with the Armenians -was largely responsible for all their troubles. - -Soon after this interview Saïd Halim ceased to be Minister for Foreign -Affairs; his successor was Halil Bey, who for several years had been -Speaker of the Turkish Parliament. Halil was a very different type of -man. He was much more tactful, much more intelligent, and much more -influential in Turkish affairs. He was also a smooth and oily -conversationalist, good natured and fat, and by no means so lost to all -decent sentiments as most Turkish politicians of the time. It was -generally reported that Halil did not approve the Armenian proceedings, -yet his official position compelled him to accept them and even, as I -now discovered, to defend them. Soon after obtaining his Cabinet post, -Halil called upon me and made a somewhat rambling explanation of the -Armenian atrocities. I had already had experiences with several official -attitudes toward the persecutions; Talaat had been bloodthirsty and -ferocious, Enver subtly calculating, while the Grand Vizier had been -testy. Halil now regarded the elimination of this race with the utmost -good humour. Not a single aspect of the proceeding, not even the -unkindest things I could say concerning it, disturbed his equanimity in -the least. He began by admitting that nothing could palliate these -massacres, but, he added that, in order to understand them, there were -certain facts that I should keep in mind. - -“I agree that the Government has made serious mistakes in the treatment -of the Armenians,” said Halil, “but the harm has already been done. What -can we do about it now? Still, if there are any errors we can correct, -we should correct them. I deplore as much as you the excesses and -violations which have been committed. I wish to present to you the view -of the Sublime Porte; I admit that this is no justification, but I -think there are extenuating circumstances that you should take into -consideration before judgment is passed upon the Ottoman Government.” - -And then, like all the others, he went back to the happenings at Van, -the desire of the Armenians for independence, and the help which they -had given the Russians. I had heard it all many times before. - -“I told Vartkes” (an Armenian deputy who, like many other Armenian -leaders, was afterward murdered), “that, if his people really aspired to -an independent existence, they should wait for a propitious moment. -Perhaps the Russians might defeat the Turkish troops and occupy all the -Armenian provinces. Then I could understand that the Armenians might -want to set up for themselves. Why not wait, I told Vartkes, until such -a fortunate time had arrived? I warned him that we would not let the -Armenians jump on our backs, and that, if they did engage in hostile -acts against our troops, we would dispose of all Armenians who were in -the rear of our army, and that our method would be to send them to a -safe distance in the south. Enver, as you know, gave a similar warning -to the Armenian Patriarch. But in spite of these friendly warnings, they -started a revolution.” - -I asked about methods of relief, and told him that already twenty -thousand pounds ($100,000) had reached me from America. - -“It is the business of the Ottoman Government,” he blandly answered, “to -see that these people are settled, housed, and fed until they can -support themselves. The Government will naturally do its duty! Besides, -the twenty thousand pounds that you have is in reality nothing at all.” - -“That is true,” I answered, “it is only a beginning, but I am sure that -I can get all the money we need.” - -“It is the opinion of Enver Pasha,” he replied, “that no foreigners -should help the Armenians. I do not say that his reasons are right or -wrong. I merely give them to you as they are. Enver says that the -Armenians are idealists, and that the moment foreigners approach and -help them, they will be encouraged in their national aspirations. He is -utterly determined to cut forever all relations between the Armenians -and foreigners.” - -“Is this Enver’s way of stopping any further action on their part?” I -asked. - -Halil smiled most good-naturedly at this somewhat pointed question and -answered: - -“The Armenians have no further means of action whatever!” - -Since not far from 500,000 Armenians had been killed by this time, -Halil’s genial retort certainly had one virtue which most of his other -statements in this interview had lacked--it was the truth. - -“How many Armenians in the southern provinces are in need of help?” I -asked. - -“I do not know; I would not give you even an approximate figure.” - -“Are there several hundred thousand?” - -“I should think so,” Halil admitted, “but I cannot say how many hundred -thousand.” - -“A great many suffered,” he added, “simply because Enver could not spare -troops to defend them. Some regular troops did accompany them and these -behaved very well; forty even lost their lives defending the Armenians. -But we had to withdraw most of the gendarmes for service in the army -and put in a new lot to accompany the Armenians. It is true that these -gendarmes committed many deplorable excesses.” - -“A great many Turks do not approve these measures,” I said. - -“I do not deny it,” replied the ever-accommodating Halil, as he bowed -himself out. - -Enver, Halil, and the rest were ever insistent on the point which they -constantly raised, that no foreigners should furnish relief to the -Armenians. A few days after this visit the Under-Secretary of State -called at the American Embassy. He came to deliver to me a message from -Djemal to Enver. Djemal, who then had jurisdiction over the Christians -in Syria, was much annoyed at the interest which the American consuls -were displaying in the Armenians. He now asked me to order these -officials “to stop busying themselves in Armenian affairs.” Djemal could -not distinguish between the innocent and the guilty, this messenger -said, and so he had to punish them all! Some time afterward Halil -complained to me that the American consuls were sending facts about the -Armenians to America and that the Government insisted that they should -be stopped. - -As a matter of fact, I was myself sending most of this information--and -I did not stop. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVII - -“I SHALL DO NOTHING FOR THE ARMENIANS” SAYS THE GERMAN AMBASSADOR - - -I suppose that there is no phase of the Armenian question which has -aroused more interest than this: Had the Germans any part in it? To what -extent was the Kaiser responsible for the wholesale slaughter of this -nation? Did the Germans favour it, did they merely acquiesce, or did -they oppose the persecutions? Germany, in the last four years, has -become responsible for many of the blackest pages in history; is she -responsible for this, unquestionably the blackest of all? - -I presume most people will detect in the remarks of these Turkish -chieftains certain resemblances to the German philosophy of war. Let me -repeat particular phrases used by Enver and other Turks while discussing -the Armenian massacres: “The Armenians have brought this fate upon -themselves.” “They had a fair warning of what would happen to them.” “We -were fighting for our national existence.” “We were justified in -resorting to any means that would accomplish these ends.” “We have no -time to separate the innocent from the guilty.” “The only thing we have -on our mind is to win the war.” - -These phrases somehow have a familiar ring, do they not? Indeed, I might -rewrite all these interviews with Enver, use the word Belgium in place -of Armenia, put the words in a German general’s mouth instead of -Enver’s, and we should have almost a complete exposition of the German -attitude toward subject peoples. But the teachings of the Prussians go -deeper than this. There was one feature about the Armenian proceedings -that was new--that was not Turkish at all. For centuries the Turks have -ill-treated their Armenians and all their other subject peoples with -inconceivable barbarity. Yet their methods have always been crude, -clumsy, and unscientific. They excelled in beating out an Armenian’s -brains with a club, and this unpleasant illustration is a perfect -indication of the rough and primitive methods which they applied to the -Armenian problem. They have understood the uses of murder, but not of -murder as a fine art. But the Armenian proceedings of 1915 and 1916 -evidenced an entirely new mentality. This new conception was that of -_deportation_. The Turks, in five hundred years, had invented -innumerable ways of physically torturing their Christian subjects, yet -never before had it occurred to their minds to move them bodily from -their homes, where they had lived for many thousands of years, and send -them hundreds of miles away into the desert. Where did the Turks get -this idea? I have already described how, in 1914, just before the -European War, the Government moved not far from 100,000 Greeks from -their age-long homes along the Asiatic littoral to certain islands in -the Ægean. I have also said that Admiral Usedom, one of the big German -naval experts in Turkey, told me that the Germans had suggested this -deportation to the Turks. But the all-important point is that this idea -of deporting peoples _en masse_ is, in modern times, exclusively -Germanic. Any one who reads the literature of Pan-Germany constantly -meets it. These enthusiasts for a German world have deliberately -planned, as part of their programme, the ousting of the French from -certain parts of France, of Belgians from Belgium, of Poles from Poland, -of Slavs from Russia, and other indigenous peoples from the territories -which they have inhabited for thousands of years, and the establishment -in the vacated lands of solid, honest Germans. But it is hardly -necessary to show that the Germans have advocated this as a state -policy; they have actually been doing it in the last four years. They -have moved we do not know how many thousands of Belgians and French from -their native land. Austria-Hungary has killed a large part of the -Serbian population and moved thousands of Serbian children into her own -territories, intending to bring them up as loyal subjects of the empire. -To what degree this movement of populations has taken place we shall not -know until the end of the war, but it has certainly gone on extensively. - -Certain German writers have even advocated the application of this -policy to the Armenians. According to the Paris _Temps_, Paul Rohrbach -“in a conference held at Berlin, some time ago, recommended that Armenia -should be evacuated of the Armenians. They should be dispersed in the -direction of Mesopotamia and their places should be taken by Turks, in -such a fashion that Armenia should be freed of all Russian influence and -that Mesopotamia might be provided with farmers which it now lacked.” -The purpose of all this was evident enough. Germany was building the -Bagdad railroad across the Mesopotamian desert. This was an essential -detail in the achievement of the great new German Empire, extending from -Hamburg to the Persian Gulf. But this railroad could never succeed -unless there should develop a thrifty and industrious population to feed -it. The lazy Turk would never become such a colonist. But the Armenian -was made of just the kind of stuff which this enterprise needed. It was -entirely in accordance with the German conception of statesmanship to -seize these people in the lands where they had lived for ages and -transport them violently to this dreary, hot desert. The mere fact that -they had always lived in a temperate climate would furnish no impediment -in Pan-German eyes. I found that Germany had been sowing those ideas -broadcast for several years; I even found that German savants had been -lecturing on this subject in the East. “I remember attending a lecture -by a well-known German professor,” an Armenian tells me. “His main point -was that throughout their history the Turks had made a great mistake in -being too merciful toward the non-Turkish population. The only way to -insure the prosperity of the empire, according to this speaker, was to -act without any sentimentality toward all the subject nationalities and -races in Turkey who did not fall in with the plans of the Turks.” - -The Pan-Germanists are on record in the matter of Armenia. I shall -content myself with quoting the words of the author of “Mittel-Europa,” -Friedrich Naumann, perhaps the ablest propagator of Pan-German ideas. In -his work on Asia, Naumann, who started life as a Christian clergyman, -deals in considerable detail with the Armenian massacres of 1895-96. I -need only quote a few passages to show the attitude of German state -policy on such infamies: “If we should take into consideration merely -the violent massacre of from 80,000 to 100,000 Armenians,” writes -Naumann, “we can come to but one opinion--we must absolutely condemn -with all anger and vehemence both the assassins and their instigators. -They have perpetrated the most abominable massacres upon masses of -people, more numerous and worse than those inflicted by Charlemagne on -the Saxons. The tortures which Lepsius has described surpass anything we -have ever known. What then prohibits us from falling upon the Turk and -saying to him: ‘Get thee gone, wretch!’? Only one thing prohibits us, -for the Turk answers: ‘I, too, I fight for my existence!’--and indeed, -we believe him. We believe, despite the indignation which the bloody -Mohammedan barbarism arouses in us, that the Turks are defending -themselves legitimately, and before anything else we see in the Armenian -question and Armenian massacres a matter of internal Turkish policy, -merely an episode of the agony through which a great empire is passing, -which does not propose to let itself die without making a last attempt -to save itself by bloodshed. All the great powers, excepting Germany, -have adopted a policy which aims to upset the actual state of affairs in -Turkey. In accordance with this, they demand for the subject peoples of -Turkey the rights of man, or of humanity, or of civilization, or of -political liberty--in a word, something that will make them the equals -of the Turks. But just as little as the ancient Roman despotic state -could tolerate the Nazarene’s religion, just as little can the Turkish -Empire, which is really the political successor of the eastern Roman -Empire, - -[Illustration: VIEW OF URFA - -One of the largest towns in Asia Minor.] - -[Illustration: A RELIC OF THE ARMENIAN MASSACRES AT ERZINGAN - -Such mementos are found all over Armenia.] - -[Illustration: THE FUNERAL OF BARON VON WANGENHEIM - -The German Ambassador to Turkey. Mr. Morgenthau (in evening dress) is -walking with Enver Pasha. Immediately in front of them is Talaat -Pasha.] - -tolerate any representation of western free Christianity among its -subjects. The danger for Turkey in the Armenian question is one of -extinction. For this reason she resorts to an act of a barbarous Asiatic -state; she has destroyed the Armenians to such an extent that they will -not be able to manifest themselves as a political force for a -considerable period. A horrible act, certainly, an act of political -despair, shameful in its details, but still a piece of political -history, in the Asiatic manner.... In spite of the displeasure which the -German Christian feels at these accomplished facts, he has nothing to do -except quietly to heal the wounds so far as he can, and then to let -matters take their course. For a long time our policy in the Orient has -been determined: we belong to the group that protects Turkey, that is -the fact by which we must regulate our conduct.... We do not prohibit -any zealous Christian from caring for the victims of these horrible -crimes, from bringing up the children and nursing the adults. May God -bless these good acts like all other acts of faith. Only we must take -care that deeds of charity do not take the form of political acts which -are likely to thwart our German policy. The internationalist, he who -belongs to the English school of thought, may march with the Armenians. -The nationalist, he who does not intend to sacrifice the future of -Germany to England, must, on questions of external policy, follow the -path marked out by Bismarck, even if it is merciless in its -sentiments.... National policy: that is the profound moral reason why we -must, as statesmen, show ourselves indifferent to the sufferings of the -Christian peoples of Turkey, however painful that may be to our human -feelings.... That is our duty, which we must recognize and confess -before God and before man. If for this reason we now maintain the -existence of the Turkish state, we do it in our own self-interest, -because what we have in mind is our great future.... On one side lie our -duties as a nation, on the other our duties as men. There are times, -when, in a conflict of duties, we can choose a middle ground. That is -all right from a human standpoint, but rarely right in a moral sense. In -this instance, as in all analogous situations, we must clearly know on -which side lies the greatest and most important moral duty. Once we have -made such a choice we must not hesitate. William II has chosen. He has -become the friend of the Sultan, because he is thinking of a greater, -independent Germany.” - -Such was the German state philosophy as applied to the Armenians, and I -had the opportunity of observing German practice as well. As soon as the -early reports reached Constantinople, it occurred to me that the most -feasible way of stopping the outrages would be for the diplomatic -representatives of all countries to make a joint appeal to the Ottoman -Government. I approached Wangenheim on this subject in the latter part -of March. His antipathy to the Armenians became immediately apparent. He -began denouncing them in unmeasured terms; like Talaat and Enver, he -affected to regard the Van episode as an unprovoked rebellion, and, in -his eyes, as in theirs, the Armenians were simply traitorous vermin. - -“I will help the Zionists,” he said, thinking that this remark would be -personally pleasing to me, “but I shall do nothing whatever for the -Armenians.” - -Wangenheim pretended to regard the Armenian question as a matter that -chiefly affected the United States. My constant intercession in their -behalf apparently created the impression, in his Germanic mind, that any -mercy shown this people would be a concession to the American -Government. And at that moment he was not disposed to do anything that -would please the American people. - -“The United States is apparently the only country that takes much -interest in the Armenians,” he said. “Your missionaries are their -friends and your people have constituted themselves their guardians. The -whole question of helping them is therefore an American matter. How, -then, can you expect me to do anything as long as the United States is -selling ammunition to the enemies of Germany? Mr. Bryan has just -published his note, saying that it would be unneutral not to sell -munitions to England and France. As long as your government maintains -that attitude we can do nothing for the Armenians.” - -Probably no one except a German logician would ever have detected any -relation between our sale of war materials to the Allies and Turkey’s -attacks upon hundreds of thousands of Armenian women and children. But -that was about as much progress as I made with Wangenheim at that time. -I spoke to him frequently, but he invariably offset my pleas for mercy -to the Armenians by references to the use of American shells at the -Dardanelles. A coolness sprang up between us soon afterward, the result -of my refusal to give him “credit” for having stopped the deportation of -French and British civilians to the Gallipoli peninsula. After our -somewhat tart conversation over the telephone, when he had asked me to -telegraph Washington that he had not _hetzed_ the Turks in this matter, -our visits to each other ceased for several weeks. - -There were certain influential Germans in Constantinople who did not -accept Wangenheim’s point of view. I have already referred to Paul -Weitz, for thirty years the correspondent of the _Frankfurter Zeitung_, -who probably knew more about affairs in the Near East than any other -German. Although Wangenheim constantly looked to Weitz for information, -he did not always take his advice. Weitz did not accept the orthodox -imperial attitude toward Armenia, for he believed that Germany’s refusal -effectively to intervene was doing his fatherland everlasting injury. -Weitz was constantly presenting this view to Wangenheim, but he made -little progress. Weitz told me about this himself, in January, 1916, a -few weeks before I left Turkey. I quote his own words on this subject: - -“I remember that you told me at the beginning,” said Weitz, “what a -mistake Germany was making in the Armenian matters. I agreed with you -perfectly. But when I urged this view upon Wangenheim, he threw me twice -out of the room!” - -Another German who was opposed to the atrocities was Neurath, the -Conseiller of the German Embassy. His indignation reached such a point -that his language to Talaat and Enver became almost undiplomatic. He -told me, however, that he had failed to influence them. - -“They are immovable and are determined to pursue their present course,” -Neurath said. - -Of course no Germans could make much impression on the Turkish -Government as long as the German Ambassador refused to interfere. And, -as time went on, it became more and more evident that Wangenheim had no -desire to stop the deportations. He apparently wished, however, to -reëstablish friendly relations with me, and soon sent third parties to -ask why I never came to see him. I do not know how long this -estrangement would have lasted had not a great personal affliction -befallen him. In June, Lieutenant Colonel Leipzig, the German Military -Attaché, died under the most tragic and mysterious circumstances in the -railroad station at Lule Bourgas. He was killed by a revolver shot; one -story said that the weapon had been accidentally discharged, another -that the Colonel had committed suicide, still another that the Turks had -assassinated him, mistaking him for Liman von Sanders. Leipzig was one -of Wangenheim’s intimate friends; as young men they had been officers in -the same regiment, and at Constantinople they were almost inseparable. I -immediately called on the Ambassador to express my condolences. I found -him very dejected and careworn. He told me that he had heart trouble, -that he was almost exhausted, and that he had applied for a few weeks’ -leave of absence. I knew that it was not only his comrade’s death that -was preying upon Wangenheim’s mind. German missionaries were flooding -Germany with reports about the Armenians and calling upon the Government -to stop the massacres. Yet, overburdened and nervous as Wangenheim was -this day, he gave many signs that he was still the same unyielding -German militarist. A few days afterward, when he returned my visit, he -asked: - -“Where’s Kitchener’s army? - -“We are willing to surrender Belgium now,” he went on. “Germany intends -to build an enormous fleet of submarines with great cruising radius. In -the next war, we shall therefore be able completely to blockade England. -So we do not need Belgium for its submarine bases. We shall give her -back to the Belgians, taking the Congo in exchange.” - -I then made another plea in behalf of the persecuted Christians. Again -we discussed this subject at length. - -“The Armenians,” said Wangenheim, “have shown themselves in this war to -be enemies of the Turks. It is quite apparent that the two peoples can -never live together in the same country. The Americans should move some -of them to the United States, and we Germans will send some to Poland -and in their place send Jewish Poles to the Armenian provinces--that is, -if they will promise to drop their Zionist schemes.” - -Again, although I spoke with unusual earnestness, the Ambassador refused -to help the Armenians. - -Still, on July 4th, Wangenheim did present a formal note of protest. He -did not talk to Talaat or Enver, the only men who had any authority, but -to the Grand Vizier, who was merely a shadow. The incident had precisely -the same character as his _proforma_ protest against sending the French -and British civilians down to Gallipoli, to serve as targets for the -Allied fleet. Its only purpose was to put Germans officially on record. -Probably the hypocrisy of this protest was more apparent to me than to -others, for, at the very moment when Wangenheim presented this so-called -protest, he was giving me the reasons why Germany could not take really -effective steps to end the massacres. Soon after this interview, -Wangenheim received his leave and went to Germany. - -Callous as Wangenheim showed himself to be, he was not quite so -implacable toward the Armenians as the German naval attaché in -Constantinople, Humann. This person was generally regarded as a man of -great influence; his position in Constantinople corresponded to that of -Boy-Ed in the United States. A German diplomat once told me that Humann -was more of a Turk than Enver or Talaat. Despite this reputation I -attempted to enlist his influence. I appealed to him particularly -because he was a friend of Enver, and was generally looked upon as an -important connecting link between the German Embassy and the Turkish -military authorities. Humann was a personal emissary of the Kaiser, in -constant communication with Berlin and undoubtedly he reflected the -attitude of the ruling powers in Germany. He discussed the Armenian -problem with the utmost frankness and brutality. - -“I have lived in Turkey the larger part of my life,” he told me, “and I -know the Armenians. I also know that both Armenians and Turks cannot -live together in this country. One of these races has got to go. And I -don’t blame the Turks for what they are doing to the Armenians. I think -that they are entirely justified. The weaker nation must succumb. The -Armenians desire to dismember Turkey; they are against the Turks and the -Germans in this war, and they therefore have no right to exist here. I -also think that Wangenheim went altogether too far in making a protest; -at least I would not have done so.” - -I expressed my horror at such sentiments, but Humann went on abusing the -Armenian people and absolving the Turks from all blame. - -“It is a matter of safety,” he replied; “the Turks have got to protect -themselves, and, from this point of view, they are entirely justified in -what they are doing. Why, we found 7,000 guns at Kadikeuy which belonged -to the Armenians. At first Enver wanted to treat the Armenians with the -utmost moderation, and four months ago he insisted that they be given -another opportunity to demonstrate their loyalty. But after what they -did at Van, he had to yield to the army, which had been insisting all -along that it should protect its rear. The Committee decided upon the -deportations and Enver reluctantly agreed. All Armenians are working for -the destruction of Turkey’s power--and the only thing to do is to deport -them. Enver is really a very kind-hearted man; he is incapable -personally of hurting a fly! But when it comes to defending an idea in -which he believes, he will do it fearlessly and recklessly. Moreover, -the Young Turks have to get rid of the Armenians merely as a matter of -self-protection. The Committee is strong only in Constantinople and a -few other large cities. Everywhere else the people are strongly ‘Old -Turk’. And these old Turks are all fanatics. These Old Turks are not in -favour of the present government, and so the Committee has to do -everything in their power to protect themselves. But don’t think that -any harm will come to other Christians. Any Turk can easily pick out -three Armenians among a thousand Turks!” - -Humann was not the only important German who expressed this latter -sentiment. Intimations began to reach me from many sources that my -“meddling” in behalf of the Armenians was making me more and more -unpopular in German officialdom. One day in October, Neurath, the German -Conseiller, called and showed me a telegram which he had just received -from the German Foreign Office. This contained the information that Earl -Crewe and Earl Cromer had spoken on the Armenians in the House of Lords, -had laid the responsibility for the massacres upon the Germans, and had -declared that they had received their information from an American -witness. The telegram also referred to an article in the _Westminster -Gazette_, which said that the German consuls at certain places had -instigated and even led the attacks, and particularly mentioned Resler -of Aleppo. Neurath said that his government had directed him to obtain a -denial of these charges from the American Ambassador at Constantinople. -I refused to make such a denial, saying that I did not feel called upon -to decide officially whether Turkey or Germany was to blame for these -crimes. - -Yet everywhere in diplomatic circles there seemed to be a conviction -that the American Ambassador was responsible for the wide publicity -which the Armenian massacres were receiving in Europe and the United -States. I have no hesitation in saying that they were right about this. -In December, my son, Henry Morgenthau, Jr., paid a visit to the -Gallipoli peninsula, where he was entertained by General Liman von -Sanders and other German officers. He had hardly stepped into German -headquarters when an officer came up to him and said: - -“Those are very interesting articles on the Armenian question which -your father is writing in the American newspapers.” - -“My father has been writing no articles,” my son replied. - -“Oh,” said this officer, “just because his name isn’t signed to them -doesn’t mean that he is not writing them!” - -Von Sanders also spoke on this subject. - -“Your father is making a great mistake,” he said, “giving out the facts -about what the Turks are doing to the Armenians. That really is not his -business.” - -As hints of this kind made no impression on me, the Germans evidently -decided to resort to threats. In the early autumn, a Dr. Nossig arrived -in Constantinople from Berlin. Dr. Nossig was a German Jew, and came to -Turkey evidently to work against the Zionists. After he had talked with -me for a few minutes, describing his Jewish activities, I soon -discovered that he was a German political agent. He came to see me -twice; the first time his talk was somewhat indefinite, the purpose of -the call apparently being to make my acquaintance and insinuate himself -into my good graces. The second time, after discoursing vaguely on -several topics, he came directly to the point. He drew his chair close -up to me and began to talk in the most friendly and confidential manner. - -“Mr. Ambassador,” he said, “we are both Jews and I want to speak to you -as one Jew to another. I hope you will not be offended if I presume upon -this to give you a little advice. You are very active in the interest of -the Armenians and I do not think you realize how very unpopular you are -becoming, for this reason, with the authorities here. In fact, I think -that I ought to tell you that the Turkish Government is contemplating -asking for your recall. Your protests for the Armenians will be useless. -The Germans will not interfere for them and you are just spoiling your -opportunity for usefulness and running the risk that your career will -end ignominiously.” - -“Are you giving me this advice,” I asked, “because you have a real -interest in my personal welfare?” - -“Certainly,” he answered; “all of us Jews are proud of what you have -done and we would hate to see your career end disastrously.” - -“Then you go back to the German Embassy,” I said, “and tell Wangenheim -what I say--to go ahead and have me recalled. If I am to suffer -martyrdom, I can think of no better cause in which to be sacrificed. In -fact, I would welcome it, for I can think of no greater honour than to -be recalled because I, a Jew, have been exerting all my powers to save -the lives of hundreds of thousands of Christians.” - -Dr. Nossig hurriedly left my office and I have never seen him since. -When next I met Enver I told him that there were rumours that the -Ottoman Government was about to ask for my recall. He was very emphatic -in denouncing the whole story as a falsehood. “We would not be guilty of -making such a ridiculous mistake,” he said. So there was not the -slightest doubt that this attempt to intimidate me had been hatched at -the German Embassy. - -Wangenheim returned to Constantinople in early October. I was shocked at -the changes that had taken place in the man. As I wrote in my diary, “he -looked the perfect picture of Wotan.” His face was almost constantly -twitching; he wore a black cover over his right eye, and he seemed -unusually nervous and depressed. He told me that he had obtained little -rest; that he had been obliged to spend most of his time in Berlin -attending to business. A few days after his return I met him on my way -to Haskeuy; he said that he was going to the American Embassy and -together we walked back to it. I had been recently told by Talaat that -he intended to deport all the Armenians who were left in Turkey and this -statement had induced me to make a final plea to the one man in -Constantinople who had the power to end the horrors. I took Wangenheim -up to the second floor of the Embassy, where we could be entirely alone -and uninterrupted, and there, for more than an hour, sitting together -over the tea table, we had our last conversation on this subject. - -“Berlin telegraphs me,” he said, “that your Secretary of State tells -them that you say that more Armenians than ever have been massacred -since Bulgaria has come in on our side.” - -“No, I did not cable that,” I replied. “I admit that I have sent a large -amount of information to Washington. I have sent copies of every report -and every statement to the State Department. They are safely lodged -there, and whatever happens to me, the evidence is complete, and the -American people are not dependent on my oral report for their -information. But this particular statement you make is not quite -accurate. I merely informed Mr. Lansing that any influence Bulgaria -might exert to stop the massacres has been lost, now that she has become -Turkey’s ally.” - -We again discussed the deportations. - -“Germany is not responsible for this,” Wangenheim said. - -“You can assert that to the end of time,” I replied “but nobody will -believe it. The world will always hold Germany responsible; the guilt of -these crimes will be your inheritance forever. I know that you have -filed a paper protest. But what does that amount to? You know better -than I do that such a protest will have no effect. I do not claim that -Germany is responsible for these massacres in the sense that she -instigated them. But she is responsible in the sense that she had the -power to stop them and did not use it. And it is not only America and -your present enemies that will hold you responsible. The German people -will some day call your government to account. You are a Christian -people and the time will come when Germans will realize that you have -let a Mohammedan people destroy another Christian nation. How foolish is -your protest that I am sending information to my State Department. Do -you suppose that you can keep secret such hellish atrocities as these? -Don’t get such a silly, ostrich-like thought as that--don’t think that -by ignoring them yourselves, you can get the rest of the world to do so. -Crimes like these cry to heaven. Do you think I could know about things -like this and not report them to my government? And don’t forget that -German missionaries, as well as American, are sending me information -about the Armenians.” - -“All that you say may be true,” replied the German Ambassador, “_but the -big problem that confronts us is to win this war_. Turkey has settled -with her foreign enemies; she has done that at the Dardanelles and at -Gallipoli. She is now trying to settle her internal affairs. They still -greatly fear that the Capitulations will again be forced upon them. -Before they are again put under this restraint, they intend to have -their internal problems in such shape that there will be little chance -of any interference from foreign nations. Talaat has told me that he is -determined to complete this task before peace is declared. In the future -they don’t intend that the Russians shall be in a position to say that -they have a right to intervene about Armenian matters because there are -a large number of Armenians in Russia who are affected by the troubles -of their co-religionists in Turkey. Giers used to be doing this all the -time and the Turks do not intend that any ambassador from Russia or from -any other country shall have such an opportunity in the future. The -Armenians anyway are a very poor lot. You come in contact in -Constantinople with Armenians of the educated classes, and you get your -impressions about them from these men, but all the Armenians are not of -that type. Yet I admit that they have been treated terribly. I sent a -man to make investigations and he reported that the worst outrages have -not been committed by Turkish officials but by brigands.” - -Wangenheim again suggested that the Armenians be taken to the United -States, and once more I gave him the reasons why this would be -impracticable. - -“Never mind all these considerations,” I said. “Let us disregard -everything--military necessity, state policy, and all else--and let us -look upon this simply as a human problem. Remember that most of the -people who are being treated in this way are old men, old women, and -helpless children. Why can’t you, as a human being, see that these -people are permitted to live?” - -“At the present stage of internal affairs in Turkey,” Wangenheim -replied, “I shall not intervene.” - -I saw that it was useless to discuss the matter further. He was a man -who was devoid of sympathy and human pity, and I turned from him in -disgust. Wangenheim rose to leave. As he did so he gave a gasp, and his -legs suddenly shot from under him. I jumped and caught the man just as -he was falling. For a minute he seemed utterly dazed; he looked at me in -a bewildered way, then suddenly collected himself and regained his -poise. I took the Ambassador by the arm, piloted him down stairs, and -put him into his auto. By this time he had apparently recovered from his -dizzy spell and he reached home safely. Two days afterward, while -sitting at his dinner table, he had a stroke of apoplexy; he was carried -upstairs to his bed, but he never regained consciousness. On October -24th, I was officially informed that Wangenheim was dead. And thus my -last recollection of Wangenheim is that of the Ambassador as he sat in -my office in the American Embassy, absolutely refusing to exert any -influence to prevent the massacre of a nation. He was the one man, and -his government was the one government, that could have stopped these -crimes, but, as Wangenheim told me many times, “_our one aim is to win -this war_.” - -A few days afterward official Turkey and the diplomatic force paid their -last tribute to this perfect embodiment of the Prussian system. The -funeral was held in the garden of the German Embassy at Pera. The -inclosure was filled with flowers. Practically the whole gathering, -excepting the family and the ambassadors and the Sultan’s -representatives, remained standing during the simple but impressive -ceremonies. Then the procession formed; German sailors carried the bier -upon their shoulders, other German sailors carried the huge bunches of -flowers, and all members of the diplomatic corps and the officials of -the Turkish Government followed on foot. - -The Grand Vizier led the procession; I walked the whole way with Enver. -All the officers of the _Goeben_ and the _Breslau_, and all the German -generals, dressed in full uniform, followed. It seemed as though the -whole of Constantinople lined the streets, and the atmosphere had some -of the quality of a holiday. We walked to the grounds of Dolma Bagtche, -the Sultan’s Palace, passing through the gate which the ambassadors -enter when presenting their credentials. At the dock a steam launch lay -awaiting our arrival, and in this stood Neurath, the German Conseiller, -ready to receive the body of his dead chieftain. The coffin, entirely -covered with flowers, was placed in the boat. As the launch sailed out -into the stream Neurath, a six-foot Prussian, dressed in his military -uniform, his helmet a waving mass of white plumes, stood erect and -silent. Wangenheim was buried in the park of the summer embassy at -Therapia, by the side of his comrade Colonel Leipzig. No final -resting-place would have been more appropriate, for this had been the -scene of his diplomatic successes, and it was from this place that, a -little more than two years before, he had directed by wireless the -_Goeben_ and the _Breslau_, and safely brought them into Constantinople, -thus making it inevitable that Turkey should join forces with Germany, -and paving the way for all the triumphs and all the horrors that have -necessarily followed that event. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVIII - -ENVER AGAIN MOVES FOR PEACE--FAREWELL TO THE SULTAN AND TO TURKEY - - -My failure to stop the destruction of the Armenians had made Turkey for -me a place of horror, and I found intolerable my further daily -association with men who, however gracious and accommodating and -good-natured they might have been to the American Ambassador, were still -reeking with the blood of nearly a million human beings. Could I have -done anything more, either for Americans, enemy aliens, or the -persecuted peoples of the empire, I would willingly have stayed. The -position of Americans and Europeans, however, had now become secure and, -so far as the subject peoples were concerned, I had reached the end of -my resources. Moreover, an event was approaching in the United States -which, I believed, would inevitably have the greatest influence upon the -future of the world and of democracy--the presidential campaign. I felt -that there was nothing so important in international politics as the -reëlection of President Wilson. I could imagine no greater calamity, for -the United States and the world, than that the American nation should -fail to indorse heartily this great statesman. If I could substantially -assist in Mr. Wilson’s reëlection, I concluded that I could better serve -my country at home at this juncture. - -I had another practical reason for returning home, and that was to give -the President and the State Department, by word of mouth, such -first-hand information as I possessed on the European situation. It was -especially important to give them the latest side lights on the subject -of peace. In the latter part of 1915 and the early part of 1916 this was -the uppermost topic in Constantinople. Enver Pasha was constantly asking -me to intercede with the President to end the war. Several times he -intimated that Turkey was war-weary and that its salvation depended on -getting an early peace. I have already described the conditions that -prevailed a few months after the outbreak of the war, but, by the end of -1915, they were infinitely worse. When Turkey decided on the deportation -and massacre of her subject peoples, especially the Armenians and -Greeks, she had signed her own economic death warrant. These were the -people, as I have already said, who controlled her industries and her -finances and developed her agriculture, and the material consequences of -this great national crime now began to be everywhere apparent. The farms -were lying uncultivated and daily thousands of peasants were dying of -starvation. As the Armenians and Greeks were the largest taxpayers, -their annihilation greatly reduced the state revenues, and the fact that -practically all Turkish ports were blockaded had shut off customs -collections. The mere statement that Turkey was barely taking in money -enough to pay the interest on her debt, to say nothing of ordinary -expenses and war expenses, gives a fair idea of her advanced degree of -exhaustion. In these facts Turkey had abundant reasons for desiring a -speedy peace. Besides this, Enver and the ruling party feared a -revolution, unless the war quickly came to an end. As I wrote the State -Department about this time, “These men are willing to do almost anything -to retain their power.” - -Still I did not take Enver’s importunities for peace any too seriously. - -“Are you speaking for yourself and your party in this matter,” I asked -him, “or do you really speak for Germany also? I cannot submit a -proposition from you unless the Germans are back of you. Have you -consulted them about this?” - -“No,” Enver replied, “but I know how they feel.” - -“That is not sufficient,” I answered. “You had better communicate with -them directly through the German Embassy. I would not be willing to -submit a proposition that was not indorsed by all the Teutonic Allies.” - -Enver thought that it would be almost useless to discuss the matter with -the German Ambassador. He said, however, that he was just leaving for -Orsova, a town on the Hungarian and Rumanian frontier, where he was to -have a conference with Falkenhayn, at that time the German -Chief-of-Staff. Falkenhayn, said Enver, was the important man; he would -take up the question of peace with him. - -“Why do you think that it is a good time to discuss peace now?” I asked. - -“Because in two weeks we shall have completely annihilated Serbia. We -think that should put the Allies in a frame of mind to discuss peace. My -visit to Falkenhayn is to complete arrangements for the invasion of -Egypt. In a very few days we expect Greece to join us. We are already -preparing tons of provisions and fodder to send to Greece. And when we -get Greece, of course, Rumania will come in. When the Greeks and -Rumanians join us, we shall have a million fresh troops. We shall get -all the guns and ammunition we need from Germany as soon as the direct -railroad is opened. All these things make it an excellent time for us to -take up the matter of peace.” - -I asked the Minister of War to talk the matter over with Falkenhayn at -his proposed interview, and report to me when he returned. In some way -this conversation came to the ears of the new German Ambassador, Graf -Wolf-Metternich, who immediately called to discuss the subject. He -apparently wished to impress upon me two things: that Germany would -never surrender Alsace-Lorraine, and that she would insist on the return -of all her colonies. I replied that it was apparently useless to discuss -peace until England first had won some great military victory. - -“That may be so,” replied the Graf, “but you can hardly expect that -Germany shall let England win such a victory merely to put her in a -frame of mind to consider peace. But I think that you are wrong. It is a -mistake to say that Great Britain has not already won great victories. I -think that she has several very substantial ones to her credit. Just -consider what she has done. She has established her unquestioned -supremacy of the seas and driven off all German commerce. She has not -only not lost a foot of her own territory, but she has gained enormous -new domains. She has annexed Cyprus and Egypt and has conquered all the -German colonies. She is in possession of a considerable part of -Mesopotamia. How absurd to say that England has gained nothing by the -war!” - -On December 1st, Enver came to the American Embassy and reported the -results of his interview with Falkenhayn. The German Chief-of-Staff had -said that Germany would very much like to discuss peace but that Germany -could not state her terms in advance, as such an action would be -generally interpreted as a sign of weakness. But one thing could be -depended on; the Allies could obtain far more favourable terms at that -moment than at any future time. Enver told me that the Germans would be -willing to surrender all the territory they had taken from the French -and practically all of Belgium. But the one thing on which they had -definitely settled was the permanent dismemberment of Serbia. Not an -acre of Macedonia would be returned to Serbia and even parts of old -Serbia would be retained; that is, Serbia would become a much smaller -country than she had been before the Balkan wars, and, in fact, she -would practically disappear as an independent state. The meaning of all -this was apparent, even then. Germany had won the object for which she -had really gone to war; a complete route from Berlin to Constantinople -and the East; part, and a good part, of the Pan-German “Mittel Europa” -had thus become an accomplished military fact. Apparently Germany was -willing to give up the overrun provinces of northern France and Belgium, -provided that the Entente would consent to her retention of these -conquests. The proposal which Falkenhayn made then did not materially -differ from that which Germany had put forward in the latter part of -1914. This Enver-Falkenhayn interview, as reported to me, shows that it -was no suddenly conceived German plan, but that it has been Germany’s -scheme from the first. - -In all this I saw no particular promise of an early peace. Yet I thought -that I should lay these facts before the President. I therefore applied -to Washington for a leave of absence, which was granted. - -I had my farewell interview with Enver and Talaat on the thirteenth of -January. Both men were in their most delightful mood. Evidently both -were turning over in their minds, as was I, all the momentous events -that had taken place in Turkey, and in the world, since my first meeting -with them two years before. Then Talaat and Enver were merely desperate -adventurers who had reached high position by assassination and intrigue; -their position was insecure, for at any moment another revolution might -plunge them into the obscurity from which they had sprung. But now they -were the unquestioned despots of the Ottoman Empire, the allies of the -then strongest military power in the world, the conquerors--absurdly -enough they so regarded themselves--of the British navy. At this moment -of their great triumph--the Allied expedition to the Dardanelles had -evacuated its positions only two weeks before--both Talaat and Enver -regarded their country again as a world power. - -“I hear you are going home to spend a lot of money and reëlect your -President,” said Talaat--this being a jocular reference to the fact that -I was the Chairman of the Finance Committee of the Democratic National -Committee. “That’s very foolish; why don’t you stay here and give it to -Turkey? We need it more than your people do.” - -“But we hope you are coming back soon,” he added, in the polite (and -insincere) manner of the oriental. “You and we have really grown up -together; you came here about the same time that we took office and we -don’t know how we could ever get so well acquainted with another man. We -have grown fond of you, too. We have had our differences, and pretty -lively ones at times, but we have always found you fair, and we respect -American policy in Turkey as you have represented it. We don’t like to -see you go, even for a few months.” - -I expressed my pleasure at these words. - -“It’s very nice to hear you talk that way,” I answered. “Since you -flatter me so much, I know that you will be willing to promise me -certain things. Since I have you both here together this is my chance to -put you on record. Will you treat the people in my charge considerately, -just the same as though I were here?” - -“As to the American missionaries and colleges and schools,” said -Talaat--and Enver assented--”we give you an absolute promise. They will -not be molested in the slightest degree, but can go on doing their work -just the same as before. Your mind can rest easy on that score.” - -“How about the British and French?” I asked. - -“Oh, well,” said Talaat, smiling, “we may have to have a little fun with -them now and then, but don’t worry. We’ll take good care of them.” - -And now for the last time I spoke on the subject that had rested so -heavily on my mind for many months. I feared that another appeal would -be useless, but I decided to make it. - -“How about the Armenians?” - -Talaat’s geniality disappeared in an instant. His face hardened and the -fire of the beast lighted up his eyes once more. - -“What’s the use of speaking about them?” he said, waving his hand. “We -are through with them. That’s all over.” - -Such was my farewell with Talaat. “That’s all over” were his last words -to me. - -The next day I had my farewell audience with the Sultan. He was the same -gracious, kindly old gentleman whom I had first met two years before. He -received me informally, in civilian European clothes, and asked me to -sit down with him. We talked for twenty minutes, and discussed among -other things the pleasant relations that prevailed between America and -Turkey. He thanked me for the interest which I had taken in his country -and hoped that I would soon return. Then he took up the question of war -and peace. - -“Every monarch naturally desires peace,” he said. “None of us approves -the shedding of blood. But there are times when war seems unavoidable. -We may wish to settle our disputes amicably, but we cannot always do it. -This seems to be one of them. I told the British Ambassador that we did -not wish to go to war with his country. I tell you the same thing now. -But Turkey had to defend her rights. Russia attacked us; and naturally -we had to defend ourselves. Thus the war was not the result of any -planning on our part; it was an act of Allah--it was fate.” - -I expressed the hope that it might soon be over. - -“Yes, we wish peace also,” replied His Majesty. “But it must be a peace -that will guarantee the rights of our empire. I am sure that a civilized -and flourishing country like America wants peace, and she should exert -all her efforts to bring about a peace that shall be permanent.” - -One of the Sultan’s statements at this interview left a lasting -impression. This was his assertion that “Russia attacked us.” That the -simple-minded old gentleman believed this was apparent; it was also -clear that he knew nothing of the real facts--that Turkish warships, -under German officers, had plunged Turkey into the war by bombarding -Russian seaports. Instead of telling him the truth, the Young Turk -leaders had foisted upon the Sultan this fiction of Russia as the -aggressor. The interview showed precisely to what extent the ostensible -ruler of Turkey was acquainted with the crucial facts in the government -of his own empire. - -In our interview Talaat and Enver had not said their final farewells, -telling me that they would meet me at the station. A few minutes before -the train started Bedri came up, rather pale-faced and excited, and -brought me their apologies. - -“They cannot come,” he said, “the Crown Prince has just committed -suicide.” - -I knew the Crown Prince well and I had expected to have him as a fellow -passenger to Berlin; he had been about to make a trip to Germany, and -his special car was attached to this train. I had seen much of Youssouf -Izzeddin; he had several times invited me to call upon him, and we had -spent many hours talking over the United States and American -institutions, in which subject he had always displayed the keenest -interest. Many times had he told me that he would like to introduce -certain American governmental ideas in Turkey. This morning, when we -were leaving for Berlin, the Crown Prince was found lying on the floor -in his villa, bathed in a pool of blood, with his arteries cut. Youssouf -was the son of Abdul-Aziz, Sultan from 1861 to 1876, who, gruesomely -enough, had ended his days by opening his arteries forty years before. -The circumstances surrounding the death of father and son were thus -precisely the same. The fact that Youssouf was strongly pro-Ally, that -he had opposed Turkey’s participation in the war on Germany’s side, and -that he was extremely antagonistic to the Committee of Union and -Progress gave rise to many suspicions. I know nothing about the stories -that now went from mouth to mouth, and merely record that the official -report on the death was that it was a case of “suicide.” - -“_On l’a suicidé!_” (they have suicided him!), remarked a witty -Frenchman, when this verdict was reported. - -This tragic announcement naturally cast a gloom over our party, as our -train pulled out of Constantinople, but the journey proved to be full of -interest. I was now on the famous Balkanzug, and this was only the -second trip which it had made to Berlin. My room was No. 13; several -people came to look at it, telling me that, on the outward trip, the -train had been shot at, and a window of my compartment broken. - -Soon after we started I discovered that Admiral Usedom was one of my -fellow passengers. Usedom had had a distinguished career in the navy; -among other things he had been captain of the _Hohenzollern_, the -Kaiser’s yacht, and thus was upon friendly terms with His Majesty. The -last time I had seen Usedom was on my visit to the Dardanelles, where he -had been Inspector General of the Ottoman defenses. As soon as we met -again, the admiral began to talk about the abortive Allied attack. He -again made no secret of the fears which he had then entertained that -this attack would succeed. - -“Several times,” he said, “we thought that they were on the verge of -getting through. All of us down there were very much distressed and -depressed over the prospect. We owed much to the heroism of the Turks -and their willingness to sacrifice an unlimited number of human lives. -It is all over now--that part of our task is finished.” - -The Admiral thought that the British landing party had been badly -prepared, though he spoke admiringly of the skill with which the Allies -had managed their retreat. I also obtained further light on the German -attitude toward the Armenian massacres. Usedom made no attempt to -justify them; neither did he blame the Turks. He discussed the whole -thing calmly, dispassionately, merely as a military problem, and one -would never have guessed from his remarks that the lives of a million -human beings had been involved. He simply said that the Armenians were -in the way, that they were an obstacle to German success, and that it -had therefore been necessary to remove them, just like so much useless -lumber. He spoke about them as detachedly as one would speak about -removing a row of houses in order to bombard a city. - -Poor Serbia! As our train sped through her devastated districts I had a -picture of what the war had meant to this brave little country. In the -last two years this nation had stood alone, practically unassisted by -her allies, attempting to stem the rush of Pan-German conquest, just as, -for several centuries, she had stood as a bulwark against the onslaughts -of the Turks. And she had paid the penalty. Many farms we passed were -abandoned, overgrown with weeds and neglected, and the buildings were -frequently roofless and sometimes razed to the ground. Whenever we -crossed a stream we saw the remains of a dynamited bridge; in all cases -the Germans had built new ones to replace those which had been -destroyed. We saw many women and children, looking ragged and half -starved, but significantly we saw very few men, for all had either been -killed or they were in the ranks of Serbia’s still existing and valiant -little army. All this time trains full of German soldiers were passing -us or standing on the switches at the stations where we slowed up, a -sufficient explanation for all the misery and devastation we saw on our -way. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIX - -VON JAGOW, ZIMMERMANN, AND GERMAN-AMERICANS - - -Our train drew into the Berlin station on the evening of February 2, -1916. The date is worth mentioning, for that marked an important crisis -in German-American relations. Almost the first man I met was my old -friend and colleague, Ambassador James W. Gerard. Mr. Gerard told me -that he was packing up and expected to leave Berlin at any moment, for -he believed that a break between Germany and the United States was a -matter only of days, perhaps of hours. At that time Germany and the -United States were discussing the settlement of the _Lusitania_ outrage. -The negotiations had reached a point where the Imperial Government had -expressed a willingness to express her regrets, pay an indemnity, and -promise not to do it again. But the President and Mr. Lansing insisted -that Germany should declare that the sinking of the _Lusitania_ had been -an illegal act. This meant that Germany at no time in the future could -resume submarine warfare without stultifying herself and doing something -which her own government had denounced as contrary to international law. -But our government would accept nothing less and the two nations were, -therefore, at loggerheads. - -“I can do nothing more,” said Mr. Gerard. “I want to have you talk with -Zimmermann and Von Jagow, and perhaps you can give them a new point of -view.” - -I soon discovered, from my many callers, that the atmosphere in Berlin -was tense and exceedingly anti-American. Our country was regarded -everywhere as practically an ally of the Entente, and I found that the -most absurd ideas prevailed concerning the closeness of our relations -with England. Thus it was generally believed that Sir Cecil Spring-Rice, -the British Ambassador in Washington, met regularly with President -Wilson’s Cabinet and was consulted on all our national policies. - -At three o’clock Mr. Gerard took me to Von Jagow’s house and we spent -more than an hour there with the Foreign Minister. Von Jagow was a -small, slight man of nervous disposition. He lighted cigarette after -cigarette during our interview. He was apparently greatly worried over -the American situation. Let us not suppose that the German Government -regarded lightly a break with the United States. At that time their -newspapers were ridiculing and insulting us, and making fun of the idea -that Uncle Sam would go to war. The contrast between these journalistic -vapourings and the anxiety, even the fear, which this high German -official displayed, much impressed me. The prospect of having our men -and our resources thrown on the side of the Entente he did not regard -indifferently, whatever the Berlin press might say. - -“It seems to us a shame that Mr. Lansing should insist that we declare -the _Lusitania_ sinking illegal,” Von Jagow began. “He is acting like a -technical lawyer.” - -“If you want the real truth,” I replied, “I do not think that the United -States is particular or technical about the precise terms that you use. -But you must give definite assurances that you are sorry for the act, -say that you regard it as an improper one, and that it will not occur -again. Unless you do this, the United States will not be satisfied.” - -“We cannot do that,” he answered. “Public opinion in Germany would not -permit it. If we should make a declaration such as you outline, the -present Cabinet would fall.” - -“But I thought that you had public opinion here well under control?” I -answered. “It may take a little time but certainly you can change public -sentiment so that it would approve such a settlement.” - -“As far as the newspapers are concerned,” said Von Jagow, “that is true. -We can absolutely control them. However, that will take some time. The -newspapers cannot reverse themselves immediately; they will have to do -it gradually, taking two or three weeks. We can manage them. But there -are members of Parliament whom we can’t control and they would make so -much trouble that we would all have to resign.” - -“Yet it seems to me,” I rejoined, “that you could get these members -together, explain to them the necessity of keeping the United States out -of the war, and that they would be convinced. The trouble is that you -Germans don’t understand conditions in my country. You don’t think that -the United States will fight. You don’t understand President Wilson; you -think that he is an idealist and a peace man, and that, under no -circumstances, will he take up arms. You are making the greatest and -most costly mistake that any nation could make. The President has two -sides to his nature. Do not forget that he has Scotch-Irish blood in -him. Up to the present you have seen only the Scotch side of him. That -makes him very cautious, makes him weigh every move, makes him patient -and long-suffering. But he has also all the fire and combativeness of -the Irish. Let him once set his jaws and it takes a crowbar to open them -again. If he once decides to fight, he will fight with all his soul and -to the bitter end. You can go just so far with your provocations but no -farther. You are also greatly deceived because certain important members -of Congress, perhaps even a member of the Cabinet, have been for peace. -But there is one man who is going to settle this matter--that is the -President. He will settle it as he thinks right and just, irrespective -of what other people may say or do.” - -Von Jagow said that I had given him a new impression of the President. -But he still had one more reason to believe that the United States would -not go to war. - -“How about the German-Americans?” he asked. - -“I can tell you all about them,” I answered, “because I am one of them -myself. I was born in Germany and spent the first nine years of my life -here. I have always loved many things German, such as its music and its -literature. But my parents left this country because they were -dissatisfied and unhappy here. The United States gave us a friendly -reception and a home, and made us prosperous and happy. There are many -millions just like us; there is no business opportunity and no social -position that is not open to us. I do not believe that there is a more -contented people in the world than the German-Americans.” I could not -reveal to him my own state of mind, as I was still ambassador, but I -could and did say: - -“Take my own children. Their sympathies all through this war have been -with England and her allies. My son is here with me; he tells me that, -if the United States goes to war, he will enlist immediately. Do you -suppose, in case we should go to war with Germany, that they would side -with you? The idea is simply preposterous. And the overwhelming mass of -German-Americans feel precisely the same way.” - -“But I am told,” said Von Jagow, “that there will be an insurrection of -German-Americans if your country makes war on us.” - -“Dismiss any such idea from your mind,” I replied. “The first one who -attempts it will be punished so promptly and so drastically that such a -movement will not go far. And I think that the loyal German-Americans -themselves will be the first to administer such punishment.” - -“We wish to avoid a rupture with the United States,” said Von Jagow. -“But we must have time to change public sentiment here. There are two -parties here, holding diametrically opposed views on submarine warfare. -One believes in pushing it to the limit, irrespective of consequences to -the United States or any other power. The present Cabinet takes the -contrary view; we wish to meet the contentions of your President. But -the militaristic faction is pushing us hard. They will force us out of -office if we declare the _Lusitania_ sinking illegal or improper. I -think that President Wilson should understand this. We are working with -him, but we must go cautiously. I should suppose that Mr. Wilson, since -he wishes to avoid a break, would prefer to have us in power. Why should -he take a stand that will drive us out of office and put in here men -who will make war inevitable between Germany and the United States?” - -“Do you wish Washington to understand,” I asked, “that your tenure of -office depends on your not making this declaration?” - -“We certainly do,” replied Von Jagow. “I wish that you would telegraph -Washington to that effect. Tell the President that, if we are displaced -now, we shall be succeeded by men who advocate unlimited submarine -warfare.” - -He expressed himself as amazed at my description of President Wilson and -his willingness to fight. “We regard him,” said Von Jagow, “as -absolutely a man of peace. Nor do we believe that the American people -will fight. They are far from the scene of action, and, what, after all, -have they to fight for? Your material interests are not affected.” - -“But there is one thing that we will fight for,” I replied, “and that is -moral principle. It is quite apparent that you do not understand the -American spirit. You do not realize that we are holding off, not because -we have no desire to fight, but because we wish to be absolutely fair. -We first wish to have all the evidence in. I admit that we are reluctant -to mix in foreign disputes, but we shall insist upon our right to use -the ocean as we see fit and we don’t propose to have Germany constantly -interfering with that right and murdering our citizens. The American is -still perhaps a great powerful youth, but once he gets his mind made up -that he is going to defend his rights, he will do so irrespective of -consequences. You seem to think that Americans will not fight for a -principle; you apparently have forgotten that all our wars have been -over matters of principle. Take the greatest of them all--the Civil War, -from 1861 to ’65. We in the North fought to emancipate the slaves; that -was purely a matter of principle; our material interests were not -involved. And we fought that to the end, although we had to fight our -own brothers.” - -“We don’t want to be on bad terms with the United States,” Von Jagow -replied. “There are three nations on whom the peace of the world -depends--England, the United States, and Germany. We three should get -together, establish peace, and maintain it. I thank you for your -explanation; I understand the situation much better now. But I still -don’t see why your Government is so hard on Germany and so easy with -England.” - -I made the usual explanation that we regarded our problem with each -nation as a distinct matter and could not make our treatment of Germany -in any way conditional on our treatment of England. - -“Oh, yes,” replied Von Jagow, rather plaintively. “It reminds me of two -boys playing in a yard. One is to be punished first and the other is -waiting for his turn. Wilson is going to spank the German boy first, -and, after he gets through, then he proposes to take up England.” - -“However,” he concluded, “I wish you would cable the President that you -have gone over the matter with me and now understand the German point of -view. Won’t you please ask him to do nothing until you have reached the -other side and explained the whole thing personally?” - -I made this promise, and Mr. Gerard and I cabled immediately. - -At four-thirty o’clock I had an engagement to take tea with Dr. -Alexander and his wife at their home. I had been there about fifteen -minutes when Zimmermann was announced! He was a different kind of man -from Von Jagow. He impressed me as much stronger, mentally and -physically. He was tall, even stately in his bearing, masterful in his -manner, direct and searching in his questions, but extremely pleasing -and insinuating. - -Zimmermann, discussing the German-American situation, began with a -statement which I presume he thought would be gratifying to me. He told -me how splendidly the Jews had behaved in Germany during the war and how -deeply under obligations the Germans felt to them. - -“After the war,” he said, “they are going to be much better treated in -Germany than they have been.” - -Zimmermann told me that Von Jagow had told him about our talk and asked -me to repeat part of it. He was particularly interested, he said, in my -statements about the German-Americans, and he wished to learn from me -himself the facts upon which I based my conclusions. Like most Germans, -he regarded the Germanic elements in our population as almost a part of -Germany. - -“Are you sure that the mass of German-Americans would be loyal to the -United States in case of war?” he asked. “Aren’t their feelings for the -Fatherland really dominant?” - -“You evidently regard those German-Americans as a distinct part of the -population,” I replied, “living apart from the rest of the people and -having very little to do with American life as a whole. You could not -make a greater mistake. You can purchase a few here and there, who will -make a big noise and shout for Germany, but I am talking about the -millions of Americans of German ancestry. These people regard themselves -as Americans and nothing else. The second generation particularly resent -being looked upon as Germans. It is practically impossible to make them -talk German; they refuse to speak anything but English. They do not read -German newspapers and will not go to German schools. They even resent -going to Lutheran churches where the language is German. We have more -than a million German-Americans in New York City, but it has been a -great struggle to keep alive one German theatre; the reason is that -these people prefer the theatres where English is the language. We have -a few German clubs, but their membership is very small. The -German-Americans prefer to belong to the clubs of general membership and -there is not a single one in New York, even the finest, where they are -not received upon their merits. In the political and social life of New -York there are few German-Americans who, as such, have acquired any -prominent position, though there are plenty of men of distinguished -position who are German in origin. If the United States and Germany go -to war, you will not only be surprised at the loyalty of our German -people, but the whole world will be. Another point; if the United States -goes in, we shall fight to the end, and it will be a very long and a -very determined struggle.” - -After three years I have no reason to be ashamed of either of these -prophecies. I sometimes wonder what Zimmermann now thinks of my -statements. - -After the explanation Zimmermann began to talk about Turkey. He seemed -interested to find out whether the Turks were likely to make a separate -peace. I bluntly told him that the Turks felt themselves to be under no -obligations to the Germans. This gave me another opportunity. - -“I have learned a good deal about German methods in Turkey,” I said. “I -think it would be a great mistake to attempt similar tactics in the -United States. I speak of this because there has been a good deal of -sabotage there already. This in itself is solidifying the -German-Americans against you and is more than anything else driving the -United States into the arms of England.” - -“But the German Government is not responsible,” said Zimmermann. “We -know nothing about it.” - -Of course I could not accept that statement on its face value--recent -developments have shown how mendacious it was--but we passed to other -topics. The matter of the submarine came up again. - -“We have voluntarily interned our navy,” said Zimmermann. “We can do -nothing at sea except with our submarines. It seems to me that the -United States is making a serious mistake in so strongly opposing the -submarine. You have a long coast line and you may need the U-boat -yourself some day. Suppose one of the European Powers, or particularly -Japan, should attack you. You could use the submarine to good purpose -then. Besides, if you insist on this proposed declaration in the -_Lusitania_ matter, you will simply force our government into the hands -of the Tirpitz party.” - -Zimmermann now returned again to the situation in Turkey. His questions -showed that he was much displeased with the new German Ambassador, Graf -Wolf-Metternich. Metternich, it seemed, had failed in his attempt to -win the good will of the ruling powers in Turkey and had been a trial to -the German Foreign Office. Metternich had shown a different attitude -toward the Armenians from Wangenheim, and he had made sincere attempts -with Talaat and Enver to stop the massacres. Zimmermann now told me that -Metternich had made a great mistake in doing this and had destroyed his -influence at Constantinople. Zimmermann made no effort to conceal his -displeasure over Metternich’s manifestation of a humanitarian spirit. I -now saw that Wangenheim had really represented the attitude of official -Berlin, and I thus had confirmation, from the highest German authority, -of my conviction that Germany had acquiesced in those deportations. - - * * * * * - -In a few days we had taken the steamer at Copenhagen, and, on February -22, 1916, I found myself once more sailing into New York harbour--and -home. - - - THE END - -[Illustration] - - THE COUNTRY LIFE PRESS - GARDEN CITY, N. 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You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: Ambassador Morgenthau's Story - -Author: Henry Morgenthau - -Release Date: August 11, 2017 [EBook #55343] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU'S STORY *** - - - - -Produced by Cindy Horton, Chuck Greif and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries) - - - - - - -</pre> - -<hr class="full" /> - -<p class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/cover.jpg" alt="[Image of the book's -cover unavailable.]" /> -</p> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary="" -style="border: 2px black solid;margin:auto auto;max-width:50%; -padding:1%;"> -<tr><td> - -<p class="c"><a href="#CONTENTS">Contents.</a></p> - -<p class="c"><a href="#LIST_OF_ILLUSTRATIONS">List of Illustrations</a><br /> <span class="nonvis">(In certain versions of this etext [in certain browsers] -clicking on the image -will bring up a larger version.)</span></p> - -<p class="c">(etext transcriber's note)</p></td></tr> -</table> - -<p><a name="front" id="front"></a></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 327px;"> -<a href="images/i_001_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_001_sml.jpg" width="327" height="500" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">HENRY MORGENTHAU</p> - -<p class="c">American Ambassador at Constantinople from 1913 to 1916</p></div> -</div> - -<div class="bbox"> - -<h1> -AMBASSADOR<br /> -MORGENTHAU’S<br /> -STORY</h1> - -<p class="cb"> -BY<br /> -HENRY MORGENTHAU<br /> - -<small><i>Formerly American Ambassador to Turkey</i></small><br /> -<br /><br /> -<img src="images/colophon.jpg" width="60" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /> -<br /><br /> -ILLUSTRATED<br /> -<br /> -<span class="smcap">Garden City <span style="margin-left: 4em;">New York</span></span><br /> -DOUBLEDAY, PAGE & COMPANY<br /> -1919</p> -</div> - -<p> </p> - -<p class="c">COPYRIGHT, 1918, BY<br /> -DOUBLEDAY, PAGE & COMPANY<br /> -ALL RIGHTS RESERVED, INCLUDING THAT OF<br /> -TRANSLATION INTO FOREIGN LANGUAGES,<br /> -INCLUDING THE SCANDINAVIAN<br /> -</p> - -<p> </p> - -<p class="cb"> -TO<br /> -<big>WOODROW WILSON</big><br /> -</p> - -<div class="poetry"><div class="poem"><b> -THE EXPONENT IN AMERICA OF THE ENLIGHTENED PUBLIC<br /> OPINION OF THE WORLD, -WHICH HAS DECREED THAT<br /> THE RIGHTS OF SMALL NATIONS SHALL BE RESPECTED<br /> -AND THAT SUCH CRIMES AS ARE DESCRIBED IN THIS BOOK<br /> SHALL NEVER AGAIN -DARKEN THE PAGES OF HISTORY</b> -</div></div> - -<h2><a name="PREFACE" id="PREFACE"></a>PREFACE</h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">B</span>Y THIS time the American people have probably become convinced that the -Germans deliberately planned the conquest of the world. Yet they -hesitate to convict on circumstantial evidence and for this reason all -eye witnesses to this, the greatest crime in modern history, should -volunteer their testimony.</p> - -<p>I have therefore laid aside any scruples I had as to the propriety of -disclosing to my fellow countrymen the facts which I learned while -representing them in Turkey. I acquired this knowledge as the servant of -the American people, and it is their property as much as it is mine.</p> - -<p>I greatly regret that I have been obliged to omit an account of the -splendid activities of the American Missionary and Educational -Institutions in Turkey, but to do justice to this subject would require -a book by itself. I have had to omit the story of the Jews in Turkey for -the same reasons.</p> - -<p>My thanks are due to my friend, Mr. Burton J. Hendrick, for the -invaluable assistance he has rendered in the preparation of the book.</p> - -<p class="r"> -<span class="smcap">Henry Morgenthau.</span><br /> -</p> - -<p class="nind"> -October, 1918.<br /> -</p> - -<h2><a name="CONTENTS" id="CONTENTS"></a>CONTENTS</h2> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="" -style="margin:auto auto;max-width:80%;"> - -<tr><td><small>CHAPTER</small></td><td> </td> - <td><small>PAGE</small></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_I">I.</a></td><td valign="top">A German superman at Constantinople</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_003">3</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_II">II.</a></td><td valign="top">The “Boss System” in the Ottoman Empire and how it proved useful to Germany</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_020">20</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_III">III.</a></td><td valign="top">“The personal representative of the Kaiser.” Wangenheim opposes the sale of American warships to Greece</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_041">41</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV">IV.</a></td><td valign="top">Germany mobilizes the Turkish army</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_061">61</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_V">V.</a></td><td valign="top">Wangenheim smuggles the <i>Goeben</i> and the <i>Breslau</i> through the Dardanelles</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_068">68</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI">VI.</a></td><td valign="top">Wangenheim tells the American Ambassador how the Kaiser started the war</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_082">82</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_VII">VII.</a></td><td valign="top">Germany’s plans for new territories, coaling stations, and indemnities</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_090">90</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">VIII.</a></td><td valign="top">A classic instance of German propaganda</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_096">96</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_IX">IX.</a></td><td valign="top">Germany closes the Dardanelles and so separates Russia from her Allies</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_105">105</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_X">X.</a></td><td valign="top">Turkey’s abrogation of the capitulations. Enver living in a palace, with plenty of money and an imperial bride</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_112">112</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_XI">XI.</a></td><td valign="top">Germany forces Turkey into the war</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_123">123</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_XII">XII.</a></td><td valign="top">The Turks attempt to treat alien enemies decently, but the Germans insist on persecuting them</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_130">130</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIII">XIII.</a></td><td valign="top">The invasion of the Notre Dame de Sion School</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_147">147</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIV">XIV.</a></td><td valign="top">Wangenheim and the Bethlehem Steel Company. A “Holy War” that was made in Germany</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_157">157</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_XV">XV.</a></td><td valign="top">Djemal, a troublesome Mark Antony. The first German attempt to get a German peace</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_171">171</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_XVI">XVI.</a></td><td valign="top">The Turks prepare to flee from Constantinople and establish a new capital in Asia Minor. The Allied fleet bombarding the Dardanelles</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_184">184</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_XVII">XVII.</a></td><td valign="top">Enver as the man who demonstrated “the vulnerability of the British fleet.” Old-fashioned defenses of the Dardanelles</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_202">202</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_XVIII">XVIII.</a></td><td valign="top">The Allied armada sails away, though on the brink of victory</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_217">217</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIX">XIX.</a></td><td valign="top">A fight for three thousand civilians</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_232">232</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_XX">XX.</a></td><td valign="top">More adventures of the foreign residents</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_253">253</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXI">XXI.</a></td><td valign="top">Bulgaria on the auction block</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_262">262</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXII">XXII.</a></td><td valign="top">The Turk reverts to the ancestral type</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_274">274</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXIII">XXIII.</a></td><td valign="top">The “Revolution” at Van</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_293">293</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXIV">XXIV.</a></td><td valign="top">The murder of a nation</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_301">301</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXV">XXV.</a></td><td valign="top">Talaat tells why he deports the Armenians</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_326">326</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXVI">XXVI.</a></td><td valign="top">Enver Pasha discusses the Armenians</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_343">343</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXVII">XXVII.</a></td><td valign="top">“I shall do nothing for the Armenians,” says the German Ambassador</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_364">364</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXVIII">XXVIII.</a></td><td valign="top">Enver again moves for peace. Farewell to the Sultan and to Turkey</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_385">385</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top" class="rt"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXIX">XXIX.</a></td><td valign="top">Von Jagow, Zimmermann, and German-Americans</td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_397">397</a></td></tr> - -</table> - -<h2><a name="LIST_OF_ILLUSTRATIONS" id="LIST_OF_ILLUSTRATIONS"></a>LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS</h2> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary=""> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#front">Henry Morgenthau</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#front"><i>Frontispiece</i></a></td></tr> - -<tr><td> </td><td class="rt"><small>FACING PAGE</small></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_008">Mrs. Henry Morgenthau with Soeur Jeanne</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_008">8</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_009">Constantinople from the American Embassy</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_009">9</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_016">Beylerbey palace on the Bosphorus</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_016">16</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_016">The American Embassy at Constantinople</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_016">16</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_017">Henry Morgenthau, American Ambassador to Turkey, 1913-1916</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_017">17</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_048">Talaat Pasha, ex-Grand Vizier of Turkey</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_048">48</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_049">Turkish infantry and cavalry</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_049">49</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_056">Bustány Effendi</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_056">56</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_057">Mohammed V, late Sultan of Turkey</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_057">57</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_068">Wangenheim, the German Ambassador</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_068">68</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_072">The Sultan, Mohammed V, going to his regular Friday prayers</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_072">72</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_073">Talaat and Enver at a military review</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_073">73</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_080">Baron Von Wangenheim, German Ambassador to Turkey</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_080">80</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_081">Djemal Pasha, Minister of Marine</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_081">81</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_112">The Marquis Garroni, Italian Ambassador to the Sublime Porte in 1914</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_112">112</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_112">M. Tocheff, Bulgarian Minister at Constantinople</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_112">112</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_113">The American summer Embassy on the Bosphorus</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_113">113</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_120">Enver Pasha, Minister of War</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_120">120</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_121">Saïd Halim, Ex-grand Vizier</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_121">121</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_136">Sir Louis Mallet and M. Bompard</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_136">136</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_137">Gen. Liman von Sanders</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_137">137</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_144">German and Turkish officers on board the <i>Goeben</i></a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_144">144</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_145">Bedri Bey, Prefect of Police at Constantinople</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_145">145</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_145">Djavid Bey, Minister of Finance in Turkish Cabinet</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_145">145</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_176">The British Embassy</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_176">176</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_177">Robert College at Constantinople</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_177">177</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_184">The American Embassy Staff</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_184">184</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_185">The Modern Turkish soldier</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_185">185</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_200">The Ministry of War</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_200">200</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_200">The Ministry of Marine</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_200">200</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_201">Halil Bey in Berlin</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_201">201</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_201">Talaat and Kühlmann</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_201">201</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_201">General Mertens</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_201">201</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_208">The Red Crescent</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_208">208</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_209">Enver Pasha</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_209">209</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_240">Turkish quarters at the Dardanelles</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_240">240</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_241">Looking north to the city of Gallipoli</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_241">241</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_248">The British ship <i>Albion</i></a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_248">248</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_249">The Dardanelles as it was March 16, 1915</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_249">249</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_264">Tchemenlik and Fort Anadolu Hamidié</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_264">264</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_265">Fort Dardanos</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_265">265</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_272">The American ward of the Turkish hospital</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_272">272</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_273">Students of the Constantinople College</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_273">273</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_304">Abdul Hamid</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_304">304</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_305">A characteristic view of the Armenian country</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_305">305</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_312">Fishing village on Lake Van</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_312">312</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_313">Refugees at Van crowding around a public oven, hoping to get bread</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_313">313</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_328">Kaiser William II, in the uniform of a Turkish Field Marshal</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_328">328</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_329">Interior of the Armenian church at Urfa</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_329">329</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_336">Armenian soldiers</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_336">336</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_337">Those who fell by the wayside</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_337">337</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_337">A view of Harpoot</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_337">337</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_368">View of Urfa</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_368">368</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_368">A relic of the Armenian massacres at Erzingan</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_368">368</a></td></tr> - -<tr><td valign="top"><a href="#page_369">The funeral of Baron von Wangenheim</a></td><td class="rt" valign="bottom"><a href="#page_369">369</a></td></tr> - -</table> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_001" id="page_001"></a>{1}</span></p> - -<h1>AMBASSADOR MORGENTHAU’S STORY</h1> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_002" id="page_002"></a>{2}</span> </p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="page_003" id="page_003"></a>{3}</span> </p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_I" id="CHAPTER_I"></a>CHAPTER I<br /><br /> -<small>A GERMAN SUPERMAN AT CONSTANTINOPLE</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">W</span>HEN I began writing these reminiscences of my ambassadorship, Germany’s -schemes in the Turkish Empire and the Near East seemed to have achieved -a temporary success. The Central Powers had apparently disintegrated -Russia, transformed the Baltic and the Black seas into German lakes, and -had obtained a new route to the East by way of the Caucasus. For the -time being Germany dominated Serbia, Bulgaria, Rumania, and Turkey, and -regarded her aspirations for a new Teutonic Empire, extending from the -North Sea to the Persian Gulf, as practically realized. The world now -knows, though it did not clearly understand this fact in 1914, that -Germany precipitated the war to destroy Serbia, seize control of the -Balkan nations, transform Turkey into a vassal state, and thus obtain a -huge oriental empire that would form the basis for unlimited world -dominion. Did these German aggressions in the East mean that this -extensive programme had succeeded?</p> - -<p>As I picture to myself a map which would show Germany’s military and -diplomatic triumphs, my experiences in Constantinople take on a new -meaning. I now see the events of those twenty-six months as<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_004" id="page_004"></a>{4}</span> part of a -connected, definite story. The several individuals that moved upon the -scene now appear as players in a carefully staged, superbly managed -drama. I see clearly enough now that Germany had made all her plans for -world dominion and that the country to which I had been sent as American -Ambassador was one of the foundation stones of the Kaiser’s whole -political and military structure. Had Germany not acquired control of -Constantinople in the early days of the war, it is not unlikely that -hostilities would have ended a few months after the Battle of the Marne. -It was certainly an amazing fate that landed me in this great -headquarters of intrigue at the very moment when the plans of the Kaiser -for controlling Turkey, which he had carefully pursued for a quarter of -a century, were about to achieve their final success.</p> - -<p>For this work of subjugating Turkey, and transforming its army and its -territory into instruments of Germany, the Emperor had sent to -Constantinople an ambassador who was ideally fitted for the task. The -mere fact that the Kaiser had personally chosen Baron Von Wangenheim for -this post shows that he had accurately gauged the human qualities needed -in this great diplomatic enterprise.</p> - -<p>The Kaiser had early detected in Wangenheim an instrument ideally -qualified for oriental intrigue; he had more than once summoned him to -Corfu for his vacations, and here, we may be sure, the two congenial -spirits had passed many days discussing German ambitions in the Near -East. At the time when I first met him, Wangenheim was fifty-four years -old; he had spent a quarter of a century in the diplomatic corps, he had -seen service in such different places as Petrograd, Copenhagen, Madrid,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_005" id="page_005"></a>{5}</span> -Athens, and Mexico, and he had been chargé at Constantinople, several -years afterward coming there as ambassador. He understood completely all -countries, including the United States; his first wife had been an -American, and Wangenheim, when Minister to Mexico, had intimately -studied our country and had then acquired an admiration for our energy -and progress. He had a complete technical equipment for a diplomat; he -spoke German, English, and French with equal facility, he knew the East -thoroughly, and he had the widest acquaintance with public men. -Physically he was one of the most imposing persons I have ever known. -When I was a boy in Germany, the Fatherland was usually symbolized as a -beautiful and powerful woman—a kind of dazzling Valkyrie; when I think -of modern Germany, however, the massive, burly figure of Wangenheim -naturally presents itself to my mind. He was six feet two inches tall; -his huge, solid frame, his Gibraltar-like shoulders, erect and -impregnable, his bold, defiant head, his piercing eyes, his whole -physical structure constantly pulsating with life and activity—there -stands, I would say, not the Germany which I had known, but the Germany -whose limitless ambitions had transformed the world into a place of -horror. And Wangenheim’s every act and every word typified this new and -dreadful portent among the nations. Pan-Germany filled all his waking -hours and directed his every action. The deification of his emperor was -the only religious instinct which impelled him. That aristocratic and -autocratic organization of German society which represents the Prussian -system was, in Wangenheim’s eyes, something to be venerated and -worshipped; with this as the groundwork, Germany was inevitably -destined,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_006" id="page_006"></a>{6}</span> he believed, to rule the world. The great land-owning Junker -represented the perfection of mankind. “I would despise myself,” his -closest associate once told me, and this represented Wangenheim’s -attitude as well, “if I had been born in a city.” Wangenheim divided -mankind into two classes, the governing and the governed; and he -ridiculed the idea that the upper could ever be recruited from the -lower. I recall with what unction and enthusiasm he used to describe the -Emperor’s caste organization of German estates; how he had made them -non-transferable, and had even arranged it so that the possessors, or -the prospective possessors, could not marry without the imperial -consent. “In this way,” Wangenheim would say, “we keep our governing -classes pure, unmixed of blood.” Like all of his social order, -Wangenheim worshipped the Prussian military system; his splendid bearing -showed that he had himself served in the army, and, in true German -fashion, he regarded practically every situation in life from a military -standpoint. I had one curious illustration of this when I asked -Wangenheim one day why the Kaiser did not visit the United States. “He -would like to immensely,” he replied, “but it would be too dangerous. -War might break out when he was at sea, and the enemy would capture -him.” I suggested that that could hardly happen as the American -Government would escort its guest home with warships, and that no nation -would care to run the risk of involving the United States as Germany’s -ally; but Wangenheim still thought that the military danger would make -any such visit impossible.</p> - -<p>Upon him, more than almost any diplomatic representative of Germany, -depended the success of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_007" id="page_007"></a>{7}</span> the Kaiser’s conspiracy for world domination. -This German diplomat came to Constantinople with a single purpose. For -twenty years the German Government had been cultivating the Turkish -Empire. All this time the Kaiser had been preparing for a world war, and -in this war it was destined that Turkey should play an almost decisive -part. Unless Germany should obtain the Ottoman Empire as its ally, there -was little chance that she could succeed in a general European conflict. -When France had made her alliance with Russia, the man power of -170,000,000 people was placed on her side, in the event of a war with -Germany. For more than twenty years Germany had striven diplomatically -to detach Russia from this French alliance, but had failed. There was -only one way in which Germany could make valueless the Franco-Russian -Alliance; this was by obtaining Turkey as an ally. With Turkey on her -side, Germany could close the Dardanelles, the only practical line of -communication between Russia and her western allies; this simple act -would deprive the Czar’s army of war munitions, destroy Russia -economically by stopping her grain exports, her greatest source of -wealth, and thus detach Russia from her partners in the World War. Thus -Wangenheim’s mission was to make it absolutely certain that Turkey -should join Germany in the great contest that was impending.</p> - -<p>Wangenheim believed that, should he succeed in accomplishing this task, -he would reap the reward which for years had represented his final -goal—the chancellorship of the Empire. His skill at establishing -friendly personal relations with the Turks gave him a great advantage -over his rivals. Wangenheim had precisely that combination of force, -persuasiveness, geniality, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_008" id="page_008"></a>{8}</span> brutality which was needed in dealing -with the Turkish character. I have emphasized his Prussian qualities; -yet Wangenheim was a Prussian not by birth but by development; he was a -native of Thüringen, and, together with all the push, ambition, and -overbearing traits of the Prussian, he had some of the softer -characteristics which we associate with Southern Germany. He had one -conspicuous quality which is not Prussian at all—that is, tact; and, as -a rule, he succeeded in keeping his less-agreeable tendencies under the -surface and showing only his more ingratiating side. He dominated not so -much by brute strength as by a mixture of force and amiability; -externally he was not a bully; his manner was more insinuating than -coercive; he won by persuasiveness, not by the mailed fist, but we who -knew him well understood that back of all his gentleness there lurked a -terrific, remorseless, and definite ambition. Yet the impression left -was not one of brutality, but of excessive animal spirits and good -nature. Indeed, Wangenheim had in combination the jovial enthusiasm of a -college student, the rapacity of a Prussian official, and the -happy-go-lucky qualities of a man of the world. I still recall the -picture of this huge figure of a man, sitting at the piano, improvising -on some beautiful classic theme—and then suddenly starting to pound out -uproarious German drinking songs or popular melodies. I still see him -jumping on his horse at the polo grounds, spurring the splendid animal -to its speediest efforts—the horse never making sufficient speed, -however, to satisfy the ambitious sportsman. Indeed, in all his -activities, grave or gay, Wangenheim displayed this same restless spirit -of the chase. Whether he was flirting with the Greek ladies at Pera, or<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_009" id="page_009"></a>{9}</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 325px;"> -<a href="images/i_024_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_024_sml.jpg" width="325" height="500" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">MRS. HENRY MORGENTHAU</p> - -<p class="nind">(On the right). Wife of the American Ambassador at Constantinople from -1913 to 1916, with Soeur Jeanne (on the left), head of the French -Hospital</p></div> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_025_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_025_sml.jpg" width="500" height="295" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">CONSTANTINOPLE FROM THE AMERICAN EMBASSY</p> - -<p class="c">Showing (in the centre of the picture) the buildings of the Ministry of -Marine, on the famous Golden Horn, with the city beyond</p></div> -</div> - -<p class="nind">spending hours over the card table at the Cercle d’Orient, or bending -the Turkish officials to his will in the interest of Germany, all life -was to him a game, which was to be played more or less recklessly, and -in which the chances favoured the man who was bold and audacious and -willing to pin success or failure on a single throw. And this greatest -game of all—that upon which was staked, as Bernhardi has expressed it, -“World empire or downfall”—Wangenheim did not play languidly, as though -it had been merely a duty to which he had been assigned; to use the -German phrase, he was “fire and flame” for it; he had the consciousness -that he was a strong man selected to perform a mighty task. As I write -of Wangenheim, I still feel myself affected by the force of his -personality, yet I know all the time that, like the government which he -served so loyally, he was fundamentally ruthless, shameless, and cruel. -But he was content to accept all the consequences of his policy, however -hideous these might be. He saw only a single goal, and, with the realism -and logic that are so characteristically German, Wangenheim would brush -aside all feelings of humanity and decency that might interfere with -success. He accepted in full Bismarck’s famous dictum that a German must -be ready to sacrifice for Kaiser and Fatherland not only his life but -his honour as well.</p> - -<p>Just as Wangenheim personified Germany, so did his colleague, -Pallavicini, personify Austria. Wangenheim’s essential quality was a -brutal egotism, while Pallavicini was a quiet, kind-hearted, -delightfully mannered gentleman. Wangenheim was always looking to the -future, Pallavicini to the past. Wangenheim represented the mixture of -commercialism and medieval<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_010" id="page_010"></a>{10}</span> lust for conquest which constitute Prussian -<i>welt-politik</i>; Pallavicini was a diplomat left over from the days of -Metternich. “Germany wants this!” Wangenheim would insist, when an -important point had to be decided; “I shall consult my foreign office,” -the cautious Pallavicini would say, on a similar occasion. The Austrian, -with little upturned gray moustaches, with a rather stiff, even slightly -strutting, walk, looked like the old-fashioned Marquis that was once a -stock figure on the stage. I might compare Wangenheim with the -representative of a great business firm which was lavish in its -expenditures and unscrupulous in its methods, while his Austrian -colleague represented a house that prided itself on its past -achievements and was entirely content with its position. The same -delight that Wangenheim took in Pan-German plans, Pallavicini found in -all the niceties and obscurities of diplomatic technique. The Austrian -had represented his country in Turkey many years, and was the dean of -the corps, a dignity of which he was extremely proud. He found his -delight in upholding all the honours, of his position; he was expert in -arranging the order of precedence at ceremonial dinners, and there was -not a single detail of etiquette that he did not have at his fingers’ -ends. When it came to affairs of state, however, he was merely a tool of -Wangenheim. From the first, indeed, he seemed to accept his position as -that of a diplomat who was more or less subject to the will of his more -powerful ally. In this way Pallavicini played to his German colleague -precisely the same part that his emperor was playing to that of the -Kaiser. In the early months of the war the bearing of these two men -completely mirrored the respective<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_011" id="page_011"></a>{11}</span> successes and failures of their -countries. As the Germans boasted of victory after victory Wangenheim’s -already huge and erect figure seemed to become larger and more -upstanding, while Pallavicini, as the Austrians lost battle after battle -to the Russians, seemed to become smaller and more shrinking.</p> - -<p>The situation in Turkey, in these critical months, seemed almost to have -been purposely created to give the fullest opportunities to a man of -Wangenheim’s genius. For ten years the Turkish Empire had been -undergoing a process of dissolution, and had now reached a state of -decrepitude that had left it an easy prey to German diplomacy. In order -to understand the situation, we must keep in mind that there was really -no orderly, established government in Turkey at that time. For the Young -Turks were not a government; they were really an irresponsible party, a -kind of secret society, which, by intrigue, intimidation, and -assassination, had obtained most of the offices of state. When I -describe the Young Turks in these words, perhaps I may be dispelling -certain illusions. Before I came to Turkey I had entertained very -different ideas of this organization. As far back as 1908 I remember -reading news of Turkey that appealed strongly to my democratic -sympathies. These reports informed me that a body of young -revolutionists had swept from the mountains of Macedonia, had marched -upon Constantinople, had deposed the bloody Sultan, Abdul Hamid, and had -established a constitutional system. Turkey, these glowing newspaper -stories told us, had become a democracy, with a parliament, a -responsible ministry, universal suffrage, equality of all citizens -before the law, freedom of speech and of the press, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_012" id="page_012"></a>{12}</span> all the other -essentials of a free, liberty-loving commonwealth. That a party of Turks -had for years been struggling for such reforms I well knew, and that -their ambitions had become realities seemed to indicate that, after all, -there was such a thing as human progress. The long welter of massacre -and disorder in the Turkish Empire had apparently ended; “the great -assassin”, Abdul Hamid, had been removed to solitary confinement at -Saloniki, and his brother, the gentle Mohammed V, had ascended the -throne with a progressive democratic programme. Such had been the -promise; but, by the time I reached Constantinople, in 1913, many -changes had taken place. Austria had annexed two Turkish provinces, -Bosnia and Herzegovina; Italy had wrenched away Tripoli; Turkey had -fought a disastrous war with the Balkan states, and had lost all her -territories in Europe except Constantinople and a small hinterland. The -aims for the regeneration of Turkey that had inspired the revolution had -evidently miscarried, and I soon discovered that four years of so-called -democratic rule had ended with the nation more degraded, more -impoverished, and more dismembered than ever before. Indeed, long before -I had arrived, this attempt to establish a Turkish democracy had failed. -The failure was probably the most complete and the most disheartening in -the whole history of democratic institutions. I need hardly explain in -detail the causes of this collapse. Let us not criticize too harshly the -Young Turks, for there is no question that, at the beginning, they were -sincere. In a speech in Liberty Square, Saloniki, in July, 1908, Enver -Pasha, who was popularly regarded as the chivalrous young leader of this -insurrection against a century-old<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_013" id="page_013"></a>{13}</span> tyranny, had eloquently declared -that, “To-day arbitrary government has disappeared. We are all brothers. -There are no longer in Turkey Bulgarians, Greeks, Servians, Rumanians, -Mussulmans, Jews. Under the same blue sky we are all proud to be -Ottomans.” That statement represented the Young Turk ideal for the new -Turkish state, but it was an ideal which it was evidently beyond their -ability to translate into a reality. The races which had been maltreated -and massacred for centuries by the Turks could not transform themselves -overnight into brothers, and the hatreds, jealousies, and religious -prejudices of the past still divided Turkey into a medley of warring -clans. Above all, the destructive wars and the loss of great sections of -the Turkish Empire had destroyed the prestige of the new democracy. -There were plenty of other reasons for the failure, but it is hardly -necessary to discuss them at this time.</p> - -<p>Thus the Young Turks had disappeared as a positive regenerating force, -but they still existed as a political machine. Their leaders, Talaat, -Enver, and Djemal, had long since abandoned any expectation of reforming -their state, but they had developed an insatiable lust for personal -power. Instead of a nation of nearly 20,000,000, developing happily -along democratic lines, enjoying suffrage, building up their industry -and agriculture, laying the foundations for universal education, -sanitation, and general progress, I saw that Turkey consisted of merely -so many inarticulate, ignorant, and poverty-ridden slaves, with a small, -wicked oligarchy at the top, which was prepared to use them in the way -that would best promote its private interests. And these men were -practically the same who, a few years<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_014" id="page_014"></a>{14}</span> before, had made Turkey a -constitutional state. A more bewildering fall from the highest idealism -to the crassest materialism could not be imagined. Talaat, Enver, and -Djemal were the ostensible leaders, yet back of them was the Committee, -consisting of about forty men. This committee met secretly, manipulated -elections, and filled the offices with its own henchmen. It occupied a -building in Constantinople, and had a supreme chief who gave all his -time to its affairs and issued orders to his subordinates. This -functionary ruled the party and the country something like an American -city boss in our most unregenerate days; and the whole organization thus -furnished a typical illustration of what we sometimes describe as -“invisible government.” This kind of irresponsible control has at times -flourished in American cities, mainly because the citizens have devoted -all their time to their private affairs and thus neglected the public -good. But in Turkey the masses were altogether too ignorant to -understand the meaning of democracy, and the bankruptcy and general -vicissitudes of the country had left the nation with practically no -government and an easy prey to a determined band of adventurers. The -Committee of Union and Progress, with Talaat Bey as the most powerful -leader, constituted such a band. Besides the forty men in -Constantinople, sub-committees were organized in all important cities of -the empire. The men whom the Committee placed in power “took orders” and -made the appointments submitted to them. No man could hold an office, -high or low, who was not indorsed by this committee.</p> - -<p>I must admit, however, that I do our corrupt American gangs a great -injustice in comparing them with<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_015" id="page_015"></a>{15}</span> the Turkish Committee of Union and -Progress. Talaat, Enver, and Djemal had added to their system a detail -that has not figured extensively in American politics—that of -assassination and judicial murder. They had wrested power from the other -factions by a deed of violence. This <i>coup d’état</i> had taken place on -January 26, 1913, not quite a year before my arrival. At that time a -political group, headed by the venerable Kiamil Pasha, as Grand Vizier, -and Nazim Pasha, as Minister of War, controlled the Government; they -represented a faction known as the “Liberal Party,” which was chiefly -distinguished for its enmity to the Young Turks. These men had fought -the disastrous Balkan War, and, in January, they had felt themselves -compelled to accept the advice of the European powers and surrender -Adrianople to Bulgaria. The Young Turks had been outside the breastworks -for about six months looking for an opportunity to return to power. The -proposed surrender of Adrianople apparently furnished them this -opportunity. Adrianople was an important Turkish city, and naturally the -Turkish people regarded the contemplated surrender as marking still -another milestone toward their national doom. Talaat and Enver hastily -collected about two hundred followers and marched to the Sublime Porte, -where the ministry was then sitting. Nazim, hearing the uproar, stepped -out into the hall. He courageously faced the crowd, a cigarette in his -mouth and his hands thrust into his pockets.</p> - -<p>“Come, boys,” he said, good humouredly, “what’s all this noise about? -Don’t you know that it is interfering with our deliberations?”</p> - -<p>The words had hardly left his mouth when he fell dead. A bullet had -pierced a vital spot.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_016" id="page_016"></a>{16}</span></p> - -<p>The mob, led by Talaat and Enver, then forced their way into the council -chamber. They forced Kiamil, the Grand Vizier, to resign his post by -threatening him with the fate that had overtaken Nazim.</p> - -<p>As assassination had been the means by which these chieftains had -obtained the supreme power, so assassination continued to be the -instrument upon which they depended for maintaining their control. -Djemal, in addition to his other duties, became Military Governor of -Constantinople, and in this capacity he had control of the police; in -this office he developed all the talents of a Fouché, and did his work -so successfully that any man who wished to conspire against the Young -Turks usually retired for that purpose to Paris or Athens. The few -months that preceded my arrival had been a reign of terror. The Young -Turks had destroyed Abdul Hamid’s régime only to adopt that Sultan’s -favourite methods of quieting opposition. Instead of having one Abdul -Hamid, Turkey now discovered that she had several. Men were arrested and -deported by the score, and hangings of political offenders—opponents, -that is, of the ruling gang—were common occurrences.</p> - -<p>The weakness of the Sultan particularly facilitated the ascendancy of -this committee. We must remember that Mohammed V was not only Sultan but -Caliph—not only the temporal ruler, but also head of the Mohammedan -Church. As religious leader he was an object of veneration to millions -of devout Moslems, a fact which would have given a strong man in his -position great influence in freeing Turkey from its oppressors. I -presume that even those who had the most kindly feelings toward the -Sultan would not<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_017" id="page_017"></a>{17}</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_034a_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_034a_sml.jpg" width="500" height="367" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">BEYLERBEY PALACE ON THE BOSPHORUS</p> - -<p>Where Abdul Hamid was confined from the time when he was taken from -Saloniki until his recent death—a photograph taken from the launch of -the <i>Scorpion</i>, the American guardship at Constantinople</p></div> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_034b_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_034b_sml.jpg" width="500" height="375" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">THE AMERICAN EMBASSY AT CONSTANTINOPLE</p> - -<p>Where Ambassador Morgenthau conducted American diplomatic affairs from -the fall of 1913 to the spring of 1916. After Turkey came into the war -Mr. Morgenthau accepted charge of the affairs of nine other nations</p></div> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_035_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_035_sml.jpg" width="500" height="323" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">HENRY MORGENTHAU, AMERICAN AMBASSADOR TO TURKEY, -1913-1916</p></div> -</div> - -<p class="nind">have described him as an energetic, masterful man. It is a miracle that -the circumstances which fate had forced upon Mohammed had not long since -completely destroyed him. He was a brother of Abdul Hamid—Gladstone’s -“great assassin”—a man who ruled by espionage and bloodshed, and who -had no more consideration for his own relatives than for the massacred -Armenians. One of Abdul Hamid’s first acts, when he ascended the throne, -was to shut up his heir apparent in a palace, surrounding him with -spies, restricting him for society to his harem and a few palace -functionaries, and constantly holding over his head the fear of -assassination. Naturally Mohammed’s education had been limited; he spoke -only Turkish, and his only means of learning about the outside world was -an occasional Turkish newspaper. So long as he remained quiescent, the -heir apparent was comfortable and fairly secure, but he knew that the -first sign of revolt, or even a too curious interest in what was going -on, would be the signal for his death. Hard as this ordeal was, it had -not destroyed what was fundamentally a benevolent, gentle nature. The -Sultan had no characteristics that suggested the “terrible Turk.” He was -simply a quiet, easy-going, gentlemanly old man. Everybody liked him and -I do not think that he harboured ill-feeling against a human soul. He -could not rule his empire, for he had had no preparation for such a -difficult task; he took a certain satisfaction in his title and in the -consciousness that he was a lineal descendant of the great Osman; -clearly, however, he could not oppose the schemes of the men who were -then struggling for the control of Turkey. In the replacement of Abdul -Hamid, as his master, by Talaat, Enver, and Djemal, the Sultan<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_018" id="page_018"></a>{18}</span> had not -greatly improved his personal position. The Committee of Union and -Progress ruled him precisely as they ruled all the rest of Turkey—by -intimidation. Indeed they had already given him a sample of their power, -for the Sultan had attempted on one occasion to assert his independence, -and the conclusion of this episode left no doubt as to who was master. A -group of thirteen “conspirators” and other criminals, some real ones, -others merely political offenders, had been sentenced to be hanged. -Among them was an imperial son-in-law. Before the execution could take -place the Sultan had to sign the death warrants. He begged that he be -permitted to pardon the imperial son-in-law, though he raised no -objection to viséing the hangings of the other twelve. The nominal ruler -of 20,000,000 people figuratively went down upon his knees before -Talaat, but all his pleadings did not affect this determined man. Here, -Talaat reasoned, was a chance to decide, once for all, who was master, -the Sultan or themselves. A few days afterward the melancholy figure of -the imperial son-in-law, dangling at the end of a rope in full view of -the Turkish populace, visibly reminded the empire that Talaat and the -Committee were the masters of Turkey. After this tragical test of -strength, the Sultan never attempted again to interfere in affairs of -state. He knew what had happened to Abdul Hamid, and he feared an even -more terrible fate for himself.</p> - -<p>By the time I reached Constantinople the Young Turks thus completely -controlled the Sultan. He was popularly referred to as an -“irade-machine,” a phrase which means about the same thing as when we -refer to a man as a “rubber stamp.” His state duties consisted<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_019" id="page_019"></a>{19}</span> merely -in performing certain ceremonies, such as receiving ambassadors, and in -affixing his signature to such papers as Talaat and his associates -placed before him. This was a profound change in the Turkish system, -since in that country for centuries the Sultan had been an unquestioned -despot, whose will had been the only law, and who had centred in his own -person all the power of sovereignty. Not only the Sultan, but the -Parliament, had become the subservient creature of the Committee, which -chose practically all the members, who voted only as the predominant -bosses dictated. The Committee had already filled several of the most -powerful cabinet offices with its followers, and was reaching out for -the several important places that, for several reasons, still remained -in other hands.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_020" id="page_020"></a>{20}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_II" id="CHAPTER_II"></a>CHAPTER II<br /><br /> -<small>THE “BOSS SYSTEM” IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE AND HOW IT PROVED USEFUL TO GERMANY</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">T</span>ALAAT, the leading man in this band of usurpers, really had remarkable -personal qualities. Naturally Talaat’s life and character proved -interesting to me, for I had for years been familiar with the Boss -system in my own country, and in Talaat I saw many resemblances to the -crude yet able citizens who have so frequently in the past gained power -in local and state politics. Talaat’s origin was so obscure that there -were plenty of stories in circulation concerning it. One account said -that he was a Bulgarian gipsy, while another described him as a Pomak—a -Pomak being a man of Bulgarian blood whose ancestors, centuries ago, had -embraced the Mohammedan faith. According to this latter explanation, -which I think was the true one, this real ruler of the Turkish Empire -was not a Turk at all. I can personally testify that he cared nothing -for Mohammedanism for, like most of the leaders of his party, he scoffed -at all religions. “I hate all priests, rabbis, and hodjas,” he once told -me—hodja being the nearest equivalent the Mohammedans have for a -minister of religion. In American city politics many men from the -humblest walks of life have not uncommonly developed great abilities as -politicians, and similarly Talaat had started life as a letter carrier. -From this occupation he had risen to be a telegraph operator<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_021" id="page_021"></a>{21}</span> at -Adrianople; and of these humble beginnings he was extremely proud. I -visited him once or twice at his house; although Talaat was then the -most powerful man in the Turkish Empire, his home was still the modest -home of a man of the people. It was cheaply furnished; the whole -establishment reminded me of a moderately priced apartment in New York. -His most cherished possession was the telegraph instrument with which he -had once earned his living. Talaat one night told me that he had that -day received his salary as Minister of the Interior; after paying his -debts, he said, he had just one hundred dollars left in the world. He -liked to spend part of his spare time with the rough-shod crew that made -up the Committee of Union and Progress; in the interims when he was out -of the cabinet he used to occupy the desk daily at party headquarters, -personally managing the party machine. Despite these humble beginnings, -Talaat had developed some of the qualities of a man of the world. Though -his early training had not included instruction in the use of a knife -and fork—such implements are wholly unknown among the poorer classes in -Turkey—Talaat could attend diplomatic dinners and represent his country -with a considerable amount of dignity and personal ease. I have always -regarded it as indicating his innate cleverness that, though he had had -little schooling, he had picked up enough French to converse tolerably -in that language. Physically, he was a striking figure. His powerful -frame, his huge sweeping back, and his rocky biceps emphasized that -natural mental strength and forcefulness which had made possible his -career. In discussing matters Talaat liked to sit at his desk, with his -shoulders drawn up, his head thrown back, and his wrists,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_022" id="page_022"></a>{22}</span> twice the -size of an ordinary man’s, planted firmly on the table. It always seemed -to me that it would take a crowbar to pry these wrists from the board, -once Talaat’s strength and defiant spirit had laid them there. Whenever -I think of Talaat now I do not primarily recall his rollicking laugh, -his uproarious enjoyment of a good story, the mighty stride with which -he crossed the room, his fierceness, his determination, his -remorselessness—the whole life and nature of the man take form in those -gigantic wrists.</p> - -<p>Talaat, like most strong men, had his forbidding, even his ferocious, -moods. One day I found him sitting at the usual place, his massive -shoulders drawn up, his eyes glowering, his wrists planted on the desk. -I always anticipated trouble whenever I found him in this attitude. As I -made request after request, Talaat, between his puffs at his cigarette, -would answer “No!” “No!” “No!”</p> - -<p>I slipped around to his side of the desk.</p> - -<p>“I think those wrists are making all the trouble, Your Excellency,” I -said. “Won’t you please take them off the table?”</p> - -<p>Talaat’s ogre-like face began to crinkle, he threw up his arms, leaned -back, and gave a roar of terrific laughter. He enjoyed this method of -treating him so much that he granted every request that I made.</p> - -<p>At another time I came into his room when two Arab princes were present. -Talaat was solemn and dignified, and refused every demand I made. “No, I -shall not do that”; or, “No, I haven’t the slightest idea of doing -that,” he would answer. I saw that he was trying to impress his princely -guests; to show them that he had become so great a man that he did not -hesitate<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_023" id="page_023"></a>{23}</span> to “turn down” an ambassador. So I came up nearer and spoke -quietly.</p> - -<p>“I see you are trying to make an impression on these princes,” I said. -“Now if it’s necessary for you to pose, do it with the Austrian -Ambassador—he’s out there waiting to come in. My affairs are too -important to be trifled with.”</p> - -<p>Talaat laughed. “Come back in an hour,” he said. I returned; the Arab -princes had left, and we had no difficulty in arranging matters to my -satisfaction.</p> - -<p>“Someone has got to govern Turkey; why not we?” Talaat once said to me. -The situation had just about come to that. “I have been greatly -disappointed,” he would tell me, “at the failure of the Turks to -appreciate democratic institutions. I hoped for it once, and I worked -hard for it—but they were not prepared for it.” He saw a government -which the first enterprising man who came along might seize, and he -determined to be that man. Of all the Turkish politicians whom I met I -regarded Talaat as the only one who really had extraordinary native -ability. He had great force and dominance, the ability to think quickly -and accurately, and an almost superhuman insight into men’s motives. His -great geniality and his lively sense of humour also made him a splendid -manager of men. He showed his shrewdness in the measures which he took, -after the murder of Nazim, to gain the upper hand in this distracted -empire. He did not seize the government all at once; he went at it -gradually, feeling his way. He realized the weaknesses of his position; -he had several forces to deal with—the envy of his associates on the -revolutionary committee which had backed him, the army, the foreign -governments,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_024" id="page_024"></a>{24}</span> and the several factions that made up what then passed for -public opinion in Turkey. Any of these elements might destroy him, -politically and physically. He understood the dangerous path that he was -treading, and he always anticipated a violent death. “I do not expect to -die in my bed,” he told me. By becoming Minister of the Interior, Talaat -gained control of the police and the administration of the provinces, or -vilayets; this gave him a great amount of patronage, which he used to -strengthen the power of the Committee. He attempted to gain the support -of all influential factions by gradually placing their representatives -in the other cabinet posts. Though he afterward became the man who was -chiefly responsible for the massacre of hundreds of thousands of -Armenians, at this time Talaat maintained the pretense that the -Committee stood for the unionization of all the races in the empire, and -for this reason his first cabinet contained an Arab-Christian, a Deunme -(a Jew by race, but a Mohammedan by religion), a Circassian, an -Armenian, and an Egyptian.</p> - -<p>He made the latter Grand Vizier, the highest post in the Government, a -position which roughly corresponds to that of Chancellor in the German -Empire. The man whom he selected for this office, which in ordinary -times was the most dignified and important in the empire, belonged to -quite a different order of society from Talaat. Not uncommonly bosses in -America select high-class figureheads for mayors or even governors, men -who will give respectability to their faction, yet whom, at the same -time, they think they can control. It was some such motive as this which -led Talaat and his associates to elevate Saïd<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_025" id="page_025"></a>{25}</span> Halim to the Grand -Vizierate. Saïd Halim was an Egyptian prince, the cousin of the Khedive -of Egypt, a man of great wealth and great culture. He spoke English and -French as fluently as his own tongue and was an ornament to any society -in the world. But he was a man of unlimited vanity and ambition. His -great desire was to become Khedive of Egypt, and this had led him to -trust his political fortunes to the gang that was then ascendant in -Turkey. He was the heaviest “campaign contributor,” and, indeed, he had -largely financed the Young Turks from their earliest days. In exchange -they had given him the highest office in the empire, with the tacit -understanding that he should not attempt to exercise the real powers of -his office, but content himself with enjoying its dignities.</p> - -<p>Germany’s war preparations had for years included the study of internal -conditions in other countries; an indispensable part of the imperial -programme had been to take advantage of such disorganizations as existed -to push her schemes of penetration and conquest. What her emissaries -have attempted in France, Italy, and even the United States is apparent, -and their success in Russia has greatly changed the course of the war. -Clearly such a situation as that which prevailed in Turkey in 1913 and -1914 provided an ideal opportunity for manipulations of this kind. And -Germany had one great advantage in Turkey which was not so conspicuously -an element in other countries. Talaat and his associates needed Germany -almost as badly as Germany needed Talaat. They were altogether new to -the business of managing an empire. Their finances were depleted, their -army and navy<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_026" id="page_026"></a>{26}</span> almost in tatters, enemies were constantly attempting to -undermine them at home, and the great powers regarded them as seedy -adventurers whose career was destined to be brief. Without strong -support from an outside source, it was a question how long the new -régime could survive. Talaat and his Committee needed some foreign power -to organize the army and navy, to finance the nation, to help them -reconstruct their industrial system, and to protect them against the -encroachments of the encircling nations. Ignorant as they were of -foreign statecraft, they needed a skilful adviser to pilot them through -all the channels of international intrigue. Where was such a protector -to be obtained? Evidently only one of the great European powers could -perform this office. Which one should it be? Ten years before Turkey -would naturally have appealed to England. But now the Turks regarded -England as merely the nation that had despoiled them of Egypt and that -had failed to protect Turkey from dismemberment after the Balkan wars. -Together with Russia, Great Britain now controlled Persia and thus -constituted a constant threat—at least so the Turks believed—against -their Asiatic dominions. England was gradually withdrawing her -investments from Turkey, English statesmen believed that the task of -driving the Turk from Europe was about complete, and the whole -Near-Eastern policy of Great Britain hinged on maintaining the -organization of the Balkans as it had been determined by the Treaty of -Bucharest—a treaty which Turkey refused to regard as binding and which -she was determined to upset. Above all, the Turks feared Russia in 1914, -just as they had feared her ever since the days of Peter the Great. -Russia<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_027" id="page_027"></a>{27}</span> was the historic enemy, the nation which had given freedom to -Bulgaria and Rumania, which had been most active in dismembering the -Ottoman Empire, and which regarded herself as the power that was -ultimately to possess Constantinople. This fear of Russia, I cannot too -much insist, was the one factor which, above everything else, was -forcing Turkey into the arms of Germany. For more than half a century -Turkey had regarded England as her surest safeguard against Russian -aggression, and now England had become Russia’s virtual ally. There was -even then a general belief, which the Turkish chieftains shared, that -England was entirely willing that Russia should inherit Constantinople -and the Dardanelles.</p> - -<p>Though Russia, in 1914, was making no such pretensions, at least openly, -the fact that she was crowding Turkey in other directions made it -impossible that Talaat and Enver should look for support in that -direction. Italy had just seized the last Turkish province in Africa, -Tripoli, at that moment, was holding Rhodes and other Turkish islands, -and was known to cherish aggressive plans in Asia Minor. France was the -ally of Russia and Great Britain, and was also constantly extending her -influence in Syria, in which province, indeed, she had made great plans -for “penetration” with railroads, colonies, and concessions. The -personal equation played an important part in the ensuing drama. The -ambassadors of the Triple Entente hardly concealed their contempt for -the dominant Turkish politicians and their methods. Sir Louis Mallet, -the British Ambassador, was a high-minded and cultivated English -gentleman; Bompard, the French Ambassador, was a similarly charming, -honourable<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_028" id="page_028"></a>{28}</span> Frenchman, and both were personally disqualified from -participating in the murderous intrigues which then comprised Turkish -politics. Giers, the Russian Ambassador, was a proud and scornful -diplomat of the old aristocratic régime. He was exceedingly astute, but -he treated the Young Turks contemptuously, manifested almost a -proprietary interest in the country, and seemed to me already to be -wielding the knout over this despised government. It was quite apparent -that the three ambassadors of the Entente did not regard the Talaat and -Enver régime as permanent, or as particularly worth their while to -cultivate. That several factions had risen and fallen in the last six -years they knew, and they likewise believed that this latest usurpation -would vanish in a few months.</p> - -<p>But there was one active man in Turkey then who had no nice scruples -about using such agencies as were most available for accomplishing his -purpose. Wangenheim clearly saw, what his colleagues had only faintly -perceived, that these men were steadily fastening their hold on Turkey, -and that they were looking for some strong power that would recognize -their position and abet them in maintaining it. In order that we may -clearly understand the situation, let us transport ourselves, for a -moment, to a country that is nearer to us than Turkey. In 1913 -Victoriano Huerta and his fellow conspirators gained control of Mexico -by means not unlike those that had given Talaat and his Committee the -supreme power in Turkey. Just as Huerta murdered Madero, so the Young -Turks had murdered Nazim, and in both countries assassination had become -a regular political weapon. Huerta controlled the Mexican Congress and -the offices just as<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_029" id="page_029"></a>{29}</span> Talaat controlled the Turkish Parliament and the -chief posts of that state. Mexico under Huerta was a poverty-stricken -country, with depleted finances, exhausted industries and agriculture, -just as was Turkey under Talaat. How did Huerta seek to secure his own -position and rehabilitate his distracted country? There was only one -way, of course—that was by enlisting the support of some strong foreign -power. He sought repeatedly to gain recognition from the United States -for this reason and, when we refused to deal with a murderer, Huerta -looked to Germany. Let us suppose that the Kaiser had responded; he -could have reorganized Mexican finances, rebuilt her railroads, -reëstablished her industries, modernized her army, and in this way -obtained a grip on the country that would have amounted to virtual -possession.</p> - -<p>Only one thing prevented Germany from doing this—the Monroe Doctrine. -But there was no Monroe Doctrine in Turkey, and what I have described as -a possibility in Mexico is in all essentials an accurate picture of what -happened in the Ottoman Empire. As I look back upon the situation, the -whole thing seems so clear, so simple, so inevitable. Germany, up to -that time, was practically the only great power in Europe that had not -appropriated large slices of Turkish territory, a fact which gave her an -initial advantage. Germany’s representative at Constantinople was far -better qualified than that of any other country, not only by absence of -scruples, but also by knowledge and skill, to handle this situation. -Wangenheim was not the only capable German then on the ground. A -particularly influential outpost of Pan-Germany was Paul Weitz, who had -represented the <i>Frankfurter Zeitung</i> in Turkey for<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_030" id="page_030"></a>{30}</span> thirty years. Weitz -had the most intimate acquaintance with Turks and Turkish affairs; there -was not a hidden recess to which he could not gain admittance. He was -constantly at Wangenheim’s elbow, prompting, advising, informing. The -German naval attaché, Humann, the son of a famous German archæologist, -had been born in Smyrna, and had passed practically his whole life in -Turkey; he not only spoke Turkish, but he could also think like a Turk, -and the whole psychology of the people was part of his mental equipment. -Moreover, Enver, one of the two main Turkish chieftains, was on friendly -terms with Humann. When I think of this experienced trio, Wangenheim, -Weitz, and Humann, and of the charming and honourable gentlemen who were -opposed to them, Mallet, Bompard, and Giers, the events that now rapidly -followed seem as inevitable as the orderly processes of nature. By the -spring of 1914 Talaat and Enver, representing the Committee of Union and -Progress, practically dominated the Turkish Empire. Wangenheim, always -having in mind the approaching war, had one inevitable purpose: that was -to control Talaat and Enver.</p> - -<p>Early in January, 1914, Enver became Minister of War. At that time Enver -was thirty-two years old; like all the leading Turkish politicians of -the period he came of humble stock and his popular title, “Hero of the -Revolution,” shows why Talaat and the Committee had selected him as -Minister of War. Enver enjoyed something of a military reputation, -though, so far as I could discover, he had never achieved a great -military success. The revolution of which he had been one of the leaders -in 1908 had cost very few human lives; he commanded<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_031" id="page_031"></a>{31}</span> an army in Tripoli -against the Italians in 1912—but certainly there was nothing Napoleonic -about that campaign. Enver himself once told me how, in the Second -Balkan War, he had ridden all night at the head of his troops to the -capture of Adrianople, and how, when he arrived there, the Bulgarians -had abandoned it and his victory had thus been a bloodless one. But -certainly Enver did have one trait that made for success in such a -distracted country as Turkey—and that was audacity. He was quick in -making decisions, always ready to stake his future and his very life -upon the success of a single adventure; from the beginning, indeed, his -career had been one lucky crisis after another. His nature had a -remorselessness, a lack of pity, a cold-blooded determination, of which -his clean-cut handsome face, his small but sturdy figure, and his -pleasing manners gave no indication. Nor would the casual spectator have -suspected the passionate personal ambition that drove him on. His -friends commonly referred to him as “Napoleonlik”—the little -Napoleon—and this nickname really represented Enver’s abiding -conviction. I remember sitting one night with Enver, in his house; on -one side hung a picture of Napoleon; on the other one of Frederick the -Great; and between them sat Enver himself! This fact gives some notion -of his vanity; these two warriors and statesmen were his great heroes -and I believe that Enver thought fate had a career in store for him not -unlike theirs. The fact that, at twenty-six, he had taken a leading part -in the revolution which had deposed Abdul Hamid, naturally caused him to -compare himself with Bonaparte; several times he has told me that he -believed himself to be “a man of destiny.” Enver even affected to -believe<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_032" id="page_032"></a>{32}</span> that he had been divinely set apart to reëstablish the glory of -Turkey and make himself the great dictator. Yet, as I have suggested, -there was something almost dainty and feminine in Enver’s appearance. He -was the type that in America we sometimes call a matinée idol, and the -word women frequently used to describe him was “dashing.” His face -contained not a single line or furrow; it never disclosed his emotions -or his thoughts; he was always calm, steely, imperturbable. That Enver -certainly lacked Napoleon’s penetration is evident from the way he had -planned to obtain the supreme power, for he early allied his personal -fortunes with Germany. For years his sympathies had been with the -Kaiser. Germany, the German army and navy, the German language, and the -German autocratic system exercised a fatal charm upon this youthful -preacher of Turkish democracy. After Hamid fell, Enver went on a -military mission to Berlin, and here the Kaiser immediately detected in -him a possible instrument for working out his plans in the Orient, and -cultivated him in numerous ways. Afterward Enver spent a considerable -time in Berlin as military attaché, and this experience still further -endeared him to Germany. The man who returned to Constantinople was -almost more German than Turkish. He had learned to speak German -fluently, he was even wearing a moustache slightly curled up at the -ends; indeed, he had been completely captivated by Prussianism. As soon -as Enver became Minister of War, Wangenheim flattered and cajoled the -young man, played upon his ambitions, and probably promised him -Germany’s complete support in achieving them. In his private -conversation Enver made no secret of his admiration for Germany.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_033" id="page_033"></a>{33}</span></p> - -<p>Thus Enver’s elevation to the Ministry of War was virtually a German -victory. He immediately instituted a drastic reorganization. Enver told -me himself that he had accepted the post only on condition that he -should have a free hand, and this free hand he now proceeded to -exercise. The army still contained a large number of officers, many of -whom were partisans of the murdered Nazim and favoured the old régime -rather than the Young Turks, Enver promptly cashiered 268 of these, and -put in their places Turks who were known as “U. and P.” men, and many -Germans. The Enver-Talaat group always feared a revolution that would -depose them as they had thrown out their predecessors. Many times did -they tell me that their own success as revolutionists had taught them -how easily a few determined men could seize control of the country; they -did not propose, they said, to have a little group in their army -organize such a <i>coup d’état</i> against them. The boldness of Enver’s move -alarmed even Talaat, but Enver showed the determination of his character -and refused to reconsider his action, though one of the officers removed -was Chukri Pasha, who had defended Adrianople in the Balkan war. Enver -issued a circular to the Turkish commanders, practically telling them -that they must look only to him for preferment and that they could make -no headway by playing politics with any group except that dominated by -the Young Turks.</p> - -<p>Thus Enver’s first acts were the beginnings in the Prussification of the -Turkish army, but Talaat was not an enthusiastic German like his -associate. He had no intention of playing Germany’s game; he was working -chiefly for the Committee and for himself. But he could not succeed -unless he had control of the army;<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_034" id="page_034"></a>{34}</span> therefore, he had made Enver, for -years his intimate associate in “U. and P.” politics, Minister of War. -Again he needed a strong army if he was to have any at all, and -therefore he turned to the one source where he could find assistance, to -Germany. Wangenheim and Talaat, in the latter part of 1913, had arranged -that the Kaiser should send a military mission to reorganize the Turkish -forces. Talaat told me that, in calling in this mission, he was using -Germany, though Germany thought that it was using him. That there were -definite dangers in the move he well understood. A deputy who discussed -this situation with Talaat in January, 1914, has given me a memorandum -of a conversation which shows well what was going on in Talaat’s mind.</p> - -<p>“Why do you hand the management of the country over to the Germans?” -asked this deputy, referring to the German military mission. “Don’t you -see that this is part of Germany’s plan to make Turkey a German -colony—that we shall become merely another Egypt?”</p> - -<p>“We understand perfectly,” replied Talaat, “that that is Germany’s -programme. We also know that we cannot put this country on its feet with -our own resources. We shall, therefore, take advantage of such technical -and material assistance as the Germans can place at our disposal. We -shall use Germany to help us reconstruct and defend the country until we -are able to govern ourselves with our own strength. When that day comes, -we can say good-bye to the Germans within twenty-four hours.”</p> - -<p>Certainly the physical condition of the Turkish army betrayed the need -of assistance from some source. The picture it presented, before the -Germans arrived, I<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_035" id="page_035"></a>{35}</span> have always regarded as portraying the condition of -the whole empire. When I issued invitations for my first reception, a -large number of Turkish officials asked to be permitted to come in -evening clothes; they said that they had no uniforms and no money with -which to purchase or to hire them. They had not received their salaries -for three and a half months. As the Grand Vizier, who regulates the -etiquette of such functions, still insisted on full uniform, many of -these officials had to remain absent. About the same time the new German -mission asked the commander of the second army corps to exercise his -men, but the commander replied that he could not do so as his men had no -shoes!</p> - -<p>Desperate and wicked as Talaat subsequently showed himself to be, I -still think that he at least was not then a willing tool of Germany. An -episode that involved myself bears out this view. In describing the -relations of the great powers to Turkey I have said nothing about the -United States. In fact, we had no important business relations at that -time. The Turks regarded us as a country of idealists and altruists, and -the fact that we spent millions building wonderful educational -institutions in their country purely from philanthropic motives aroused -their astonishment and possibly their admiration. They liked Americans -and regarded us as about the only disinterested friend whom they had -among the nations. But our interests in Turkey were small; the Standard -Oil Company did a growing business, the Singer Company sold sewing -machines to the Armenians and Greeks; we bought a good deal of their -tobacco, figs, and rugs, and gathered their licorice root. In addition -to these activities, missionaries and educational experts formed about -our only contacts with<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_036" id="page_036"></a>{36}</span> the Turkish Empire. The Turks knew that we had -no desire to dismember their country or to mingle in Balkan politics. -The very fact that my country was so disinterested was perhaps the -reason why Talaat discussed Turkish affairs so freely with me. In the -course of these conversations I frequently expressed my desire to serve -them, and Talaat and some of the other members of the Cabinet got into -the habit of consulting me on business matters. Soon after my arrival, I -made a speech at the American Chamber of Commerce in Constantinople; -Talaat, Djemal, and other important leaders were present. I talked about -the backward economic state of Turkey and admonished them not to be -discouraged. I described the condition of the United States after the -Civil War and made the point that our devastated Southern States -presented a spectacle not unlike that of Turkey at that present moment. -I then related how we had gone to work, developed our resources, and -built up the present thriving nation. My remarks apparently made a deep -impression, especially my statement that after the Civil War the United -States had become a large borrower in foreign money markets and had -invited immigration from all parts of the world.</p> - -<p>This speech apparently gave Talaat a new idea. It was not impossible -that the United States might furnish him the material support which he -had been seeking in Europe. Already I had suggested that an American -financial expert should be sent to study Turkish finance and in this -connection I had mentioned Mr. Henry Bruère, of New York—a suggestion -which the Turks had received favourably. At that time Turkey’s greatest -need was money. France had financed Turkey for many years, and French -bankers, in the spring<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_037" id="page_037"></a>{37}</span> of 1914, were negotiating for another large -loan. Though Germany had made some loans, the condition of the Berlin -money market at that time did not encourage the Turks to expect much -assistance from that source.</p> - -<p>In late December, 1913, Bustány Effendi—a Christian Arab, and Minister -of Commerce and Agriculture, who spoke English fluently (he had been -Turkish commissioner to the Chicago World’s Fair in 1893)—called and -approached me on the question of an American loan. Bustány asked if -there were not American financiers who would take entire charge of the -reorganization of Turkish finance. His plea was really a cry of despair -and it touched me deeply. As I wrote in my diary at the time, “They seem -to be scraping the box for money.” But I had been in Turkey only six -weeks, and obviously I had no information on which I could recommend -such a large contract to American bankers. I informed Bustány that my -advice would not carry much weight in the United States unless it were -based on a complete knowledge of economic conditions in Turkey. Talaat -came to me a few days later, suggesting that I make a prolonged tour -over the empire and study the situation at first hand. He asked if I -could not arrange meanwhile a small temporary loan to tide them over the -interim. He said there was no money in the Turkish Treasury; if I could -get them only $5,000,000, that would satisfy them. I told Talaat that I -would try to raise this amount for them, and that I would adopt his -suggestion and inspect his Empire with the possible idea of interesting -American investors. After obtaining the consent of the State Department, -I wrote to my nephew and business associate, Mr. Robert E. Simon, asking -him to sound certain New York institutions and bankers on<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_038" id="page_038"></a>{38}</span> making a -small short-time collateral loan to Turkey. Mr. Simon’s investigations -soon disclosed that a Turkish loan did not seem to be regarded as an -attractive business undertaking in New York. Mr. Simon wrote, however, -that Mr. C. K. G. Billings had shown much interest in the idea, and -that, if I desired, Mr. Billings would come out in his yacht and discuss -the matter with the Turkish Cabinet and with me. In a few days Mr. -Billings had started for Constantinople.</p> - -<p>The news of Mr. Billings’s approach spread with great rapidity all over -the Turkish capital; the fact that he was coming in his own private -yacht seemed to magnify the importance and the glamour of the event. -That a great American millionaire was prepared to reinforce the depleted -Turkish Treasury and that this support was merely the preliminary step -in the reorganization of Turkish finances by American capitalists, -produced a tremendous flutter in the foreign embassies. So rapidly did -the information spread, indeed, that I rather suspected that the Turkish -Cabinet had taken no particular pains to keep it secret. This suspicion -was strengthened by a visit which I received from the Chief Rabbi -Nahoum, who informed me that he had come at the request of Talaat.</p> - -<p>“There is a rumour,” said the Chief Rabbi, “that Americans are about to -make a loan to Turkey. Talaat would be greatly pleased if you would not -contradict it.”</p> - -<p>Wangenheim displayed an almost hysterical interest: the idea of America -coming to the financial assistance of Turkey did not fall in with his -plans at all, for in his eyes Turkey’s poverty was chiefly valuable as a -means of forcing the empire into Germany’s hands. One day I showed -Wangenheim a book containing etchings<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_039" id="page_039"></a>{39}</span> of Mr. Billings’s homes, -pictures, and horses; he showed a great interest, not only in the -horses—Wangenheim was something of a horseman himself—but in this -tangible evidence of great wealth. For the next few days several -ambassadors and ministers filed into my office, each solemnly asking for -a glimpse at this book! As the time approached for Mr. Billings’s -arrival, Talaat began making elaborate plans for his entertainment; he -consulted me as to whom we should invite to the proposed dinners, -lunches, and receptions. As usual Wangenheim got in ahead of the rest. -He could not come to the dinner which we had planned and asked me to -have him for lunch, and in this way he met Mr. Billings several hours -before the other diplomats. Mr. Billings frankly told him that he was -interested in Turkey and that it was not unlikely that he would make the -loan.</p> - -<p>In the evening we gave the Billings party a dinner, all the important -members of the Turkish Cabinet being present. Before this dinner, -Talaat, Mr. Billings, and myself had a long talk about the loan. Talaat -informed us that the French bankers had accepted their terms that very -day, and that they would, therefore, need no American money at that -time. He was exceedingly gracious and grateful to Mr. Billings, and -profuse in expressing his thanks. Indeed, he might well have been, for -Mr. Billings’s arrival enabled Turkey at last to close negotiations with -the French bankers. His attempt to express his appreciation had one -curious manifestation. Enver, the second man in the Cabinet, was -celebrating his wedding when Mr. Billings arrived. The progress which -Enver was making in the Turkish world is evidenced from the fact that, -although Enver,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_040" id="page_040"></a>{40}</span> as I have said, came of the humblest stock, his bride -was a daughter of the Turkish Imperial House. Turkish weddings are -prolonged affairs, lasting two or three days. The day following the -Embassy dinner, Talaat gave the Billings party a luncheon at the Cercle -d’Orient, and he insisted that Enver should leave his wedding ceremony -long enough to attend this function. Enver, therefore, came to the -luncheon, sat through all the speeches, and then returned to his bridal -party.</p> - -<p>I am convinced that Talaat did not regard this Billings episode as -closed. As I look back upon this transaction, I see clearly that he was -seeking to extricate his country, and that the possibility that the -United States would assist him in performing the rescue was ever present -in his mind. He frequently spoke to me of Mr. “Beelings,” as he called -him, and even after Turkey had broken with France and England, and was -depending on Germany for money, his mind still reverted to Mr. -Billings’s visit; perhaps he was thinking of our country as a financial -haven of rest after he had carried out his plan of expelling the -Germans. I am certain that the possibility of American help led him, in -the days of the war, to do many things for me that he would not -otherwise have done. “Remember me to Mr. Beelings” were almost the last -words he said to me when I left Constantinople. This yachting visit, -though it did not lack certain comedy elements at the time, I am sure -ultimately saved many lives from starvation and massacre.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_041" id="page_041"></a>{41}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_III" id="CHAPTER_III"></a>CHAPTER III<br /><br /> -<small>“THE PERSONAL REPRESENTATIVE OF THE KAISER”—WANGENHEIM OPPOSES THE SALE OF AMERICAN WARSHIPS TO GREECE</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">B</span>UT even in March, 1914, the Germans had pretty well tightened their -hold on Turkey. Liman von Sanders, who had arrived in December, had -become the predominant influence in the Turkish army. At first Von -Sanders’ appointment aroused no particular hostility, for German -missions had been called in before to instruct the Turkish army, notably -that of Von der Goltz, and an English naval mission, headed by Admiral -Limpus, was even then in Turkey attempting the difficult task of -reorganizing the Turkish navy. We soon discovered, however, that the Von -Sanders military mission was something quite different from those which -I have named. Even before Von Sanders’ arrival it had been announced -that he was to take command of the first Turkish army corps, and that -General Bronssart von Schnellendorf was to become Chief of Staff. The -appointments signified nothing less than that the Kaiser had almost -completed his plans to annex the Turkish army to his own. To show the -power which Von Sanders’ appointment had given him, it is only necessary -to say that the first army corps practically controlled Constantinople. -These changes clearly showed to what an extent Enver Pasha had become a -cog in the Prussian system.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_042" id="page_042"></a>{42}</span> Naturally the representatives of the -Entente Powers could not tolerate such a usurpation by Germany. The -British, French, and Russian Ambassadors immediately called upon the -Grand Vizier and protested with more warmth than politeness over Von -Sanders’ elevation. The Turkish Cabinet hemmed and hawed in the usual -way, protested that the change was not important, but finally it -withdrew Von Sanders’ appointment as head of the first army corps, and -made him Inspector General. However, this did not greatly improve the -situation, for this post really gave Von Sanders greater power than the -one which he had held before. Thus, by January, 1914, seven months -before the Great War began, Germany held this position in the Turkish -army: a German general was Chief of Staff; another was Inspector -General; scores of German officers held commands of the first -importance, and the Turkish politician who was even then an outspoken -champion of Germany, Enver Pasha, was Minister of War.</p> - -<p>After securing this diplomatic triumph Wangenheim was granted a -vacation—he had certainly earned it—and Giers, the Russian Ambassador, -went off on a vacation at the same time. Baroness Wangenheim explained -to me—I was ignorant at this time of all these subtleties of -diplomacy—precisely what these vacations signified. Wangenheim’s leave -of absence, she said, meant that the German Foreign Office regarded the -Von Sanders episode as closed—and closed with a German victory. Giers’s -furlough, she explained, meant that Russia declined to accept this point -of view and that, so far as Russia was concerned, the Von Sanders affair -had not ended. I remember writing<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_043" id="page_043"></a>{43}</span> to my family that, in this mysterious -Near-Eastern diplomacy, the nations talked to each other with acts, not -words, and I instanced Baroness Wangenheim’s explanation of these -diplomatic vacations as a case in point.</p> - -<p>An incident which took place in my own house opened all our eyes to how -seriously Von Sanders regarded this military mission. On February 18th, -I gave my first diplomatic dinner; General Von Sanders and his two -daughters attended, the General sitting next to my daughter Ruth. My -daughter, however, did not have a very enjoyable time; this German field -marshal, sitting there in his gorgeous uniform, his breast all sparkling -with medals, hardly said a word throughout the whole meal. He ate his -food silently and sulkily, all my daughter’s attempts to enter into -conversation evoking only an occasional surly monosyllable. The -behaviour of this great military leader was that of a spoiled child.</p> - -<p>At the end of the dinner Von Mutius, the German chargé d’affaires, came -up to me in a high state of excitement. It was some time before he could -sufficiently control his agitation to deliver his message.</p> - -<p>“You have made a terrible mistake, Mr. Ambassador,” he said.</p> - -<p>“What is that?” I asked, naturally taken aback.</p> - -<p>“You have greatly offended Field Marshal Von Sanders. You have placed -him at the dinner lower in rank than the foreign ministers. He is the -personal representative of the Kaiser and as such is entitled to equal -rank with the ambassadors. He should have been placed ahead of the -cabinet ministers and the foreign ministers.”<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_044" id="page_044"></a>{44}</span></p> - -<p>So I had affronted the Emperor himself! This, then, was the explanation -of Von Sanders’ boorish behaviour. Fortunately, my position was an -impregnable one. I had not arranged the seating precedence at this -dinner; I had sent the list of my guests to the Marquis Pallavicini, the -Austrian Ambassador and dean of the diplomatic corps, and the greatest -authority in Constantinople on such delicate points as this. The Marquis -had returned the list, marking in red ink against each name the order of -precedence—1, 2, 3, 4, 5, etc. I still possess this document as it came -from the Austrian Embassy, and General Von Sanders’ name appears with -the numerals “13” against it. I must admit, however, that “the 13th -chair” did bring him pretty well to the foot of the table.</p> - -<p>I explained the situation to Von Mutius and asked M. Panfili, -<i>conseiller</i> of the Austrian Embassy, who was a guest at the dinner, to -come up and make everything clear to the outraged German diplomat. As -the Austrians and Germans were allies, it was quite apparent that the -slight, if slight there had been, was unintentional. Panfili said that -he had been puzzled over the question of Von Sanders’s position, and had -submitted the question to the Marquis. The outcome was that the Austrian -Ambassador had himself fixed Von Sanders’ rank at number 13. But the -German Embassy did not let the matter rest there, for afterward -Wangenheim called on Pallavicini, and discussed the matter with -considerable liveliness.</p> - -<p>“If Liman von Sanders represents the Kaiser, whom do you represent?” -Pallavicini asked Wangenheim. The argument was a good one, as the -ambassador is always regarded as the <i>alter ego</i> of his sovereign.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_045" id="page_045"></a>{45}</span></p> - -<p>“It is not customary,” continued the Marquis, “for an emperor to have -two representatives at the same court.”</p> - -<p>As the Marquis was unyielding, Wangenheim carried the question to the -Grand Vizier. But Saïd Halim refused to assume responsibility for so -momentous a decision and referred the dispute to the Council of -Ministers. This body solemnly sat upon the question and rendered this -verdict: Von Sanders should rank ahead of the ministers of foreign -countries, but below the members of the Turkish Cabinet. Then the -foreign ministers lifted up their voices in protest. Von Sanders not -only became exceedingly unpopular for raising this question, but the -dictatorial and autocratic way in which he had done it aroused general -disgust. The ministers declared that, if Von Sanders were ever given -precedence at any function of this kind, they would leave the table in a -body. The net result was that Von Sanders was never again invited to a -diplomatic dinner. Sir Louis Mallet, the British Ambassador, took a -sardonic interest in the episode. It was lucky, he said, that it had not -happened at his Embassy; if it had, the newspapers would have had -columns about the strained relations between England and Germany!</p> - -<p>After all, this proceeding did have great international importance. Von -Sanders’s personal vanity had led him to betray a diplomatic secret; he -was not merely a drill master who had been sent to instruct the Turkish -army; he was precisely what he had claimed to be—the personal -representative of the Kaiser. The Kaiser had selected him, just as he -had selected Wangenheim, as an instrument for working his will in -Turkey. Afterward Von Sanders told me, with all that pride<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_046" id="page_046"></a>{46}</span> which German -aristocrats manifest when speaking of their imperial master, how the -Kaiser had talked to him a couple of hours the day he had appointed him -to this Constantinople mission, and how, the day that he had started, -Wilhelm had spent another hour giving him final instructions. I reported -this dinner incident to my government as indicating Germany’s growing -ascendancy in Turkey and I presume the other ambassadors likewise -reported it to their governments. The American military attaché, Major -John R. M. Taylor, who was present, attributed the utmost significance -to it. A month after the occurrence he and Captain McCauley, commanding -the <i>Scorpion</i>, the American <i>stationnaire</i> at Constantinople, had lunch -at Cairo with Lord Kitchener. The luncheon was a small one, only the -Americans, Lord Kitchener, his sister, and an aide making up the party. -Major Taylor related this incident, and Kitchener displayed much -interest.</p> - -<p>“What do you think it signifies?” asked Kitchener.</p> - -<p>“I think it means,” Major Taylor said, “that when the big war comes, -Turkey will probably be the ally of Germany. If she is not in direct -alliance, I think that she at least will mobilize on the line of the -Caucasus and thus divert three Russian army corps from the European -theatre of operations.”</p> - -<p>Kitchener thought for a moment and then said, “I agree with you.”</p> - -<p>And now for several months we had before our eyes this spectacle of the -Turkish army actually under the control of Germany. German officers -drilled the troops daily—all, I am now convinced, in preparation for -the approaching war. Just what results had been accomplished appeared -when, in July, there was a<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_047" id="page_047"></a>{47}</span> great military review. The occasion was a -splendid and a gala affair. The Sultan attended in state; he sat under a -beautifully decorated tent where he held a little court; and the Khedive -of Egypt, the Crown Prince of Turkey, the princes of the imperial blood -and the entire Cabinet were also on hand. We now saw that, in the -preceding six months, the Turkish army had been completely Prussianized. -What in January had been an undisciplined, ragged rabble was now -parading with the goose step; the men were clad in German field gray, -and they even wore a casque-shaped head covering, which slightly -suggested the German <i>pickelhaube</i>. The German officers were immensely -proud of the exhibition, and the transformation of the wretched Turkish -soldiers of January into these neatly dressed, smartly stepping, -splendidly manœuvring troops was really a creditable military -achievement. When the Sultan invited me to his tent I naturally -congratulated him upon the excellent showing of his men. He did not -manifest much enthusiasm; he said that he regretted the possibility of -war; he was at heart a pacifist. I noticed certain conspicuous absences -from this great German fête, for the French, British, Russian, and -Italian ambassadors had kept away. Bompard said that he had received his -ten tickets but that he did not regard that as an invitation. Wangenheim -told me, with some satisfaction, that the other ambassadors were jealous -and that they did not care to see the progress which the Turkish army -had made under German instruction. I did not have the slightest question -that these ambassadors refused to attend because they had no desire to -grace this German holiday; nor did I blame them.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_048" id="page_048"></a>{48}</span></p> - -<p>Meanwhile, I had other evidences that Germany was playing her part in -Turkish politics. In June the relations between Greece and Turkey -approached the breaking point. The Treaty of London (May 30, 1913) had -left Greece in possession of the islands of Chios and Mitylene. A -reference to the map discloses the strategic importance of these -islands. They stand there in the Ægean Sea like guardians controlling -the bay and the great port of Smyrna, and it is quite apparent that any -strong military nation which permanently held these vantage points would -ultimately control Smyrna and the whole Ægean coast of Asia Minor. The -racial situation made the continued retention of these islands by Greece -a constant military danger to Turkey. Their population was Greek and had -been Greek since the days of Homer; the coast of Asia Minor itself was -also Greek; more than half the population of Smyrna, Turkey’s greatest -Mediterranean seaport, was Greek; in its industries, its commerce, and -its culture the city was so predominantly Greek that the Turks usually -referred to it as <i>giaour Ismir</i>—”infidel Smyrna.” Though this Greek -population was nominally Ottoman in nationality it did not conceal its -affection for the Greek fatherland, these Asiatic Greeks even making -contributions to promote Greek national aims. The Ægean islands and the -mainland, in fact, constituted <i>Graecia Irredenta</i>; and that Greece was -determined to redeem them, precisely as she had recently redeemed Crete, -was no diplomatic secret. Should the Greeks ever land an army on this -Asia Minor coast, there was little question that the native Greek -population would welcome it enthusiastically and coöperate with it.</p> - -<p>Since Germany, however, had her own plans for<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_049" id="page_049"></a>{49}</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 329px;"> -<a href="images/i_068_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_068_sml.jpg" width="329" height="500" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">TALAAT PASHA, EX-GRAND VIZIER OF TURKEY</p> - -<p>In 1914, when the war broke out, Talaat was Minister of the Interior and -the most influential leader in the Committee of Union and Progress, the -secret organization which controlled the Turkish Empire. A few years ago -Talaat was a letter-carrier, and afterward a telegraph operator in -Adrianople. His talents are those of a great political boss. He -represented Turkey in the peace negotiations with Russia and his -signature appears on the Brest-Litovsk treaty.</p></div> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 335px;"> -<a href="images/i_069_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_069_sml.jpg" width="335" height="500" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">TURKISH INFANTRY AND CAVALRY</p> - -<p>In January, 1914, the Turkish Army was a ragged, undisciplined force. -These troops, drilled by German military instructors, show the result of -six months’ training.</p></div> -</div> - -<p>Asia Minor, inevitably the Greeks in this region formed a barrier to -Pan-German aspirations. As long as this region remained Greek, it formed -a natural obstacle to Germany’s road to the Persian Gulf, precisely as -did Serbia. Any one who has read even cursorily the literature of -Pan-Germania is familiar with the peculiar method which German -publicists have advocated for dealing with populations that stand in -Germany’s way. That is by deportation. The violent shifting of whole -peoples from one part of Europe to another, as though they were so many -herds of cattle, has for years been part of the Kaiser’s plans for -German expansion. This is the treatment which, since the war began, she -has applied to Belgium, to Poland, to Serbia; its most hideous -manifestation, as I shall show, has been to Armenia. Acting under -Germany’s prompting, Turkey now began to apply this principle of -deportation to her Greek subjects in Asia Minor. Three years afterward -the German admiral, Usedom, who had been stationed in the Dardanelles -during the bombardment, told me that it was the Germans “who urgently -made the suggestion that the Greeks be moved from the seashore.” The -German motive, Admiral Usedom said, was purely military. Whether Talaat -and his associates realized that they were playing the German game I am -not sure, but there is no doubt that the Germans were constantly -instigating them in this congenial task.</p> - -<p>The events that followed foreshadowed the policy adopted in the Armenian -massacres. The Turkish officials pounced upon the Greeks, herded them in -groups and marched them toward the ships. They gave them no time to -settle their private affairs, and they<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_050" id="page_050"></a>{50}</span> took no pains to keep families -together. The plan was to transport the Greeks to the wholly Greek -islands in the Ægean. Naturally the Greeks rebelled against such -treatment, and occasional massacres were the result, especially in -Phocaea, where more than fifty people were murdered. The Turks demanded -that all foreign establishments in Smyrna dismiss their Greek employees -and replace them with Moslems. Among other American concerns, the Singer -Manufacturing Company received such instructions, and though I -interceded and obtained sixty days’ delay, ultimately this American -concern had to obey the mandate. An official boycott was established -against all Christians, not only in Asia Minor, but in Constantinople, -but this boycott did not discriminate against the Jews, who have always -been more popular with the Turks than have the Christians. The officials -particularly requested Jewish merchants to put signs over their doors -indicating their nationality and trade—such signs as “Abraham the Jew, -tailor,” “Isaac the Jew, shoemaker,” and the like. I looked upon this -boycott as illustrating the topsy-turvy national organization of Turkey, -for here we had a nation engaging in a commercial boycott against its -own subjects.</p> - -<p>This procedure against the Greeks not improperly aroused my indignation. -I did not have the slightest suspicion at that time that the Germans had -instigated these deportations, but I looked upon them merely as an -outburst of Turkish ferocity and chauvinism. By this time I knew Talaat -well; I saw him nearly every day, and he used to discuss practically -every phase of international relations with me. I objected vigorously to -his treatment of the Greeks; I told him that it would<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_051" id="page_051"></a>{51}</span> make the worst -possible impression abroad and that it affected American interests. -Talaat explained his national policy: these different <i>blocs</i> in the -Turkish Empire, he said, had always conspired against Turkey; because of -the hostility of these native populations, Turkey had lost province -after province—Greece, Serbia, Rumania, Bulgaria, Bosnia, Herzegovina, -Egypt, and Tripoli. In this way the Turkish Empire had dwindled almost -to the vanishing point. If what was left of Turkey was to survive, added -Talaat, he must get rid of these alien peoples. “Turkey for the Turks” -was now Talaat’s controlling idea. Therefore he proposed to Turkify -Smyrna and the adjoining islands. Already 40,000 Greeks had left, and he -asked me again to urge American business houses to employ only Turks. He -said that the accounts of violence and murder had been greatly -exaggerated and suggested that a commission be sent to investigate. -“They want a commission to whitewash Turkey,” Sir Louis Mallet, the -British Ambassador, told me. True enough, when this commission did bring -in its report, it exculpated Turkey.</p> - -<p>The Greeks in Turkey had one great advantage over the Armenians, for -there was such a thing as a Greek government, which naturally has a -protecting interest in them. The Turks knew that these deportations -would precipitate a war with Greece; in fact, they welcomed such a war -and were preparing for it. So enthusiastic were the Turkish people that -they had raised money by popular subscription and had purchased a -Brazilian dreadnaught which was then under construction in England. The -government had ordered also a second dreadnaught in England, and several -submarines and destroyers in France. The purpose<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_052" id="page_052"></a>{52}</span> of these naval -preparations was no secret in Constantinople. As soon as they obtained -these ships, or even the one dreadnaught which was nearing completion, -Turkey intended to attack Greece and take back the islands. A single -modern battleship like the <i>Sultan Osman</i>—this was the name the Turks -had given the Brazilian vessel—could easily overpower the whole Greek -navy and control the Ægean Sea. As this powerful vessel would be -finished and commissioned in a few months, we all expected the -Greco-Turkish war to break out in the fall. What could the Greek navy -possibly do against this impending danger?</p> - -<p>Such was the situation when, early in June, I received a most agitated -visitor. This was Djemal Pasha, the Turkish Minister of Marine and one -of the three men who then dominated the Turkish Empire. I have hardly -ever seen a man who appeared more utterly worried than was Djemal on -this occasion. As he began talking excitedly to my interpreter in -French, his whiskers trembling with his emotions and his hands wildly -gesticulating, he seemed to be almost beside himself. I knew enough -French to understand what he was saying, and the news which he -brought—this was the first I had heard of it—sufficiently explained -his agitation. The American Government, he said, was negotiating with -Greece for the sale of two battleships, the <i>Idaho</i> and the -<i>Mississippi</i>. He urged that I should immediately move to prevent any -such sale. His attitude was that of a suppliant; he begged, he implored -that I should intervene. All along, he said, the Turks regarded the -United States as their best friend; I had frequently expressed my desire -to help them; well, here was the chance to show our good feeling.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_053" id="page_053"></a>{53}</span> The -fact that Greece and Turkey were practically on the verge of war, said -Djemal, really made the sale of the ships an unneutral act. Still, if -the transaction were purely a commercial one, Turkey would like a chance -to bid. “We will pay more than Greece,” he added. He ended with a -powerful plea that I should at once cable my government about the -matter, and this I promised to do.</p> - -<p>Evidently the clever Greeks had turned the tables on their enemy. Turkey -had rather too boldly advertised her intention of attacking Greece as -soon as she had received her dreadnaughts. Both the ships for which -Greece was now negotiating were immediately available for battle! The -<i>Idaho</i> and <i>Mississippi</i> were not indispensable ships for the American -navy; they could not take their place in the first line of battle; they -were powerful enough, however, to drive the whole Turkish navy from the -Ægean. Evidently the Greeks did not intend politely to postpone the -impending war until the Turkish dreadnaughts had been finished, but to -attack as soon as they received these American ships. Djemal’s point, of -course, had no legal validity. However great the threat of war might be, -Turkey and Greece were still actually at peace. Clearly Greece had just -as much right to purchase warships in the United States as Turkey had to -purchase them in Brazil or England.</p> - -<p>But Djemal was not the only statesman who attempted to prevent the sale; -the German Ambassador displayed the keenest interest. Several days after -Djemal’s visit, Wangenheim and I were riding in the hills north of -Constantinople; Wangenheim began to talk about the Greeks, to whom he -displayed a violent<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_054" id="page_054"></a>{54}</span> antipathy, about the chances of war, and the -projected sale of American warships. He made a long argument about the -sale, his reasoning being precisely the same as Djemal’s—a fact which -aroused my suspicions that he had himself coached Djemal for his -interview with me.</p> - -<p>“Just look at the dangerous precedent you are establishing,” said -Wangenheim. “It is not unlikely that the United States may sometime find -itself in a position like Turkey’s to-day. Suppose that you were on the -brink of war with Japan; then England could sell a fleet of dreadnaughts -to Japan. How would the United States like that?”</p> - -<p>And then he made a statement which indicated what really lay back of his -protest. I have thought of it many times in the last three years. The -scene is indelibly impressed on my mind. There we sat on our horses; the -silent ancient forest of Belgrade lay around us, while in the distance -the Black Sea glistened in the afternoon sun. Wangenheim suddenly became -quiet and extremely earnest. He looked in my eyes and said:</p> - -<p>“I don’t think that the United States realizes what a serious matter -this is. The sale of these ships might be the cause that would bring on -a European war.”</p> - -<p>This conversation took place on June 13th; this was about six weeks -before the conflagration broke out. Wangenheim knew perfectly well that -Germany was rushing preparations for this great conflict, and he also -knew that preparations were not yet entirely complete. Like all the -German ambassadors, Wangenheim had received instructions not to let any -crisis arise that would precipitate war until all these preparations had -been finished. He had no objections to the expulsion<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_055" id="page_055"></a>{55}</span> of the Greeks, for -that in itself was part of these preparations; he was much disturbed, -however, over the prospect that the Greeks might succeed in arming -themselves and disturbing existing conditions in the Balkans. At that -moment the Balkans were a smouldering volcano; Europe had gone through -two Balkan wars without becoming generally involved, and Wangenheim knew -that another would set the whole continent ablaze. He knew that war was -coming, but he did not want it just then. He was simply attempting to -influence me at that moment to gain a little more time for Germany.</p> - -<p>He went so far as to ask me to cable personally to the President, -explain the seriousness of the situation, and to call his attention to -the telegrams that had gone to the State Department on the proposed sale -of the ships. I regarded his suggestion as an impertinent one and -declined to act upon it.</p> - -<p>To Djemal and the other Turkish officials who kept pressing me I -suggested that their ambassador in Washington should take up the matter -directly with the President. They acted on this advice, but the Greeks -again got ahead of them. At two o’clock, June 22d, the Greek chargé -d’affaires at Washington and Commander Tsouklas, of the Greek navy, -called upon the President and arranged the sale. As they left the -President’s office, the Turkish Ambassador entered—just fifteen minutes -too late!</p> - -<p>I presume that Mr. Wilson consented to the sale because he knew that -Turkey was preparing to attack Greece and believed that the <i>Idaho</i> and -<i>Mississippi</i> would prevent such an attack and so preserve peace in the -Balkans.</p> - -<p>Acting under the authorization of Congress, the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_056" id="page_056"></a>{56}</span> administration sold -these ships on July 8, 1914, to Fred J. Gauntlett, for $12,535,276.98. -Congress immediately voted the money realized from the sale to the -construction of a great modern dreadnaught, the <i>California</i>. Mr. -Gauntlett transferred the ships to the Greek Government. Rechristened -the <i>Kilkis</i> and the <i>Lemnos</i>, those battleships immediately took their -places as the most powerful vessels of the Greek Navy, and the -enthusiasm of the Greeks in obtaining them was unbounded.</p> - -<p>By this time we had moved from the Embassy to our summer home on the -Bosphorus. All the summer embassies were located there, and a more -beautiful spot I have never seen. Our house was a three-story building, -something in the Venetian style; behind it the cliff rose abruptly, with -several terraced gardens towering one above the other; the building -stood so near the shore and the waters of the Bosphorus rushed by so -rapidly that when we sat outside, especially on a moonlight night, we -had almost a complete illusion that we were sitting on the deck of a -fast sailing ship. In the daytime the Bosphorus, here little more than a -mile wide, was alive with gaily coloured craft; I recall this animated -scene with particular vividness because I retain in my mind the contrast -it presented a few months afterward, when Turkey’s entrance into the war -had the immediate result of closing this strait. Day by day the huge -Russian steamships, on their way from Black Sea ports to Smyrna, -Alexandria, and other cities, made clear the importance of this little -strip of water, and explained the bloody contests of the European -nations, extending over a thousand years, for its possession. However, -these early summer<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_057" id="page_057"></a>{57}</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 328px;"> -<a href="images/i_078_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_078_sml.jpg" width="328" height="500" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">BUSTÁNY EFFENDI</p> - -<p>Ex-Minister of Commerce and Agriculture in the Turkish Cabinet. He came -to Mr. Morgenthau in January, 1914, seeking American assistance in -financially rehabilitating Turkey</p></div> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 346px;"> -<a href="images/i_079_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_079_sml.jpg" width="346" height="500" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">MOHAMMED V, LATE SULTAN OF TURKEY</p> - -<p>His majesty was a kind-hearted old gentleman, entirely ignorant of the -world and lacking in personal force and initiative. The lower picture -shows the Sultan’s carriage at the American Embassy, waiting to take Mr. -Morgenthau to an imperial audience</p></div> -</div> - -<p class="nind">months were peaceful; all the ambassadors and ministers and their -families were thrown constantly together; here daily gathered the -representatives of all the powers that for the last four years have been -grappling in history’s bloodiest war, all then apparently friends, -sitting around the same dining tables, walking arm in arm upon the -porches. The ambassador of one power would most graciously escort to -dinner the wife of another whose country was perhaps the most -antagonistic to his own. Little groups would form after dinner; the -Grand Vizier would hold an impromptu reception in one corner, cabinet -ministers would be whispering in another; a group of ambassadors would -discuss the Greek situation out on the porch; the Turkish officials -would glance quizzically upon the animated scene and perhaps comment -quietly in their own tongue; the Russian Ambassador would glide about -the room, pick out someone whom he wished to talk to, lock arms and push -him into a corner for a surreptitious <i>tête-à-tête</i>. Meanwhile, our sons -and daughters, the junior members of the diplomatic corps, and the -officers of the several <i>stationnaires</i>, dancing and flirting, seemed to -think that the whole proceeding had been arranged solely for their -amusement. And to realize, while all this was going on, that neither the -Grand Vizier, nor any of the other high Turkish officials, would leave -the house without outriders and bodyguards to protect them from -assassination—whatever other emotions such a vibrating atmosphere might -arouse, it was certainly alive with interest. I felt also that there was -something electric about it all; war was ever the favourite topic of -conversation; everyone seemed to realize that this peaceful, frivolous -life was<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_058" id="page_058"></a>{58}</span> transitory, and that at any moment might come the spark that -was to set everything aflame.</p> - -<p>Yet, when the crisis came, it produced no immediate sensation. On June -29th we heard of the assassination of the Archduke of Austria and his -consort. Everybody received the news calmly; there was, indeed, a -stunned feeling that something momentous had happened, but there was -practically no excitement. A day or two after this tragedy I had a long -talk with Talaat on diplomatic matters; he made no reference at all to -this event. I think now that we were all affected by a kind of emotional -paralysis—as we were nearer the centre than most people, we certainly -realized the dangers in the situation. In a day or two our tongues -seemed to have been loosened, for we began to talk—and to talk war. -When I saw Von Mutius, the German chargé, and Weitz, the -diplomat-correspondent of the <i>Frankfurter Zeitung</i>, they also discussed -the impending conflict, and again they gave their forecast a -characteristically Germanic touch; when war came, they said, of course -the United States would take advantage of it to get all the Mexican and -South American trade!</p> - -<p>When I called upon Pallavicini to express my condolences over the -Archduke’s death, he received me with the most stately solemnity. He was -conscious that he was representing the imperial family, and his grief -seemed to be personal; one would think that he had lost his own son. I -expressed my abhorrence and that of my nation for the deed, and our -sympathy with the aged emperor.</p> - -<p>“<i>Ja, Ja, es ist sehr schrecklich</i>” (yes, yes, it is very terrible), he -answered, almost in a whisper.</p> - -<p>“Serbia will be condemned for her conduct,”<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_059" id="page_059"></a>{59}</span> he added. “She will be -compelled to make reparation.”</p> - -<p>A few days later, when Pallavicini called upon me, he spoke of the -nationalistic societies that Serbia had permitted to exist and of her -determination to annex Bosnia and Herzegovina. He said that his -government would insist on the abandonment of these societies and these -pretentions, and that probably a punitive expedition into Serbia would -be necessary to prevent such outrages as the murder of the Archduke. -Herein I had my first intimation of the famous ultimatum of July 22d.</p> - -<p>The entire diplomatic corps attended the requiem mass for the Archduke -and Archduchess, celebrated at the Church of Sainte Marie on July 4th. -The church is located in the Grande Rue de Pera, not far from the -Austrian Embassy; to reach it we had to descend a flight of forty stone -steps. At the top of these stairs representatives of the Austrian -Embassy, dressed in full uniform, with crêpe on the left arm, met us, -and escorted us to our seats. All the ambassadors sat in the front pew; -I recall this with strange emotions now, for it was the last time that -we ever sat together. The service was dignified and beautiful; I -remember it with especial vividness because of the contrasting scene -that immediately followed. When the stately, gorgeously robed priests -had finished, we all shook hands with the Austrian Ambassador, returned -to our automobiles, and started on our eight-mile ride along the -Bosphorus to the American Embassy. For this day was not only the day -when we paid our tribute to the murdered heir of this medieval -autocracy; it was also the Fourth of July. The very setting of the two -scenes symbolized these two national ideals. I<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_060" id="page_060"></a>{60}</span> always think of this -ambassadorial group going down those stone steps to the church, to pay -their respect to the Archduke, and then going up to the gaily decorated -American Embassy, to pay their respect to the Declaration of -Independence. All the station ships of the foreign countries lay out in -the stream, decorated and dressed in honour of our national holiday, and -the ambassadors and ministers called in full regalia. From the upper -gardens we could see the place where Darius crossed from Asia with his -Persian hosts 2,500 years before—one of those ancient autocrats the -line of which is not yet entirely extinct. There also we could see -magnificent Robert College, an institution that represented America’s -conception of the way to “penetrate” the Turkish Empire. At night our -gardens were illuminated with Chinese lanterns; good old American -fireworks, lighting up the surrounding hills and the Bosphorus, and the -American flag flying at the front of the house, seemed almost to act as -a challenge to the plentiful reminders of autocracy and oppression which -we had had in the early part of the day. Not more than a mile across the -water the dark and gloomy hills of Asia, for ages the birthplace of -military despotisms, caught a faint and, I think, a prophetic glow from -these illuminations.</p> - -<p>In glancing at the ambassadorial group at the church and, afterward, at -our reception, I was surprised to note that one familiar figure was -missing. Wangenheim, Austria’s ally, was not present. This somewhat -puzzled me at the time, but afterward I had the explanation from -Wangenheim’s own lips. He had left some days before for Berlin. The -Kaiser had summoned him to an imperial council, which met on July 5th, -and which decided to plunge Europe into war.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_061" id="page_061"></a>{61}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_IV" id="CHAPTER_IV"></a>CHAPTER IV<br /><br /> -<small>GERMANY MOBILIZES THE TURKISH ARMY</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">I</span>N reading the August newspapers, which described the mobilizations in -Europe, I was particularly struck with the emphasis which they laid upon -the splendid spirit that was overnight changing the civilian populations -into armies. At that time Turkey had not entered the war and her -political leaders were loudly protesting their intention of maintaining -a strict neutrality. Despite these pacific statements, the occurrences -in Constantinople were almost as warlike as those that were taking place -in the European capitals. Though Turkey was at peace, her army was -mobilizing, merely, we were told, as a precautionary measure. Yet the -daily scenes which I witnessed in Constantinople bore few resemblances -to those which were agitating every city of Europe. The martial -patriotism of men, and the sublime patience and sacrifice of women, may -sometimes give war an heroic aspect, but in Turkey the prospect was one -of general listlessness and misery. Day by day the miscellaneous Ottoman -hordes passed through the streets. Arabs, bootless and shoeless, dressed -in their most gaily coloured garments, with long linen bags (containing -the required five days’ rations) thrown over their shoulders, shambling -in their gait and bewildered in their manner, touched shoulders with -equally dispirited Bedouins, evidently suddenly snatched from the -desert.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_062" id="page_062"></a>{62}</span> A motley aggregation of Turks, Circassians, Greeks, Kurds, -Armenians, and Jews, showing signs of having been summarily taken from -their farms and shops, constantly jostled one another. Most were ragged -and many looked half-starved; everything about them suggested -hopelessness and a cattle-like submission to a fate which they knew that -they could not avoid. There was no joy in approaching battle, no feeling -that they were sacrificing themselves for a mighty cause; day by day -they passed, the unwilling children of a tatterdemalion empire that was -making one last despairing attempt to gird itself for action.</p> - -<p>These wretched marchers little realized what was the power that was -dragging them from the four corners of their country. Even we of the -diplomatic group had not then clearly grasped the real situation. We -learned afterward that the signal for this mobilization had not come -originally from Enver or Talaat or the Turkish Cabinet, but from the -General Staff in Berlin and its representatives in Constantinople. Liman -von Sanders and Bronssart were really directing the complicated -operation. There were unmistakable signs of German activity. As soon as -the German armies crossed the Rhine, work was begun on a mammoth -wireless station a few miles outside of Constantinople. The materials -all came from Germany by way of Rumania, and the skilled mechanics, -industriously working from daybreak to sunset, were unmistakably -Germans. Of course, the neutrality laws would have prohibited the -construction of a wireless station for a belligerent in a neutral -country like Turkey; it was therefore officially announced that a German -company was building this heaven-pointing structure for the Turkish -Government and on the Sultan’s own<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_063" id="page_063"></a>{63}</span> property. But this story deceived no -one. Wangenheim, the German Ambassador, spoke of it freely and -constantly as a German enterprise.</p> - -<p>“Have you seen our wireless yet?” he would ask me. “Come on, let’s ride -up there and look it over.”</p> - -<p>He proudly told me that it was the most powerful in the world—powerful -enough to catch all messages sent from the Eiffel Tower in Paris! He -said that it would put him in constant communication with Berlin. So -little did he attempt to conceal its German ownership that several -times, when ordinary telegraphic communication was suspended, he offered -to let me use it to send my telegrams.</p> - -<p>This wireless plant was an outward symbol of the close though -unacknowledged association which then existed between Turkey and Berlin. -It took some time to finish such an extensive station and in the interim -Wangenheim was using the apparatus on the <i>Corcovado</i>, a German merchant -ship which was lying in the Bosphorus opposite the German Embassy. For -practical purposes, Wangenheim had a constant telephone connection with -Berlin.</p> - -<p>German officers were almost as active as the Turks themselves in this -mobilization. They enjoyed it all immensely; indeed they gave every sign -that they were having the time of their lives. Bronssart, Humann, and -Lafferts were constantly at Enver’s elbow, advising and directing the -operations. German officers were rushing through the streets every day -in huge automobiles, all requisitioned from the civilian population; -they filled all the restaurants and amusement places at night, and -celebrated their joy in the situation by consuming large quantities of -champagne—also requisitioned.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_064" id="page_064"></a>{64}</span> A particularly spectacular and noisy -figure was that of Von der Goltz Pasha. He was constantly making a kind -of viceregal progress through the streets in a huge and madly dashing -automobile, on both sides of which flaring German eagles were painted. A -trumpeter on the front seat would blow loud, defiant blasts as the -conveyance rushed along, and woe to any one, Turk or non-Turk, who -happened to get in the way! The Germans made no attempt to conceal their -conviction that they owned this town. Just as Wangenheim had established -a little Wilhelmstrasse in his Embassy, so had the German military men -established a sub-station of the Berlin General Staff. They even brought -their wives and families from Germany; I heard Baroness Wangenheim -remark that she was holding a little court at the German Embassy.</p> - -<p>The Germans, however, were about the only people who were enjoying this -proceeding. The requisitioning that accompanied the mobilization really -amounted to a wholesale looting of the civilian population. The Turks -took all the horses, mules, camels, sheep, cows, and other beasts that -they could lay their hands on; Enver told me that they had gathered in -150,000 animals. They did it most unintelligently, making no provision -for the continuance of the species; thus they would leave only two cows -or two mares in many of the villages. This system of requisitioning, as -I shall describe, had the inevitable result of destroying the nation’s -agriculture, and ultimately led to the starvation of hundreds of -thousands of people. But the Turks, like the Germans, thought that the -war was destined to be a very short one, and that they would quickly -recuperate from the injuries which their methods<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_065" id="page_065"></a>{65}</span> of supplying an army -were causing their peasant population. The Government showed precisely -the same shamelessness and lack of intelligence in the way that they -requisitioned materials from merchants and shopmen. These proceedings -amounted to little less than conscious highwaymanship. But practically -none of these merchants were Moslems; most of them were Christians, -though there were a few Jews; and the Turkish officials therefore not -only provided the needs of their army and incidentally lined their own -pockets, but they found a religious joy in pillaging the infidel -establishments. They would enter a retail shop, take practically all the -merchandise on the shelves, and give merely a piece of paper in -acknowledgment. As the Government had never paid for the supplies which -it had taken in the Italian and Balkan wars, the merchants hardly -expected that they would ever receive anything for these latest -requisitions. Afterward many who understood officialdom, and were -politically influential, did recover to the extent of 70 per cent.—what -became of the remaining 30 per cent. is not a secret to those who have -had experience with Turkish bureaucrats.</p> - -<p>Thus for most of the population requisitioning simply meant financial -ruin. That the process was merely pillaging is shown by many of the -materials which the army took, ostensibly for the use of the soldiers. -Thus the officers seized all the mohair they could find; on occasion -they even carried off women’s silk stockings, corsets, and baby’s -slippers, and I heard of one case in which they reinforced the Turkish -commissary with caviar and other delicacies. They demanded blankets from -one merchant who was a dealer in women’s underwear;<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_066" id="page_066"></a>{66}</span> because he had no -such stock, they seized what he had, and he afterward saw his -appropriated goods reposing in rival establishments. The Turks did the -same thing in many other cases. The prevailing system was to take -movable property wherever available and convert it into cash; where the -money ultimately went I do not know, but that many private fortunes were -made I have little doubt. I told Enver that this ruthless method of -mobilizing and requisitioning was destroying his country. Misery and -starvation soon began to afflict the land. Out of a 4,000,000 adult male -population more than 1,500,000 were ultimately enlisted and so about a -million families were left without breadwinners, all of them in a -condition of extreme destitution. The Turkish Government paid its -soldiers 25 cents a month, and gave the families a separation allowance -of $1.20 a month. As a result thousands were dying from lack of food and -many more were enfeebled by malnutrition; I believe that the empire has -lost a quarter of its Turkish population since the war started. I asked -Enver why he permitted his people to be destroyed in this way. But -sufferings like these did not distress him. He was much impressed by his -success in raising a large army with practically no money—something, he -boasted, which no other nation had ever done before. In order to -accomplish this, Enver had issued orders which stigmatized the evasion -of military service as desertion and therefore punishable with the death -penalty. He also adopted a scheme by which any Ottoman could obtain -exemption by the payment of about $190. Still Enver regarded his -accomplishment as a notable one. It was really his first taste of -unlimited power and he enjoyed the experience greatly.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_067" id="page_067"></a>{67}</span></p> - -<p>That the Germans directed this mobilization is not a matter of opinion -but of proof. I need only mention that the Germans were requisitioning -materials in their own name for their own uses. I have a photographic -copy of such a requisition made by Humann, the German naval attaché, for -a shipload of oil cake. This document is dated September 29, 1914. “The -lot by the steamship <i>Derindje</i> which you mentioned in your letter of -the 26th,” this paper reads, “has been requisitioned by me for the -German Government.” This clearly shows that, a month before Turkey had -entered the war, Germany was really exercising the powers of sovereignty -at Constantinople.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_068" id="page_068"></a>{68}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_V" id="CHAPTER_V"></a>CHAPTER V<br /><br /> -<small>WANGENHEIM SMUGGLES THE “GOEBEN” AND THE “BRESLAU” THROUGH THE DARDANELLES</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">O</span>N August 10th, I went out on a little launch to meet the <i>Sicilia</i>, a -small Italian ship which had just arrived from Venice. I was especially -interested in this vessel because she was bringing to Constantinople my -son-in-law and daughter, Mr. and Mrs. Maurice Wertheim, and their three -little daughters. The greeting proved even more interesting than I had -expected. I found the passengers considerably excited, for they had -witnessed, the day before, a naval engagement in the Ionian Sea.</p> - -<p>“We were lunching yesterday on deck,” my daughter told me, “when I saw -two strange-looking vessels just above the horizon. I ran for the -glasses and made out two large battleships, the first one with two -queer, exotic-looking towers and the other one quite an ordinary-looking -battleship. We watched and saw another ship coming up behind them and -going very fast. She came nearer and nearer and then we heard guns -booming. Pillars of water sprang up in the air and there were many -little puffs of white smoke. It took me some time to realize what it was -all about, and then it burst upon me that we were actually witnessing an -engagement. The ships continually shifted their position but went on and -on. The two big ones turned and rushed furiously for the little one, and -then<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_069" id="page_069"></a>{69}</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_092_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_092_sml.jpg" width="500" height="292" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">WANGENHEIM, THE GERMAN AMBASSADOR</p> - -<p>In front of his lodge, where he spent much of his time in the -August and September months of 1914, rejoicing in German victories. -From here he directed by wireless the <i>Goeben</i> and the <i>Breslau</i> -and brought them into Constantinople</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class="nind">apparently they changed their minds and turned back. Then the little one -turned around and calmly steamed in our direction. At first I was -somewhat alarmed at this, but nothing happened. She circled around us -with her tars excited and grinning and somewhat grimy. They signalled to -our captain many questions, and then turned and finally disappeared. The -captain told us that the two big ships were Germans which had been -caught in the Mediterranean and which were trying to escape from the -British fleet. He said that the British ships are chasing them all over -the Mediterranean, and that the German ships are trying to get into -Constantinople. Have you seen anything of them? Where do you suppose the -British fleet is?”</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_094_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_094_sml.jpg" width="500" height="342" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">THE DARDANELLES AND THE BLACK SEA</p></div> -</div> - -<p>A few hours afterward I happened to meet Wangenheim. When I told him -what Mrs. Wertheim had<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_070" id="page_070"></a>{70}</span> seen, he displayed an agitated interest. -Immediately after lunch he called at the American Embassy with -Pallavicini, the Austrian Ambassador, and asked for an interview with my -daughter. The two ambassadors solemnly planted themselves in chairs -before Mrs. Wertheim and subjected her to a most minute, though very -polite, cross examination. “I never felt so important in my life,” she -afterward told me. They would not permit her to leave out a single -detail; they wished to know how many shots had been fired, what -direction the German ships had taken, what everybody on board had said, -and so on. The visit seemed to give these allied ambassadors immense -relief and satisfaction, for they left the house in an almost jubilant -mood, behaving as though a great weight had been taken off their minds. -And certainly they had good reason for their elation. My daughter had -been the means of giving them the news which they had desired to hear -above everything else—that the <i>Goeben</i> and the <i>Breslau</i> had escaped -the British fleet and were then steaming rapidly in the direction of the -Dardanelles.</p> - -<p>For it was those famous German ships, the <i>Goeben</i> and the <i>Breslau</i>, -which my daughter had seen engaged in battle with a British scout ship!</p> - -<p>The next day official business called me to the German Embassy. But -Wangenheim’s animated manner soon disclosed that he had no interest in -routine matters. Never had I seen him so nervous and so excited. He -could not rest in his chair more than a few minutes at a time; he was -constantly jumping up, rushing to the window and looking anxiously out -toward the Bosphorus, where his private wireless station, the -<i>Corcovado</i>, lay about three quarters of a mile away. Wangenheim’s<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_071" id="page_071"></a>{71}</span> face -was flushed and his eyes were shining; he would stride up and down the -room, speaking now of a recent German victory, now giving me a little -forecast of Germany’s plans—and then he would stalk to the window again -for another look at the <i>Corcovado</i>.</p> - -<p>“Something is seriously distracting you,” I said, rising. “I will go and -come again some other time.”</p> - -<p>“No, no!” the Ambassador almost shouted. “I want you to stay right where -you are. This will be a great day for Germany! If you will only remain -for a few minutes you will hear a great piece of news—something that -has the utmost bearing upon Turkey’s relation to the war.”</p> - -<p>Then he rushed out on the portico and leaned over the balustrade. At the -same moment I saw a little launch put out from the <i>Corcovado</i> toward -the Ambassador’s dock. Wangenheim hurried down, seized an envelope from -one of the sailors, and a moment afterward burst into the room again.</p> - -<p>“We’ve got them!” he shouted to me.</p> - -<p>“Got what?” I asked.</p> - -<p>“The <i>Goeben</i> and the <i>Breslau</i> have passed through the Dardanelles!”</p> - -<p>He was waving the wireless message with all the enthusiasm of a college -boy whose football team has won a victory.</p> - -<p>Then, momentarily checking his enthusiasm, he came up to me solemnly, -humorously shook his forefinger, lifted his eyebrows, and said, “Of -course, you understand that we have sold those ships to Turkey!</p> - -<p>“And Admiral Souchon,” he added with another wink, “will enter the -Sultan’s service!”</p> - -<p>Wangenheim had more than patriotic reasons for<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_072" id="page_072"></a>{72}</span> this exultation; the -arrival of these ships was the greatest day in his diplomatic career. It -was really the first diplomatic victory which Germany had won. For years -the chancellorship of the empire had been Wangenheim’s laudable -ambition, and he behaved now like a man who saw his prize within his -grasp. The voyage of the <i>Goeben</i> and the <i>Breslau</i> was his personal -triumph; he had arranged with the Turkish Cabinet for their passage -through the Dardanelles, and he had directed their movements by wireless -in the Mediterranean. By safely getting the <i>Goeben</i> and the <i>Breslau</i> -into Constantinople, Wangenheim had definitely clinched Turkey as -Germany’s ally. All his intrigues and plottings for three years had now -finally succeeded.</p> - -<p>I doubt if any two ships have exercised a greater influence upon history -than these two German cruisers. Few of us at that time realized their -great importance, but subsequent developments have fully justified -Wangenheim’s exuberant satisfaction. The <i>Goeben</i> was a powerful battle -cruiser of recent construction; the <i>Breslau</i> was not so large a ship, -but she, like the <i>Goeben</i>, had the excessive speed that made her -extremely serviceable in those waters. These ships had spent the few -months preceding the war cruising in the Mediterranean, and when the -declaration finally came they were taking on supplies at Messina. I have -always regarded it as more than a coincidence that these two vessels, -both of them having a greater speed than any French or English ships in -the Mediterranean, should have been lying not far from Turkey when war -broke out. The selection of the <i>Goeben</i> was particularly fortunate, as -she had twice before visited Constantinople and her officers and men -knew the Dardanelles perfectly. The<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_073" id="page_073"></a>{73}</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_098_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_098_sml.jpg" width="500" height="284" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">THE SULTAN, MOHAMMED V, GOING TO HIS REGULAR FRIDAY -PRAYERS</p></div> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_099_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_099_sml.jpg" width="500" height="304" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">TALAAT AND ENVER AT A MILITARY REVIEW</p> - -<p class="c">Observing the transformation worked in the Turkish army by its German -drill-masters. Talaat is the huge, broad-shouldered man at the right; -Enver is the smaller figure to the left</p></div> -</div> - -<p class="nind">behaviour of these crews, when the news of war was received, indicated -the spirit with which the German navy began hostilities; the men broke -into singing and shouting, lifted their Admiral upon their shoulders, -and held a real German jollification. It is said that Admiral Souchon -preserved, as a touching souvenir of this occasion, his white uniform -bearing the finger prints of his grimy sailors!</p> - -<p>For all their joy at the prospect of battle, the situation of these -ships was still a precarious one. They formed no match for the large -British and French naval forces which were roaming through the -Mediterranean. The <i>Goeben</i> and the <i>Breslau</i> were far from their native -bases; with the coaling problem such an acute one, and with England in -possession of all important stations, where could they flee for safety? -Several Italian destroyers were circling around the German ships at -Messina, enforcing neutrality and occasionally reminding them that they -could remain in port only twenty-four hours. England had ships stationed -at the Gulf of Otranto, the head of the Adriatic, to cut them off in -case they sought to escape into the Austrian port of Pola. The British -navy also stood guard at Gibraltar and Suez, the only other exits that -apparently offered the possibility of escape. There was only one other -place in which the <i>Goeben</i> and the <i>Breslau</i> might find a safe and -friendly reception. That was Constantinople. Apparently the British navy -dismissed this as an impossibility. At that time, early in August, -international law had not entirely disappeared as the guiding conduct of -nations. Turkey was then a neutral country, and, despite the many -evidences of German domination, she seemed likely to maintain<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_074" id="page_074"></a>{74}</span> her -neutrality. The Treaty of Paris, which was signed in 1856, as well as -the Treaty of London, signed in 1871, provided that war ships should not -use the Dardanelles except by the special permission of the Sultan, -which could be granted only in times of peace. In practice the -government had seldom given this permission except for ceremonial -occasions. Under the existing conditions it would have amounted -virtually to an unfriendly act for the Sultan to have removed the ban -against war vessels in the Dardanelles, and to permit the <i>Goeben</i> and -the <i>Breslau</i> to remain in Turkish waters for more than twenty-four -hours would have been nothing less than a declaration of war. It is -perhaps not surprising that the British, in the early days of August, -1914, when Germany had not completely made clear her official opinion -that “international law had ceased to exist,” regarded these treaty -stipulations as barring the German ships from the Dardanelles and -Constantinople. Relying upon the sanctity of these international -regulations, the British navy had shut off every point through which -these German ships could have escaped to safety—except the entrance to -the Dardanelles. Had England, immediately on the declaration of war, -rushed a powerful squadron to this vital spot, how different the history -of the last three years might have been!</p> - -<p>“His Majesty expects the <i>Goeben</i> and the <i>Breslau</i> to succeed in -breaking through!” Such was the wireless that reached these vessels at -Messina at five o’clock on the evening of August 4th. The twenty-four -hours’ stay permitted by the Italian Government had nearly expired. -Outside, in the Strait of Otranto, lay the force of British battle -cruisers, sending false radio<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_075" id="page_075"></a>{75}</span> messages to the Germans, instructing them -to rush for Pola. With bands playing and flags flying, the officers and -crews having had their spirits fired by oratory and drink, the two -vessels started at full speed toward the awaiting British fleet. The -little <i>Gloucester</i>, a scout boat, kept in touch, wiring constantly the -German movements to the main squadron. Suddenly, when off Cape -Spartivento, the <i>Goeben</i> and the <i>Breslau</i> let off into the atmosphere -all the discordant vibrations which their wireless could command, -jamming the air with such a hullabaloo that the <i>Gloucester</i> was unable -to send any intelligible messages. Then the German cruisers turned -southward and made for the Ægean Sea. The plucky little <i>Gloucester</i> -kept close on their heels, and, as my daughter had related, once had -even audaciously offered battle. A few hours behind the British squadron -pursued, but uselessly, for the German ships, though far less powerful -in battle, were much speedier. Even then the British admiral probably -thought that he had spoiled the German plans. The German ships might get -first to the Dardanelles, but at that point stood international law -across the path, barring the entrance.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile Wangenheim had accomplished his great diplomatic success. From -the <i>Corcovado</i> wireless station in the Bosphorus he was sending the -most agreeable news to Admiral Souchon. He was telling him to hoist the -Turkish flag when he reached the Strait, for Admiral Souchon’s cruisers -had suddenly become parts of the Turkish navy, and, therefore, the usual -international prohibitions did not apply. These cruisers were no longer -the <i>Goeben</i> and the <i>Breslau</i>, for, like an oriental magician, -Wangenheim had suddenly changed<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_076" id="page_076"></a>{76}</span> them into the <i>Sultan Selim</i> and the -<i>Medilli</i>. The fact was that the German Ambassador had cleverly taken -advantage of the existing situation to manufacture a “sale.” As I have -already told, Turkey had two dreadnaughts under construction in England -when the war broke out. These ships were not exclusively governmental -enterprises; their purchase represented what, on the surface, appeared -to be a popular enthusiasm of the Turkish people. They were to be the -agencies through which Turkey was to attack Greece and win back the -islands of the Ægean, and the Turkish people had raised the money to -build them by a so-called popular subscription. Agents had gone from -house to house, painfully collecting these small sums of money; there -had been entertainments and fairs, and, in their eagerness for the -cause, Turkish women had sold their hair for the benefit of the common -fund. These two vessels thus represented a spectacular outburst of -patriotism that was unusual in Turkey, so unusual, indeed, that many -detected signs that the Government had stimulated it. At the very moment -when the war began, Turkey had made her last payment to the English -shipyards and the Turkish crews had arrived in England prepared to take -the finished vessels home. Then, a few days before the time set to -deliver them, the British Government stepped in and commandeered these -dreadnaughts for the British navy.</p> - -<p>There is not the slightest question that England had not only a legal -but a moral right to do this; there is also no question that her action -was a proper one, and that, had she been dealing with almost any other -nation, such a proceeding would not have aroused any resentment. But the -Turkish people cared nothing for distinctions<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_077" id="page_077"></a>{77}</span> of this sort; all they -saw was that they had two ships in England, which they had greatly -strained their resources to purchase, and that England had now stepped -in and taken them. Even without external pressure they would have -resented the act, but external pressure was exerted in plenty. The -transaction gave Wangenheim the greatest opportunity of his life. -Violent attacks upon England, all emanating from the German Embassy, -began to fill the Turkish press. Wangenheim was constantly discoursing -to the Turkish leaders on English perfidy and he now suggested that -Germany, Turkey’s good friend, was prepared to make compensation for -England’s “unlawful” seizure. He suggested that Turkey go through the -form of “purchasing” the <i>Goeben</i> and the <i>Breslau</i>, which were then -wandering around the Mediterranean, perhaps in anticipation of this very -contingency, and incorporate them in the Turkish navy in place of the -appropriated ships in England. The very day that these vessels passed -through the Dardanelles, the <i>Ikdam</i>, a Turkish newspaper published in -Constantinople, had a triumphant account of this “sale,” with big -headlines calling it a “great success for the Imperial Government.”</p> - -<p>Thus Wangenheim’s manœuvre accomplished two purposes: it placed -Germany before the populace as Turkey’s friend, and it also provided a -subterfuge for getting the ships through the Dardanelles, and enabling -them to remain in Turkish waters. All this beguiled the more ignorant of -the Turkish people, and gave the Cabinet a plausible ground for meeting -the objection of Entente diplomats, but it did not deceive any -intelligent person. The <i>Goeben</i> and <i>Breslau</i> might change their names, -and the German sailors might adorn themselves<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_078" id="page_078"></a>{78}</span> with Turkish fezzes, but -we all knew from the beginning that this sale was a sham. Those who -understood the financial condition of Turkey could only be amused at the -idea that she could purchase these modern vessels. Moreover, the ships -were never incorporated in the Turkish navy; on the contrary, what -really happened was that the Turkish navy was annexed to these German -ships. A handful of Turkish sailors were placed on board at one time for -appearance sake, but their German officers and German crews still -retained active charge. Wangenheim, in his talks with me, never made any -secret of the fact that the ships still remained German property. “I -never expected to have such big checks to sign,” he remarked one day, -referring to his expenditures on the <i>Goeben</i> and the <i>Breslau</i>. He -always called them “our” ships. Even Talaat told me in so many words -that the cruisers did not belong to Turkey.</p> - -<p>“The Germans say they belong to the Turks,” he remarked, with his -characteristic laugh. “At any rate, it’s very comforting for us to have -them here. After the war, if the Germans win, they will forget all about -it and leave the ships to us. If the Germans lose, they won’t be able to -take them away from us!”</p> - -<p>The German Government made no real pretension that the sale had been -<i>bona fide</i>; at least when the Greek Minister at Berlin protested -against the transaction as unfriendly to Greece—naïvely forgetting the -American ships which Greece had recently purchased—the German officials -soothed him by admitting, <i>sotto voce</i>, that the ownership still -remained with Germany. Yet when the Entente ambassadors constantly -protested against the presence of the German vessels,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_079" id="page_079"></a>{79}</span> the Turkish -officials blandly kept up the pretence that they were integral parts of -the Turkish navy!</p> - -<p>The German officers and crews greatly enjoyed this farcical pretence -that the <i>Goeben</i> and the <i>Breslau</i> were Turkish ships. They took -delight in putting on Turkish fezzes, thereby presenting to the world -conclusive evidence that these loyal sailors of the Kaiser were now -parts of the Sultan’s navy. One day the <i>Goeben</i> sailed up the -Bosphorus, halted in front of the Russian Embassy, and dropped anchor. -Then the officers and men lined the deck in full view of the enemy -embassy. All solemnly removed their Turkish fezzes and put on German -caps. The band played “Deutschland über Alles,” the “Watch on the -Rhine,” and other German songs, the German sailors singing loudly to the -accompaniment. When they had spent an hour or more serenading the -Russian Ambassador, the officers and crews removed their German caps and -again put on their Turkish fezzes. The <i>Goeben</i> then picked up her -anchor and started southward for her station, leaving in the ears of the -Russian diplomat the gradually dying strains of German war songs as the -cruiser disappeared down stream.</p> - -<p>I have often speculated on what would have happened if the English -battle cruisers, which pursued the <i>Breslau</i> and the <i>Goeben</i> up to the -mouth of the Dardanelles, had not been too gentlemanly to violate -international law. Suppose that they had entered the Strait, attacked -the German cruisers in the Marmora, and sunk them. They could have done -this, and, knowing all that we know now, such an action would have been -justified. Not improbably the destruction would have kept Turkey out of -the war. For the arrival of these<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_080" id="page_080"></a>{80}</span> cruisers made it inevitable that -Turkey, when the proper moment came, should join her forces with -Germany. With them the Turkish navy became stronger than the Russian -Black Sea Fleet and thus made it certain that Russia could make no -attack on Constantinople. The <i>Goeben</i> and the <i>Breslau</i>, therefore, -practically gave the Ottoman and German naval forces control of the -Black Sea. Moreover, these two ships could easily dominate -Constantinople, and thus they furnished the means by which the German -navy, if the occasion should arise, could terrorize the Turks. I am -convinced that, when the judicious historian reviews this war and its -consequences, he will say that the passage of the Strait by these German -ships made it inevitable that Turkey should join Germany at the moment -that Germany desired her assistance, and that it likewise sealed the -doom of the Turkish Empire. There were men in the Turkish Cabinet who -perceived this, even then. The story was told in Constantinople—though -I do not vouch for it as authentic history—that the cabinet meeting at -which this momentous decision had been made had not been altogether -harmonious. The Grand Vizier and Djemal, it was said, objected to the -fictitious “sale,” and demanded that it should not be completed. When -the discussion had reached its height Enver, who was playing Germany’s -game, announced that he had already practically completed the -transaction. In the silence that followed his statement this young -Napoleon pulled out his pistol and laid it on the table.</p> - -<p>“If any one here wishes to question this purchase,” he said quietly and -icily, “I am ready to meet him.”</p> - -<p>A few weeks after the <i>Goeben</i> and the <i>Breslau</i> had<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_081" id="page_081"></a>{81}</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 321px;"> -<a href="images/i_108_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_108_sml.jpg" width="321" height="500" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">BARON VON WANGENHEIM, GERMAN AMBASSADOR TO TURKEY</p> - -<p>He was personally selected by the Kaiser to bring Turkey into line -with Germany and transform that country into an ally of Germany in -the forthcoming war—a task at which he succeeded. Wangenheim -represented German diplomacy in its most ruthless and most -shameless aspects. He believed with Bismarck that a patriotic -German must stand ready to sacrifice for Kaiser and Fatherland not -only his life, but his honour as well. With wonderful skill he -manipulated the desperate adventurers who controlled Turkey in 1914 -into instruments of Germany.</p></div> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 318px;"> -<a href="images/i_109_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_109_sml.jpg" width="318" height="500" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">DJEMAL PASHA, MINISTER OF MARINE</p> - -<p>In 1914 Djemal headed the Police Department; it was his duty to run -down citizens who were opposing the political gang then controlling -Turkey. Such opponents were commonly assassinated or judicially -murdered. Afterward Djemal was Minister of Marine, and as such -violently protested against the sale of American warships to -Greece. Then he was sent to Palestine as Commander of the Fourth -Army Corps, where he distinguished himself as leader in the -wholesale persecutions of the non-Moslem population</p></div> -</div> - -<p class="nind">taken up permanent headquarters in the Bosphorus, Djavid Bey, Minister -of Finance, happened to meet a distinguished Belgian jurist, then in -Constantinople.</p> - -<p>“I have terrible news for you,” said the sympathetic Turkish statesman. -“The Germans have captured Brussels.”</p> - -<p>The Belgian, a huge figure, more than six feet high, put his arm -soothingly upon the shoulder of the diminutive Turk.</p> - -<p>“I have even more terrible news for you,” he said, pointing out to the -stream where the <i>Goeben</i> and the <i>Breslau</i> lay anchored. “The Germans -have captured Turkey.”<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_082" id="page_082"></a>{82}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VI" id="CHAPTER_VI"></a>CHAPTER VI<br /><br /> -<small>WANGENHEIM TELLS THE AMERICAN AMBASSADOR HOW THE KAISER STARTED THE WAR</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">B</span>UT there was one quarter in which this transaction produced no -appreciable gloom. That was the German Embassy. This great “success” -fairly intoxicated the impressionable Wangenheim, and other happenings -now aroused his <i>furor Teutonicus</i> to a fever heat. The <i>Goeben</i> and the -<i>Breslau</i> arrived almost at the same time that the Germans captured -Liége, Namur, and other Belgian towns. And now followed the German sweep -into France and the apparently triumphant rush for Paris. In all these -happenings Wangenheim, like the militant Prussian that he was, saw the -fulfilment of a forty-years’ dream. We were all still living in the -summer embassies along the Bosphorus. Germany had a beautiful park, -which the Sultan had personally presented to the Kaiser’s government; -yet for some reason Wangenheim did not seem to enjoy his headquarters -during these summer days. A little guard house stood directly in front -of his embassy, on the street, within twenty feet of the rushing -Bosphorus, and in front of this was a stone bench. This bench was -properly a resting place for the guard, but Wangenheim seemed to have a -strong liking for it. I shall always keep in my mind the figure of this -German diplomat, in those exciting days before the Marne, sitting out on -this little bench, now and then<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_083" id="page_083"></a>{83}</span> jumping up for a stroll back and forth -in front of his house. Everybody passing from Constantinople to the -northern suburbs had to pass along this road, and even the Russian and -French diplomats frequently went by, stiffly ignoring, of course, the -triumphant ambassadorial figure on his stone bench. I sometimes think -that Wangenheim sat there for the express purpose of puffing his cigar -smoke in their direction. It all reminded me of the scene in Schiller’s -Wilhelm Tell, where Tell sits in the mountain pass, with his bow and -arrow at his side, waiting for his intended victim, Gessler, to go by:</p> - -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">“Here through this deep defile he needs must pass;<br /></span> -<span class="i1">There leads no other road to Küssnacht.”<br /></span> -</div></div> -</div> - -<p>Wangenheim would also buttonhole his friends, or those whom he regarded -as his friends, and have his little jollifications over German -victories. I noticed that he stationed himself there only when the -German armies were winning; if news came of a reverse, Wangenheim was -utterly invisible. This led me to remark that he reminded me of a toy -weather prophet, which is always outside the box when the weather is -fine but which retires within when storms are gathering. Wangenheim -appreciated my little joke as keenly as the rest of the diplomatic set.</p> - -<p>In those early days, however, the weather for the German Ambassador was -distinctly favourable. The good fortune of the German armies so excited -him that he was sometimes led into indiscretions, and his exuberance one -day caused him to tell me certain facts which, I think, will always have -great historical value. He disclosed precisely how and when Germany had -precipitated<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_084" id="page_084"></a>{84}</span> this war. To-day his revelation of this secret looks like -a most monstrous indiscretion, but we must remember Wangenheim’s state -of mind at the time. The whole world then believed that Paris was doomed -and Wangenheim reflected this attitude in his frequent declarations that -the war would be over in two or three months. The whole German -enterprise was evidently progressing according to programme.</p> - -<p>I have already mentioned that the German Ambassador had left for Berlin -soon after the assassination of the Grand Duke, and he now revealed the -cause of his sudden disappearance. The Kaiser, he told me, had summoned -him to Berlin for an imperial conference. This meeting took place at -Potsdam on July 5th. The Kaiser presided and nearly all the important -ambassadors attended. Wangenheim himself was summoned to give assurance -about Turkey and enlighten his associates generally on the situation in -Constantinople, which was then regarded as almost the pivotal point in -the impending war. In telling me who attended this conference Wangenheim -used no names, though he specifically said that among them were—the -facts are so important that I quote his exact words in the German which -he used—”<i>die Häupter des Generalstabs und der Marine</i>”—(The heads of -the general staff and of the navy) by which I have assumed that he meant -Von Moltke and Von Tirpitz. The great bankers, railroad directors, and -the captains of German industry, all of whom were as necessary to German -war preparations as the army itself, also attended.</p> - -<p>Wangenheim now told me that the Kaiser solemnly put the question to each -man in turn: “Are you ready for war?” All replied “yes” except the -financiers.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_085" id="page_085"></a>{85}</span> They said that they must have two weeks to sell their -foreign securities and to make loans. At that time few people had looked -upon the Sarajevo tragedy as something that would inevitably lead to -war. This conference, Wangenheim told me, took all precautions that no -such suspicion should be aroused. It decided to give the bankers time to -readjust their finances for the coming war, and then the several members -went quietly back to their work or started on vacations. The Kaiser went -to Norway on his yacht, Von Bethmann-Hollweg left for a rest, and -Wangenheim returned to Constantinople.</p> - -<p>In telling me about this conference Wangenheim, of course, admitted that -Germany had precipitated the war. I think that he was rather proud of -the whole performance, proud that Germany had gone about the matter in -so methodical and far-seeing a way, and especially proud that he himself -had been invited to participate in so epoch making a gathering. I have -often wondered why he revealed to me so momentous a secret, and I think -that perhaps the real reason was his excessive vanity—his desire to -show me how close he stood to the inner counsels of his emperor and the -part that he had played in bringing on this conflict. Whatever the -motive, this indiscretion certainly had the effect of showing me who -were really the guilty parties in this monstrous crime. The several -blue, red, and yellow books which flooded Europe during the few months -following the outbreak, and the hundreds of documents which were issued -by German propagandists attempting to establish Germany’s innocence, -have never made the slightest impression on me. For my conclusions as to -the responsibility are not based on suspicions or belief or the study of -circumstantial<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_086" id="page_086"></a>{86}</span> data. I do not have to reason or argue about the matter. -I know. The conspiracy that has caused this greatest of human tragedies -was hatched by the Kaiser and his imperial crew at this Potsdam -conference of July 5, 1914. One of the chief participants, flushed with -his triumph at the apparent success of the plot, told me the details -with his own mouth. Whenever I hear people arguing about the -responsibility for this war or read the clumsy and lying excuses put -forth by Germany, I simply recall the burly figure of Wangenheim as he -appeared that August afternoon, puffing away at a huge black cigar, and -giving me his account of this historic meeting. Why waste any time -discussing the matter after that?</p> - -<p>This imperial conference took place July 5th and the Serbian ultimatum -was sent on July 22d. That is just about the two weeks’ interval which -the financiers had demanded to complete their plans. All the great stock -exchanges of the world show that the German bankers profitably used this -interval. Their records disclose that stocks were being sold in large -quantities and that prices declined rapidly. At that time the markets -were somewhat puzzled at this movement but Wangenheim’s explanation -clears up any doubts that may still remain. Germany was changing her -securities into cash for war purposes. If any one wishes to verify -Wangenheim, I would suggest that he examine the quotations of the New -York stock market for these two historic weeks. He will find that there -were astonishing slumps in prices, especially on the stocks that had an -international market. Between July 5th and July 22d, Union Pacific -dropped from 155½ to 127½, Baltimore and Ohio from 91½ to 81,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_087" id="page_087"></a>{87}</span> United -States Steel from 61 to 50½, Canadian Pacific from 194 to 185½, and -Northern Pacific from 111⅜ to 108. At that time the high -protectionists were blaming the Simmons-Underwood tariff act as -responsible for this fall in values, while other critics of the -Administration attributed it to the Federal Reserve Act—which had not -yet been put into effect. How little the Wall Street brokers and the -financial experts realized that an imperial conference, which had been -held in Potsdam and presided over by the Kaiser, was the real force that -was then depressing the market!</p> - -<p>Wangenheim not only gave me the details of this Potsdam conference, but -he disclosed the same secret to the Marquis Garroni, the Italian -Ambassador at Constantinople. Italy was at that time technically -Germany’s ally.</p> - -<p>The Austrian Ambassador, the Marquis Pallavicini, also practically -admitted that the Central Powers had anticipated the war. On August -18th, Francis Joseph’s birthday, I made the usual ambassadorial visit of -congratulation. Quite naturally the conversation turned upon the -Emperor, who had that day passed his 84th year. Pallavicini spoke about -him with the utmost pride and veneration. He told me how keen-minded and -clear-headed the aged emperor was, how he had the most complete -understanding of international affairs, and how he gave everything his -personal supervision. To illustrate the Austrian Kaiser’s grasp of -public events, Pallavicini instanced the present war. The previous May, -Pallavicini had had an audience with Francis Joseph in Vienna. At that -time, Pallavicini now told me, the Emperor had said that a European war -was unavoidable. The Central Powers would<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_088" id="page_088"></a>{88}</span> not accept the Treaty of -Bucharest as a settlement of the Balkan question, and only a general -war, the Emperor had told Pallavicini, could ever settle that problem. -The Treaty of Bucharest, I may recall, was the settlement that ended the -second Balkan war. This divided the European dominions of Turkey, -excepting Constantinople and a small piece of adjoining territory, among -the Balkan nations, chiefly Serbia and Greece. That treaty strengthened -Serbia greatly; so much did it increase Serbia’s resources, indeed, that -Austria feared that it had laid the beginning of a new European state, -which might grow sufficiently strong to resist her own plans of -aggrandizement. Austria held a large Serbian population under her yoke -in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and these Serbians desired, above everything -else, annexation to their own country. Moreover, the Pan-German plans in -the East necessitated the destruction of Serbia, the state which, so -long as it stood intact, blocked the Germanic road to the Orient. It had -been the Austro-German expectation that the Balkan War would destroy -Serbia as a nation—that Turkey would simply annihilate King Peter’s -forces. This was precisely what the Germanic plans demanded, and for -this reason Austria and Germany did nothing to prevent the Balkan wars. -But the result was exactly the reverse, for out of the conflict arose a -stronger Serbia than ever, standing firm like a breakwater against the -Germanic flood.</p> - -<p>Most historians agree that the Treaty of Bucharest made inevitable this -war. I have the Marquis Pallavicini’s evidence that this was likewise -the opinion of Francis Joseph himself. The audience at which the Emperor -made this statement was held in May, more<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_089" id="page_089"></a>{89}</span> than a month before the -assassination of the Grand Duke. Clearly, therefore, we have the -Austrian Emperor’s assurances that the war would have come irrespective -of the assassination at Sarajevo. It is quite apparent that this crime -merely served as the convenient pretext for the war upon which the -Central Empires had already decided.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_090" id="page_090"></a>{90}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VII" id="CHAPTER_VII"></a>CHAPTER VII<br /><br /> -<small>GERMANY’S PLANS FOR NEW TERRITORIES, COALING STATIONS, AND INDEMNITIES</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">A</span>LL through that eventful August and September Wangenheim continued his -almost irresponsible behaviour—now blandly boastful, now depressed, -always nervous and high strung, ingratiating to an American like myself, -spiteful and petty toward the representatives of the enemy powers. He -was always displaying his anxiety and impatience by sitting on the -bench, that he might be within two or three minutes’ quicker access to -the wireless communications that were sent him from Berlin via the -<i>Corcovado</i>. He would never miss an opportunity to spread the news of -victories; several times he adopted the unusual course of coming to my -house unannounced, to tell me of the latest developments, and to read me -extracts from messages which he had just received. He was always -apparently frank, direct, and even indiscreet. I remember his great -distress the day that England declared war. Wangenheim had always -professed a great admiration for England and, especially, for America. -“There are only three great countries,” he would say over and over -again, “Germany, England, and the United States. We three should get -together; then we could rule the world.” This enthusiasm for the British -Empire now suddenly cooled when that power decided to defend her treaty -pledges and declared<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_091" id="page_091"></a>{91}</span> war. Wangenheim had said that the conflict would -be a short one and that Sedan Day would be celebrated in Paris. But on -August 5th, I called at his embassy and found him more than usually -agitated and serious. Baroness Wangenheim, a tall, handsome woman, was -sitting in the room reading her mother’s memoirs of the war of 1870. -Both regarded the news from England as almost a personal grievance, and -what impressed me most was Wangenheim’s utter failure to understand -England’s motives. “It’s mighty poor politics on her part!” he exclaimed -over and over again. His attitude was precisely the same as that of -Bethmann-Hollweg with the “scrap of paper.”</p> - -<p>I was out for a stroll on August 26th, and happened to meet the German -Ambassador. He began to talk as usual about the German victories in -France, repeating, as was now his habit, his prophecy that the German -armies would be in Paris within a week. The deciding factor in this war, -he added, would be the Krupp artillery. “And remember that this time,” -he said, “we are making war. And we shall make it <i>rücksichtslos</i> -(without any consideration). We shall not be hampered as we were in -1870. Then Queen Victoria, the Czar, and Francis Joseph interfered and -persuaded us to spare Paris. But there is no one to interfere now. We -shall move to Berlin all the Parisian art treasures that belong to the -state, just as Napoleon took Italian art works to France.”</p> - -<p>It is quite evident that the battle of the Marne saved Paris from the -fate of Louvain.</p> - -<p>So confidently did Wangenheim expect an immediate victory that he began -to discuss the terms of peace. Germany would demand of France, he said, -after defeating<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_092" id="page_092"></a>{92}</span> her armies, that she completely demobilize and pay an -indemnity. “France now,” said Wangenheim, “can settle for -$5,000,000,000; but if she persists in continuing the war, she will have -to pay $20,000,000,000.”</p> - -<p>He told me that Germany would demand harbours and coaling stations -“everywhere.” At that time, judging from Wangenheim’s statements, -Germany was not looking so much for new territory as for great -commercial advantages. She was determined to be the great merchant -nation, and for this she must have free harbours, the Bagdad railroad, -and extensive rights in South America and Africa. Wangenheim said that -Germany did not desire any more territory in which the populations did -not speak German, for they had had all of that kind of trouble they -wanted in Alsace-Lorraine, Poland, and other non-German countries. This -statement certainly sounds interesting now in view of recent happenings -in Russia. He did not mention England in speaking of Germany’s demand -for coaling stations and harbours; he must have had England in mind, -however, for what other nation could have given them to Germany -“everywhere?”</p> - -<p>All these conversations were as illuminating to me as Wangenheim’s -revelation of the conference of July 5th. That episode clearly proved -that Germany had consciously started the war, while these grandiose -schemes, as outlined by this very able but somewhat talkative -ambassador, showed the reasons that had impelled her in this great -enterprise. Wangenheim gave me a complete picture of the German Empire -embarking on a great buccaneering expedition, in which the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_093" id="page_093"></a>{93}</span> spoils of -success were to be the accumulated riches of her neighbours and the -world position which their skill and industry had built up through the -centuries.</p> - -<p>If England attempted to starve Germany, said Wangenheim, Germany’s -response would be a simple one: she would starve France. At that time, -we must remember, Germany expected to have Paris within a week, and she -believed that this would ultimately give her control of the whole -country. It was evidently the German plan, as understood by Wangenheim, -to hold this nation as a pawn for England’s behaviour, a kind of hostage -on a gigantic scale. In that case, should England gain any military -advantage, Germany would attempt to counter-attack by torturing the -whole French people. At that moment German soldiers were murdering -innocent Belgians in return for the alleged misbehaviour of other -Belgians, and evidently Germany had planned to apply this principle to -whole nations as well as to individuals.</p> - -<p>All through this and other talks, Wangenheim showed the greatest -animosity to Russia.</p> - -<p>“We’ve got our foot on Russia’s corn,” he said, “and we propose to keep -it there.”</p> - -<p>By this he must have meant that Germany had sent the <i>Goeben</i> and the -<i>Breslau</i> through the Dardanelles and that by that master-stroke she -controlled Constantinople. The old Byzantine capital, said Wangenheim, -was the prize which a victorious Russia would demand, and her lack of an -all-the-year-round port in warm waters was Russia’s tender spot—her -“corn.” At this time Wangenheim boasted that Germany had 174 German -gunners at the Dardanelles, that the strait could be<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_094" id="page_094"></a>{94}</span> closed in less -than thirty minutes, and that Souchon, the German admiral, had informed -him that the strait was impregnable. “We shall not close the -Dardanelles, however,” he said, “unless England attacks them.”</p> - -<p>At that time England, although she had declared war on Germany, had -played no conspicuous part in the military operations; her “contemptible -little army” was making its heroic retreat from Mons. Wangenheim -entirely discounted England as an enemy. It was the German intention, he -said, to place their big guns at Calais, and throw their shells across -the English Channel to the English coast towns; that Germany would not -have Calais within the next ten days did not occur to him as a -possibility. In this and other conversations at about the same time -Wangenheim laughed at the idea that England could create a large -independent army. “The idea is preposterous,” he said. “It takes -generations of militarism to produce anything like the German army. We -have been building it up for two hundred years. It takes thirty years of -constant training to produce such generals as we have. Our army will -always maintain its organization. We have 500,000 recruits reaching -military age every year and we cannot possibly lose that number -annually, so that our army will be kept intact.”</p> - -<p>A few weeks later civilization was outraged by the German bombardment of -English coast towns, such as Scarborough and Hartlepool. This was no -sudden German inspiration, but part of their carefully considered plans. -Wangenheim told me, on September 6, 1914, that Germany intended to -bombard all English harbours, so as to stop the food supply. It is also -apparent<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_095" id="page_095"></a>{95}</span> that German ruthlessness against American sea trade was no -sudden decision of Von Tirpitz, for, on this same date, the German -Ambassador to Constantinople warned me that it would be very dangerous -for the United States to send ships to England!<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_096" id="page_096"></a>{96}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VIII" id="CHAPTER_VIII"></a>CHAPTER VIII<br /><br /> -<small>A CLASSIC INSTANCE OF GERMAN PROPAGANDA</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">I</span>N those August and September days Germany had no intention of -precipitating Turkey immediately into the war. As I then had a deep -interest in the welfare of the Turkish people and in maintaining peace, -I telegraphed Washington asking if I might use my influence to keep -Turkey neutral. I received a reply that I might do this provided that I -made my representations unofficially and purely upon humanitarian -grounds. As the English and the French ambassadors were exerting all -their efforts to keep Turkey out of the war, I knew that my intervention -in the same interest would not displease the British Government. -Germany, however, might regard any interference on my part as an -unneutral act, and I asked Wangenheim if there would be any objection -from that source.</p> - -<p>His reply somewhat surprised me, though I saw through it soon afterward. -“Not at all,” he said. “Germany desires, above all, that Turkey shall -remain neutral.”</p> - -<p>Undoubtedly Turkey’s policy at that moment precisely fitted in with -German plans. Wangenheim was steadily increasing his ascendancy over the -Turkish Cabinet, and Turkey was then pursuing the course that best -served the German aims. Her policy was keeping the Entente on -tenterhooks; it never knew from day to day where Turkey stood, whether -she would remain<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_097" id="page_097"></a>{97}</span> neutral or enter the war on Germany’s side. Because -Turkey’s attitude was so uncertain, Russia was compelled to keep large -forces in the Caucasus, England was obliged to strengthen her forces in -Egypt and India, and to maintain a considerable fleet at the mouth of -the Dardanelles. All this worked in beautifully with Germany’s plans, -for these detached forces just so much weakened England and Russia on -the European battle front. I am now speaking of the period just before -the Marne, when Germany expected to defeat France and Russia with the -aid of her ally, Austria, and thus obtain a victory that would have -enabled her to dictate the future of Europe. Should Turkey at that time -be actually engaged in military operations, she could do no more toward -bringing about this victory than she was doing now, by keeping -considerable Russian and English forces away from the most important -fronts. But should Germany win this easy victory with Turkey’s aid, she -might find her new ally an embarrassment. Turkey would certainly demand -compensation and she would not be particularly modest in her demands, -which most likely would include the full control of Egypt and perhaps -the return of Balkan territories. Such readjustments would have -interfered with the Kaiser’s plans. Thus he had no interest in having -Turkey as an active ally, except in the event that he did not speedily -win his anticipated triumph. But if Russia should make great progress -against Austria, then Turkey’s active alliance would have great value, -especially if her entry should be so timed as to bring in Bulgaria and -Rumania as allies. Meanwhile, Wangenheim was playing a waiting game, -making Turkey a potential German ally, strengthening<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_098" id="page_098"></a>{98}</span> her army and her -navy, and preparing to use her, whenever the moment arrived for using -her to the best advantage. If Germany could not win the war without -Turkey’s aid, Germany was prepared to take her in as an ally; if she -could win without Turkey, then she would not have to pay the Turk for -his coöperation. Meanwhile, the sensible course was to keep her prepared -in case the Turkish forces became essential to German success.</p> - -<p>The duel that now took place between Germany and the Entente for -Turkey’s favour was a most unequal one. The fact was that Germany had -won the victory when she smuggled the <i>Goeben</i> and the <i>Breslau</i> into -the Sea of Marmora. The English, French, and Russian ambassadors well -understood this, and they knew that they could not make Turkey an active -ally of the Entente; they probably had no desire to do so, but they did -hope that they might keep her neutral. To this end they now directed all -their efforts. “You have had enough of war,” they would tell Talaat and -Enver. “You have fought two wars in the last four years; you will ruin -your country absolutely if you get involved in this one.” The Entente -had only one consideration to offer Turkey for her neutrality, and this -was an offer to guarantee the integrity of the Ottoman Empire. The -Entente ambassadors showed their great desire to keep Turkey out of the -war by their disinclination to press to the limit their case against the -<i>Breslau</i> and the <i>Goeben</i>. It is true that they repeatedly protested -against the continued presence of these ships, but every time the -Turkish officials maintained that they were Turkish vessels.</p> - -<p>“If that is so,” Sir Louis Mallet would urge, and his argument was -unassailable, “why don’t you remove<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_099" id="page_099"></a>{99}</span> the German officers and crews?” -That was the intention, the Grand Vizier would answer; the Turkish crews -that had been sent to man the ships which had been built in England, he -would say, were returning to Turkey and they would be put on board the -<i>Goeben</i> and the <i>Breslau</i> as soon as they reached Constantinople. But -days and weeks went by; these crews came home, and still Germany manned -and officered the cruisers. These backings and fillings naturally did -not deceive the British and French foreign offices. The presence of the -<i>Goeben</i> and the <i>Breslau</i> was a standing <i>casus belli</i>, but the Entente -ambassadors did not demand their passports, for such an act would have -precipitated the very crisis which they were seeking to delay, and, if -possible, to avoid—Turkey’s entrance as Germany’s ally. Unhappily the -Entente’s promise to guarantee Turkey’s integrity did not win Turkey to -their side.</p> - -<p>“They promised that we should not be dismembered after the Balkan wars,” -Talaat would tell me, “and see what happened to European Turkey then.”</p> - -<p>Wangenheim constantly harped upon this fact. “You can’t trust anything -they say,” he would tell Talaat and Enver, “didn’t they all go back on -you a year ago?” And then with great cleverness he would play upon the -only emotion which really actuates the Turk. The descendants of Osman -hardly resemble any people I have ever known. They do not hate, they do -not love; they have no lasting animosities or affections. They only -fear. And naturally they attribute to others the motives which regulate -their own conduct. “How stupid you are,” Wangenheim would tell Talaat -and Enver, discussing the English attitude. “Don’t you see why the -English want you to keep out?<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_100" id="page_100"></a>{100}</span> It is because they fear you. Don’t you -see that, with the help of Germany, you have again become a great -military power? No wonder England doesn’t want to fight you!” He dinned -this so continually in their ears that they finally believed it, for -this argument not only completely explained to them the attitude of the -Entente, but it flattered Turkish pride.</p> - -<p>Whatever may have been the attitude of Enver and Talaat, I think that -England and France were more popular with all classes in Turkey than was -Germany. The Sultan was opposed to war; the heir apparent, Youssouff -Isseddin, was openly pro-Ally; the Grand Vizier, Saïd Halim, favoured -England rather than Germany; Djemal, the third member of the ruling -triumvirate, had the reputation of being a Francophile—he had recently -returned from Paris, where the reception he had received had greatly -flattered him; a majority of the Cabinet had no enthusiasm for Germany; -and public opinion, so far as public opinion existed in Turkey, regarded -England, not Germany, as Turkey’s historic friend. Wangenheim, -therefore, had much opposition to overcome, and the methods which he -took to break it down form a classic illustration of German propaganda. -He started a lavish publicity campaign against England, France, and -Russia. I have described the feelings of the Turks at losing their ships -in England. Wangenheim’s agents now filled columns of purchased space in -the newspapers with bitter attacks on England for taking over these -vessels. The whole Turkish press rapidly passed under the control of -Germany. Wangenheim purchased the <i>Ikdam</i>, one of the largest Turkish -newspapers, which immediately began to sing the praises of Germany and -to abuse the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_101" id="page_101"></a>{101}</span> Entente. The <i>Osmanischer Lloyd</i>, published in French and -German, became an organ of the German Embassy. Although the Turkish -Constitution guaranteed a free press, a censorship was established in -the interest of the Central Powers. All Turkish editors were ordered to -write in Germany’s favour and they obeyed instructions. The <i>Jeune -Turc</i>, a pro-Entente newspaper, printed in French, was suppressed. The -Turkish papers exaggerated German victories and completely manufactured -others; they were constantly printing the news of Entente defeats, most -of them wholly imaginary. In the evening Wangenheim and Pallavicini -would show me official telegrams giving the details of military -operations, but when, in the morning, I would look in the newspapers, I -would find that this news had been twisted or falsified in Germany’s -favour. A certain Baron Oppenheim travelled all over Turkey -manufacturing public opinion against England and France. Ostensibly he -was an archæologist, while in reality he opened offices everywhere from -which issued streams of slander against the Entente. Huge maps were -pasted on walls, showing all the territory which Turkey had lost in the -course of a century. Russia was portrayed as the nation chiefly -responsible for these “robberies,” and attention was drawn to the fact -that England had now become Russia’s ally. Pictures were published, -showing the grasping powers of the Entente as rapacious animals, -snatching at poor Turkey. Enver was advertised as the “hero” who had -recovered Adrianople; Germany was pictured as Turkey’s friend; the -Kaiser suddenly became “Hadji Wilhelm,” the great protector of Islam, -and stories were even printed that he had become a convert to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_102" id="page_102"></a>{102}</span> -Mohammedanism. The Turkish populace was informed that the Moslems of -India and of Egypt were about to revolt and throw off their English -“tyrants.” The Turkish man-on-the-street was taught to say, “<i>Gott -Strafe England</i>,” and all the time the motive power of this infamous -campaign was German money.</p> - -<p>But Germany was doing more than poisoning the Turkish mind; she was -appropriating Turkey’s military resources. I have already described how, -in January, 1914, the Kaiser had taken over the Turkish army and -rehabilitated it in preparation for the European war. He now proceeded -to do the same thing with the Turkish navy. In August, Wangenheim -boasted to me that, “We now control both the Turkish army and navy.” At -the time the <i>Goeben</i> and <i>Breslau</i> arrived, an English mission, headed -by Admiral Limpus, was hard at work restoring the Turkish navy. Soon -afterward Limpus and his associates were unceremoniously dismissed; the -manner of their going was really disgraceful, for not even the most -ordinary courtesies were shown them. The English naval officers quietly -and unobservedly left Constantinople for England—all except the Admiral -himself, who had to remain longer because of his daughter’s illness.</p> - -<p>Night after night whole carloads of Germans landed at Constantinople -from Berlin; the aggregations to the population finally amounted to -3,800 men, most of them sent to man the Turkish navy and to manufacture -ammunition. They filled the cafés every night, and they paraded the -streets of Constantinople in the small hours of the morning, howling and -singing German patriotic songs. Many of them were skilled mechanics, who -immediately went to work repairing the destroyers<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_103" id="page_103"></a>{103}</span> and other ships and -putting them in shape for war. The British firm of Armstrong & Vickers -had a splendid dock in Constantinople, and this the Germans now -appropriated. All day and night we could hear this work going on and we -could hardly sleep because of the hubbub of riveting and hammering. -Wangenheim now found another opportunity for instilling more poison into -the minds of Enver, Talaat, and Djemal. The German workers, he declared, -had found that the Turkish ships were in a desperate state of disrepair, -and for this he naturally blamed the English naval mission. He said that -England had deliberately let the Turkish navy go to decay and he -asserted that this was all a part of England’s plot to ruin Turkey! -“Look!” he would exclaim, “see what we Germans have done for the Turkish -army, and see what the English have done for your ships!” As a matter of -fact, all this was untrue, for Admiral Limpus had worked hard and -conscientiously to improve the navy and had accomplished excellent -results in that direction.</p> - -<p>All this time the Germans were working at the Dardanelles, seeking to -strengthen the fortifications, and preparing for a possible Allied -attack. As September lengthened into October, the Sublime Porte -practically ceased to be the headquarters of the Ottoman Empire. I -really think that the most influential seat of authority at that time -was a German merchant ship, the <i>General</i>. It was moored in the Golden -Horn, at the Galata Bridge, and a permanent stairway had been built, -leading to its deck. I knew well one of the most frequent visitors to -this ship, an American who used to come to the embassy and entertain me -with stories of what was going on.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_104" id="page_104"></a>{104}</span></p> - -<p>The <i>General</i>, this American now informed me, was practically a German -club or hotel. The officers of the <i>Goeben</i> and the <i>Breslau</i> and other -German officers who had been sent to command the Turkish ships ate and -slept on board. Admiral Souchon, who had brought the German cruisers to -Constantinople, presided over these gatherings. Souchon was a man of -French Huguenot extraction; he was a short, dapper, clean-cut sailor, -very energetic and alert, and to the German passion for command and -thoroughness he added much of the Gallic geniality and buoyancy. -Naturally he gave much liveliness to the evening parties on the -<i>General</i>, and the beer and champagne which were liberally dispensed on -these occasions loosened the tongues of his fellow officers. Their -conversation showed that they entertained no illusions as to who really -controlled the Turkish navy. Night after night their impatience for -action grew; they kept declaring that, if Turkey did not presently -attack the Russians, they would force her to do so. They would relate -how they had sent German ships into the Black Sea, in the hope of -provoking the Russian fleet to some action that would make war -inevitable. Toward the end of October my friend told me that hostilities -could not much longer be avoided; the Turkish fleet had been fitted for -action, everything was ready, and the impetuosity of these -<i>kriegslustige</i> German officers could not much longer be restrained.</p> - -<p>“They are just like a lot of boys with chips on their shoulders! They -are simply spoiling for a fight!” he said.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_105" id="page_105"></a>{105}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_IX" id="CHAPTER_IX"></a>CHAPTER IX<br /><br /> -<small>GERMANY CLOSES THE DARDANELLES AND SO SEPARATES RUSSIA FROM HER ALLIES</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">O</span>N September 27th, Sir Louis Mallet, the British Ambassador, entered my -office in a considerably disturbed state of mind. The Khedive of Egypt -had just left me, and I began to talk to Sir Louis about Egyptian -matters.</p> - -<p>“Let’s discuss that some other time,” he said. “I have something far -more important to tell you. They have closed the Dardanelles.”</p> - -<p>By “they” he meant, of course, not the Turkish Government, the only -power which had the legal right to take this drastic step, but the -actual ruling powers in Turkey, the Germans. Sir Louis had good reason -for bringing me this piece of news, since this was an outrage against -the United States as well as against the Allies. He asked me to go with -him and make a joint protest. I suggested, however, that it would be -better for us to act separately and I immediately started for the house -of the Grand Vizier.</p> - -<p>When I arrived a cabinet conference was in session, and, as I sat in the -anteroom, I could hear several voices in excited discussion. Among them -all I could distinctly distinguish the familiar tones of Talaat, Enver, -Djavid, the Minister of Finance, and other members of the Government. It -was quite plain, from all that I could overhear through the thin -partitions, that these nominal<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_106" id="page_106"></a>{106}</span> rulers of Turkey were almost as -exasperated over the closing as were Sir Louis Mallet and myself.</p> - -<p>The Grand Vizier came out in answer to my request. He presented a -pitiable sight. He was, in title at least, the most important official -of the Turkish Government, the mouthpiece of the Sultan himself, yet now -he presented a picture of abject helplessness and fear. His face was -blanched and he was trembling from head to foot. He was so overcome by -his emotions that he could hardly speak; when I asked him whether the -news was true that the Dardanelles had been closed, he finally stammered -out that it was.</p> - -<p>“You know this means war,” I said, and I protested as strongly as I -could in the name of the United States.</p> - -<p>All the time that we were talking I could hear the loud tones of Talaat -and his associates in the interior apartment. The Grand Vizier excused -himself and went back into the room. He then sent out Djavid to discuss -the matter with me.</p> - -<p>“It’s all a surprise to us,” were Djavid’s first words—this statement -being a complete admission that the Cabinet had had nothing to do with -it. I repeated that the United States would not submit to closing the -Dardanelles; Turkey was at peace, the Sultan had no legal right to shut -the strait to merchant ships except in case of war. I said that an -American ship, laden with supplies and stores for the American Embassy, -was outside at that moment waiting to come in. Djavid suggested that I -have this vessel unload her cargo at Smyrna: the Turkish Government, he -obligingly added, would pay the cost of transporting it overland to -Constantinople. This proposal, of course, was a ridiculous evasion of -the issue and I brushed it aside.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_107" id="page_107"></a>{107}</span></p> - -<p>Djavid then said that the Cabinet proposed to investigate the matter; -that, in fact, they were discussing it at that moment. He told me how it -had happened. A Turkish torpedo boat had passed through the Dardanelles -and attempted to enter the Ægean. The British warships stationed outside -hailed the ship, examined it, and found that there were German sailors -on board. The English Admiral at once ordered the vessel to go back; -this, under the circumstances, he had a right to do. Weber Pasha, the -German general who was then in charge of the fortifications, did not -consult the Turks but immediately gave orders to close the strait. -Wangenheim had already boasted to me, as I have said, that the -Dardanelles could be closed in thirty minutes and the Germans now made -good his words. Down went the mines and the nets; the lights in the -lighthouses were extinguished; signals were put up, notifying all ships -that there was “no thoroughfare” and the deed, the most high-handed -which the Germans had yet committed, was done. And here I found these -Turkish statesmen, who alone had authority over this indispensable strip -of water, trembling and stammering with fear, running hither and yon -like a lot of frightened rabbits, appalled at the enormity of the German -act, yet apparently powerless to take any decisive action. I certainly -had a graphic picture of the extremities to which Teutonic bullying had -reduced the present rulers of the Turkish Empire. And at the same moment -before my mind rose the figure of the Sultan, whose signature was -essential to close legally these waters, quietly dozing at his palace, -entirely oblivious of the whole transaction.</p> - -<p>Though Djavid informed me that the Cabinet<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_108" id="page_108"></a>{108}</span> might decide to reopen the -Dardanelles, it did not do so. This great passageway has now remained -closed for more than four years, from September 27, 1914. I saw, of -course, precisely what this action signified. That month of September -had been a disillusioning one for the Germans. The French had beaten -back the invasion and had driven the German armies to entrenchments -along the Aisne. The Russians were sweeping triumphantly through -Galicia; already they had captured Lemberg and it seemed not improbable -that they would soon cross the Carpathians into Austria-Hungary. In -those days Pallavicini, the Austrian Ambassador, was a discouraged, -lamentable figure. He confided to me his fears for the future, telling -me that the German programme of a short, decisive war had clearly failed -and that it was now quite evident that Germany could win, if she could -win at all, which was exceedingly doubtful, only after a protracted -struggle. I have described how Wangenheim, while preparing the Turkish -army and navy for any eventualities, was simply holding Turkey in his -hand, intending actively to use her forces only in case Germany failed -to crush France and Russia in the first campaign. Now that that failure -was manifest, Wangenheim was instructed to use the Turkish Empire as an -active ally. Hitherto, this nation of 20,000,000 had been a passive -partner, held back by Wangenheim until Germany had decided that it would -be necessary to pay the price of letting her into the war as a real -participant. The time had come when Germany needed the Turkish army, and -the outward sign that the situation had changed was the closing of the -Dardanelles. Thus Wangenheim had accomplished the task for which he had -been<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_109" id="page_109"></a>{109}</span> working, and in this act had fittingly crowned his achievement of -bringing in the <i>Goeben</i> and the <i>Breslau</i>. Few Americans realize, even -to-day, what an overwhelming influence this act wielded upon future -military operations. Yet the fact that the war has lasted for so many -years is explained by this closing of the Dardanelles.</p> - -<p>For this is the element in the situation that separated Russia from her -allies, that, in less than a year, led to her defeat and collapse, -which, in turn, was the reason why the Russian revolution became -possible. The map discloses that this enormous land of Russia has just -four ways of reaching the seas. One is by way of the Baltic, and this -the German fleet had already closed. Another is Archangel, on the Arctic -Ocean, a port which is frozen over several months in the year, and which -connects with the heart of Russia only by a long, single-track railroad. -Another is the Pacific port of Vladivostok, also ice bound for three -months, which is in connection with Russia only by the thin line of the -Siberian railway, 5,000 miles long. The fourth passage was that of the -Dardanelles; in fact, this was the only practicable one. This was the -narrow gate through which the surplus products of 175,000,000 people -reached Europe, and nine tenths of all Russian exports and imports had -gone this way for years. By suddenly closing it, Germany destroyed -Russia both as an economic and a military power. By shutting off the -exports of Russian grain, she deprived Russia of the financial power -essential to successful warfare. What was perhaps even more fatal, she -prevented England and France from getting munitions to the Russian -battle front in sufficient quantity to stem the German onslaught. As<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_110" id="page_110"></a>{110}</span> -soon as the Dardanelles was closed, Russia had to fall back on Archangel -and Vladivostok for such supplies as she could get from these ports. The -cause of the military collapse of Russia in 1915 is now well known; the -soldiers simply had no ammunition with which to fight. The first half of -the year 1918 Germany spent in an unsuccessful attempt to drive a -“wedge” between the French and English armies on the western front; to -separate one ally from another and so obtain a position where she could -attack each one separately. Yet the task of undoing the Franco-Russian -treaty, and driving such a “wedge” between Russia and her western -associates, proved to have been an easy one. It was simply a matter, as -I have described, of controlling a corrupt and degenerate government, -getting possession, while she was still at peace, of her main -executives, her army, her navy, her resources, and then, at the proper -moment, ignoring the nominal rulers and closing a little strip of water -about twenty miles long and two or three wide! It did not cost a single -human life or the firing of a single gun, yet, in a twinkling, Germany -accomplished what probably three million men, opposed to a well-equipped -Russian force, could not have brought to pass. It was one of the most -dramatic military triumphs of the war, and it was all the work of German -propaganda, German penetration, and German diplomacy.</p> - -<p>In the days following this bottling up of Russia, the Bosphorus began to -look like a harbour which has been suddenly stricken with the plague. -Hundreds of ships arrived from Russia, Rumania, and Bulgaria, loaded -with grain, lumber, and other products, only to discover that they could -go no farther. There were not docks<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_111" id="page_111"></a>{111}</span> enough to accommodate them, and -they had to swing out into the stream, drop anchor, and await -developments. The waters were a cluster of masts and smoke stacks, and -the crowded vessels became so dense that a motor boat had difficulty in -picking its way through the tangled forest. The Turks held out hopes -that they might reopen the water way, and for this reason these vessels, -constantly increasing in number, waited patiently for a month or so. -Then one by one they turned around, pointed their noses toward the Black -Sea, and lugubriously started for their home ports. In a few weeks the -Bosphorus and adjoining waters had become a desolate waste. What for -years had been one of the most animated shipping ports in the world, was -ruffled only by an occasional launch, or a tiny Turkish caïque, or now -and then a little sailing vessel. And for an accurate idea of what this -meant, from a military standpoint, we need only call to mind the Russian -battle front in the next year. There the peasants were fighting German -artillery with their unprotected bodies, having few rifles and few heavy -guns, while mountains of useless ammunition were piling up in their -distant Arctic and Pacific ports, with no railroads to take them to the -field of action.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_112" id="page_112"></a>{112}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_X" id="CHAPTER_X"></a>CHAPTER X<br /><br /> -<small>TURKEY’S ABROGATION OF THE CAPITULATIONS—ENVER LIVING IN A PALACE, WITH PLENTY OF MONEY AND AN IMPERIAL BRIDE</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">A</span>NOTHER question, which had been under discussion for several months, -now became involved in the Turkish international situation. That was the -matter of the capitulations. These were the treaty rights which for -centuries had regulated the position of foreigners in the Turkish -Empire. Turkey had never been admitted to a complete equality with -European nations, and in reality she had never been an independent -sovereignty. The Sultan’s laws and customs differed so radically from -those of Europe and America that no non-Moslem country could think of -submitting its citizens in Turkey to them. In many matters, therefore, -the principle of ex-territoriality had always prevailed in favour of all -citizens or subjects of countries enjoying capitulatory rights. Almost -all European countries, as well as the United States, for centuries had -had their own consular courts and prisons in which they tried and -punished crimes which their nationals committed in Turkey. We all had -our schools, which were subject, not to Turkish law and protection, but -to that of the country which maintained them. Thus Robert College and -the Constantinople College for Women, those wonderful institutions which -American philanthropy has erected on the Bosphorus, as well as<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_113" id="page_113"></a>{113}</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_142_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_142_sml.jpg" width="500" height="286" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> - -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> -<tr valign="top"><td>THE MARQUIS GARRONI, ITALIAN AMBASSADOR TO THE SUBLIME -PORTE IN 1914</td><td>M. TOCHEFF, BULGARIAN MINISTER AT CONSTANTINOPLE IN -1914</td></tr> -</table> - -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_143_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_143_sml.jpg" width="500" height="301" alt="[Image -unavailable.]" /></a> -<br /> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">THE AMERICAN SUMMER EMBASSY ON THE BOSPHORUS -<br /> -Not far away, across the Strait, which is here only a mile wide, Darius -crossed with his Asiatic hosts nearly 2,500 years ago</p></div> -</div> - -<p class="nind">hundreds of American religious, charitable, and educational -institutions, practically stood on American territory and looked upon -the American Embassy as their guardian. Several nations had their own -post offices, as they did not care to submit their mail to the Ottoman -postal service. Turkey likewise did not have unlimited power of taxation -over foreigners. It could not even increase their customs taxes without -the consent of the foreign powers. In 1914 it could impose only 11 per -cent. in tariff dues, and was attempting to secure the right to increase -the amount to 14. We have always regarded England as the only free-trade -country, overlooking the fact that this limitation in Turkey’s customs -dues had practically made the Ottoman Empire an unwilling follower of -Cobden. Turkey was thus prohibited by the Powers from developing any -industries of her own; instead, she was forced to take large quantities -of inferior articles from Europe. Against these restrictions Turkish -statesmen had protested for years, declaring that they constituted an -insult to their pride as a nation and also interfered with their -progress. However, the agreement was a bi-lateral one, and Turkey could -not change it without the consent of all the contracting powers. Yet -certainly the present moment, when both the Entente and the Central -Powers were cultivating Turkey, served to furnish a valuable opportunity -to make the change. And so, as soon as the Germans had begun their march -toward Paris, the air was filled with reports that Turkey intended to -abrogate the capitulations. Rumour said that Germany had consented, as -part of the consideration for Turkish aid in the war, and that England -had agreed to the abrogation, as part of her payment for Turkish -neutrality. Neither<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_114" id="page_114"></a>{114}</span> of these reports was true. What was manifest, -however, was the panic which the mere suggestion of abrogation produced -on the foreign population. The idea of becoming subject to the Turkish -laws and perhaps being thrown into Turkish prisons made their flesh -creep—and with good reason.</p> - -<p>About this time I had a long conference with Enver. He asked me to call -at his residence, as he was laid up with an infected toe, the result of -a surgical operation. I thus had an illuminating glimpse of the Minister -of War <i>en famille</i>. Certainly this humble man of the people had risen -in the world. His house, which was in one of the quietest and most -aristocratic parts of the city, was a splendid old building, very large -and very elaborate. I was ushered through a series of four or five -halls, and as I went by one door the Imperial Princess, Enver’s wife, -slightly opened it and peeked through at me. Farther on another Turkish -lady opened her door and also obtained a fleeting glimpse of the -Ambassadorial figure. I was finally escorted into a beautiful room in -which Enver lay reclining on a semi-sofa. He had on a long silk dressing -gown and his stockinged feet hung languidly over the edge of the divan. -He looked much younger than in his uniform; he was an extremely neat and -well-groomed object, with a pale, smooth face, made even more striking -by his black hair, and with delicate white hands, and long, tapering -fingers. He might easily have passed for under thirty, and, in fact, he -was not much over that age. He had at hand a violin, and a piano near by -also testified to his musical taste. The room was splendidly tapestried; -perhaps its most conspicuous feature was a daïs upon which stood a -golden chair;<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_115" id="page_115"></a>{115}</span> this was the marriage throne of Enver’s imperial wife. As -I glanced around at all this luxury, I must admit that a few -uncharitable thoughts came to mind and that I could not help pondering a -question which was then being generally asked in Constantinople. Where -did Enver get the money for this expensive establishment? He had no -fortune of his own—his parents had been wretchedly poor, and his salary -as a cabinet minister was only about $8,000. His wife had a moderate -allowance as an imperial princess, but she had no private resources. -Enver had never engaged in business, he had been a revolutionist, -military leader, and politician all his life. But here he was living at -a rate that demanded a very large income. In other ways Enver was giving -evidences of great and sudden prosperity, and already I had heard much -of his investments in real estate, which were the talk of the town.</p> - -<p>Enver wished to discuss the capitulations. He practically said that the -Cabinet had decided on the abrogation, and he wished to know the -attitude of the United States. He added that certainly a country which -had fought for its independence as we had would sympathize with Turkey’s -attempt to shake off these shackles. We had helped Japan free herself -from similar burdens and wouldn’t we now help Turkey? Certainly Turkey -was as civilized a nation as Japan?</p> - -<p>I answered that I thought that the United States might consent to -abandon the capitulations in so far as they were economic. It was my -opinion that Turkey should control her customs duties and be permitted -to levy the same taxes on foreigners as on her own citizens. So long as -the Turkish courts and Turkish prisons maintained their present -standards, however,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_116" id="page_116"></a>{116}</span> we could never agree to give up the judicial -capitulations. Turkey should reform the abuses of her courts; then, -after they had established European ideas in the administration of -justice, the matter could be discussed. Enver replied that Turkey would -be willing to have mixed tribunals and to have the United States -designate some of the judges, but I suggested that, inasmuch as American -judges did not know the Turkish language or Turkish law, his scheme -involved great practical difficulties. I also told him that the American -schools and colleges were very dear to Americans, and that we would -never consent to subjecting them to Turkish jurisdiction.</p> - -<p>Despite the protests of all the ambassadors, the Cabinet issued its -notification that the capitulations would be abrogated on October 1st. -This abrogation was all a part of the Young Turks’ plan to free -themselves from foreign tutelage and to create a new country on the -basis of “Turkey for the Turks.” It represented, as I shall show, what -was the central point of Turkish policy, not only in the empire’s -relations to foreign powers, but to her subject peoples. England’s -position on this question was about the same as our own; the British -Government would consent to the modification of the economic -restrictions, but not the others. Wangenheim was greatly disturbed, and -I think that his foreign office reprimanded him for letting the -abrogation take place, because he blandly asked me to announce that I -was the responsible person! As October 1st approached, the foreigners in -Turkey were in a high state of apprehension. The Dardanelles had been -closed, shutting them off from Europe, and now they felt that they were -to be left to the mercy of Turkish courts and Turkish<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_117" id="page_117"></a>{117}</span> prisons. Inasmuch -as it was the habit in Turkish prisons to herd the innocent with the -guilty, and to place in the same room with murderers, people who had -been charged, with minor offenses, but not convicted of them, and to -bastinado recalcitrant witnesses, the fears of the foreign residents may -well be imagined. The educational institutions were also apprehensive, -and in their interest I now appealed to Enver. He assured me that the -Turks had no hostile intention toward Americans. I replied that he -should show in unmistakable fashion that Americans would not be harmed.</p> - -<p>“All right,” he answered. “What would you suggest?”</p> - -<p>“Why not ostentatiously visit Robert College on October 1st, the day the -capitulations are abrogated?” I said.</p> - -<p>The idea was rather a unique one, for in all the history of this -institution an important Turkish official had never entered its doors. -But I knew enough of the Turkish character to understand that an open, -ceremonious visit by Enver would cause a public sensation. News of it -would reach the farthest limits of the Turkish Empire, and it was -certain that the Turks would interpret it as meaning that one of the two -most powerful men in Turkey had taken this and other American -institutions under his patronage. Such a visit would exercise a greater -protective influence over American colleges and schools in Turkey than -an army corps. I was therefore greatly pleased when Enver promptly -adopted my suggestion.</p> - -<p>On the day that the capitulations were abrogated, Enver appeared at the -American Embassy with two autos, one for himself and me, and the other -for his<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_118" id="page_118"></a>{118}</span> adjutants, all of whom were dressed in full uniform. I was -pleased that Enver had made the proceeding so spectacular, for I wished -it to have the widest publicity. On the ride up to the college I told -Enver all about these American institutions and what they were doing for -Turkey. He really knew very little about them, and, like most Turks, he -half suspected that they concealed a political purpose.</p> - -<p>“We Americans are not looking for material advantages in Turkey,” I -said. “We merely demand that you treat kindly our children, these -colleges, for which all the people in the United States have the warmest -affection.”</p> - -<p>I told him that Mr. Cleveland H. Dodge, President of the trustees of -Robert College, and Mr. Charles R. Crane, President of the trustees of -the Women’s College, were intimate friends of President Wilson. “These,” -I added, “represent what is best in America and the fine altruistic -spirit which in our country accumulates wealth and then uses it to found -colleges and schools. In establishing these institutions in Turkey they -are trying, not to convert your people to Christianity, but to help -train them in the sciences and arts and so prepare to make them better -citizens. Americans feel that the Bible lands have given them their -religion and they wish to repay with the best thing America has—its -education.” I then told him about Mrs. Russell Sage and Miss Helen -Gould, who had made large gifts to the Women’s College.</p> - -<p>“But where do these people get all the money for such benefactions?” -Enver asked.</p> - -<p>I then entertained him for an hour or so with a few pages from our own -“American Nights.” I told him<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_119" id="page_119"></a>{119}</span> how Jay Gould had arrived in New York, a -penniless and ragged boy, with a mousetrap which he had invented, and -how he had died, almost thirty years afterward, leaving a fortune of -about $100,000,000. I told him how Commodore Vanderbilt had started life -as a ferryman and had become America’s greatest railroad “magnate”; how -Rockefeller had begun his career sitting on a high stool in a Cleveland -commission house, earning six dollars a week, and had created the -greatest fortune that had ever been accumulated by a single man in the -world’s history. I told him how the Dodges had become our great “copper -kings” and the Cranes our great manufacturers of iron pipe. Enver found -these stories more thrilling than any that had ever come out of Bagdad, -and I found afterward that he had retold them so frequently that they -had reached almost all the important people in Constantinople.</p> - -<p>Enver was immensely impressed also by what I said about the American -institutions. He went through all the buildings and expressed his -enthusiasm at everything he saw, and he even suggested that he would -like to send his brother there. He took tea with Mrs. Gates, wife of -President Gates, discussed most intelligently the courses, and asked if -we could not introduce the study of agriculture. The teachers he met -seemed to be a great revelation.</p> - -<p>“I expected to find these missionaries as they are pictured in the -Berlin newspapers,” he said, “with long hair and hanging jaws, and hands -clasped constantly in a prayerful attitude. But here is Dr. Gates, -talking Turkish like a native and acting like a man of the world. I am -more than pleased, and thank you for bringing me.”<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_120" id="page_120"></a>{120}</span></p> - -<p>We all saw Enver that afternoon in his most delightful aspect. My idea -that this visit in itself would protect the colleges from disturbance -proved to have been a happy one. The Turkish Empire has been a -tumultuous place in the last four years, but the American colleges have -had no difficulties, either with the Turkish Government or with the -Turkish populace.</p> - -<p>This visit was only an agreeable interlude in events of the most -exciting character. Enver, amiable as he could be on occasion, had -deliberately determined to put Turkey in the war on Germany’s side. -Germany had now reached the point where she no longer concealed her -intentions. Once before, when I had interfered in the interest of peace, -Wangenheim had encouraged my action. The reason, as I have indicated, -was that, at that time, Germany had wished Turkey to keep out of the -war, for the German General Staff expected to win without her help. But -now Wangenheim wanted Turkey in. As I was not working in Germany’s -interest, but as I was anxious to protect American institutions, I still -kept urging Enver and Talaat to keep out. This made Wangenheim angry. “I -thought that you were a neutral?” he now exclaimed.</p> - -<p>“I thought that you were—in Turkey,” I answered.</p> - -<p>Toward the end of October, Wangenheim was leaving nothing undone to -start hostilities; all he needed now was a favourable occasion.</p> - -<p>Even after Germany had closed the Dardanelles, the German Ambassador’s -task was not an easy one. Talaat was not yet entirely convinced that his -best policy was war, and, as I have already said, there was still plenty -of pro-Ally sympathy in official quarters. It was Talaat’s plan not to -seize all the cabinet offices at once,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_121" id="page_121"></a>{121}</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 325px;"> -<a href="images/i_152_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_152_sml.jpg" width="325" height="500" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">ENVER PASHA, MINISTER OF WAR</p> - -<p>A man of the people, who, at 26, was a leader in the revolution -which deposed Abdul Hamid and established the new régime of the -Young Turks. At that time the Young Turks honestly desired to -establish a Turkish democracy. This attempt failed miserably and -the Young Turk leaders then ruled the Turkish Empire for their own -selfish purposes, and developed a government which is much more -wicked and murderous than that of Abdul Hamid. Enver is the man -chiefly responsible for turning the Turkish army over to Germany. -He imagines himself a Turkish combination of Napoleon and Frederick -the Great. -</p></div> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 325px;"> -<a href="images/i_153_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_153_sml.jpg" width="325" height="500" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">SAÏD HALIM, EX-GRAND VIZIER</p> - -<p>Saïd is an Egyptian prince, who provided campaign money for the -political activities of the Young Turks, and, as a reward, was made -Grand Vizier. In this position he was not permitted to exercise any -real authority. He was promised that when the Young Turks succeeded -in expelling England from Egypt, he should become Khedive.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class="nind">but gradually to elbow his way into undisputed control. At this crisis -the most popularly respected members of the Ministry were Djavid, -Minister of Finance, a man who was Jewish by race, but a Mohammedan by -religion; Mahmoud Pasha, Minister of Public Works, a Circassian; Bustány -Effendi, Minister of Commerce and Agriculture, a Christian Arab; and -Oskan Effendi, Minister of Posts and Telegraphs, an Armenian—and a -Christian, of course. All these leaders, as well as the Grand Vizier, -openly opposed war and all now informed Talaat and Enver that they would -resign if Germany succeeded in her intrigues. Thus the atmosphere was -exciting; how tense the situation was a single episode will show. Sir -Louis Mallet, the British Ambassador, had accepted an invitation to dine -at the American Embassy on October 20th, but he sent word at the last -moment that he was ill and could not come. I called on the Ambassador an -hour or two afterward and found him in his garden, apparently in the -best of health. Sir Louis smiled and said that his illness had been -purely political. He had received a letter telling him that he was to be -assassinated that evening, this letter informing him of the precise spot -where the tragedy was to take place, and the time. He therefore thought -that he had better stay indoors. As I had no doubt that some such crime -had been planned, I offered Sir Louis the protection of our Embassy. I -gave him the key to the back gate of the garden; and, with Lord -Wellesley, one of his secretaries—a descendant of the Duke of -Wellington—I made all arrangements for his escape to our quarters in -case a flight became necessary. Our two embassies were so located that, -in the event of an attack, he might go unobserved from the back gate<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_122" id="page_122"></a>{122}</span> of -his to the back gate of ours. “These people are relapsing into the -Middle Ages,” said Sir Louis, “when it was quite the thing to throw -ambassadors into dungeons,” and I think that he anticipated that the -present Turks might treat him in the same way. I at once went to the -Grand Vizier and informed him of the situation, insisting that nothing -less than a visit from Talaat to Sir Louis, assuring him of his safety, -would undo the harm already done. I could make this demand with -propriety, as we had already made arrangements to take over British -interests when the break came. Within two hours Talaat made such a -visit. Though one of the Turkish newspapers was printing scurrilous -attacks on Sir Louis he was personally very popular with the Turks, and -the Grand Vizier expressed his amazement and regret—and he was entirely -sincere—that such threats had been made.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_123" id="page_123"></a>{123}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XI" id="CHAPTER_XI"></a>CHAPTER XI<br /><br /> -<small>GERMANY FORCES TURKEY INTO THE WAR</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">B</span>UT we were all then in a highly nervous state, because we knew that -Germany was working hard to produce a <i>casus belli</i>. Souchon frequently -sent the <i>Goeben</i> and the <i>Breslau</i> to manœuvre in the Black Sea, -hoping that the Russian fleet would attack. There were several pending -situations that might end in war. Turkish and Russian troops were having -occasional skirmishes on the Persian and Caucasian frontier. On October -29th, Bedouin troops crossed the Egyptian border and had a little -collision with British soldiers. On this same day I had a long talk with -Talaat. I called in the interest of the British Ambassador, to tell him -about the Bedouins crossing into Egypt. “I suppose,” Sir Louis wrote me, -“that this means war; you might mention this news to Talaat and impress -upon him the possible results of this mad act.” Already Sir Louis had -had difficulties with Turkey over this matter. When he had protested to -the Grand Vizier about the Turkish troops near the Egyptian frontier, -the Turkish statesman had pointedly replied that Turkey recognized no -such thing as an Egyptian frontier. By this he meant, of course, that -Egypt itself was Turkish territory and that the English occupation was a -temporary usurpation. When I brought this Egyptian situation to Talaat’s -attention he said that no Ottoman Bedouins had crossed into<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_124" id="page_124"></a>{124}</span> Egypt. The -Turks had been building wells on the Sinai peninsula to use in case war -broke out with England; England was destroying these wells and the -Bedouins, said Talaat, had interfered to stop this destruction.</p> - -<p>At this meeting Talaat frankly told me that Turkey had decided to side -with the Germans and to sink or swim with them. He went again over the -familiar grounds, and added that if Germany won—and Talaat said that he -was convinced that Germany would win—the Kaiser would get his revenge -on Turkey if Turkey had not helped him to obtain this victory. Talaat -frankly admitted that fear—the motive, which, as I have said, is the -one that chiefly inspires Turkish acts—was driving Turkey into a German -alliance. He analyzed the whole situation most dispassionately; he said -that nations could not afford such emotions as gratitude, or hate, or -affection; the only guide to action should be cold-blooded policy.</p> - -<p>“At this moment,” said Talaat, “it is for our interest to side with -Germany; if, a month from now, it is our interest to embrace France and -England we shall do that just as readily.”</p> - -<p>“Russia is our greatest enemy,” he continued; “and we are afraid of her. -If now, while Germany is attacking Russia, we can give her a good strong -kick, and so make her powerless to injure us for some time, it is -Turkey’s duty to administer that kick!”</p> - -<p>And then turning to me with a half-melancholy, half-defiant smile, he -summed up the whole situation.</p> - -<p>“<i>Ich mit die Deutschen</i>,” he said, in his broken German.</p> - -<p>Because the Cabinet was so divided, however, the Germans themselves had -to push Turkey over the precipice.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_125" id="page_125"></a>{125}</span> The evening following my talk with -Talaat, most fateful news came from Russia. Three Turkish torpedo boats -had entered the harbour of Odessa, had sunk the Russian gunboat -<i>Donetz</i>, killing a part of the crew, and had damaged two Russian -dreadnaughts. They also sank the French ship <i>Portugal</i>, killing two of -the crew and wounding two others. They then turned their shells on the -town and destroyed a sugar factory, with some loss of life. German -officers commanded these Turkish vessels; there were very few Turks on -board, as the Turkish crews had been given a holiday for the Turkish -religious festival of <i>Bairam</i>. The act was simply a wanton and -unprovoked one; the Germans raided the town deliberately, in order to -make war inevitable. The German officers on the <i>General</i>, as my friend -had told me, were constantly threatening to commit some such act, if -Turkey did not do so; well, now they had done it. When this news reached -Constantinople, Djemal was playing cards at the Cercle d’Orient. As -Djemal was Minister of Marine, this attack, had it been an official act -of Turkey, could have been made only on his orders. When someone called -him from the card table to tell him the news, Djemal was much excited. -“I know nothing about it,” he replied. “It has not been done by my -orders.” On the evening of the 29th I had another talk with Talaat. He -told me that he had known nothing of this attack beforehand and that the -whole responsibility rested with the German, Admiral Souchon.</p> - -<p>Whether Djemal and Talaat were telling the truth in thus pleading -ignorance I do not know; my opinion is that they were expecting some -such outrage as this. But there is no question that the Grand Vizier, -Saïd<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_126" id="page_126"></a>{126}</span> Halim, was genuinely grieved. When M. Bompard and Sir Louis Mallet -called on him and demanded their passports, he burst into tears. He -begged them to delay; he was sure that the matter could be adjusted. The -Grand Vizier was the only member of the Cabinet whom Enver and Talaat -particularly wished to placate. As a prince of the royal house of Egypt -and as an extremely rich nobleman, his presence in the Cabinet, as I -have already said, gave it a certain standing. This probably explains -the message which I now received. Talaat asked me to call upon the -Russian Ambassador and ask what amends Turkey could make that would -satisfy the Czar. There is little likelihood that Talaat sincerely -wished me to patch up the difficulty; his purpose was merely to show the -Grand Vizier that he was attempting to meet his wishes, and, in this -way, to keep him in the Cabinet. I saw M. Giers, but found him in no -submissive mood. He said that Turkey could make amends only by -dismissing all the German officers in the Turkish army and navy; he had -his instructions to leave at once and he intended to do so. However, he -would wait long enough in Bulgaria to receive their reply, and, if they -accepted his terms, he would come back.</p> - -<p>“Russia, herself, will guarantee that the Turkish fleet does not again -come into the Black Sea,” said M. Giers, grimly. Talaat called on me in -the afternoon, saying that he had just had lunch with Wangenheim. The -Cabinet had the Russian reply under consideration, he said; the Grand -Vizier wished to have M. Giers’s terms put in writing; would I attempt -to get it? By this time Garroni, the Italian Ambassador, had taken -charge of Russian affairs, and I told Talaat that such<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_127" id="page_127"></a>{127}</span> negotiations -were out of my hands and that any further negotiations must be conducted -through him.</p> - -<p>“Why don’t you drop your mask as messenger boy of the Grand Vizier and -talk to me as Talaat?” I asked.</p> - -<p>He laughed and said: “Well, Wangenheim, Enver, and I prefer that the war -shall come now.”</p> - -<p>Bustány, Oskan, Mahmoud, and Djavid at once carried out their threats -and resigned from the Cabinet, thus leaving the government in the hands -of Moslem Turks. The Grand Vizier, although he had threatened to resign, -did not do so; he was exceedingly pompous and vain, and enjoyed the -dignities of his office so much that, when it came to the final -decision, he could not surrender them. Thus the net result of Turkey’s -entrance into the war, so far as internal politics was concerned, was to -put the nation entirely in the hands of the Committee of Union and -Progress, which now controlled the Government in practically all its -departments. Thus the idealistic organization which had come into -existence to give Turkey the blessings of democracy had ended by -becoming a tool of Prussian autocracy.</p> - -<p>One final picture I have of these exciting days. On the evening of the -30th I called at the British Embassy. British residents were already -streaming in large numbers to my office for protection, and fears of ill -treatment, even the massacre of foreigners, filled everybody’s mind. -Amid all this tension I found one imperturbable figure. Sir Louis was -sitting in the chancery, before a huge fireplace, with large piles of -documents heaped about him in a semi-circle. Secretaries and clerks were -constantly entering, their arms full of papers, which they added to the -accumulations already surrounding the Ambassador. Sir Louis would<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_128" id="page_128"></a>{128}</span> take -up document after document, glance through it and almost invariably drop -it into the fire. These papers contained the embassy records for -probably a hundred years. In them were written the great achievements of -a long line of distinguished ambassadors. They contained the story of -all the diplomatic triumphs in Turkey of Stratford de Redcliffe, the -“Great Elchi,” as the Turks called him, who, for the greater part of -almost fifty years, from 1810 to 1858, practically ruled the Turkish -Empire in the interest of England. The records of other great British -ambassadors at the Sublime Porte now went, one by one, into Sir Louis -Mallet’s fire. The long story of British ascendency in Turkey had -reached its close. The twenty-years’ campaign of the Kaiser to destroy -England’s influence and to become England’s successor had finally -triumphed, and the blaze in Sir Louis’s chancery was really the funeral -pyre of England’s vanished power in Turkey. As I looked upon this -dignified and yet somewhat pensive diplomat, sitting there amid all the -splendours of the British Embassy, I naturally thought of how once the -sultans had bowed with fear and awe before the majesty of England, in -the days when Prussia and Germany were little more than names. Yet the -British Ambassador, as is usually the case with British diplomatic and -military figures, was quiet and self-possessed. We sat there before his -fire and discussed the details of his departure. He gave me a list of -the English residents who were to leave and those who were to stay, and -I made final arrangements with Sir Louis for taking over British -interests. Distressing in many ways as was this collapse of British -influence in Turkey, the honour of Great Britain and that of her<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_129" id="page_129"></a>{129}</span> -ambassador was still secure. Sir Louis had not purchased Turkish -officials with money, as had Wangenheim; he had not corrupted the -Turkish press, trampled on every remaining vestige of international law, -fraternized with a gang of political desperadoes, and conducted a -ceaseless campaign of misrepresentations and lies against his enemy. The -diplomatic game that had ended in England’s defeat was one which English -statesmen were not qualified to play. It called for talents such as only -a Wangenheim possessed—it needed that German statecraft which, in -accordance with Bismarck’s maxim, was ready to sacrifice for the -Fatherland “not only life but honour.”<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_130" id="page_130"></a>{130}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XII" id="CHAPTER_XII"></a>CHAPTER XII<br /><br /> -<small>THE TURKS ATTEMPT TO TREAT ALIEN ENEMIES DECENTLY BUT THE GERMANS INSIST ON PERSECUTING THEM</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">S</span>OON after the bombardment of Odessa I was closeted with Enver, -discussing the subject which was then uppermost in the minds of all the -foreigners in Turkey. How would the Government treat its resident -enemies? Would it intern them, establish concentration camps, pursue -them with German malignity, and perhaps apply the favourite Turkish -measure with Christians—torture and massacre? Thousands of enemy -subjects were then living in the Ottoman Empire; many of them had spent -their whole lives there; others had even been born on Ottoman soil. All -these people, when Turkey entered the war, had every reason to expect -the harshest kind of treatment. It is no exaggeration to say that most -of them lived in constant fear of murder. The Dardanelles had been -closed, so that there was little chance that outside help could reach -these aliens; the capitulatory rights, under which they had lived for -centuries, had been abrogated. There was really nothing between the -foreign residents and destruction except the American flag. The state of -war had now made me, as American Ambassador, the protector of all -British, French, Serbian, and Belgian subjects. I realized from the -beginning that my task would be a difficult one. On one hand were the -Germans, urging their well-known ideas of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_131" id="page_131"></a>{131}</span> repression and brutality, -while on the other were the Turks, with their traditional aversion to -Christians and their natural instinct to maltreat those who are -helplessly placed in their power.</p> - -<p>Yet I had certain strong arguments on my side and I now had called upon -Enver for the purpose of laying them before him. Turkey desired the good -opinion of the United States, and hoped, after the war, to find support -among American financiers. At that time all the embassies in -Constantinople took it for granted that the United States would be the -peacemaker; if Turkey expected us to be her friend, I now told Enver, -she would have to treat enemy foreigners in a civilized way.</p> - -<p>“You hope to be reinstated as a world power,” I said. “You must remember -that the civilized world will carefully watch you; your future status -will depend on how you conduct yourself in war.” The ruling classes -among the Turks, including Enver, realized that the outside world -regarded them as a people who had no respect for the sacredness of human -life or the finer emotions and they keenly resented this attitude. I now -reminded Enver that Turkey had a splendid opportunity to disprove all -these criticisms. “The world may say you are barbarians,” I argued; -“show by the way you treat these alien enemies that you are not. Only in -this way can you be freed permanently from the ignominy of the -capitulations. Prove that you are worthy of being emancipated from -foreign tutelage. Be civilized—be modern!”</p> - -<p>In view of what was happening in Belgium and northern France at that -moment, my use of the word “modern,” was a little unfortunate. Enver -quickly saw the point. Up to this time he had maintained his<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_132" id="page_132"></a>{132}</span> usual -attitude of erect and dignified composure, and his face, as always, had -been attentive, imperturbable, almost expressionless. Now in a flash his -whole bearing changed. His countenance broke into a cynical smile, he -leaned over, brought his fist down on the table, and said:</p> - -<p>“Modern! No; however Turkey shall wage war, at least we shall not be -‘modern.’ That is the most barbaric system of all. We shall simply try -to be decent!”</p> - -<p>Naturally I construed this as a promise; I understood the changeableness -of the Turkish character well enough, however, to know that more than a -promise was necessary. The Germans were constantly prodding the Turkish -officials, persuading them to adopt the favourite German plan against -enemy aliens. Germany has revived many of the principles of ancient and -medieval warfare, one of her most barbaric resurrections from the past -being this practice of keeping certain representatives of the -population, preferably people of distinction and influence, as hostages -for the “good behaviour” of others. At this moment the German military -staff was urging the Turks to keep foreign residents for this purpose. -Just as the Germans held non-combatants in Belgium as security for the -“friendliness” of the Belgians, and placed Belgian women and children at -the head of their advancing armies, so the Germans in Turkey were now -planning to use French and British residents as part of their protective -system against the Allied fleet. That this sinister influence was -constantly at work I well knew; therefore it was necessary that I should -meet it immediately, and, if possible, gain the upper hand at the very -start. I decided that the departure<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_133" id="page_133"></a>{133}</span> of the Entente diplomats and -residents from Constantinople would really put to the test my ability to -protect the foreign residents. If all the French and English who really -wished to leave could safely get out of Turkey, I believed that this -demonstration would have a restraining influence, not only upon the -Germans, but upon the underlings of the Turkish official world.</p> - -<p>As soon as I arrived at the railroad station, the day following the -break, I saw that my task was to be a difficult one. I had arranged with -the Turkish authorities for two trains; one for the English and French -residents, which was to leave at seven o’clock, and one for the -diplomats and their staff, which was to go at nine. But the arrangement -was not working according to schedule. The station was a surging mass of -excited and frightened people; the police were there in full force, -pushing the crowds back; the scene was an indescribable mixture of -soldiers, gendarmes, diplomats, baggage, and Turkish functionaries.</p> - -<p>One of the most conspicuous figures was Bedri Bey, prefect of police, a -lawyer politician, who had recently been elevated to this position, and -who keenly realized the importance of his new office. Bedri was an -intimate friend and political subordinate of Talaat and one of his most -valuable tools. He ranked high in the Committee of Union and Progress, -and aspired ultimately to obtain a cabinet position. Perhaps his most -impelling motive was his hatred of foreigners and foreign influence. In -his eyes Turkey was the land exclusively of the Turks; he despised all -the other elements in its population, and he particularly resented the -control which the foreign embassies had for years exerted in the -domestic<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_134" id="page_134"></a>{134}</span> concerns of his country. Indeed, there were few men in Turkey -with whom the permanent abolition of the capitulations was such a -serious matter. Naturally in the next few months I saw much of Bedri; he -was constantly crossing my path, taking an almost malicious pleasure in -interfering with every move which I made in the interest of the -foreigners. His attitude was half provoking, half jocular; we were -always trying to outwit each other—I attempting to protect the French -and British, Bedri always turning up as an obstacle to my efforts; the -fight for the foreigners, indeed, almost degenerated into a personal -duel between the Prefect of Police and the American Embassy. Bedri was -capable, well educated, very agile, and not particularly ill-natured, -but he loved to toy with a helpless foreigner. Naturally, he found his -occupation this evening a congenial one.</p> - -<p>“What’s all the trouble about?” I asked Bedri.</p> - -<p>“We have changed our minds,” he said, and his manner showed that the -change had not been displeasing to him. “We shall let the train go that -is to take the ambassadors and their staffs. But we have decided not to -let the unofficial classes leave—the train that was to take them will -not go.”</p> - -<p>My staff and I had worked hard to get this safe passage for the enemy -nationals. Now apparently some influence had negatived our efforts. This -sudden change in plans was producing the utmost confusion and -consternation. At the station there were two groups of passengers, one -of which could go and the other of which could not. The British and -French ambassadors did not wish to leave their nationals behind, and the -latter refused to believe that their train,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_135" id="page_135"></a>{135}</span> which the Turkish officials -had definitely promised, would not start sometime that evening. I -immediately called up Enver, who substantiated Bedri’s statement. Turkey -had many subjects in Egypt, he said, whose situation was causing great -anxiety. Before the French and English residents could leave Turkey, -assurances must be given that the rights of Turkish subjects in these -countries would be protected. I had no difficulty in arranging this -detail, for Sir Louis Mallet immediately gave the necessary assurances. -However, this did not settle the matter; indeed, it had been little more -than a pretext. Bedri still refused to let the train start; the order -holding it up, he said, could not be rescinded, for that would now -disarrange the general schedule and might cause accidents. I recognized -all this as mere Turkish evasion and I knew that the order had come from -a higher source than Bedri; still nothing could be done at that moment. -Moreover, Bedri would let no one get on the diplomatic train until I had -personally identified him. So I had to stand at a little gate, and pass -upon each applicant. Everyone, whether he belonged to the diplomatic -corps or not, attempted to force himself through this narrow passageway, -and we had an old-fashioned Brooklyn Bridge crush on a small scale. -People were running in all directions, checking baggage, purchasing -tickets, arguing with officials, consoling distracted women and -frightened children, while Bedri, calm and collected, watched the whole -pandemonium with an unsympathetic smile. Hats were knocked off, clothing -was torn, and, to add to the confusion, Mallet, the British Ambassador, -became involved in a set-to with an officious Turk—the Englishman -winning first honours<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_136" id="page_136"></a>{136}</span> easily; and I caught a glimpse of Bompard, the -French Ambassador, vigorously shaking a Turkish policeman. One lady -dropped her baby in my arms, later another handed me a small boy, and -still later, when I was standing at the gate, identifying Turkey’s -departing guests, one of the British secretaries made me the custodian -of his dog. Meanwhile, Sir Louis Mallet became obstreperous and refused -to leave.</p> - -<p>“I shall stay here,” he said, “until the last British subject leaves -Turkey.”</p> - -<p>But I told him that he was no longer the protector of the British; that -I, as American Ambassador, had assumed this responsibility; and that I -could hardly assert myself in this capacity if he remained in -Constantinople.</p> - -<p>“Certainly,” I said, “the Turks would not recognize me as in charge of -British interests if you remain here.”</p> - -<p>Moreover, I suggested that he remain at Dedeagatch for a few days, and -await the arrival of his fellow British. Sir Louis reluctantly accepted -my point of view and boarded the train. As the train left the station I -caught my final glimpse of the British Ambassador, sitting in a private -car, almost buried in a mass of trunks, satchels, boxes, and diplomatic -pouches, surrounded by his embassy staff, and sympathetically watched by -his secretary’s dog.</p> - -<p>The unofficial foreigners remained in the station several hours, hoping -that, at the last moment, they would be permitted to go. Bedri, however, -was inexorable. Their position was almost desperate. They had given up -their quarters in Constantinople, and now found themselves practically -stranded. Some were taken in by friends for the night, others found -accommodations<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_137" id="page_137"></a>{137}</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 329px;"> -<a href="images/i_170_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_170_sml.jpg" width="329" height="500" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">SIR LOUIS MALLET</p> - -<p class="c">(On the left.) British Ambassador in Constantinople when the war began. -To the right is M. Bompard, the French Ambassador.</p></div> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 325px;"> -<a href="images/i_171_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_171_sml.jpg" width="325" height="500" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">GENERAL LIMAN VON SANDERS</p> - -<p>This is the head of the military mission sent by the Kaiser to -Constantinople in the latter part of 1913, to reorganize the Turkish -army in preparation for the coming war. He really directed the Turkish -mobilization in August, 1914—three months before Turkey declared war.</p></div> -</div> - -<p class="nind">in hotels. But their situation caused the utmost anxiety. Evidently, -despite all official promises, Turkey was determined to keep these -foreign residents as hostages. On the one hand were Enver and Talaat, -telling me that they intended to conduct their war in a humane manner, -and, on the other, were their underlings, such as Bedri, behaving in a -fashion that negatived all these civilized pretensions. The fact was -that the officials were quarrelling among themselves about the treatment -of foreigners; and the German General Staff was telling the Cabinet that -they were making a great mistake in showing any leniency to their enemy -aliens. Finally, I succeeded in making arrangements for them to leave -the following day. Bedri, in more complaisant mood, spent that afternoon -at the embassy, viséing passports; we both went to the station in the -evening and started the train safely toward Dedeagatch. I gave a box of -candy—”Turkish Delights,” to each one of the fifty women and children -on the train; it altogether was a happy party and they made no attempt -to hide their relief at leaving Turkey. At Dedeagatch they met the -diplomatic corps, and the reunion that took place, I afterward learned, -was extremely touching. I was made happy by receiving many testimonials -of their gratitude, in particular a letter, signed by more than a -hundred, expressing their thanks to Mrs. Morgenthau, the embassy staff, -and myself.</p> - -<p>There were still many who wished to go and next day I called on Talaat -in their behalf. I found him in one of his most gracious moods. The -Cabinet, he said, had carefully considered the whole matter of English -and French residents in Turkey, and my arguments, he<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_138" id="page_138"></a>{138}</span> added, had greatly -influenced them. They had reached the formal decision that enemy aliens -could leave or remain, as they preferred. There would be no -concentration camps, civilians could pursue their usual business in -peace, and, so long as they behaved themselves, they would not be -molested.</p> - -<p>“We propose to show,” said Talaat, “by our treatment of aliens, that we -are not a race of barbarians.”</p> - -<p>In return for this promise he asked a favour of me: would I not see that -Turkey was praised in the American and European press for this decision?</p> - -<p>After returning to the embassy I immediately sent for Mr. Theron Damon, -correspondent of the Associated Press, Doctor Lederer, correspondent of -the <i>Berliner Tageblatt</i>, and Doctor Sandler, who represented the Paris -<i>Herald</i>, and gave them interviews, praising the attitude of Turkey -toward the foreign residents. I also cabled the news to Washington, -London, and Paris and to all our consuls.</p> - -<p>Hardly had I finished with the correspondents when I again received -alarming news. I had arranged for another train that evening, and I now -heard that the Turks were refusing to visé the passports of those whose -departure I had provided for. This news, coming right after Talaat’s -explicit promise, was naturally disturbing. I immediately started for -the railroad station, and the sight which I saw there increased my anger -at the Minister of the Interior. A mass of distracted people filled the -inclosure; the women were weeping, and the children were screaming, -while a platoon of Turkish soldiers, commanded by an undersized popinjay -of a major, was driving everybody out of the station with the flat sides -of their guns. Bedri, as usual, was there,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_139" id="page_139"></a>{139}</span> and as usual, he was clearly -enjoying the confusion; certain of the passengers, he told me, had not -paid their income tax, and, for this reason, they would not be permitted -to leave. I announced that I would be personally responsible for this -payment.</p> - -<p>“I can’t get ahead of you, Mr. Ambassador, can I?” said Bedri, with a -laugh. From this we all thought that my offer had settled the matter and -that the train would leave according to schedule. But then suddenly, -came another order holding it up again.</p> - -<p>Since I had just had a promise from Talaat I decided to find that -functionary and learn what all this meant. I jumped into my automobile -and went to the Sublime Porte, where he usually had his headquarters. -Finding no one there, I told the chauffeur to drive directly to Talaat’s -house. Sometime before I had visited Enver in his domestic surroundings -and this occasion now gave me the opportunity to compare his manner of -life with that of his more powerful associate. The contrast was a -startling one. I had found Enver living in luxury, in one of the most -aristocratic parts of the town, while now I was driving to one of the -poorer sections. We came to a narrow street, bordered by little rough, -unpainted wooden houses; only one thing distinguished this thoroughfare -from all others in Constantinople and suggested that it was the abiding -place of the most powerful man in the Turkish Empire. At either end -stood a policeman, letting no one enter who could not give a -satisfactory reason for doing so. Our auto, like all others, was -stopped, but we were promptly permitted to pass when we explained who we -were. As contrasted with Enver’s palace, with its innumerable rooms and -gorgeous furniture, Talaat’s house was an<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_140" id="page_140"></a>{140}</span> old, rickety, wooden, -three-story building. All this, I afterward learned, was part of the -setting which Talaat had staged for his career. Like many an American -politician, he had found his position as a man of “the people” a -valuable political asset, and he knew that a sudden display of -prosperity and ostentation would weaken his influence with the Union and -Progress Committee, most of whose members, like himself, had risen from -the lower walks of life. The contents of the house were quite in keeping -with the exterior. There were no suggestions of Oriental magnificence. -The furniture was cheap; a few coarse prints hung on the walls, and one -or two well-worn rugs were scattered on the floor. On one side stood a -wooden table, and on this rested a telegraph instrument—once Talaat’s -means of earning a living, and now a means by which he communicated with -his associates. In the present troubled conditions in Turkey Talaat -sometimes preferred to do his own telegraphing!</p> - -<p>Amid these surroundings I awaited for a few minutes the entrance of the -Big Boss of Turkey. In due time a door opened at the other end of the -room, and a huge, lumbering, gaily-decorated figure entered. I was -startled by the contrast which this Talaat presented to the one who had -become such a familiar figure to me at the Sublime Porte. It was no -longer the Talaat of the European clothes and the thin veneer of -European manners; the man whom I now saw looked like a real Bulgarian -gypsy. Talaat wore the usual red Turkish fez; the rest of his bulky form -was clothed in thick gray pajamas; and from this combination protruded a -rotund, smiling face. His mood was half genial, half deprecating; Talaat -well understood what pressing<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_141" id="page_141"></a>{141}</span> business had led me to invade his -domestic privacy, and his behaviour now resembled that of the -unrepentant bad boy in school. He came and sat down with a good-natured -grin, and began to make excuses. Quietly the door opened again, and a -hesitating little girl was pushed into the room, bringing a tray of -cigarettes and coffee. Presently I saw that a young woman, apparently -about twenty-five years old, was standing back of the child, urging her -to enter. Here, then, were Talaat’s wife and adopted daughter; I had -already discovered that, while Turkish women never enter society or act -as hostesses, they are extremely inquisitive about their husbands’ -guests, and like to get surreptitious glimpses of them. Evidently Madame -Talaat, on this occasion, was not satisfied with her preliminary view, -for, a few minutes afterward, she appeared at a window directly opposite -me, but entirely unseen by her husband, who was facing in the other -direction, and there she remained very quiet and very observant for -several minutes. As she was in the house, she was unveiled; her face was -handsome and intelligent; and it was quite apparent that she enjoyed -this close-range view of an American ambassador.</p> - -<p>“Well, Talaat,” I said, realizing that the time had come for plain -speaking, “don’t you know how foolishly you are acting? You told me a -few hours ago that you had decided to treat the French and English -decently and you asked me to publish this news in the American and -foreign press. I at once called in the newspaper men and told them how -splendidly you were behaving. And this at your own request! The whole -world will be reading about it to-morrow. Now you are doing your best to -counteract all my efforts in your behalf;<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_142" id="page_142"></a>{142}</span> here you have repudiated your -first promise to be decent. Are you going to keep the promises you made -me? Will you stick to them, or do you intend to keep changing your mind -all the time? Now let’s have a real understanding. The thing we -Americans particularly pride ourselves on is keeping our word. We do it -as individuals and as a nation. We refuse to deal with people as equals -who do not do this. You might as well understand now that we can do no -business with each other unless I can depend on your promises.”</p> - -<p>“Now, this isn’t my fault,” Talaat answered. “The Germans are to blame -for stopping that train. The German Chief of Staff has just returned and -is making a big fuss, saying that we are too easy with the French and -English and that we must not let them go away. He says that we must keep -them for hostages. It was his interference that did this.”</p> - -<p>That was precisely what I had suspected. Talaat had given me his -promise, then Bronssart, head of the German Staff, had practically -countermanded his orders. Talaat’s admission gave me the opening which I -had wished for. By this time my relations with Talaat had become so -friendly that I could talk to him with the utmost frankness.</p> - -<p>“Now, Talaat,” I said, “you have got to have someone to advise you in -your relations with foreigners. You must make up your mind whether you -want me or the German Staff. Don’t you think you will make a mistake if -you place yourself entirely in the hands of the Germans? The time may -come when you will need me against them.”</p> - -<p>“What do you mean by that?” he asked, watching for my answer with -intense curiosity.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_143" id="page_143"></a>{143}</span></p> - -<p>“The Germans are sure to ask you to do many things you don’t want to do. -If you can tell them that the American Ambassador objects, my support -may prove useful to you. Besides, you know you all expect peace in a few -months. You know that the Germans really care nothing for Turkey, and -certainly you have no claims on the Allies for assistance. There is only -one nation in the world that you can look to as a disinterested friend -and that is the United States.”</p> - -<p>This fact was so apparent that I hardly needed to argue it in any great -detail. However, I had another argument that struck still nearer home. -Already the struggle between the war department and the civil powers had -started. I knew that Talaat, although he was Minister of the Interior, -and a civilian, was determined not to sacrifice a tittle of his -authority to Enver, the Germans, and the representatives of the -military.</p> - -<p>“If you let the Germans win this point to-day,” I said, “you are -practically in their power. You are now the head of affairs, but you are -still a civilian. Are you going to let the military, represented by -Enver and the German staff, overrule your orders? Apparently that is -what has happened to-day. If you submit to it, you will find that they -will be running things from now on. The Germans will put this country -under martial law; then where will you civilians be?”</p> - -<p>I could see that this argument was having its effect on Talaat. He -remained quiet for a few moments, evidently pondering my remarks. Then -he said, with the utmost deliberation,</p> - -<p>“I am going to help you.”</p> - -<p>He turned around to his table and began working<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_144" id="page_144"></a>{144}</span> his telegraph -instrument. I shall never forget the picture; this huge Turk, sitting -there in his gray pajamas and his red fez, working industriously his own -telegraph key, his young wife gazing at him through a little window and -the late afternoon sun streaming into the room. Evidently the ruler of -Turkey was having his troubles, and, as the argument went on over the -telegraph, Talaat would bang his key with increasing irritation. He told -me that the pompous major at the station insisted on having Enver’s -written orders—since orders over the wire might easily be -counterfeited. It took Talaat some time to locate Enver, and then the -dispute apparently started all over again. A piece of news which Talaat -received at that moment over the wire almost ruined my case. After a -prolonged thumping of his instrument, in the course of which Talaat’s -face lost its geniality and became almost savage, he turned to me and -said:</p> - -<p>“The English bombarded the Dardanelles this morning and killed two -Turks!”</p> - -<p>And then he added:</p> - -<p>“We intend to kill three Christians for every Moslem killed!”</p> - -<p>For a moment I thought that everything was lost. Talaat’s face reflected -only one emotion—hatred of the English. Afterward, when reading the -Cromer report on the Dardanelles, I found that the British Committee -stigmatized this early attack as a mistake, since it gave the Turks an -early warning of their plans. I can testify that it was a mistake for -another reason, for I now found that these few strange shots almost -destroyed my plans to get the foreign residents out of Turkey. Talaat -was enraged, and I had to go over much of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_145" id="page_145"></a>{145}</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 328px;"> -<a href="images/i_180_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_180_sml.jpg" width="328" height="500" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"> -<p class="c">GERMAN AND TURKISH OFFICERS ON BOARD THE “GOEBEN”</p> - -<p>All the men, except the ones at the extreme left and extreme right, -are Germans. Two months before Turkey entered the European war, -Admiral Souchon—the central figure in this group—controlled the -Turkish navy. All this time the German Government maintained that -it had “sold” the <i>Goeben</i> and the <i>Breslau</i> to Turkey.</p></div> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_181_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_181_sml.jpg" width="500" height="297" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" summary=""> - -<tr valign="top"> -<td><p class="c">BEDRI BEY, PREFECT OF POLICE AT CONSTANTINOPLE</p> - -<p class="sml">A leader of the Young Turks and an intimate friend of Talaat. Mr. -Morgenthau’s attempts to protect the English and French became a -contest between himself and Bedri, who accepted the German view -that foreigners should not be treated with “too great leniency”.</p> -</td><td> </td><td> -<p class="c">DJAVID BEY, MINISTER OF FINANCE IN TURKISH CABINET</p> - -<p class="sml">A Jew by race but a Mohammedan by religion; an influential member -of the Young Turk party. He was Pro-Ally in his sympathies, and -resigned when Turkey entered the war on Germany’s side, though -afterward he resumed office.</p> -</td></tr> -</table> -</div> - -<p class="nind">ground again, but finally I succeeded in pacifying him once more. I saw -that he was vacillating between his desire to punish the English and his -desire to assert his own authority over that of Enver and the Germans. -Fortunately the latter motive gained the ascendancy. At all hazard, he -was determined to show that he was boss.</p> - -<p>We remained there more than two hours, my involuntary host pausing now -and then in his telegraphing to entertain me with the latest political -gossip. Djavid, the Minister of Finance, he said, had resigned, but had -promised to work for them at home. The Grand Vizier, despite his -threats, had been persuaded to retain his office. Foreigners in the -interior would not be molested unless Beirut, Alexandretta, or some -unfortified port were bombarded, but, if such attacks were made, they -would exact reprisals of the French and English. Talaat’s conversation -showed that he had no particular liking for the Germans. They were -overbearing and insolent, he said, constantly interfering in military -matters and treating the Turks with disdain.</p> - -<p>Finally the train was arranged. Talaat had shown several moods in this -interview; he had been by turns sulky, good-natured, savage, and -complaisant. There is one phase of the Turkish character which -Westerners do not comprehend and that is its keen sense of humour. -Talaat himself greatly loved a joke and a funny story. Now that he had -reëstablished friendly relations and redeemed his promise, Talaat became -jocular once more.</p> - -<p>“Your people can go now,” he said with a laugh. “It’s time to buy your -candies, Mr. Ambassador!”</p> - -<p>This latter, of course, was a reference to the little gifts which I had -made to the women and children<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_146" id="page_146"></a>{146}</span> the night before. We immediately -returned to the station, where we found the disconsolate passengers -sitting around waiting for a favourable word. When I told them that the -train would leave that evening, their thanks and gratitude were -overwhelming.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_147" id="page_147"></a>{147}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XIII" id="CHAPTER_XIII"></a>CHAPTER XIII<br /><br /> -<small>THE INVASION OF NOTRE DAME DE SION</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">T</span>ALAAT’S statement that the German Chief of Staff, Bronssart, had really -held up this train, was a valuable piece of information. I decided to -look into the matter further, and, with this idea in my mind, I called -next day on Wangenheim. The Turkish authorities, I said, had solemnly -promised that they would treat their enemies decently, and certainly I -could not tolerate any interference in the matter from the German Chief -of Staff. Wangenheim had repeatedly told me that the Germans were -looking to President Wilson as the peacemaker and I therefore used the -same argument with him that I had urged on Talaat. Proceedings of this -sort would not help his country when the day of the final settlement -came! Here, I said, we have a strange situation; a so-called barbarous -country, like Turkey, attempting to make civilized warfare and treat -their Christian enemies with decency and kindness, and, on the other -hand, a supposedly cultured and Christian nation, like Germany, which is -trying to persuade them to revert to barbarism. “What sort of an -impression do you think that will make on the American people?” I asked -Wangenheim. He expressed a willingness to help and suggested, as my -consideration for such help, that I should try to persuade the United -States to insist on free commerce with Germany, so that his country -could<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_148" id="page_148"></a>{148}</span> receive plentiful cargoes of copper, wheat, and cotton. This was -a subject to which, as I shall relate, Wangenheim constantly returned.</p> - -<p>Despite Wangenheim’s promise I had practically no support from the -German Embassy in my attempt to protect the foreign residents from -Turkish ill treatment. I realized that, owing to my religion, there -might be a feeling in certain quarters that I was not exerting all my -energies in behalf of these Christian peoples and religious -organizations—hospitals, schools, monasteries, and convents—and I -naturally thought that it would strengthen my influence with the Turks -if I could have the support of my most powerful Christian colleagues. I -had a long discussion on this matter with Pallavicini, himself a -Catholic and the representative of the greatest Catholic power. -Pallavicini frankly told me that Wangenheim would do nothing that would -annoy the Turks. There was then a constant fear that the English and -French fleets would force the Dardanelles, capture Constantinople, and -hand it over to Russia, and only the Turkish forces, said Pallavicini, -could prevent such a calamity. The Germans, therefore, believed that -they were dependent on the good graces of the Turkish Government, and -would do nothing to antagonize them. Evidently Pallavicini wished me to -believe that Wangenheim and he really desired to help. Yet this plea was -hardly frank, for I knew all the time that Turkey, if the Germans had -not constantly interfered, would have behaved decently. I found that the -evil spirit was not the Turkish Government, but Von Bronssart, the -German Chief of Staff. The fact that certain members of the Turkish -Cabinet, who represented European and Christian culture—men<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_149" id="page_149"></a>{149}</span> like -Bustány and Oskan—had resigned as a protest against Turkey’s action in -entering the war, made the situation of foreigners even more dangerous. -There was also much conflict of authority; a policy decided on one day -would be reversed the next, the result being that we never knew where we -stood. The mere fact that the Government promised me that foreigners -would not be maltreated by no means settled the matter, for some -underling, like Bedri Bey, could frequently find an excuse for -disregarding instructions. The situation, therefore, was one that called -for constant vigilance; I had not only to get pledges from men like -Talaat and Enver, but I had personally to see that these pledges were -carried into action.</p> - -<p>I awoke one November morning at four o’clock; I had been dreaming, or I -had had a “presentiment,” that all was not going well with the Sion -Sœurs, a French sisterhood which had for many years conducted a -school for girls in Constantinople. Madame Bompard, the wife of the -French Ambassador, and several ladies of the French colony, had -particularly requested us to keep a watchful eye on this institution. It -was a splendidly conducted school; the daughters of many of the best -families of all nationalities attended it, and when these girls were -assembled, the Christians wearing silver crosses and the non-Christians -silver stars, the sight was particularly beautiful and impressive. -Naturally the thought of the brutal Turks breaking into such a community -was enough to arouse the wrath of any properly constituted man. Though -we had nothing more definite than an uneasy feeling that something might -be wrong, Mrs. Morgenthau and I decided to go up immediately after -breakfast. As we<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_150" id="page_150"></a>{150}</span> approached the building we noted nothing particularly -suspicious; the place was quiet and the whole atmosphere was one of -peace and sanctity. Just as we ascended the steps, however, five Turkish -policemen followed on our heels. They crowded after us into the -vestibule, much to the consternation of a few of the sisters, who -happened to be in the waiting room. The mere fact that the American -Ambassador came with the police in itself increased their alarm, though -our arrival together was purely accidental.</p> - -<p>“What do you want?” I asked, turning to the men. As they spoke only -Turkish, naturally they did not understand me, and they started to push -me aside. My own knowledge of Turkish was extremely limited, but I knew -that the word “Elchi” meant “Ambassador.” So, pointing to myself, I -said,</p> - -<p>“Elchi American.”</p> - -<p>This scrap of Turkish worked like magic. In Turkey an ambassador is a -much-revered object, and these policemen immediately respected my -authority. Meanwhile the sisters had sent for their superior, Mère -Elvira. This lady was one of the most distinguished and influential -personages in Constantinople. That morning, as she came in quietly and -faced these Turkish policemen, showing not a sign of fear, and -completely overawing them by the splendour and dignity of her bearing, -she represented to my eyes almost a supernatural being. Mère Elvira was -a daughter of one of the most aristocratic families of France; she was a -woman of perhaps forty years of age, with black hair and shining black -eyes, all accentuated by a pale face that radiated culture, character, -and intelligence. I could not help thinking, as I looked at her that -morning,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_151" id="page_151"></a>{151}</span> that there was not a diplomatic circle in the world to which -she would not have added grace and dignity. In a few seconds Mère Elvira -had this present distracting situation completely under control. She -sent for a sister who spoke Turkish and questioned the policemen. They -said that they were acting under Bedri’s orders. All the foreign schools -were to be closed that morning, the Government intending to seize all -their buildings. There were about seventy-two teachers and sisters in -this convent; the police had orders to shut all these into two rooms, -where they were to be held practically as prisoners. There were about -two hundred girls; these were to be turned out into the streets, and -left to shift for themselves. The fact that it was raining in torrents, -and that the weather was extremely cold, accentuated the barbarity of -this proceeding. Yet every enemy school and religious institution in -Constantinople was undergoing a similar experience at this time. Clearly -this was a situation which I could not handle alone, and I at once -telephoned my Turkish-speaking legal adviser. Herein is another incident -which may have an interest for those who believe in providential -intervention. When I arrived in Constantinople telephones had been -unknown, but, in the last few months, an English company had been -introducing a system. The night before my experience with the Sion -Sœurs, my legal adviser had called me up and proudly told me that his -telephone had just been installed. I jotted down his number, and this -memorandum I now found in my pocket. Without my interpreter I should -have been hard pressed, and without this telephone I could not have -immediately brought him to the spot.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_152" id="page_152"></a>{152}</span></p> - -<p>While waiting for his arrival I delayed the operations of the policemen, -and my wife, who fortunately speaks French, was obtaining all the -details from the sisters. Mrs. Morgenthau understood the Turks well -enough to know that they had other plans than the mere expulsion of the -sisters and their charges. The Turks regard these institutions as -repositories of treasure; the valuables which they contain are greatly -exaggerated in the popular mind; and it was a safe assumption that, -among other things, this expulsion was an industrious raiding expedition -for tangible evidences of wealth.</p> - -<p>“Have you any money and other valuables here?” Mrs. Morgenthau asked one -of the sisters.</p> - -<p>Yes, they had quite a large amount; it was kept in a safe upstairs. My -wife told me to keep the policemen busy and then she and one of the -sisters quietly disappeared from the scene. Upstairs the sister -disclosed about a hundred square pieces of white flannel into each one -of which had been sewed twenty gold coins. In all, the Sion Sœurs had -in this liquid form about fifty thousand francs. They had been fearing -expulsion for some time and had been getting together their money in -this form, so that they could carry it away with them when forced to -leave Turkey. Besides this, the sisters had several bundles of -securities, and many valuable papers, such as the charter of their -school. Certainly here was something that would appeal to Turkish -cupidity. Mrs. Morgenthau knew that if the police once obtained control -of the building there would be little likelihood that the Sion Sœurs -would ever see their money again. With the aid of the sisters, my wife -promptly concealed as much as she could on<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_153" id="page_153"></a>{153}</span> her person, descended the -stairs, and marched through the line of gendarmes out into the rain. -Mrs. Morgenthau told me afterward that her blood almost ran cold with -fright as she passed by these guardians of the law; from all external -signs, however, she was absolutely calm and collected. She stepped into -the waiting auto, was driven to the American Embassy, placed the money -in our vault, and promptly returned to the school. Again Mrs. Morgenthau -solemnly ascended the stairs with the sisters. This time they took her -to the gallery of the Cathedral, which stood behind the convent, but -could be entered through it. One of the sisters lifted up a tile from a -particular spot in the floor, and again disclosed a heap of gold coins. -This was secreted on Mrs. Morgenthau’s clothes, and once more she walked -past the gendarmes, out into the rain, and was driven rapidly to the -Embassy. In these two trips my wife succeeded in getting the money of -the sisters to a place where it would be safe from the Turks.</p> - -<p>Between Mrs. Morgenthau’s trips Bedri had arrived. He told me that -Talaat had himself given the order for closing all the institutions and -that they had intended to have the entire job finished before nine -o’clock. I have already said that the Turks have a sense of humour; but -to this statement I should add that it sometimes manifests itself in a -perverted form. Bedri now seemed to think that locking more than seventy -Catholic sisters in two rooms and turning two hundred young and -carefully nurtured girls into the streets of Constantinople was a great -joke.</p> - -<p>“We were going at it early in the morning and have it all over before -you heard anything about it,” he said with a laugh. “But you seem never -to be asleep.”<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_154" id="page_154"></a>{154}</span></p> - -<p>“You are very foolish to try to play such tricks on us,” I said. “Don’t -you know that I am going to write a book? If you go on behaving this -way, I shall put you in as the villain.”</p> - -<p>This remark was an inspiration of the moment; it was then that it first -occurred to me that these experiences might prove sufficiently -interesting for publication. Bedri took the statement seriously, and it -seemed to have a sobering effect.</p> - -<p>“Do you really intend to write a book?” he asked, almost anxiously.</p> - -<p>“Why not?” I rejoined. “General Lew Wallace was minister here—didn’t he -write a book? ‘Sunset’ Cox was also minister here—didn’t he write one? -Why shouldn’t I? And you are such an important character that I shall -have to give you a part. Why do you go on acting in a way that will make -me describe you as a very bad man? These sisters here have always been -your friends. They have never done you anything but good; they have -educated many of your daughters; why do you treat them in this shameful -fashion?”</p> - -<p>This plea produced an effect; Bedri consented to postpone execution of -the order until we could get Talaat on the wire. In a few minutes I -heard Talaat laughing over the telephone.</p> - -<p>“I tried to escape you,” he said, “but you have caught me again. Why -make such a row about this matter? Didn’t the French themselves expel -all their nuns and monks? Why shouldn’t we do it?”</p> - -<p>After I had remonstrated over this indecent haste Talaat told Bedri to -suspend the order until we had had a chance to talk the matter over. -Naturally this greatly relieved Mère Elvira and the sisters. Just as<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_155" id="page_155"></a>{155}</span> we -were about to leave, Bedri suddenly had a new idea. There was one detail -which he had apparently forgotten.</p> - -<p>“We’ll leave the Sion sisters alone for the present,” he said, “but we -must get their money.”</p> - -<p>Reluctantly I acquiesced in his suggestion—knowing that all the -valuables were safely reposing in the American Embassy. So I had the -pleasure of standing by and watching Bedri and his associates search the -whole establishment. All they turned up was a small tin box containing a -few copper coins, a prize which was so trifling that the Turks disdained -to take it. They were much puzzled and disappointed, and from that day -to this they have never known what became of the money. If my Turkish -friends do me the honour of reading these pages, they will find that I -have explained here for the first time one of the many mysteries of -those exciting days.</p> - -<p>As some of the windows of the convent opened on the court of the -Cathedral, which was Vatican property, we contended that the Turkish -Government could not seize it. Such of the sisters as were neutrals were -allowed to remain in possession of the part that faced the Vatican land, -while the rest of the building was turned into an Engineers’ School. We -arranged that the French nuns should have ten days to leave for their -own country; they all reached their destination safely, and most are at -present engaged in charities and war work in France.</p> - -<p>My jocular statement that I intended to write a book deeply impressed -Bedri, and, in the next few weeks, he repeatedly referred to it. I kept -banteringly telling him that, unless his behaviour improved, I should be -forced to picture him as the villain. One day he asked<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_156" id="page_156"></a>{156}</span> me, in all -seriousness, whether he could not do something that would justify me in -portraying him in a more favourable light. This attitude gave me an -opportunity I had been seeking for some time. Constantinople had for -many years been a centre for the white-slave trade and a particularly -vicious gang was then operating under cover of a fake synagogue. A -committee, organized to fight this crew, had made me an honorary -chairman. I told Bedri that he now had the chance to secure a -reputation; because of the war, his powers as Prefect of Police had been -greatly increased and a little vigorous action on his part would -permanently rid the city of this disgrace. The enthusiasm with which -Bedri adopted my suggestion and the thoroughness and ability with which -he did the work entitle him to the gratitude of all decent people. In a -few days every white-slave trader in Constantinople was scurrying for -safety; most were arrested, a few made their escape; such as were -foreigners, after serving terms in jail, were expelled from the country. -Bedri furnished me photographs of all the culprits and they are now on -file in our State Department. I was not writing a book at that time, but -I felt obliged to secure some public recognition for Bedri’s work. I -therefore sent his photograph, with a few words about his achievement, -to the New York <i>Times</i>, which published it in a Sunday edition. That a -great American newspaper had recognized him in this way delighted Bedri -beyond words. For months he carried in his pocket the page of the -<i>Times</i> containing his picture, showing it to all his friends. This -event ended my troubles with the Prefect of Police; for the rest of my -stay we had very few serious clashes.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_157" id="page_157"></a>{157}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XIV" id="CHAPTER_XIV"></a>CHAPTER XIV<br /><br /> -<small>WANGENHEIM AND THE BETHLEHEM STEEL COMPANY—A HOLY WAR THAT WAS MADE IN GERMANY</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">A</span>LL this time I was increasing my knowledge of the modern German -character, as illustrated in Wangenheim and his associates. In the early -days of the war, the Germans showed their most ingratiating side to -Americans; as time went on, however, and it became apparent that public -opinion in the United States almost unanimously supported the Allies, -and that the Washington Administration would not disregard the -neutrality laws in order to promote Germany’s interest, this friendly -attitude changed and became almost hostile.</p> - -<p>The grievance to which the German Ambassador constantly returned with -tiresome iteration was the old familiar one—the sale of American -ammunition to the Allies. I hardly ever met him that he did not speak -about it. He was constantly asking me to write to President Wilson, -urging him to declare an embargo; of course, my contention that the -commerce in munitions was entirely legitimate made no impression. As the -struggle at the Dardanelles became more intense, Wangenheim’s insistence -on the subject of American ammunition grew. He asserted that most of the -shells used at the Dardanelles had been made in America and that the -United States was really waging war on Turkey.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_158" id="page_158"></a>{158}</span></p> - -<p>One day, more angry than usual, he brought me a piece of shell. On it -clearly appeared the inscription “B.S.Co.”</p> - -<p>“Look at that!” he said. “I suppose you know what ‘B.S.Co.’ means? That -is the Bethlehem Steel Company! This will make the Turks furious. And -remember that we are going to hold the United States responsible for it. -We are getting more and more proof, and we are going to hold you to -account for every death caused by American shells. If you would only -write home and make them stop selling ammunition to our enemies, the war -would be over very soon.”</p> - -<p>I made the usual defense, and called Wangenheim’s attention to the fact -that Germany had sold munitions to Spain in the Spanish War, but all -this was to no purpose. All that Wangenheim saw was that American -supplies formed an asset to his enemy; the legalities of the situation -did not interest him. Of course I refused point blank to write to the -President about the matter.</p> - -<p>A few days afterward an article appeared in the <i>Ikdam</i> discussing -Turkish and American relations. This contribution, for the greater part, -was extremely complimentary to America; its real purpose, however, was -to contrast the present with the past, and to point out that our action -in furnishing ammunition to Turkey’s enemies was hardly in accordance -with the historic friendship between the two countries. The whole thing -was evidently written merely to get before the Turkish people a -statement almost parenthetically included in the final paragraph. -“According to the report of correspondents at the Dardanelles it appears -that most of the shells fired by the British and French during the last -bombardment were made in America.”<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_159" id="page_159"></a>{159}</span> At this time the German Embassy -controlled the <i>Ikdam</i>, and was conducting it entirely in the interest -of German propaganda. A statement of this sort, instilled into the minds -of impressionable and fanatical Turks, might have the most deplorable -consequences. I therefore took the matter up immediately with the man -whom I regarded as chiefly responsible for the attack—the German -Ambassador.</p> - -<p>At first Wangenheim asserted his innocence; he was as bland as a child -in protesting his ignorance of the whole affair. I called his attention -to the fact that the statements in the <i>Ikdam</i> were almost identically -the same as those which he had made to me a few days before; that the -language in certain spots, indeed, was almost a repetition of his own -conversation.</p> - -<p>“Either you wrote that article yourself,” I said, “or you called in the -reporter and gave him the leading ideas.”</p> - -<p>Wangenheim saw that there was no use in further denying the authorship.</p> - -<p>“Well,” he said, throwing back his head, “what are you going to do about -it?”</p> - -<p>This Tweed-like attitude rather nettled me and I resented it on the -spot.</p> - -<p>“I’ll tell you what I am going to do about it,” I replied, “and you know -that I will be able to carry out my threats. Either you stop stirring up -anti-American feeling in Turkey or I shall start a campaign of -anti-German sentiment here.</p> - -<p>“You know, Baron,” I added, “that you Germans are skating on very thin -ice in this country. You know that the Turks don’t love you any too -well. In fact, you know that Americans are more popular here<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_160" id="page_160"></a>{160}</span> than you -are. Supposing that I go out, tell the Turks how you are simply using -them for your own benefit—that you do not really regard them as your -allies, but merely as pawns in the game which you are playing. Now, in -stirring up anti-American feeling here you are touching my softest spot. -You are exposing our educational and religious institutions to the -attacks of the Turks. No one knows what they may do if they are -persuaded that their relatives are being shot down by American bullets. -You stop this at once, or in three weeks I will fill the whole of Turkey -with animosity toward the Germans. It will be a battle between us, and I -am ready for it.”</p> - -<p>Wangenheim’s attitude changed at once. He turned around, put his arm on -my shoulder, and assumed a most conciliatory, almost affectionate, -manner.</p> - -<p>“Come, let us be friends,” he said. “I see that you are right about -this. I see that such attacks might injure your friends, the -missionaries. I promise you that they will be stopped.”</p> - -<p>From that day the Turkish press never made the slightest unfriendly -allusion to the United States. The abruptness with which the attacks -ceased showed me that the Germans had evidently extended to Turkey one -of the most cherished expedients of the Fatherland—absolute government -control of the press. But when I think of the infamous plots which -Wangenheim was instigating at that moment, his objection to the use of a -few American shells by English battleships—if English battleships used -any such shells, which I seriously doubt—seems almost grotesque. In the -early days Wangenheim had explained to me one of Germany’s main purposes -in forcing Turkey into the conflict. He<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_161" id="page_161"></a>{161}</span> made this explanation quietly -and nonchalantly, as though it had been quite the most ordinary matter -in the world. Sitting in his office, puffing away at his big black -German cigar, he unfolded Germany’s scheme to arouse the whole fanatical -Moslem world against the Christians. Germany had planned a real “holy -war” as one means of destroying English and French influence in the -world. “Turkey herself is not the really important matter,” said -Wangenheim. “Her army is a small one, and we do not expect it to do very -much. For the most part it will act on the defensive. But the big thing -is the Moslem world. If we can stir the Mohammedans up against the -English and Russians, we can force them to make peace.”</p> - -<p>What Wangenheim evidently meant by the “Big thing” became apparent on -November 13th, when the Sultan issued his declaration of war; this -declaration was really an appeal for a <i>Jihad</i>, or a “Holy War” against -the infidel. Soon afterward the Sheik-ul-Islam published his -proclamation, summoning the whole Moslem world to arise and massacre -their Christian oppressors. “Oh, Moslems!” concluded this document. “Ye -who are smitten with happiness and are on the verge of sacrificing your -life and your goods for the cause of right, and of braving perils, -gather now around the Imperial throne, obey the commands of the -Almighty, who, in the Koran, promises us bliss in this and in the next -world; embrace ye the foot of the Caliph’s throne and know ye that the -state is at war with Russia, England, France, and their Allies, and that -these are the enemies of Islam. The Chief of the believers, the Caliph, -invites you all as Moslems to join in the Holy War!”<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_162" id="page_162"></a>{162}</span></p> - -<p>The religious leaders read this proclamation to their assembled -congregations in the mosques; all the newspapers printed it -conspicuously; it was spread broadcast in all the countries which had -large Mohammedan populations—India, China, Persia, Egypt, Algiers, -Tripoli, Morocco, and the like; in all these places it was read to the -assembled multitudes and the populace was exhorted to obey the mandate. -The <i>Ikdam</i>, the Turkish newspaper which had passed into German -ownership, was constantly inciting the masses. “The deeds of our -enemies,” wrote this Turco-German editor, “have brought down the wrath -of God. A gleam of hope has appeared. All Mohammedans, young and old, -men, women, and children, must fulfil their duty so that the gleam may -not fade away, but give light to us forever. How many great things can -be accomplished by the arms of vigorous men, by the aid of others, of -women and children!... The time for action has come. We shall all have -to fight with all our strength, with all our soul, with teeth and nails, -with all the sinews of our bodies and of our spirits. If we do it, the -deliverance of the subjected Mohammedan kingdoms is assured. Then, if -God so wills, we shall march unashamed by the side of our friends who -send their greetings to the Crescent. Allah is our aid and the Prophet -is our support.”</p> - -<p>The Sultan’s proclamation was an official public document, and dealt -with the proposed Holy War only in a general way, but about this same -time a secret pamphlet appeared which gave instructions to the faithful -in more specific terms. This paper was not read in the mosques; it was -distributed stealthily in all Mohammedan countries—India, Egypt, -Morocco, Syria,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_163" id="page_163"></a>{163}</span> and many others; and it was significantly printed in -Arabic, the language of the Koran. It was a lengthy document—the -English translation contains 10,000 words—full of quotations from the -Koran, and its style was frenzied in its appeal to racial and religious -hatred. It described a detailed plan of operations for the assassination -and extermination of all Christians—except those of German nationality. -A few extracts will fairly portray its spirit: “O people of the faith -and O beloved Moslems, consider, even though but for a brief moment, the -present condition of the Islamic world. For if you consider this but for -a little you will weep long. You will behold a bewildering state of -affairs which will cause the tear to fall and the fire of grief to -blaze. You see the great country of India, which contains hundreds of -millions of Moslems, fallen, because of religious divisions and -weaknesses, into the grasp of the enemies of God, the infidel English. -You see forty millions of Moslems in Java shackled by the chains of -captivity and of affliction under the rule of the Dutch, although these -infidels are much fewer in number than the faithful and do not enjoy a -much higher civilization. You see Egypt, Morocco, Tunis, Algeria, and -the Sudan suffering the extremes of pain and groaning in the grasp of -the enemies of God and his apostle. You see the vast country of Siberia -and Turkestan and Khiva and Bokhara and the Caucasus and the Crimea and -Kazan and Ezferhan and Kosahastan, whose Moslem peoples believe in the -unity of God, ground under the feet of their oppressors, who are the -enemies already of our religion. You behold Persia being prepared for -partition and you see the city of the Caliphate, which for ages has -unceasingly fought breast to breast<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_164" id="page_164"></a>{164}</span> with the enemies of our religion, -now become the target for oppression and violence. Thus wherever you -look you see that the enemies of the true religion, particularly the -English, the Russian, and the French, have oppressed Islam and invaded -its rights in every possible way. We cannot enumerate the insults we -have received at the hands of these nations who desire totally to -destroy Islam and drive all Mohammedans off the face of the earth. This -tyranny has passed all endurable limits; the cup of our oppression is -full to overflowing.... In brief, the Moslems work and the infidels eat; -the Moslems are hungry and suffer and the infidels gorge themselves and -live in luxury. The world of Islam sinks down and goes backward, and the -Christian world goes forward and is more and more exalted. The Moslems -are enslaved and the infidels are the great rulers. This is all because -the Moslems have abandoned the plan set forth in the Koran and ignored -the Holy War which it commands.... But the time has now come for the -Holy War, and by this the land of Islam shall be forever freed from the -power of the infidels who oppress it. This holy war has now become a -sacred duty. Know ye that the blood of infidels in the Islamic lands may -be shed with impunity—except those to whom the Moslem power has -promised security and who are allied with it. [Herein we find that -Germans and Austrians are excepted from massacre.] The killing of -infidels who rule over Islam has become a sacred duty, whether you do it -secretly or openly, as the Koran has decreed: ‘Take them and kill them -whenever you find them. Behold we have delivered them unto your hands -and given you supreme power over them.’ He who kills even one<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_165" id="page_165"></a>{165}</span> -unbeliever of those who rule over us, whether he does it secretly or -openly, shall be rewarded by God. And let every Moslem, in whatever part -of the world he may be, swear a solemn oath to kill at least three or -four of the infidels who rule over him, for they are the enemies of God -and of the faith. Let every Moslem know that his reward for doing so -shall be doubled by the God who created heaven and earth. A Moslem who -does this shall be saved from the terrors of the day of Judgment, of the -resurrection of the dead. Who is the man who can refuse such a -recompense for such a small deed?... Yet the time has come that we -should rise up as the rising of one man, in one hand a sword, in the -other a gun, in his pocket balls of fire and death-dealing missiles, and -in his heart the light of the faith, and that we should lift up our -voices, saying—India for the Indian Moslems, Java for the Javanese -Moslems, Algeria for the Algerian Moslems, Morocco for the Moroccan -Moslems, Tunis for the Tunisan Moslems, Egypt for the Egyptian Moslems, -Iran for the Iranian Moslems, Turan for the Turanian Moslems, Bokhara -for the Bokharan Moslems, Caucasus for the Caucasian Moslems, and the -Ottoman Empire for the Ottoman Turks and Arabs.”</p> - -<p>Specific instructions for carrying out this holy purpose follow. There -shall be a “heart war”—every follower of the Prophet, that is, shall -constantly nourish in his spirit a hatred of the infidel; a “speech -war”—with tongue and pen every Moslem shall spread this same hatred -wherever Mohammedans live; and a war of deed—fighting and killing the -infidel wherever he shows his head. This latter conflict, says the -pamphlet, is the “true war.” There is to be a “little holy<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_166" id="page_166"></a>{166}</span> war” and a -“great holy war”; the first describes the battle which every Mohammedan -is to wage in his community against his Christian neighbours, and the -second is the great world struggle which united Islam, in India, Arabia, -Turkey, Africa, and other countries is to wage against the infidel -oppressors. “The Holy War,” says the pamphlet, “will be of three forms. -First, the individual war, which consists of the individual personal -deed. This may be carried on with cutting, killing instruments, like the -holy war which one of the faithful made against Peter Galy, the infidel -English governor, like the slaying of the English chief of police in -India, and like the killing of one of the officials arriving in Mecca by -Abi Busir (may God be pleased with him).” The document gives several -other instances of assassination which the faithful are enjoined to -imitate. Second, the believers are told to organize “bands,” and to go -forth and slay Christians. The most useful are those organized and -operating in secret. “It is hoped that the Islamic world of to-day will -profit very greatly from such secret bands.” The third method is by -“organized campaigns,” that is, by trained armies.</p> - -<p>In all parts of this incentive to murder and assassination there are -indications that a German hand has exercised an editorial supervision. -Only those infidels are to be slain, “who rule over us”—that is, those -who have Mohammedan subjects. As Germany has no such subjects, this -saving clause was expected to protect Germans from assault. The Germans, -with their usual interest in their own well-being and their usual -disregard of their ally, evidently overlooked the fact that Austria had -many Mohammedan subjects in Bosnia<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_167" id="page_167"></a>{167}</span> and Herzegovina. Moslems are -instructed that they should form armies, “even though it may be -necessary to introduce some foreign elements”—that is, bring in German -instructors and German officers. “You must remember”—this is evidently -intended as a blanket protection to Germans everywhere—”that it is -absolutely unlawful to oppose any of the peoples of other religions -between whom and the Moslems there is a covenant or of those who have -not manifested hostility to the seat of the Caliphate or those who have -entered under the protection of the Moslems.”</p> - -<p>Even though I had not had Wangenheim’s personal statement that the -Germans intended to arouse the Mohammedans everywhere against England, -France, and Russia, these interpolations would clearly enough have -indicated the real inspiration of this amazing document. At the time -Wangenheim discussed the matter with me, his chief idea seemed to be -that a “holy war” of this sort would be the quickest means of forcing -England to make peace. According to this point of view, it was really a -great peace offensive. At that time Wangenheim reflected the conviction, -which was prevalent in all official circles, that Germany had made a -mistake in bringing England into the conflict, and it was evidently his -idea now that if back fires could be started against England in India, -Egypt, the Sudan, and other places, the British Empire would withdraw. -Even if British Mohammedans refused to rise, Wangenheim believed that -the mere threat of such an uprising would induce England to abandon -Belgium and France to their fate. The danger of spreading such -incendiary literature among a wildly fanatical people is apparent. I was -not the only neutral diplomat<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_168" id="page_168"></a>{168}</span> who feared the most serious consequences. -M. Tocheff, the Bulgarian Minister, one of the ablest members of the -diplomatic corps, was much disturbed. At that time Bulgaria was neutral, -and M. Tocheff used to tell me that his country hoped to maintain this -neutrality. Each side, he said, expected that Bulgaria would become its -ally, and it was Bulgaria’s policy to keep each side in this expectant -frame of mind. Should Germany succeed in starting a “Holy War” and -should massacres result, Bulgaria, added M. Tocheff, would certainly -join forces with the Entente.</p> - -<p>We arranged that he should call upon Wangenheim and repeat this -statement, and that I should bring similar pressure to bear upon Enver. -From the first, however, the Holy War proved a failure. The Mohammedans -of such countries as India, Egypt, Algiers, and Morocco knew that they -were getting far better treatment than they could obtain under any other -conceivable conditions. Moreover, the simple-minded Mohammedans could -not understand why they should prosecute a holy war against Christians -and at the same time have Christian nations, such as Germany and -Austria, as their partners. This association made the whole proposition -ridiculous. The Koran, it is true, commands the slaughter of Christians, -but that sacred volume makes no exception in favour of the Germans and, -in the mind of the fanatical Mohammedan, a German <i>rayah</i> is as much -Christian dirt as an Englishman or a Frenchman, and his massacre is just -as meritorious an act. The fine distinctions necessitated by European -diplomacy he understands about as completely as he understands the law -of gravitation or the nebular hypothesis. The German failure<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_169" id="page_169"></a>{169}</span> to take -this into account is only another evidence of the fundamental German -clumsiness and real ignorance of racial psychology. The only tangible -fact that stands out clearly is the Kaiser’s desire to let loose -300,000,000 Mohammedans in a gigantic St. Bartholomew massacre of -Christians.</p> - -<p>Was there then no “holy war” at all? Did Wangenheim’s “Big Thing” really -fail? Whenever I think of this burlesque <i>Jihad</i> a particular scene in -the American Embassy comes to my mind. On one side of the table sits -Enver, most peacefully sipping tea and eating cakes, and on the other -side is myself, engaged in the same unwarlike occupation. It is November -14th, the day after the Sultan has declared his holy war; there have -been meetings at the mosques and other places, at which the declaration -has been read and fiery speeches made. Enver now assures me that -absolutely no harm will come to Americans; in fact, that there will be -no massacres anyway. While he is talking, one of my secretaries comes in -and tells me that a little mob is making demonstrations against certain -foreign establishments. It has assailed an Austrian shop which has -unwisely kept up its sign saying that it has “English clothes” for sale. -I ask Enver what this means; he answers that it is all a mistake; there -is no intention of attacking anybody. A little while after he leaves I -am informed that the mob has attacked the Bon Marché, a French dry-goods -store, and is heading directly for the British Embassy. I at once call -Enver on the telephone; it is all right, he says, nothing will happen to -the embassy. A minute or two after, the mob immediately wheels about and -starts for Tokatlian’s, the most important restaurant in -Constantinople.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_170" id="page_170"></a>{170}</span> The fact that this is conducted by an Armenian makes it -fair game. Six men who have poles, with hooks at the end, break all the -mirrors and windows, others take the marble tops of the tables and smash -them to bits. In a few minutes the place has been completely gutted.</p> - -<p>This demonstration comprised the “Holy War,” so far as Constantinople -understood it. Such was the inglorious end of Germany’s attempt to -arouse 300,000,000 Mohammedans against the Christian world! Only one -definite result did the Kaiser accomplish by spreading this inciting -literature. It aroused in the Mohammedan soul all that intense animosity -toward the Christian which is the fundamental fact in his strange -emotional nature, and thus started passions aflame that afterward spent -themselves in the massacres of the Armenians and other subject peoples.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_171" id="page_171"></a>{171}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XV" id="CHAPTER_XV"></a>CHAPTER XV<br /><br /> -<small>DJEMAL, A TROUBLESOME MARK ANTONY—THE FIRST GERMAN ATTEMPT TO GET A GERMAN PEACE</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">I</span>N early November, 1914, the railroad station at Haidar Pasha was the -scene of a great demonstration. Djemal, the Minister of Marine, one of -the three men who were then most powerful in the Turkish Empire, was -leaving to take command of the Fourth Turkish Army, which had its -headquarters in Syria. All the members of the Cabinet and other -influential people in Constantinople assembled to give this departing -satrap an enthusiastic farewell. They hailed him as the “Saviour of -Egypt,” and Djemal himself, just before his train started, made this -public declaration:</p> - -<p>“I shall not return to Constantinople until I have conquered Egypt!”</p> - -<p>The whole performance seemed to me to be somewhat bombastic. Inevitably -it called to mind the third member of another bloody triumvirate who, -nearly two thousand years before, had left his native land to become the -supreme dictator of the East. And Djemal had many characteristics in -common with Mark Antony. Like his Roman predecessor, his private life -was profligate; like Antony, he was an insatiate gambler, spending much -of his leisure over the card table at the Cercle d’Orient. Another trait -which he had in common with the great Roman orator was his enormous -vanity. The Turkish world seemed to be disintegrating<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_172" id="page_172"></a>{172}</span> in Djemal’s time, -just as the Roman Republic was dissolving in the days of Antony; Djemal -believed that he might himself become the heir of one or more of its -provinces and possibly establish a dynasty. He expected that the -military expedition on which he was now starting would make him not only -the conqueror of Turkey’s fairest province, but also one of the powerful -figures of the world. Afterward, in Syria, he ruled as independently as -a medieval robber baron—whom in other details he resembled; he became a -kind of sub-sultan, holding his own court, having his own selamlik, -issuing his own orders, dispensing freely his own kind of justice, and -often disregarding the authorities at Constantinople.</p> - -<p>The applause with which Djemal’s associates were speeding his departure -was not entirely disinterested. The fact was that most of them were -exceedingly glad to see him go. He had been a thorn in the side of -Talaat and Enver for some time, and they were perfectly content that he -should exercise his imperious and stubborn nature against the Syrians, -Armenians, and other non-Moslem elements in the Mediterranean provinces. -Djemal was not a popular man in Constantinople. The other members of the -triumvirate, in addition to their less desirable qualities, had certain -attractive traits—Talaat, his rough virility and spontaneous good -nature, Enver, his courage and personal graciousness—but there was -little about Djemal that was pleasing. An American physician who had -specialized in the study of physiognomy had found Djemal a fascinating -subject. He told me that he had never seen a face that so combined -ferocity with great power and penetration. Enver, as his history showed, -could<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_173" id="page_173"></a>{173}</span> be cruel and bloodthirsty, but he hid his more insidious -qualities under a face that was bland, unruffled, and even agreeable. -Djemal, however, did not disguise his tendencies, for his face clearly -pictured the inner soul. His eyes were black and piercing; their -sharpness, the rapidity and keenness with which they darted from one -object to another, taking in apparently everything with a few -lightning-like glances, signalized cunning, remorselessness, and -selfishness to an extreme degree. Even his laugh, which disclosed all -his white teeth, was unpleasant and animal-like. His black hair and -black beard, contrasting with his pale face, only heightened this -impression. At first Djemal’s figure seemed somewhat insignificant—he -was undersized, almost stumpy, and somewhat stoop-shouldered; as soon as -he began to move, however, it was evident that his body was full of -energy. Whenever he shook your hand, gripping you with a vise-like grasp -and looking at you with those roving, penetrating eyes, the man’s -personal force became impressive.</p> - -<p>Yet, after a momentary meeting, I was not surprised to hear that Djemal -was a man with whom assassination and judicial murder were all part of -the day’s work. Like all the Young Turks his origin had been extremely -humble. He had joined the Committee of Union and Progress in the early -days, and his personal power, as well as his relentlessness, had rapidly -made him one of the leaders. After the murder of Nazim, Djemal had -become Military Governor of Constantinople, his chief duty in this post -being to remove from the scene the opponents of the ruling powers. This -congenial task he performed with great skill, and the reign of terror -that resulted was largely Djemal’s<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_174" id="page_174"></a>{174}</span> handiwork. Subsequently Djemal -became a member of the Cabinet, but he could not work harmoniously with -his associates; he was always a troublesome partner. In the days -preceding the break with the Entente he was popularly regarded as a -Francophile. Whatever feeling Djemal may have entertained toward the -Entente, he made little attempt to conceal his detestation of the -Germans. It is said that he would swear at them in their presence—in -Turkish, of course; and he was one of the few important Turkish -officials who never came under their influence. The fact was that Djemal -represented that tendency which was rapidly gaining the ascendancy in -Turkish policy—Pan-Turkism. He despised the subject peoples of the -Ottoman country—Arabs, Greeks, Armenians, Circassians, Jews; it was his -determination to Turkify the whole empire. His personal ambition brought -him into frequent conflict with Enver and Talaat, who told me many times -that they could not control him. It was for this reason that, as I have -said, they were glad to see him go—not that they really expected him to -capture the Suez Canal and drive the English out of Egypt. Incidentally, -this appointment fairly indicated the incongruous organization that then -existed in Turkey. As Minister of Marine, Djemal’s real place was at the -Navy Department; instead of working in his official field the head of -the navy was sent to lead an army over the burning sands of Syria and -Sinai.</p> - -<p>Yet Djemal’s expedition represented Turkey’s most spectacular attempt to -assert its military power against the Allies. As Djemal moved out of the -station, the whole Turkish populace felt that an historic moment had -arrived. Turkey in less than a century had lost<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_175" id="page_175"></a>{175}</span> the greater part of her -dominions, and nothing had more pained the national pride than the -English occupation of Egypt. All during this occupation, Turkish -suzerainty had been recognized; as soon as Turkey declared war on Great -Britain, however, the British had ended this fiction and had formally -taken over this great province. Djemal’s expedition was Turkey’s reply -to this act of England. The real purpose of the war, the Turkish people -had been told, was to restore the vanishing empire of the Osmans, and to -this great undertaking the recovery of Egypt was merely the first step. -The Turks also knew that, under English administration, Egypt had become -a prosperous country and that it would, therefore, yield great treasure -to the conqueror. It is no wonder that the huzzahs of the Turkish people -followed the departing Djemal.</p> - -<p>About the same time Enver left to take command of Turkey’s other great -military enterprise—the attack on Russia through the Caucasus. Here -also were Turkish provinces to be “redeemed.” After the war of 1878, -Turkey had been compelled to cede to Russia certain rich territories -between the Caspian and the Black seas, inhabited chiefly by Armenians, -and it was this country which Enver now proposed to reconquer. But Enver -had no ovation on his leaving. He went away quietly and unobserved. With -the departure of these two men the war was now fairly on.</p> - -<p>Despite these martial enterprises, other than warlike preparations were -now under way in Constantinople. At that time—in the latter part of -1914—its external characteristics suggested nothing but war, yet now it -suddenly became the great headquarters of peace. The English fleet was -constantly threatening the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_176" id="page_176"></a>{176}</span> Dardanelles and every day Turkish troops -were passing through the streets. Yet these activities did not chiefly -engage the attention of the German Embassy. Wangenheim was thinking of -one thing and of one thing only; this fire-eating German had suddenly -become a man of peace. For he now learned that the greatest service -which a German ambassador could render his emperor would be to end the -war on terms that would save Germany from exhaustion and even from ruin; -to obtain a settlement that would reinstate his fatherland in the -society of nations.</p> - -<p>In November, Wangenheim began discussing this subject. It was part of -Germany’s system, he told me, not only to be completely prepared for war -but also for peace. “A wise general, when he begins his campaign, always -has at hand his plans for a retreat, in case he is defeated,” said the -German Ambassador. “This principle applies just the same to a nation -beginning war. There is only one certainty about war—and that is that -it must end some time. So, when we plan war, we must consider also a -campaign for peace.”</p> - -<p>But Wangenheim was interested then in something more tangible than this -philosophic principle. Germany had immediate reasons for desiring the -end of hostilities, and Wangenheim discussed them frankly and cynically. -He said that Germany had prepared for only a short war, because she had -expected to crush France and Russia in two brief campaigns, lasting not -longer than six months. Clearly this plan had failed and there was -little likelihood that Germany would win the war; Wangenheim told me -this in so many words. Germany, he added, would make a great mistake if -she persisted in fighting to the point of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_177" id="page_177"></a>{177}</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_214_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_214_sml.jpg" width="500" height="292" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">THE BRITISH EMBASSY</p> - -<p class="c">This establishment and many others came under Mr. Morgenthau’s -protection when Turkey entered the war. At one time the American -Ambassador represented ten nations at the Sublime Porte.</p></div> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_215_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_215_sml.jpg" width="500" height="288" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">ROBERT COLLEGE AT CONSTANTINOPLE</p> - -<p class="c">Founded by Americans more than fifty years ago. Turkey’s best -educational institution and the place where many of the intellectual -leaders of the Balkans have received their education.</p></div> -</div> - -<p class="nind">exhaustion, for such a fight would mean the permanent loss of her -colonies, her mercantile marine, and her whole economic and commercial -status. “If we don’t get Paris in thirty days, we are beaten,” -Wangenheim had told me in August, and though his attitude changed -somewhat after the battle of the Marne, he made no attempt to conceal -the fact that the great rush campaign had collapsed, that all the -Germans could now look forward to was a tedious, exhausting war, and -that all they could obtain from the existing situation would be a drawn -battle. “We have made a mistake this time,” Wangenheim said, “in not -laying in supplies for a protracted struggle; it was an error, however, -that we shall not repeat; next time we shall store up enough copper and -cotton to last for five years.”</p> - -<p>Wangenheim had another reason for wishing an immediate peace, and it was -a reason which shed much light upon the shamelessness of German -diplomacy. The preparation which Turkey was making for the conquest of -Egypt caused this German ambassador much annoyance and anxiety. The -interest and energy which the Turks had manifested in this enterprise -were particularly giving him concern. Naturally I thought at first that -Wangenheim was worried that Turkey would lose; yet he confided to me -that his real fear was that his ally might succeed. A victorious Turkish -campaign in Egypt, Wangenheim explained, might seriously interfere with -Germany’s plans. Should Turkey conquer Egypt, naturally Turkey would -insist at the peace table on retaining this great province and would -expect Germany to support her in this claim. But Germany had no -intention then of promoting the reëstablishment of the Turkish Empire. -At that time<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_178" id="page_178"></a>{178}</span> she hoped to reach an understanding with England, the -basis of which was to be something in the nature of a division of -interests in the East. Germany desired above all to obtain Mesopotamia -as an indispensable part of her Hamburg-Bagdad scheme. In return for -this, she was prepared to give her endorsement to England’s annexation -of Egypt. Thus it was Germany’s plan at that time that she and England -should divide Turkey’s two fairest dominions. This was one of the -proposals which Germany intended to bring forth in the peace conference -which Wangenheim was now scheming for, and clearly Turkey’s conquest of -Egypt would have presented complications in the way of carrying out this -plan. On the morality of Germany’s attitude to her ally, Turkey, it is -hardly necessary to comment. The whole thing was all of a piece with -Germany’s policy of “realism” in foreign relations.</p> - -<p>Nearly all German classes, in the latter part of 1914 and the early part -of 1915, were anxiously looking for peace and they turned to -Constantinople as the most promising spot where peace negotiations might -most favourably be started. The Germans took it for granted that -President Wilson would be the peacemaker; indeed, they never for a -moment thought of any one else in this capacity. The only point that -remained for consideration was the best way to approach the President. -Such negotiations would most likely be conducted through one of the -American ambassadors in Europe. Obviously, Germany had no means of -access to the American ambassadors in the great enemy capitals, and -other circumstances induced the German statesmen to turn to the American -Ambassador in Turkey.</p> - -<p>At this time a German diplomat appeared in Constantinople<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_179" id="page_179"></a>{179}</span> who has -figured much in recent history—Dr. Richard von Kühlmann, afterward -Minister for Foreign Affairs. In the last five years Dr. Von Kühlmann -has seemed to appear in that particular part of the world where -important confidential diplomatic negotiations are being conducted by -the German Empire. Prince Lichnowsky has described his activities in -London in 1913 and 1914, and he figured even more conspicuously in the -infamous peace treaty of Brest-Litovsk. Soon after the war started Dr. -Von Kühlmann came to Constantinople as Conseiller of the German Embassy, -succeeding Von Mutius, who had been called to the colours. For one -reason his appointment was appropriate, for Kühlmann had been born in -Constantinople, and had spent his early life there, his father having -been president of the Anatolian railway. He therefore understood the -Turks as only one can who has lived with them for many years. -Personally, he proved to be an interesting addition to the diplomatic -colony. He impressed me as not a particularly aggressive, but a very -entertaining, man; he apparently wished to become friendly with the -American Embassy and he possessed a certain attraction for us all as he -had just come from the trenches and gave us many vivid pictures of life -at the front. At that time we were all keenly interested in modern -warfare, and Kühlmann’s details of trench fighting held us spellbound -many an afternoon and evening. His other favourite topic of conversation -was <i>Welt-Politik</i>, and on all foreign matters he struck me as -remarkably well informed. At that time we did not regard Von Kühlmann as -an important man, yet the industry with which he attended to his -business attracted everyone’s attention<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_180" id="page_180"></a>{180}</span> even then. Soon, however, I -began to have a feeling that he was exerting a powerful influence in a -quiet, velvety kind of way. He said little, but I realized that he was -listening to everything and storing all kinds of information away in his -mind; he was apparently Wangenheim’s closest confidant, and the man upon -whom the Ambassador was depending for his contact with the German -Foreign Office. About the middle of December, Von Kühlmann left for -Berlin, where he stayed about two weeks. On his return, in the early -part of January, 1915, there was a noticeable change in the atmosphere -of the German Embassy. Up to that time Wangenheim had discussed peace -negotiations more or less informally, but now he took up the matter -specifically. I gathered that Kühlmann had been called to Berlin to -receive all the latest details on this subject, and that he had come -back with the definite instructions that Wangenheim should move at once. -In all my talks with the German Ambassador on peace, Kühlmann was always -hovering in the background; at one most important conference he was -present, though he participated hardly at all in the conversation, but -his rôle, as usual, was that of a subordinate and quietly eager -listener.</p> - -<p>Wangenheim now informed me that January, 1915, would be an excellent -time to end the war. Italy had not yet entered, though there was every -reason to believe that she would do so by spring. Bulgaria and Rumania -were still holding aloof, though no one expected that their waiting -attitude would last forever. France and England were preparing for the -first of the “spring offensives,” and the Germans had no assurance that -it would not succeed; indeed, they much feared<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_181" id="page_181"></a>{181}</span> that the German armies -would meet disaster. The British and French warships were gathering at -the Dardanelles; and the German General Staff and practically all -military and naval experts in Constantinople believed that the Allied -fleets could force their way through and capture the city. Most Turks by -this time were sick of the war, and Germany always had in mind that -Turkey might make a separate peace. Afterward I discovered that whenever -the military situation looked ominous to Germany, she was always -thinking about peace, but that if the situation improved she would -immediately become warlike again; it was a case of sick-devil, -well-devil. Yet, badly as Wangenheim wanted peace in January, 1915, it -was quite apparent that he was not thinking of a permanent peace. The -greatest obstacle to peace at that time was the fact that Germany showed -no signs that she regretted her crimes, and there was not the slightest -evidence of the sackcloth in Wangenheim’s attitude now. Germany had made -a bad guess, that was all; what Wangenheim and the other Germans saw in -the situation was that their stock of wheat, cotton, and copper was -inadequate for a protracted struggle. In my notes of my conversations -with Wangenheim I find him frequently using such phrases as the “next -war,” “next time,” and, in confidently looking forward to another -greater world cataclysm than the present, he merely reflected the -attitude of the dominant junker-military class. The Germans apparently -wanted a reconciliation—a kind of an armistice—that would give their -generals and industrial leaders time to prepare for the next conflict. -At that time, nearly four years ago, Germany was moving for practically -the same kind<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_182" id="page_182"></a>{182}</span> of peace negotiations which she has suggested many times -since and is suggesting now; Wangenheim’s plan was that representatives -of the warring powers should gather around a table and settle things on -the principle of “give and take.” He said that there was no sense in -demanding that each side state its terms in advance.</p> - -<p>“For both sides to state their terms in advance would ruin the whole -thing,” he said. “What would we do? Germany, of course, would make -claims which the other side would regard as ridiculously extravagant. -The Entente would state terms which would put all Germany in a rage. As -a result, both sides would get so angry that there would be no -conference. No—if we really want to end this war we must have an -armistice. Once we stop fighting, we shall not go at it again. History -presents no instance in a great war where an armistice has not resulted -in peace. It will be so in this case.”</p> - -<p>Yet, from Wangenheim’s conversation I did obtain a slight inkling of -Germany’s terms. The matter of Egypt and Mesopotamia, set forth above, -was one of them. Wangenheim was quite insistent that Germany must have -permanent naval bases in Belgium, with which her navy could at all times -threaten England with blockade and so make sure “the freedom of the -seas.” Germany wanted coaling rights everywhere; this demand looks -absurd because Germany has always possessed such rights in peace times. -She might give France a piece of Lorraine and a part of Belgium—perhaps -Brussels—in return for the payment of an indemnity.</p> - -<p>Wangenheim requested that I should place Germany’s case before the -American Government. My letter to Washington is dated January 11, 1915. -It<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_183" id="page_183"></a>{183}</span> went fully into the internal situation which then prevailed and gave -the reasons why Germany and Turkey desired peace.</p> - -<p>A particularly interesting part of this incident was that Germany was -apparently ignoring Austria. Pallavicini, the Austrian Ambassador, knew -nothing of the pending negotiations until I myself informed him of them. -In thus ignoring his ally, the German Ambassador meant no personal -disrespect; he was merely treating him precisely as his Foreign Office -was treating Vienna—not as an equal, but practically as a retainer. The -world is familiar enough with Germany’s military and diplomatic -absorption of Austria-Hungary, but that Wangenheim should have made so -important a move as to attempt peace negotiations and have left it to -Pallavicini to learn about it through a third party shows that, as far -back as January, 1915, the Austro-Hungarian Empire had ceased to be an -independent nation.</p> - -<p>Nothing came of this proposal, of course. Our Government declined to -take action, evidently not regarding the time as opportune. Both Germany -and Turkey, as I shall tell, recurred to this subject afterward. This -particular negotiation ended in the latter part of March, when Kühlmann -left Constantinople to become Minister at The Hague. He came and paid -his farewell call at the American Embassy, as charming, as entertaining, -and as debonair as ever. His last words, as he shook my hand and left -the building, were—subsequent events have naturally caused me to -remember them:</p> - -<p>“We shall have peace within three months, Excellency!”</p> - -<p>This little scene took place, and this happy forecast was made, in -March, 1915!<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_184" id="page_184"></a>{184}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XVI" id="CHAPTER_XVI"></a>CHAPTER XVI<br /><br /> -<small>THE TURKS PREPARE TO FLEE FROM CONSTANTINOPLE AND ESTABLISH A NEW CAPITAL IN ASIA MINOR—THE ALLIED FLEET BOMBARDING THE DARDANELLES</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">P</span>ROBABLY one thing that stimulated this German desire for peace was the -situation at the Dardanelles. In early January, when Wangenheim -persuaded me to write my letter to Washington, Constantinople was in a -state of the utmost excitement. It was reported that the Allies had -assembled a fleet of forty warships at the mouth of the Dardanelles and -that they intended to attempt the forcing of the straits. What made the -situation particularly tense was the belief, which then generally -prevailed in Constantinople, that such an attempt would succeed. -Wangenheim shared this belief, and so in a modified form, did Von der -Goltz, who probably knew as much about the Dardanelles defenses as any -other man, as he had for years been Turkey’s military instructor. I find -in my diary Von der Goltz’s precise opinion on this point, as reported -to me by Wangenheim, and I quote it exactly as written at that time: -“Although he thought it was almost impossible to force the Dardanelles, -still, if England thought it an important move of the general war, they -could, by sacrificing ten ships, force the entrance, and do it very -fast, and be up in the Marmora within ten hours from the time they -forced it.”<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_185" id="page_185"></a>{185}</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_224_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_224_sml.jpg" width="500" height="415" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">THE AMERICAN EMBASSY STAFF<br /> -under the Ambassadorship of Mr. Morgenthau.</p></div> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 322px;"> -<a href="images/i_225_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_225_sml.jpg" width="322" height="500" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">THE MODERN TURKISH SOLDIER</p> - -<p class="c">In the uniform and equipment introduced by the Germans. The fez—the -immemorial symbol of the Ottoman—is replaced by a modern helmet.</p></div> -</div> - -<p>The very day that Wangenheim gave me this expert opinion of Von der -Goltz, he asked me to store several cases of his valuables in the -American Embassy. Evidently he was making preparations for his own -departure.</p> - -<p>Reading the Cromer report on the Dardanelles bombardment, I find that -Admiral Sir John Fisher, then First Sea Lord, placed the price of -success at twelve ships. Evidently Von der Goltz and Fisher did not -differ materially in their estimates.</p> - -<p>The situation of Turkey, when these first rumours of an allied -bombardment reached us, was fairly desperate. On all sides there were -evidences of the fear and panic that had stricken not only the populace, -but the official classes. Calamities from all sides were apparently -closing in on the country. Up to January 1, 1915, Turkey had done -nothing to justify her participation in the war; on the contrary, she -had met defeat practically everywhere. Djemal, as already recorded, had -left Constantinople as the prospective “Conqueror of Egypt,” but his -expedition had proved to be a bloody and humiliating failure. Enver’s -attempt to redeem the Caucasus from Russian rule had resulted in an even -more frightful military disaster. He had ignored the advice of the -Germans, which was to let the Russians advance to Sivas and make his -stand there, and, instead, he had boldly attempted to gain Russian -territory in the Caucasus. This army had been defeated at every point, -but the military reverses did not end its sufferings. The Turks had a -most inadequate medical and sanitary service; typhus and dysentery broke -out in all the camps, the deaths from these diseases reaching 100,000 -men. Dreadful stories<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_186" id="page_186"></a>{186}</span> were constantly coming in, telling of the -sufferings of these soldiers. That England was preparing for an invasion -of Mesopotamia was well known, and no one at that time had any reason to -believe that it would not succeed. Every day the Turks expected the news -that the Bulgarians had declared war and were marching on -Constantinople, and they knew that such an attack would necessarily -bring in Rumania and Greece. It was no diplomatic secret that Italy was -waiting only for the arrival of warm weather to join the Allies. At this -moment the Russian fleet was bombarding Trebizond, on the Black Sea, and -was daily expected at the entrance to the Bosphorus. Meanwhile, the -domestic situation was deplorable: all over Turkey thousands of the -populace were daily dying of starvation; practically all able-bodied men -had been taken into the army, so that only a few were left to till the -fields; the criminal requisitions had almost destroyed all business; the -treasury was in a more exhausted state than normally, for the closing of -the Dardanelles and the blockading of the Mediterranean ports had -stopped all imports and customs dues; and the increasing wrath of the -people seemed likely any day to break out against Talaat and his -associates. And now, surrounded by increasing troubles on every hand, -the Turks learned that this mighty armada of England and her allies was -approaching, determined to destroy the defenses and capture the city. At -that time there was no force which the Turks feared so greatly as they -feared the British fleet. Its tradition of several centuries of -uninterrupted victories had completely seized their imagination. It -seemed to them superhuman—the one overwhelming power which it was -hopeless to contest.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_187" id="page_187"></a>{187}</span></p> - -<p>Wangenheim and also nearly all of the German military and naval forces -not only regarded the forcing of the Dardanelles as possible, but they -believed it to be inevitable. The possibility of British success was one -of the most familiar topics of discussion, and the weight of opinion, -both lay and professional, inclined in favour of the Allied fleets. -Talaat told me that an attempt to force the straits would succeed—it -only depended on England’s willingness to sacrifice a few ships. The -real reason why Turkey had sent a force against Egypt, Talaat added, was -to divert England from making an attack on the Gallipoli peninsula. The -state of mind that existed is shown by the fact that, on January 1st, -the Turkish Government had made preparations for two trains, one of -which was to take the Sultan and his suite to Asia Minor, while the -other was intended for Wangenheim, Pallavicini, and the rest of the -diplomatic corps. On January 2d, I had an illuminating talk with -Pallavicini. He showed me a certificate given him by Bedri, the Prefect -of Police, passing him and his secretaries and servants on one of these -emergency trains. He also had seat tickets for himself and all of his -suite. He said that each train would have only three cars, so that it -could make great speed; he had been told to have everything ready to -start at an hour’s notice. Wangenheim made little attempt to conceal his -apprehensions. He told me that he had made all preparations to send his -wife to Berlin, and he invited Mrs. Morgenthau to accompany her, so that -she, too, could be removed from the danger zone. Wangenheim showed the -fear, which was then the prevailing one, that a successful bombardment -would lead to fires and massacres in Constantinople<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_188" id="page_188"></a>{188}</span> as well as in the -rest of Turkey. In anticipation of such disturbances he made a -characteristic suggestion. Should the fleet pass the Dardanelles, he -said, the life of no Englishman in Turkey would be safe—they would all -be massacred. As it was so difficult to tell an Englishman from an -American, he proposed that I should give the Americans a distinctive -button to wear, which would protect them from Turkish violence. As I was -convinced that Wangenheim’s real purpose was to arrange some sure means -of identifying the English and of so subjecting them to Turkish -ill-treatment, I refused to act on this amiable suggestion.</p> - -<p>Another incident illustrates the nervous tension which prevailed in -those January days. I noticed that some shutters at the British Embassy -were open, so Mrs. Morgenthau and I went up to investigate. In the early -days we had sealed this building, which had been left in my charge, and -this was the first time we had broken the seals to enter. About two -hours after we returned from this tour of inspection, Wangenheim came -into my office in one of his now familiar agitated moods. It had been -reported, he said, that Mrs. Morgenthau and I had been up to the Embassy -getting it ready for the British Admiral, who expected soon to take -possession!</p> - -<p>All this seems a little absurd now, for, in fact, the Allied fleets made -no attack at that time. At the very moment when the whole of -Constantinople was feverishly awaiting the British dreadnaughts, the -British Cabinet in London was merely considering the advisability of -such an enterprise. The record shows that Petrograd, on January 2d, -telegraphed the British Government, asking that some kind of a -demonstration<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_189" id="page_189"></a>{189}</span> be made against the Turks, who were pressing the Russians -in the Caucasus. Though an encouraging reply was immediately sent to -this request, it was not until January 28th that the British Cabinet -definitely issued orders for an attack on the Dardanelles. It is no -longer a secret that there was no unanimous confidence in the success of -such an undertaking. Admiral Carden recorded his belief that the strait -“could not be rushed, but that extended operations with a large number -of ships might succeed.” The penalty of failure, he added, would be the -great loss that England would suffer in prestige and influence in the -East; how true this prophecy proved I shall have occasion to show. Up to -this time one of the fundamental and generally accepted axioms of naval -operations had been that warships should not attempt to attack fixed -land fortifications. But the Germans had demonstrated the power of -mobile guns against fortresses in their destruction of the emplacements -at Liége and Namur, and there was a belief in some quarters of England -that these events had modified this naval principle. Mr. Churchill, at -that time the head of the Admiralty, placed great confidence in the -destructive power of a new superdreadnaught which had just been -finished—the <i>Queen Elizabeth</i>—and which was then on its way to join -the Mediterranean fleet.</p> - -<p>We in Constantinople knew nothing about these deliberations then, but -the result became apparent in the latter part of February. On the -afternoon of the nineteenth, Pallavicini, the Austrian Ambassador, came -to me with important news. The Marquis was a man of great personal -dignity, yet it was apparent that he was this day exceedingly nervous, -and, indeed,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_190" id="page_190"></a>{190}</span> he made no attempt to conceal his apprehension. The Allied -fleets, he said, had reopened their attack on the Dardanelles, and this -time their bombardment had been extremely ferocious. At that hour things -were going badly for the Austrians; the Russian armies were advancing -victoriously; Serbia had hurled the Austrians over the frontier, and the -European press was filled with prognostications of the break up of the -Austrian Empire. Pallavicini’s attitude this afternoon was a perfect -reflection of the dangers that were then encompassing his country. He -was a sensitive and proud man; proud of his emperor and proud of what he -regarded as the great Austro-Hungarian Empire; and he now appeared to be -overburdened by the fear that this extensive Hapsburg fabric, which had -withstood the assaults of so many centuries, was rapidly being -overwhelmed with ruin. Like most human beings, Pallavicini yearned for -sympathy; he could obtain none from Wangenheim, who seldom took him into -his confidence and consistently treated him as the representative of a -nation that was compelled to submit to the overlordship of Germany. -Perhaps that was the reason why the Austrian Ambassador used to pour out -his heart to me. And now this Allied bombardment of the Dardanelles came -as the culmination of all his troubles. At this time the Central Powers -believed that they had Russia bottled up; that they had sealed the -Dardanelles, and that she could neither get her wheat to market nor -import the munitions needed for carrying on the war. Germany and Austria -thus had a stranglehold on their gigantic foe, and, if this condition -could be maintained indefinitely, the collapse of Russia would be -inevitable. At present, it is true,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_191" id="page_191"></a>{191}</span> the Czar’s forces were making a -victorious campaign, and this in itself was sufficiently alarming to -Austria; but their present supplies of war materials would ultimately be -exhausted and then their great superiority in men would help them little -and they would inevitably go to pieces. But should Russia get -Constantinople, with the control of the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus, -she could obtain all the munitions needed for warfare on the largest -scale, and the defeat of the Central Powers might immediately follow; -and such a defeat, Pallavicini well understood, would be far more -serious for Austria than for Germany. Wangenheim had told me that it was -Germany’s plan, in case the Austro-Hungarian Empire disintegrated, to -incorporate her 12,000,000 Germans in the Hohenzollern domain, and -Pallavicini, of course, was familiar with this danger. The Allied attack -on the Dardanelles thus meant to Pallavicini the extinction of his -country, for if we are properly to understand his state of mind we must -remember that he firmly believed, as did almost all the other important -men in Constantinople, that such an attack would succeed.</p> - -<p>Wangenheim’s existence was made miserable by this same haunting -conviction. As I have already shown, the bottling up of Russia was -almost exclusively the German Ambassador’s performance. He had brought -the <i>Goeben</i> and the <i>Breslau</i> into Constantinople, and by this -manœuvre had precipitated Turkey into the war. The forcing of the -strait would mean more than the transformation of Russia into a -permanent and powerful participant in the war; it meant—and this was by -no means an unimportant consideration with Wangenheim—the undoing of -his great personal<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_192" id="page_192"></a>{192}</span> achievement. Yet Wangenheim showed his apprehensions -quite differently from Pallavicini. In true German fashion, he resorted -to threats and bravado. He gave no external signs of depression, but his -whole body tingled with rage. He was not deploring his fate; he was -looking for ways of striking back. He would sit in my office, smoking -with his usual energy, and tell me all the terrible things which he -proposed to do to his enemy. The thing that particularly preyed upon -Wangenheim’s mind was the exposed position of the German Embassy. It -stood on a high hill, one of the most conspicuous buildings in the town, -a perfect target for an enterprising English admiral. Almost the first -object the British fleet would sight, as it entered the harbour, would -be this yellow monument of the Hohenzollerns, and the temptation to -shell it might prove irresistible.</p> - -<p>“Let them dare destroy my Embassy!” Wangenheim said. “I’ll get even with -them! If they fire a single shot at it, we’ll blow up the French and the -English embassies! Go tell the Admiral that, won’t you? Tell him also -that we have the dynamite all ready to do it!”</p> - -<p>Wangenheim also showed great anxiety over the proposed removal of the -Government to Eski-Shehr. In early January, when everyone was expecting -the arrival of the Allied fleet, preparations had been made for moving -the Government to Asia Minor; and now, at the first rumbling of the -British and French guns, the special trains were prepared once more, -Wangenheim and Pallavicini both told me of their unwillingness to -accompany the Sultan and the Government to Asia Minor. Should the Allies -capture Constantinople,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_193" id="page_193"></a>{193}</span> the ambassadors of the Central Powers would -find themselves cut off from their home countries and completely in the -hands of the Turks. “The Turks could then hold us as hostages,” said -Wangenheim. They urged Talaat to establish the emergency government at -Adrianople, from which town they could motor in and out of -Constantinople, and then, in case the city were captured, they could -make their escape home. The Turks, on the other hand, refused to adopt -this suggestion because they feared an attack from Bulgaria. Wangenheim -and Pallavicini now found themselves between two fires. If they stayed -in Constantinople, they might become prisoners of the English and -French; on the other hand, if they went to Eski-Shehr, it was not -unlikely that they would become prisoners of the Turks. Many evidences -of the flimsy basis on which rested the Germano-Turkish alliance had -come to my attention, but this was about the most illuminating. -Wangenheim knew, as did everybody else, that, in case the French and -English captured Constantinople, the Turks would vent their rage not -mainly against the Entente, but against the Germans who had enticed them -into the war.</p> - -<p>It all seems so strange now, this conviction that was uppermost in the -minds of everybody then—that the success of the Allied fleets against -the Dardanelles was inevitable and that the capture of Constantinople -was a matter of only a few days. I recall an animated discussion that -took place at the American Embassy on the afternoon of February 24th. -The occasion was Mrs. Morgenthau’s weekly reception—meetings which -furnished almost the only opportunity in those days for the -foregathering of the diplomats. Practically all<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_194" id="page_194"></a>{194}</span> were on hand this -afternoon. The first great bombardment of the Dardanelles had taken -place five days before; this had practically destroyed the -fortifications at the mouth of the strait. There was naturally only one -subject of discussion: Would the Allied fleets get through? What would -happen if they did? Everybody expressed an opinion, Wangenheim, -Pallavicini, Garroni, the Italian Ambassador; D’Anckarsvard, the Swedish -Minister; Koloucheff, the Bulgarian Minister; Kühlmann; and -Scharfenberg, First Secretary of the German Embassy, and it was the -unanimous opinion that the Allied attack would succeed. I particularly -remember Kühlmann’s attitude. He discussed the capture of Constantinople -almost as though it was something which had taken place already. The -Persian Ambassador showed great anxiety; his embassy stood not far from -the Sublime Porte; he told me that he feared that the latter building -would be bombarded and that a few stray shots might easily set afire his -own residence, and he asked if he might move his archives to the -American Embassy. The wildest rumours were afloat; we were told that the -Standard Oil agent at the Dardanelles had counted seventeen transports -loaded with troops; that the warships had already fired 800 shots and -had levelled all the hills at the entrance; and that Talaat’s bodyguard -had been shot—the implication being that the bullet had missed its -intended victim. It was said that the whole Turkish populace was aflame -with the fear that the English and the French, when they reached the -city, would celebrate the event by a wholesale attack on Turkish women. -The latter reports were, of course, absurd; they were merely -characteristic rumours set<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_195" id="page_195"></a>{195}</span> afloat by the Germans and their Turkish -associates. The fact is that the great mass of the people in -Constantinople were probably praying that the Allied attack would -succeed and so release them from the control of the political gang that -then ruled the country.</p> - -<p>And in all this excitement there was one lonely and despondent -figure—this was Talaat. Whenever I saw him in those critical days, he -was the picture of desolation and defeat. The Turks, like most primitive -peoples, wear their emotions on the surface, and with them the -transition from exultation to despair is a rapid one. The thunder of the -British guns at the straits apparently spelled doom to Talaat. The -letter carrier of Adrianople seemed to have reached the end of his -career. He again confided to me his expectation that the English would -capture the Turkish capital, and once more he said that he was sorry -that Turkey had entered the war. Talaat well knew what would happen as -soon as the Allied fleet entered the Sea of Marmora. According to the -report of the Cromer Commission, Lord Kitchener, in giving his assent to -a purely naval expedition, had relied upon a revolution in Turkey to -make the enterprise successful. Lord Kitchener has been much criticized -for his part in the Dardanelles attack; I owe it to his memory, however, -to say that on this point he was absolutely right. Had the Allied fleets -once passed the defenses at the straits, the administration of the Young -Turks would have come to a bloody end. As soon as the guns began to -fire, placards appeared on the hoardings, denouncing Talaat and his -associates as responsible for all the woes that had come to Turkey. -Bedri, the Prefect of Police, was busy collecting all the unemployed -young men and sending<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_196" id="page_196"></a>{196}</span> them out of the city; his purpose was to free -Constantinople of all who might start a revolution against the Young -Turks. It was a common report that Bedri feared this revolution much -more than he feared the British fleet. And this was the same Nemesis -that was every moment now pursuing Talaat.</p> - -<p>A single episode illustrates the nervous excitement that prevailed. Dr. -Lederer, the correspondent of the <i>Berliner Tageblatt</i>, made a short -visit to the Dardanelles, and, on his return, reported to certain ladies -of the diplomatic circle that the German officers had told him that they -were wearing their shrouds, as they expected any minute to be buried -there. This statement went around the city like wild fire, and Dr. -Lederer was threatened with arrest for making it. He appealed to me for -help; I took him to Wangenheim, who refused to have anything to do with -him; Lederer, he said, was an Austrian subject, although he represented -a German newspaper. His anger at Lederer for this indiscretion was -extreme. But I finally succeeded in getting the unpopular journalist -into the Austrian Embassy, where he was harboured for the night. In a -few days, Lederer had to leave town.</p> - -<p>In the midst of all this excitement, there was one person who was -apparently not at all disturbed. Though ambassadors, generals, and -politicians might anticipate the worst calamities, Enver’s voice was -reassuring and quiet. The man’s coolness and really courageous spirit -never shone to better advantage. In late December and January, when the -city had its first fright over the bombardment, Enver was fighting the -Russians in the Caucasus. His experiences in this campaign, as already -described, had been far from<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_197" id="page_197"></a>{197}</span> glorious. Enver had left Constantinople in -November to join his army, an expectant conqueror; he returned, in the -latter part of January, the commander of a thoroughly beaten and -demoralized force. Such a disastrous experience would have utterly -ruined almost any other military leader, and that Enver felt his -reverses keenly was evident from the way in which he kept himself from -public view. I had my first glimpse of him, after his return, at a -concert, given for the benefit of the Red Crescent. At this affair Enver -sat far back in a box, as though he intended to keep as much as possible -out of sight; it was quite apparent that he was uncertain as to the -cordiality of his reception by the public. All the important people in -Constantinople, the Crown Prince, the members of the Cabinet, and the -ambassadors attended this function, and, in accordance with the usual -custom, the Crown Prince sent for these dignitaries, one after another, -for a few words of greeting and congratulation. After that the visiting -from box to box became general. The heir to the throne sent for Enver as -well as the rest, and this recognition evidently gave him a new courage, -for he began to mingle with the diplomats, who also treated him with the -utmost cordiality and courtesy. Enver apparently regarded this -favourable notice as having reëstablished his standing, and now once -more he assumed a leading part in the crisis. A few days afterward he -discussed the situation with me. He was much astonished, he said, at the -fear that so generally prevailed, and he was disgusted at the -preparations that had been made to send away the Sultan and the -Government and practically leave the city a prey to the English. He did -not believe that the Allied fleets<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_198" id="page_198"></a>{198}</span> could force the Dardanelles; he had -recently inspected all the fortifications and he had every confidence in -their ability to resist successfully. Even though the ships did get -through, he insisted that Constantinople should be defended to the last -man.</p> - -<p>Yet Enver’s assurance did not satisfy his associates. They had made all -their arrangements for the British fleet. If, in spite of the most -heroic resistance the Turkish armies could make, it still seemed likely -that the Allies were about to capture the city, the ruling powers had -their final plans all prepared. They proposed to do to this great -capital precisely what the Russians had done to Moscow, when Napoleon -appeared before it.</p> - -<p>“They will never capture an existing city,” they told me, “only a heap -of ashes.” As a matter of fact, this was no idle threat. I was told that -cans of petroleum had been already stored in all the police stations and -other places, ready to fire the town at a moment’s notice. As -Constantinople is largely built of wood, this would have been no very -difficult task. But they were determined to destroy more than these -temporary structures; the plans aimed at the beautiful architectural -monuments built by the Christians long before the Turkish occupation. -The Turks had particularly marked for dynamiting the Mosque of Saint -Sophia. This building, which had been a Christian church centuries -before it became a Mohammedan mosque, is one of the most magnificent -structures of the vanished Byzantine Empire. Naturally the suggestion of -such an act of vandalism aroused us all, and I made a plea to Talaat -that Saint Sophia should be spared. He treated the proposed destruction -lightly.</p> - -<p>“There are not six men in the Committee of Union<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_199" id="page_199"></a>{199}</span> and Progress,” he told -me, “who care for anything that is old. We all like new things!”</p> - -<p>That was all the satisfaction I obtained in this matter at that time.</p> - -<p>Enver’s insistence that the Dardanelles could resist caused his -associates to lose confidence in his judgment. About a year afterward, -Bedri Bey, the Prefect of Police, gave me additional details. While -Enver was still in the Caucasus, Bedri said, Talaat had called a -conference, a kind of council of war, on the Dardanelles. This had been -attended by Liman von Sanders, the German general who had reorganized -the Turkish army; Usedom, the German admiral who was the -inspector-general of the Ottoman coast defenses, Bronssart, the German -Chief of Staff of the Turkish army, and several others. Every man -present gave it as his opinion that the British and French fleets could -force the straits; the only subject of dispute, said Bedri, was whether -it would take the ships eight or twenty hours to reach Constantinople -after they had destroyed the defenses. Enver’s position was well -understood, but this council decided to ignore him and to make the -preparations without his knowledge—to eliminate the Minister of War, at -least temporarily, from their deliberations.</p> - -<p>In early March, Bedri and Djambolat, who was Director of Public Safety, -came to see me. At that time the exodus from the capital had begun; -Turkish women and children were being moved into the interior; all the -banks had been compelled to send their gold into Asia Minor; the -archives of the Sublime Porte had already been carried to Eski-Shehr; -and practically all the ambassadors and their suites, as well as most -of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_200" id="page_200"></a>{200}</span> the government officials, had made their preparations to leave. The -Director of the Museum, who was one of the six Turks to whom Talaat had -referred as “liking old things” had buried many of Constantinople’s -finest works of art in cellars or covered them for protection. Bedri -came to arrange the details of my departure. As ambassador I was -personally accredited to the Sultan, and it would obviously be my duty, -said Bedri, to go wherever the Sultan went. The train was all ready, he -added; he wished to know how many people I intended to take, so that -sufficient space could be reserved. To this proposal I entered a flat -refusal. I informed Bedri that I thought that my responsibilities made -it necessary for me to remain in Constantinople. Only a neutral -ambassador, I said, could forestall massacres and the destruction of the -city, and certainly I owed it to the civilized world to prevent, if I -could, such calamities as these. If my position as ambassador made it -inevitable that I should follow the Sultan, I would resign and become -honorary Consul-General.</p> - -<p>Both Bedri and Djambolat were much younger and less experienced men than -I, and I therefore told them that they needed a man of maturer years to -advise them in an international crisis of this kind. I was not only -interested in protecting foreigners and American institutions, but I was -also interested, on general humanitarian grounds, in safeguarding the -Turkish population from the excesses that were generally expected. The -several nationalities, many of them containing elements which were given -to pillage and massacre, were causing great anxiety. I therefore -proposed to Bedri and Djambolat that the three of us form a kind of a -committee to take control in the approaching crisis.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_201" id="page_201"></a>{201}</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_242a_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_242a_sml.jpg" width="500" height="363" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">THE MINISTRY OF WAR</p> - -<p>This was the headquarters of Enver Pasha. It was in this building -that Enver gave Mr. Morgenthau his promise not to ill-treat enemy -aliens. “Will you be modern?” asked the American Ambassador. -“No—not modern,” said Enver, probably thinking of Belgium, “that -is the most barbaric system of all—Turkey will simply try to be -decent!” -</p></div> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_242b_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_242b_sml.jpg" width="500" height="367" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">THE MINISTRY OF MARINE</p> - -<p>Headquarters of Djemal, who, soon after war started, went to Syria -as commander of the Fourth Army Corps. Later Enver occupied this -office in addition to that of Minister of War. The position was not -an onerous one, as the Turkish navy played little part in the war.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 339px;"> -<a href="images/i_243a_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_243a_sml.jpg" width="339" height="500" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">HALIL BEY IN BERLIN</p> -<p>President of the Turkish Parliament and a leader of the Young -Turks—afterward Minister for Foreign Affairs.</p></div> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 343px;"> -<a href="images/i_243b_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_243b_sml.jpg" width="343" height="500" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">TALAAT AND KÜHLMANN</p> - -<p>Kühlmann, now Foreign Minister, was in 1915 in Constantinople, -acting as go-between in peace negotiations.</p></div> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_243c_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_243c_sml.jpg" width="500" height="372" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">GENERAL MERTENS</p> - -<p class="c">The German chief technical officer at the Dardanelles and Admiral Von -Usedom, inspector general of Ottoman coast defenses.</p></div> -</div> - -<p>They consented and the three of us sat down and decided on a course of -action. We took a map of Constantinople and marked the districts which, -under the existing rules of warfare, we agreed that the Allied fleet -would have the right to bombard. Thus, we decided that the War Office, -Marine Office, telegraph offices, railroad stations, and all public -buildings could quite legitimately be made the targets for their guns. -Then we marked out certain zones which we should insist on regarding as -immune. The main residential section, and the part where all the -embassies are located, is Pera, the district on the north shore of the -Golden Horn. This we marked as not subject to attack. We also delimited -certain residential areas of Stamboul and Galata, the Turkish sections. -I telegraphed to Washington, asking the State Department to obtain a -ratification of these plans and an agreement to respect these zones of -safety from the British and French governments. I received a reply -indorsing my action.</p> - -<p>All preparations had thus been made. At the station stood the trains -which were to take the Sultan and the Government and the ambassadors to -Asia Minor. They had steam up, ready to move at a minute’s notice. We -were all awaiting the triumphant arrival of the Allied fleet.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_202" id="page_202"></a>{202}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XVII" id="CHAPTER_XVII"></a>CHAPTER XVII<br /><br /> -<small>ENVER AS THE MAN WHO DEMONSTRATED “THE VULNERABILITY OF THE BRITISH FLEET”—OLD-FASHIONED DEFENSES OF THE DARDANELLES</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">W</span>HEN the situation had reached this exciting stage, Enver asked me to -visit the Dardanelles. He still insisted that the fortifications were -impregnable and he could not understand, he said, the panic which was -then raging in Constantinople. He had visited the Dardanelles himself, -had inspected every gun and every emplacement, and he was entirely -confident that his soldiers could hold off the Allied fleet -indefinitely. He had taken Talaat down, and by doing so he had -considerably eased that statesman’s fears. It was Enver’s conviction -that, if I should visit the fortifications, I would be persuaded that -the fleets could never get through, and that I would thus be able to -give such assurances to the people that the prevailing excitement would -subside. I disregarded certain natural doubts as to whether an -ambassador should expose himself to the dangers of such a situation—the -ships were bombarding nearly every day—and promptly accepted Enver’s -invitation.</p> - -<p>On the morning of the 15th, we left Constantinople on the <i>Yuruk</i>. Enver -himself accompanied us as far as Panderma, an Asiatic town on the Sea of -Marmora. The party included several other notables: Ibrahim Bey, the -Minister of Justice; Husni Pasha, the general<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_203" id="page_203"></a>{203}</span> who had commanded the -army which had deposed Abdul Hamid in the Young Turk revolution; and -Senator Cheriff Djafer Pasha, an Arab and a direct descendant of the -Prophet. A particularly congenial companion was Fuad Pasha, an old field -marshal, who had led an adventurous career; despite his age, he had an -immense capacity for enjoyment, was a huge feeder and a capacious -drinker, and had as many stories to tell of exile, battle, and hair -breadth escapes as Othello. All of these men were much older than Enver, -and all of them were descended from far more distinguished ancestors, -yet they treated this stripling with the utmost deference.</p> - -<p>Enver seemed particularly glad of this opportunity to discuss the -situation. Immediately after breakfast, he took me aside, and together -we went up to the deck. The day was a beautiful sunny one, and the sky -in the Marmora was that deep blue which we find only in this part of the -world. What most impressed me was the intense quiet, the almost desolate -inactivity of these silent waters. Our ship was almost the only one in -sight, and this inland sea, which in ordinary times was one of the -world’s greatest commercial highways, was now practically a primeval -waste. The whole scene was merely a reflection of the great triumph -which German diplomacy had accomplished in the Near East. For nearly six -months not a Russian merchant ship had passed through the straits. All -the commerce of Rumania and Bulgaria, which had normally found its way -to Europe across this inland sea, had long since disappeared. The -ultimate significance of all this desolation was that Russia was -blockaded and completely isolated from her allies. How much<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_204" id="page_204"></a>{204}</span> that one -fact has meant in the history of the world for the last three years! And -now England and France were seeking to overcome this disadvantage; to -link up their own military resources with those of their great eastern -ally, and to restore to the Dardanelles and the Marmora the thousands of -ships that meant Russia’s existence as a military and economic, and -even, as subsequent events have shown, as a political power. We were -approaching the scene of one of the great crises of the war.</p> - -<p>Would England and her allies succeed in this enterprise? Would their -ships at the Dardanelles smash the fortifications, break through, and -again make Russia a permanent force in the war? That was the main -subject which Enver and I discussed, as for nearly three hours we walked -up and down the deck. Enver again referred to the “silly panic” that had -seized nearly all classes in the capital. “Even though Bulgaria and -Greece both turn against us,” he said, “we shall defend Constantinople -to the end. We have plenty of guns, plenty of ammunition, and we have -these on terra firma, whereas the English and French batteries are -floating ones. And the natural advantages of the straits are so great -that the warships can make little progress against them. I do not care -what other people may think. I have studied this problem more thoroughly -than any of them, and I feel that I am right. As long as I am at the -head of the War Department, we shall not give up. Indeed, I do not know -just what these English and French battleships are driving at. Suppose -that they rush the Dardanelles, get into the Marmora and reach -Constantinople; what good will that do them? They can bombard and -destroy the city, I admit; but they cannot capture it,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_205" id="page_205"></a>{205}</span> as they have -only a few troops to land. Unless they do bring a large army, they will -really be caught in a trap. They can perhaps stay here for two or three -weeks until their food and supplies are all exhausted and then they will -have to go back—rush the straits again, and again run the risk of -annihilation. In the meantime, we would have repaired the forts, brought -in troops, and made ourselves ready for them. It seems to me to be a -very foolish enterprise.”</p> - -<p>I have already told how Enver had taken Napoleon as his model, and in -this Dardanelles expedition he now apparently saw a Napoleonic -opportunity. As we were pacing the deck he stopped a moment, looked at -me earnestly, and said:</p> - -<p>“I shall go down in history as the man who demonstrated the -vulnerability of England and her fleet. I shall show that her navy is -not invincible. I was in England a few years before the war and -discussed England’s position with many of her leading men, such as -Asquith, Churchill, Haldane. I told them that their course was wrong. -Winston Churchill declared that England could defend herself with her -navy alone, and that she needed no large army. I told Churchill that no -great empire could last that did not have both an army and a navy. I -found that Churchill’s opinion was the one that prevailed everywhere in -England. There was only one man I met who agreed with me, that was Lord -Roberts. Well, Churchill has now sent his fleet down here—perhaps to -show me that his navy can do all that he said it could do. Now we’ll -see.”</p> - -<p>Enver seemed to regard his naval expedition as a personal challenge from -Mr. Churchill to himself—almost like a continuation of their argument -in London.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_206" id="page_206"></a>{206}</span></p> - -<p>“You, too, should have a large army,” said Enver, referring to the -United States.</p> - -<p>“I do not believe,” he went on, “that England is trying to force the -Dardanelles because Russia has asked her to. When I was in England I -discussed with Churchill the possibility of a general war. He asked me -what Turkey would do in such a case, and said that, if we took Germany’s -side, the British fleet would force the Dardanelles and capture -Constantinople. Churchill is not trying to help Russia—he is carrying -out the threat made to me at that time.”</p> - -<p>Enver spoke with the utmost determination and conviction; he said that -nearly all the damage inflicted on the outside forts had been repaired, -and that the Turks had methods of defense the existence of which the -enemy little suspected. He showed great bitterness against the English; -he accused them of attempting to bribe Turkish officials and even said -that they had instigated attempts upon his own life. On the other hand, -he displayed no particular friendliness toward the Germans. Wangenheim’s -overbearing manners had caused him much irritation, and the Turks, he -said, got on none too well with the German officers.</p> - -<p>“The Turks and Germans,” he added, “care nothing for each other. We are -with them because it is our interest to be with them; they are with us -because that is their interest. Germany will back Turkey just so long as -that helps Germany; Turkey will back Germany just so long as that helps -Turkey.”</p> - -<p>Enver seemed much impressed at the close of our interview with the -intimate personal relations which we had established with each other. He -apparently believed that he, the great Enver, the Napoleon of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_207" id="page_207"></a>{207}</span> -Turkish Revolution, had unbended in discussing his nation’s affairs with -a mere ambassador.</p> - -<p>“You know,” he said, “that there is no one in Germany with whom the -Emperor talks as intimately as I have talked with you to-day.”</p> - -<p>We reached Panderma about two o’clock. Here Enver and his auto were put -ashore and our party started again, our boat arriving at Gallipoli late -in the afternoon. We anchored in the harbour and spent the night on -board. All the evening we could hear the guns bombarding the -fortifications, but these reminders of war and death did not affect the -spirits of my Turkish hosts. The occasion was for them a great lark; -they had spent several months in hard, exacting work, and now they -behaved like boys suddenly let out for a vacation. They cracked jokes, -told stories, sang the queerest kinds of songs, and played childish -pranks upon one another. The venerable Fuad, despite his nearly ninety -years, developed great qualities as an entertainer, and the fact that -his associates made him the butt of most of their horse-play apparently -only added to his enjoyment of the occasion. The amusement reached its -height when one of his friends surreptitiously poured him a glass of -eau-de-cologne. The old gentleman looked at the new drink a moment and -then diluted it with water. I was told that the proper way of testing -<i>raki</i>, the popular Turkish tipple, is by mixing it with water; if it -turns white under this treatment, it is the real thing and may be safely -drunk. Apparently water has the same effect upon eau-de-cologne, for the -contents of Fuad’s glass, after this test, turned white. The old -gentleman, therefore, poured the whole thing down his throat without a -grimace<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_208" id="page_208"></a>{208}</span>—much to the hilarious entertainment of his tormentors.</p> - -<p>In the morning we started again. We now had fairly arrived in the -Dardanelles, and from Gallipoli we had a sail of nearly twenty-five -miles to Tchanak Kalé. For the most part this section of the strait is -uninteresting and, from a military point of view, it is unimportant. The -stream is about two miles wide, both sides are low-lying and marshy, and -only a few scrambling villages show any signs of life. I was told that -there were a few ancient fortifications, their rusty guns pointing -toward the Marmora, the emplacements having been erected there in the -early part of the nineteenth century for the purpose of preventing -hostile ships entering from the north. These fortifications, however, -were so inconspicuous that I could not see them; my hosts informed me -that they had no fighting power, and that, indeed, there was nothing in -the northern part of the straits, from Point Nagara to the Marmora, that -could offer resistance to any modern fleet. The chief interest which I -found in this part of the Dardanelles was purely historic and legendary. -The ancient town of Lampsacus appeared in the modern Lapsaki, just -across from Gallipoli, and Nagara Point is the site of the ancient -Abydos, from which village Leander used to swim nightly across the -Hellespont to Hero—a feat which was repeated about one hundred years -ago by Lord Byron. Here also Xerxes crossed from Asia to Greece on a -bridge of boats, embarking on that famous expedition which was to make -him master of mankind. The spirit of Xerxes, I thought, as I passed the -scene of his exploit, is still quite active in the world! The Germans -and Turks had found a less romantic use for this,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_209" id="page_209"></a>{209}</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_252_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_252_sml.jpg" width="500" height="282" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">THE RED CRESCENT</p> - -<p class="c">It here marks a Turkish Field Hospital, as a warning to aviators not to -bomb.</p></div> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 344px;"> -<a href="images/i_253_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_253_sml.jpg" width="344" height="500" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">ENVER PASHA</p> - -<p>“I shall go down in history,” this Turkish leader told Mr. -Morgenthau “as the man who demonstrated the vulnerability of -England and her fleet. I shall show that her navy is not -invincible.”</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class="nind">the narrowest part of the Dardanelles, for here they had stretched a -cable and anti-submarine barrage of mines and nets—a device, which, as -I shall describe, did not keep the English and French underwater boats -out of the Marmora and the Bosphorus. It was not until we rounded this -historic point of Nagara that the dull monotony of flat shores gave -place to a more diversified landscape. On the European side the cliffs -now began to descend precipitously to the water, reminding me of our own -Palisades along the Hudson, and I obtained glimpses of the hills and -mountain ridges that afterward proved such tragical stumbling blocks to -the valiant Allied armies. The configuration of the land south of -Nagara, with its many hills and ridges, made it plain why the military -engineers had selected this stretch of the Dardanelles as the section -best adapted to defense. Our boat was now approaching what was perhaps -the most commanding point in the whole strait—the city Tchanak, or, to -give it its modern European name, Dardanelles. In normal times this was -a thriving port of 16,000 people, its houses built of wood, the -headquarters of a considerable trade in wool and other products, and for -centuries it had been an important military station. Now, excepting for -the soldiers, it was deserted, the large civilian population having been -moved into Anatolia. The British fleet, we were told, had bombarded this -city; yet this statement seemed hardly probable, for I saw only a single -house that had been hit, evidently by a stray shell which had been aimed -at the near-by fortifications.</p> - -<p>Djevad Pasha, the Turkish Commander-in-Chief at the Dardanelles, met us -and escorted our party to headquarters. Djevad was a man of culture and -of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_210" id="page_210"></a>{210}</span> pleasing and cordial manners; as he spoke excellent German I had no -need of an interpreter. I was much impressed by the deference with which -the German officers treated him; that he was the Commander-in-Chief in -this theatre of war, and that the generals of the Kaiser were his -subordinates, was made plainly apparent. As we passed into his office, -Djevad stopped in front of a piece of a torpedo, mounted in the middle -of the hall, evidently as a souvenir.</p> - -<p>“There is the great criminal!” he said, calling my attention to the -relic.</p> - -<p>About this time the newspapers were hailing the exploit of an English -submarine, which had sailed from England to the Dardanelles, passed -under the mine field, and torpedoed the Turkish warship <i>Mesudié</i>.</p> - -<p>“That’s the torpedo that did it!” said Djevad. “You’ll see the wreck of -the ship when you go down.”</p> - -<p>The first fortification I visited was that of Anadolu Hamidié (that is, -Asiatic Hamidié) located on the water’s edge just outside of Tchanak. My -first impression was that I was in Germany. The officers were -practically all Germans and everywhere Germans were building buttresses -with sacks of sand and in other ways strengthening the emplacements. -Here German, not Turkish, was the language heard on every side. Colonel -Wehrle, who conducted me over these batteries, took the greatest delight -in showing them. He had the simple pride of the artist in his work, and -told me of the happiness that had come into his days when Germany had at -last found herself at war. All his life, he said, he had spent in -military practices, and, like most Germans, he had become tired of -manœuvres, sham battles, and other forms of mimic hostilities. Yet -he<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_211" id="page_211"></a>{211}</span> was approaching fifty, he had become a colonel, and he was fearful -that his career would close without actual military experience—and then -the splendid thing had happened and here he was, fighting a real English -enemy, firing real guns and shells! There was nothing brutal about -Wehrle’s manners; he was a “<i>gemütlich</i>” gentleman from Baden, and -thoroughly likable; yet he was all aglow with the spirit of “<i>Der Tag</i>.” -His attitude was simply that of a man who had spent his lifetime -learning a trade and who now rejoiced at the chance of exercising it. -But he furnished an illuminating light on the German military character -and the forces that had really caused the war.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_256_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_256_sml.jpg" width="500" height="368" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -</div> - -<p>Feeling myself so completely in German country, I asked Colonel Wehrle -why there were so few Turks on this side of the strait. “You won’t ask -me that question this afternoon,” he said, smiling, “when you go over to -the other side.”<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_212" id="page_212"></a>{212}</span></p> - -<p>The location of Anadolu Hamidié seemed ideal. It stands right at the -water’s edge, and consists—or it did then—of ten guns, every one -completely sweeping the Dardanelles. Walking upon the parapet, I had a -clear view of the strait, and Kum Kalé, at the entrance, about fifteen -miles away, stood out conspicuously. No warship could enter these waters -without immediately coming within complete sight of her gunners. Yet the -fortress itself, to an unprofessional eye like my own, was not -particularly impressive. The parapet and traverses were merely mounds of -earth, and stand to-day practically as they were finished by their -French constructors in 1837. There is a general belief that the Germans -had completely modernized the Dardanelles defenses, but this was not -true at that time. The guns defending Fort Anadolu Hamidié were more -than thirty years old, all being the Krupp model of 1885, and the rusted -exteriors of some of them gave evidences of their age. Their extreme -range was only about nine miles, while the range of the battleships -opposing them was about ten miles, and that of the <i>Queen Elizabeth</i> was -not far from eleven. The figures which I have given for Anadolu Hamidié -apply also to practically all the guns at the other effective -fortifications. So far as the advantage of range was concerned, -therefore, the Allied fleet had a decided superiority, the <i>Queen -Elizabeth</i> alone having them all practically at her mercy. Nor did the -fortifications contain very considerable supplies of ammunition. At that -time the European and American papers were printing stories that train -loads of shells and guns were coming by way of Rumania from Germany to -the Dardanelles. From facts which I learned on this trip and -subsequently I am convinced<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_213" id="page_213"></a>{213}</span> that these reports were pure fiction. A -small number of “red heads”—that is, non-armour-piercing projectiles -useful only for fighting landing parties—had been brought from -Adrianople and were reposing in Hamidié at the time of my visit, but -these were small in quantity and of no value in fighting ships. I lay -this stress upon Hamidié because this was the most important -fortification in the Dardanelles. Throughout the whole bombardment it -attracted more of the Allied fire than any other position, and it -inflicted at least 60 per cent. of all the damage that was done to the -attacking ships. It was Anadolu Hamidié which, in the great bombardment -of March 18th, sank the <i>Bouvet</i>, the French battleship, and which in -the course of the whole attack disabled several other units. All its -officers were Germans and eighty-five per cent. of the men on duty came -from the crews of the <i>Goeben</i> and the <i>Breslau</i>.</p> - -<p>Getting into the automobile, we sped along the military road to -Dardanos, passing on the way the wreck of the <i>Mesudié</i>. The Dardanos -battery was as completely Turkish as the Hamidié was German. The guns at -Dardanos were somewhat more modern than those at Hamidié—they were the -Krupp model of 1905. Here also was stationed the only new battery which -the Germans had established up to the time of my visit; it consisted of -several guns which they had taken from the German and Turkish warships -then lying in the Bosphorus. A few days before our inspection the Allied -fleet had entered the Bay of Erenkeui and had submitted Dardanos to a -terrific bombardment, the evidences of which I saw on every hand. The -land for nearly half a mile about seemed to have been completely churned -up; it looked like photographs I had<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_214" id="page_214"></a>{214}</span> seen of the battlefields in -France. The strange thing was that, despite all this punishment, the -batteries themselves remained intact; not a single gun, my guides told -me, had been destroyed.</p> - -<p>“After the war is over,” said General Mertens, “we are going to -establish a big tourist resort here, build a hotel, and sell relics to -you Americans. We shall not have to do much excavating to find them—the -British fleet is doing that for us now.”</p> - -<p>This sounded like a passing joke, yet the statement was literally true. -Dardanos, where this emplacement is located, was one of the famous -cities of the ancient world; in Homeric times it was part of the -principality of Priam. Fragments of capitals and columns are still -visible. And the shells from the Allied fleet were now ploughing up many -relics which had been buried for thousands of years. One of my friends -picked up a water jug which had perhaps been used in the days of Troy. -The effectiveness of modern gunfire in excavating these evidences of a -long lost civilization was striking—though unfortunately the relics did -not always come to the surface intact.</p> - -<p>The Turkish generals were extremely proud of the fight which this -Dardanos battery had made against the British ships. They would lead me -to the guns that had done particularly good service and pat them -affectionately. For my benefit Djevad called out Lieutenant Hassan, the -Turkish officer who had defended this position. He was a little fellow, -with jet-black hair, black eyes, extremely modest and almost shrinking -in the presence of these great generals. Djevad patted Hassan on both -cheeks, while another high Turkish officer stroked his hair; one would -have<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_215" id="page_215"></a>{215}</span> thought that he was a faithful dog who had just performed some -meritorious service.</p> - -<p>“It is men like you of whom great heroes are made,” said General Djevad. -He asked Hassan to describe the attack and the way it had been met. The -embarrassed lieutenant quietly told his story, though he was moved -almost to tears by the appreciation of his exalted chiefs.</p> - -<p>“There is a great future for you in the army,” said General Djevad, as -we parted from this hero.</p> - -<p>Poor Hassan’s “future” came two days afterward when the Allied fleet -made its greatest attack. One of the shells struck his dugout, which -caved in, killing the young man. Yet his behaviour on the day I visited -his battery showed that he regarded the praise of his general as -sufficient compensation for all that he had suffered or all that he -might suffer.</p> - -<p>I was much puzzled by the fact that the Allied fleet, despite its large -expenditures of ammunition, had not been able to hit this Dardanos -emplacement. I naturally thought at first that such a failure indicated -poor marksmanship, but my German guides said that this was not the case. -All this misfire merely illustrated once more the familiar fact that a -rapidly manœuvring battleship is under a great disadvantage in -shooting at a fixed fortification. But there was another point involved -in the Dardanos battery. My hosts called my attention to its location; -it was perched on the top of the hill, in full view of the ships, -forming itself a part of the skyline. Dardanos was merely five steel -turrets, each armed with a gun, approached by a winding trench.</p> - -<p>“That,” they said, “is the most difficult thing in<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_216" id="page_216"></a>{216}</span> the world to hit. It -is so distinct that it looks easy, but the whole thing is an illusion.”</p> - -<p>I do not understand completely the optics of the situation; but it seems -that the skyline creates a kind of mirage, so that it is practically -impossible to hit anything at that point, except by accident. The gunner -might get what was apparently a perfect sight, yet his shell would go -wild. The record of Dardanos had been little short of marvellous. Up to -March 18th, the ships had fired at it about 4,000 shells. One turret had -been hit by a splinter, which had also scratched the paint, another had -been hit and slightly bent in, and another had been hit near the base -and a piece about the size of a man’s hand had been knocked out. But not -a single gun had been even slightly damaged. Eight men had been killed, -including Lieutenant Hassan, and about forty had been wounded. That was -the extent of the destruction.</p> - -<p>“It was the optical illusion that saved Dardanos,” one of the Germans -remarked.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_217" id="page_217"></a>{217}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XVIII" id="CHAPTER_XVIII"></a>CHAPTER XVIII<br /><br /> -<small>THE ALLIED ARMADA SAILS AWAY, THOUGH ON THE BRINK OF VICTORY</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">A</span>GAIN getting into the automobile, we rode along the shore, my host -calling my attention to the mine fields, which stretched from Tchanak -southward about seven miles. In this area the Germans and Turks had -scattered nearly 400 mines. They told me with a good deal of gusto that -the Russians had furnished a considerable number of these destructive -engines. Day after day Russian destroyers sowed mines at the Black Sea -entrance to the Bosphorus, hoping that they would float down stream and -fulfil their appointed task. Every morning Turkish and German mine -sweepers would go up, fish out these mines, and place them in the -Dardanelles.</p> - -<p>The battery at Erenkeui had also been subjected to a heavy bombardment, -but it had suffered little. Unlike Dardanos, it was situated back of a -hill, completely shut out from view. In order to fortify this spot, I -was told, the Turks had been compelled practically to dismantle the -fortifications of the inner straits—that section of the stream which -extends from Tchanak to Point Nagara. This was the reason why this -latter part of the Dardanelles was now practically unfortified. The guns -that had been moved for this purpose were old-style Krupp pieces of the -model of 1885.</p> - -<p>South of Erenkeui, on the hills bordering the road<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_218" id="page_218"></a>{218}</span> the Germans had -introduced an innovation. They had found several Krupp howitzers left -over from the Bulgarian war and had installed them on concrete -foundations. Each battery had four or five of these emplacements so -that, as I approached them, I found several substantial bases that -apparently had no guns. I was mystified further at the sight of a herd -of buffaloes—I think I counted sixteen engaged in the -operation—hauling one of these howitzers from one emplacement to -another. This, it seems, was part of the plan of defense. As soon as the -dropping shells indicated that the fleet had obtained the range, the -howitzer would be moved, with the aid of buffalo teams, to another -concrete emplacement.</p> - -<p>“We have even a better trick than that,” remarked one of the officers. -They called out a sergeant, and recounted his achievement. This soldier -was the custodian of a contraption which, at a distance, looked like a -real gun, but which, when I examined it near at hand, was apparently an -elongated section of sewer pipe. Back of a hill, entirely hidden from -the fleet, was placed the gun with which this sergeant had coöperated. -The two were connected by telephone. When the command came to fire, the -gunner in charge of the howitzer would discharge his shell, while the -man in charge of the sewer pipe would burn several pounds of black -powder and send forth a conspicuous cloud of inky smoke. Not unnaturally -the Englishmen and Frenchmen on the ships would assume that the shells -speeding in their direction came from the visible smoke cloud and would -proceed to centre all their attention upon that spot. The space around -this burlesque gun was pock-marked with shell holes; the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_219" id="page_219"></a>{219}</span> sergeant in -charge, I was told, had attracted more than 500 shots, while the real -artillery piece still remained intact and undetected.</p> - -<p>From Erenkeui we motored back to General Djevad’s headquarters, where we -had lunch. Djevad took me up to an observation post, and there before my -eyes I had the beautiful blue expanse of the Ægean. I could see the -entrances to the Dardanelles, Sedd-ul-Bahr and Kum Kalé standing like -the guardians of a gateway, with the rippling sunny waters stretching -between. Far out I saw the majestic ships of England and France sailing -across the entrance, and still farther away, I caught a glimpse of the -island of Tenedos, behind which we knew that a still larger fleet lay -concealed. Naturally this prospect brought to mind a thousand historic -and legendary associations, for there is probably no single spot in the -world more crowded with poetry and romance. Evidently my Turkish escort, -General Djevad, felt the spell, for he took a telescope and pointed at a -bleak expanse, perhaps six miles away.</p> - -<p>“Look at that spot,” he said, handing me the glass. “Do you know what -that is?”</p> - -<p>I looked but could not identify this sandy beach.</p> - -<p>“Those are the Plains of Troy,” he said. “And the river that you see -winding in and out,” he added, “we Turks call it the Mendere, but Homer -knew it as the Scamander. Back of us, only a few miles distant, is Mount -Ida.”</p> - -<p>Then he turned his glass out to sea, swept the field where the British -ships lay, and again asked me to look at an indicated spot. I -immediately brought within view a magnificent English warship, all -stripped<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_220" id="page_220"></a>{220}</span> for battle, quietly steaming along like a man walking on -patrol duty.</p> - -<p>“That,” said General Djevad, “is the <i>Agamemnon</i>”!</p> - -<p>“Shall I fire a shot at her?” he asked me.</p> - -<p>“Yes, if you’ll promise me not to hit her,” I answered.</p> - -<p>We lunched at headquarters, where we were joined by Admiral Usedom, -General Mertens, and General Pomiankowsky, the Austrian Military Attaché -at Constantinople. The chief note in the conversation was one of -absolute confidence in the future. Whatever the diplomats and -politicians in Constantinople may have thought, these men, Turks and -Germans, had no expectation—at least their conversation betrayed -none—that the Allied fleets would pass their defenses. What they seemed -to hope for above everything was that their enemies would make another -attack.</p> - -<p>“If we could only get a chance at the <i>Queen Elizabeth</i>!” said one eager -German, referring to the greatest ship in the British navy, then lying -off the entrance.</p> - -<p>As the Rhein wine began to disappear, their eagerness for the combat -increased.</p> - -<p>“If the damn fools would only make a landing!” exclaimed one—I quote -his exact words.</p> - -<p>The Turkish and German officers, indeed, seemed to vie with each other -in expressing their readiness for the fray. Probably a good deal of this -was bravado, intended for my consumption—indeed, I had private -information that their exact estimate of the situation was much less -reassuring. Now, however, they declared that the war had presented no -real opportunity for the German and English navies to measure swords, -and for this reason the Germans at the Dardanelles welcomed this chance -to try the issue.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_221" id="page_221"></a>{221}</span></p> - -<p>Having visited all the important places on the Anatolian side, we took a -launch and sailed over to the Gallipoli peninsula. We almost had a -disastrous experience on this trip. As we approached the Gallipoli -shore, our helmsman was asked if he knew the location of the minefield, -and if he could steer through the channel. He said “yes” and then -steered directly for the mines! Fortunately the other men noticed the -mistake in time, and so we arrived safely at Kilid-ul-Bahr. The -batteries here were of about the same character as those on the other -side; they formed one of the main defenses of the straits. Here -everything, so far as a layman could judge, was in excellent condition, -barring the fact that the artillery pieces were of old design and the -ammunition not at all plentiful.</p> - -<p>The batteries showed signs of a heavy bombardment. None had been -destroyed, but shell holes surrounded the fortifications. My Turkish and -German escorts looked at these evidences of destruction rather seriously -and they were outspoken in their admiration for the accuracy of the -allied fire.</p> - -<p>“How do they ever get the range?” This was the question they were asking -each other. What made the shooting so remarkable was the fact that it -came, not from Allied ships in the straits, but from ships stationed in -the Ægean Sea, on the other side of the Gallipoli peninsula. The gunners -had never seen their target, but had had to fire at a distance of nearly -ten miles, over high hills, and yet many of their shells had barely -missed the batteries at Kilid-ul-Bahr.</p> - -<p>When I was there, however, the place was quiet, for no fighting was -going on that day. For my particular benefit the officers put one of -their gun crews<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_222" id="page_222"></a>{222}</span> through a drill, so that I could obtain a perfect -picture of the behaviour of the Turks in action. In their mind’s eye -these artillerists now saw the English ships advancing within range, all -their guns pointed to destroy the followers of the Prophet. The bugleman -blew his horn, and the whole company rushed to their appointed places. -Some were bringing shells, others were opening the breeches, others were -taking the ranges, others were straining at pulleys, and others were -putting the charges into place. Everything was eagerness and activity; -evidently the Germans had been excellent instructors, but there was more -to it than German military precision, for the men’s faces lighted up -with all that fanaticism which supplies the morale of Turkish soldiers. -These gunners momentarily imagined that they were shooting once more at -the infidel English, and the exercise was a congenial one. Above the -shouts of all I could hear the singsong chant of the leader, intoning -the prayer with which the Moslem has rushed to battle for thirteen -centuries.</p> - -<p>“Allah is great, there is but one God, and Mohammed is his Prophet!”</p> - -<p>When I looked upon these frenzied men, and saw so plainly written in -their faces their uncontrollable hatred of the unbeliever, I called to -mind what the Germans had said in the morning about the wisdom of not -putting Turkish and German soldiers together. I am quite sure that, had -this been done, here at least the “Holy War” would have proved a -success, and that the Turks would have vented their hatred of Christians -on those who happened to be nearest at hand, for the moment overlooking -the fact that they were allies.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_223" id="page_223"></a>{223}</span></p> - -<p>I returned to Constantinople that evening, and two days afterward, on -March 18th, the Allied fleet made its greatest attack. As all the world -knows, that attack proved disastrous to the Allies. The outcome was the -sinking of the <i>Bouvet</i>, the <i>Ocean</i>, and the <i>Irresistible</i> and the -serious crippling of four other vessels. Of the sixteen ships engaged in -this battle of the 18th, seven were thus put temporarily or permanently -out of action. Naturally the Germans and Turks rejoiced over this -victory. The police went around, and ordered each householder to display -a prescribed number of flags in honour of the event. The Turkish people -have so little spontaneous patriotism or enthusiasm of any kind that -they would never decorate their establishments without such definite -orders. As a matter of fact, neither Germans nor Turks regarded this -celebration too seriously, for they were not yet persuaded that they had -really won a victory. Most still believed that the Allied fleets would -succeed in forcing their way through. The only question, they said, was -whether the Entente was ready to sacrifice the necessary number of -ships. Neither Wangenheim nor Pallavicini believed that the disastrous -experience of the 18th would end the naval attack, and for days they -anxiously waited for the fleet to return. The high tension lasted for -days and weeks after the repulse of the 18th. We were still momentarily -expecting the renewal of the attack. But the great armada never -returned.</p> - -<p>Should it have come back? Could the Allied ships really have captured -Constantinople? I am constantly asked this question. As a layman my own -opinion can have little value, but I have quoted the opinions of the -German generals and admirals, and of the <span class="pagenum"><a name="page_224" id="page_224"></a>{224}</span>Turks—practically all of -whom, except Enver, believed that the enterprise would succeed, and I am -half inclined to believe that Enver’s attitude was merely a case of -graveyard whistling. In what I now have to say on this point, therefore, -I wish it understood that I am giving not my own views, but merely those -of the officials then in Turkey who were best qualified to judge.</p> - -<p>Enver had told me, in our talk on the deck of the <i>Yuruk</i>, that he had -“plenty of guns—plenty of ammunition.” But this statement was not true. -A glimpse at the map will show why Turkey was not receiving munitions -from Germany or Austria at that time. The fact was that Turkey was just -as completely isolated from her allies then as was Russia. There were -two railroad lines leading from Constantinople to Germany. One went by -way of Bulgaria and Serbia. Bulgaria was then not an ally; even though -she had winked at the passage of guns and shells, this line could not -have been used, since Serbia, which controlled the vital link extending -from Nish to Belgrade, was still intact. The other railroad line went -through Rumania, by way of Bucharest. This route was independent of -Serbia, and, had the Rumanian Government consented, it would have formed -a clear route from the Krupps to the Dardanelles. The fact that -munitions could be sent with the connivance of the Rumanian Government -perhaps accounts for the suspicion that guns and shells were going by -that route. Day after day the French and British ministers protested at -Bucharest against this alleged violation of neutrality, only to be met -with angry denials that the Germans were using this line. There is no -doubt now<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_225" id="page_225"></a>{225}</span> that the Rumanian Government was perfectly honourable in -making these denials. It is not unlikely that the Germans themselves -started all these stories, merely to fool the Allied fleet into the -belief that their supplies were inexhaustible.</p> - -<p>Let us suppose that the Allies had returned, say on the morning of the -nineteenth, what would have happened? The one overwhelming fact is that -the fortifications were very short of ammunition. They had almost -reached the limit of their resisting power when the British fleet passed -out on the afternoon of the 18th. I had secured permission for Mr. -George A. Schreiner, the well-known American correspondent of the -Associated Press, to visit the Dardanelles on this occasion. On the -night of the 18th, this correspondent discussed the situation with -General Mertens, who was the chief technical officer at the straits. -General Mertens admitted that the outlook was very discouraging for the -defense.</p> - -<p>“We expect that the British will come back early to-morrow morning,” he -said, “and if they do, we may be able to hold out for a few hours.”</p> - -<p>General Mertens did not declare in so many words that the ammunition was -practically exhausted, but Mr. Schreiner discovered that such was the -case. The fact was that Fort Hamidié, the most powerful defense on the -Asiatic side, had just seventeen armour-piercing shells left, while at -Kilid-ul-Bahr, which was the main defense on the European side, there -were precisely ten.</p> - -<p>“I should advise you to get up at six o’clock to-morrow morning,” said -General Mertens, “and take to the Anatolian hills. That’s what we are -going to do.”<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_226" id="page_226"></a>{226}</span></p> - -<p>The troops at all the fortifications had their orders to man the guns -until the last shell had been fired and then to abandon the forts.</p> - -<p>Once these defenses became helpless, the problem of the Allied fleet -would have been a simple one. The only bar to their progress would have -been the minefield, which stretched from a point about two miles north -of Erenkeui to Kilid-ul-Bahr. But the Allied fleet had plenty of -mine-sweepers, which could have made a channel in a few hours. North of -Tchanak, as I have already explained, there were a few guns, but they -were of the 1878 model, and could not discharge projectiles that could -pierce modern armour plate. North of Point Nagara there were only two -batteries, and both dated from 1835! Thus, once having silenced the -outer straits, there was nothing to bar the passage to Constantinople -except the German and Turkish warships. The <i>Goeben</i> was the only -first-class fighting ship in either fleet, and it would not have lasted -long against the <i>Queen Elizabeth</i>. The disproportion in the strength of -the opposing fleets, indeed, was so enormous that it is doubtful whether -there would ever have been an engagement.</p> - -<p>Thus the Allied fleet would have appeared before Constantinople on the -morning of the twentieth. What would have happened then? We have heard -much discussion as to whether this purely naval attack was justified. -Enver, in his conversation with me, had laid much stress on the -absurdity of sending a fleet to Constantinople, supported by no adequate -landing force, and much of the criticism since passed upon the -Dardanelles expedition has centred on that point. Yet it is my opinion -that this exclusively naval attack<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_227" id="page_227"></a>{227}</span> was justified. I base this judgment -purely upon the political situation which then existed in Turkey. Under -ordinary circumstances such an enterprise would probably have been a -foolish one, but the political conditions in Constantinople then were -not ordinary. There was no solidly established government in Turkey at -that time. A political committee, not exceeding forty members, headed by -Talaat, Enver, and Djemal, controlled the Central Government, but their -authority throughout the empire was exceedingly tenuous. As a matter of -fact, the whole Ottoman state, on that eighteenth day of March, 1915, -when the Allied fleet abandoned the attack, was on the brink of -dissolution. All over Turkey ambitious chieftains had arisen, who were -momentarily expecting its fall, and who were looking for the opportunity -to seize their parts of the inheritance. As previously described, Djemal -had already organized practically an independent government in Syria. In -Smyrna Rahmi Bey, the Governor-General, had often disregarded the -authorities at the capital. In Adrianople Hadji Adil, one of the most -courageous Turks of the time, was believed to be plotting to set up his -own government. Arabia had already become practically an independent -nation. Among the subject races the spirit of revolt was rapidly -spreading. The Greeks and the Armenians would also have welcomed an -opportunity to strengthen the hands of the Allies. The existing -financial and industrial conditions seemed to make revolution -inevitable. Many farmers went on strike; they had no seeds and would not -accept them as a free gift from the Government because, they said, as -soon as their crops should be garnered the armies would immediately -requisition them. As for Constantinople,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_228" id="page_228"></a>{228}</span> the populace there and the -best elements among the Turks, far from opposing the arrival of the -Allied fleet, would have welcomed it with joy. The Turks themselves were -praying that the British and French would take their city, for this -would relieve them of the controlling gang, emancipate them from the -hated Germans, bring about peace, and end their miseries.</p> - -<p>No one understood this better than Talaat. He was taking no chances on -making an expeditious retreat, in case the Allied fleet appeared before -the city. For several months the Turkish leaders had been casting -envious glances at a Minerva automobile that had been reposing in the -Belgian legation ever since Turkey’s declaration of war. Talaat finally -obtained possession of the coveted prize. He had obtained somewhere -another automobile, which he had loaded with extra tires, gasolene, and -all the other essentials of a protracted journey. This was evidently -intended to accompany the more pretentious machine as a kind of “mother -ship.” Talaat stationed these automobiles on the Asiatic side of the -city with chauffeurs constantly at hand. Everything was prepared to -leave for the interior of Asia Minor at a moment’s notice.</p> - -<p>But the great Allied armada never returned to the attack.</p> - -<p>About a week after this momentous defeat, I happened to drop in at the -German Embassy. Wangenheim had a distinguished visitor whom he asked me -to meet. I went into his private office and there was Von der Goltz -Pasha, recently returned from Belgium, where he had served as governor. -I must admit that, meeting Goltz thus informally, I had difficulty in -reconciling his personality with all the stories that<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_229" id="page_229"></a>{229}</span> were then coming -out of Belgium. That morning this mild-mannered, spectacled gentleman -seemed sufficiently quiet and harmless. Nor did he look his age—he was -then about seventy-four; his hair was only streaked with gray, and his -face was almost unwrinkled; I should not have taken him for more than -sixty-five. The austerity and brusqueness and ponderous dignity which -are assumed by most highly-placed Germans were not apparent. His voice -was deep, musical, and pleasing, and his manners were altogether -friendly and ingratiating. The only evidence of pomp in his bearing was -his uniform; he was dressed as a field marshal, his chest blazing with -decorations and gold braid. Von der Goltz explained and half apologized -for his regalia by saying that he had just returned from an audience -with the Sultan. He had come to Constantinople to present his majesty a -medal from the Kaiser, and was taking back to Berlin a similar mark of -consideration from the Sultan to the Kaiser, besides an imperial present -of 10,000 cigarettes.</p> - -<p>The three of us sat there for some time, drinking coffee, eating German -cakes, and smoking German cigars. I did not do much of the talking, but -the conversation of Von der Goltz and Wangenheim seemed to me to shed -much light upon the German mind, and especially on the trustworthiness -of German military reports. The aspect of the Dardanelles fight that -interested them most at that time was England’s complete frankness in -publishing her losses. That the British Government should issue an -official statement, saying that three ships had been sunk and that four -others had been badly damaged, struck them as most remarkable. In this -announcement I merely saw a<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_230" id="page_230"></a>{230}</span> manifestation of the usual British desire -to make public the worst—the policy which we Americans also believe to -be the best in war times. But no such obvious explanation could satisfy -these wise and solemn Teutons. No, England had some deep purpose in -telling the truth so unblushingly; what could it be?</p> - -<p>“<i>Es ist ausserordentlich!</i>” (It is extraordinary) said Von der Goltz, -referring to England’s public acknowledgment of defeat.</p> - -<p>“<i>Es ist unerhört!</i>” (It is unheard of) declared the equally astonished -Wangenheim.</p> - -<p>These master diplomatists canvassed one explanation after another, and -finally reached a conclusion that satisfied the higher strategy. -England, they agreed, really had had no enthusiasm for this attack, -because, in the event of success, she would have had to hand -Constantinople over to Russia—something which England really did not -intend to do. By publishing the losses, England showed Russia the -enormous difficulties of the task; she had demonstrated, indeed, that -the enterprise was impossible. After such losses, England intended -Russia to understand that she had made a sincere attempt to gain this -great prize of war and expected her not to insist on further sacrifices.</p> - -<p>The sequel to this great episode in the war came in the winter of -1915-16. By this time Bulgaria had joined the Central Powers, Serbia had -been overwhelmed, and the Germans had obtained a complete, unobstructed -railroad line from Constantinople to Austria and Germany. Huge Krupp -guns now began to come over this line—all destined for the Dardanelles. -Sixteen great batteries, of the latest model, were emplaced near the -entrance, completely controlling Seddul<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_231" id="page_231"></a>{231}</span>-Bahr. The Germans lent the -Turks 500,000,000 marks, much of which was spent defending this -indispensable highway. The thinly fortified straits through which I -passed in March, 1915, is now as impregnably fortified as Heligoland. It -is doubtful if all the fleets in the world could force the Dardanelles -to-day.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_232" id="page_232"></a>{232}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XIX" id="CHAPTER_XIX"></a>CHAPTER XIX<br /><br /> -<small>A FIGHT FOR THREE THOUSAND CIVILIANS</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">O</span>N the second of May, 1915, Enver sent his aide to the American Embassy, -bringing a message which he requested me to transmit to the French and -British governments. About a week before this visit the Allies had -landed on the Gallipoli peninsula. They had evidently concluded that a -naval attack by itself could not destroy the defenses and open the road -to Constantinople, and they had now adopted the alternative plan of -despatching large bodies of troops, to be supported by the guns of their -warships. Already many thousands of Australians and New Zealanders had -entrenched themselves at the tip of the peninsula, and the excitement -that prevailed in Constantinople was almost as great as that which had -been caused by the appearance of the fleet two months before.</p> - -<p>Enver now informed me that the Allied ships were bombarding in reckless -fashion, and ignoring the well-established international rule that such -bombardments should be directed only against fortified places; British -and French shells, he said, were falling everywhere, destroying -unprotected Moslem villages and killing hundreds of innocent -non-combatants. Enver asked me to inform the Allied governments that -such activities must immediately cease. He had decided to collect all -the British and French citizens who were then<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_233" id="page_233"></a>{233}</span> living in Constantinople, -take them down to the Gallipoli peninsula and scatter them in Moslem -villages and towns. The Allied fleets would then be throwing their -projectiles not only against peaceful and unprotected Moslems, but -against their own countrymen. It was Enver’s idea that this threat, -communicated by the American Ambassador to the British and French -governments, would soon put an end to “atrocities” of this kind. I was -given a few days’ respite to get the information to London and Paris.</p> - -<p>At that time about 3,000 British and French citizens were living in -Constantinople. The great majority belonged to the class known as -Levantines; nearly all had been born in Turkey and in many cases their -families had been domiciled in that country for two or more generations. -The retention of their European citizenship is almost their only contact -with the nation from which they have sprung. Not uncommonly we meet in -the larger cities of Turkey men and women who are English by race and -nationality, but who speak no English, French being the usual language -of the Levantine. The great majority have never set foot in England, or -any other European country; they have only one home, and that is Turkey. -The fact that the Levantine usually retains citizenship in the nation of -his origin was now apparently making him a fitting object for Turkish -vengeance. Besides these Levantines, a large number of English and -French were then living in Constantinople, as teachers in the schools, -as missionaries, and as important business men and merchants. The -Ottoman Government now proposed to assemble all these residents, both -those who were immediately and those who were remotely connected<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_234" id="page_234"></a>{234}</span> with -Great Britain and France, and to place them in exposed positions on the -Gallipoli peninsula as targets for the Allied fleet.</p> - -<p>Naturally my first question when I received this startling information -was whether the warships were really bombarding defenseless towns. If -they were murdering non-combatant men, women, and children in this -reckless fashion, such an act of reprisal as Enver now proposed would -probably have had some justification. It seemed to me incredible, -however, that the English and French could commit such barbarities. I -had already received many complaints of this kind from Turkish officials -which, on investigation, had turned out to be untrue. Only a little -while before Dr. Meyer, the first assistant to Suleyman Nouman, the -Chief of the Medical Staff, had notified me that the British fleet had -bombarded a Turkish hospital and killed 1,000 invalids. When I looked -into the matter, I found that the building had been but slightly -damaged, and only one man killed. I now naturally suspected that this -latest tale of Allied barbarity rested on a similarly flimsy foundation. -I soon discovered, indeed, that this was the case. The Allied fleet was -not bombarding Moslem villages at all. A number of British warships had -been stationed in the Gulf of Saros, an indentation of the Ægean Sea, on -the western side of the peninsula, and from this vantage point they were -throwing shells into the city of Gallipoli. All the “bombarding” of -towns in which they were now engaging was limited to this one city. In -doing this the British navy was not violating the rules of civilized -warfare, for Gallipoli had long since been evacuated of its civilian -population, and the Turks had<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_235" id="page_235"></a>{235}</span> established military headquarters in -several of the houses, which had properly become the object of the -Allied attack. I certainly knew of no rule of warfare which prohibited -an attack upon a military headquarters. As to the stories of murdered -civilians, men, women, and children, these proved to be gross -exaggerations; as almost the entire civilian population had long since -left, any casualties resulting from the bombardment must have been -confined to the armed forces of the empire.</p> - -<p>I now discussed the situation for some time with Mr. Ernest Weyl, who -was generally recognized as the leading French citizen in -Constantinople, and with Mr. Hoffman Philip, the Conseiller of the -Embassy, and then decided that I would go immediately to the Sublime -Porte and protest to Enver.</p> - -<p>The Council of Ministers was sitting at the time, but Enver came out. -His manner was more demonstrative than usual. As he described the attack -of the British fleet, he became extremely angry; it was not the -imperturbable Enver with whom I had become so familiar.</p> - -<p>“These cowardly English!” he exclaimed. “They tried for a long time to -get through the Dardanelles, and we were too much for them! And see what -kind of a revenge they are taking. Their ships sneak up into the outer -bay, where our guns cannot reach them, and shoot over the hills at our -little villages, killing harmless old men, women, and children, and -bombarding our hospitals. Do you think we are going to let them do that? -And what can we do? Our guns don’t reach over the hills, so that we -cannot meet them in battle. If we could, we would drive them off, just -as we did at the straits a month ago. We have no fleet to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_236" id="page_236"></a>{236}</span> send to -England to bombard their unfortified towns as they are bombarding ours. -So we have decided to move all the English and French we can find to -Gallipoli. Let them kill their own people as well as ours.”</p> - -<p>I told him that, granted that the circumstances were as he had stated -them, he had grounds for indignation. But I called his attention to the -fact that he was wrong; that he was accusing the Allies of crimes which -they were not committing.</p> - -<p>“This is about the most barbarous thing that you have ever -contemplated,” I said. “The British have a perfect right to attack a -military headquarters like Gallipoli.”</p> - -<p>But my argument did not move Enver. I became convinced that he had not -decided on this step as a reprisal to protect his own countrymen, but -that he and his associates were blindly venting their rage. The fact -that the Australians and New Zealanders had successfully effected a -landing had aroused their most barbarous instincts. Enver referred to -this landing in our talk; though he professed to regard it lightly, and -said that he would soon push the French and English into the sea, I saw -that it was causing him much concern. The Turk, as I have said before, -is psychologically primitive; to answer the British landing at Gallipoli -by murdering hundreds of helpless British who were in his power would -strike him as perfectly logical. As a result of this talk I gained only -a few concessions. Enver agreed to postpone the deportation until -Thursday—it was then Sunday; to exclude women and children from the -order, and to take none of the British and French who were then -connected with American institutions.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_237" id="page_237"></a>{237}</span></p> - -<p>“All the rest will have to go,” was his final word. “Moreover,” he -added, “we don’t purpose to have the enemy submarines in the Marmora -torpedo the transports we are sending to the Dardanelles. In the future -we shall put a few Englishmen and Frenchmen on every ship we send down -there as a protection to our own soldiers.”</p> - -<p>When I returned to our embassy I found that the news of the proposed -deportation had been published. The amazement and despair that -immediately resulted were unparalleled, even in that city of constant -sensations. Europeans, by living for many years in the Levant, seem to -acquire its emotions, particularly its susceptibility to fear and -horror, and now, no longer having the protection of their embassies, -these fears were intensified. A stream of frenzied people began to pour -into the Embassy. From their tears and cries one would have thought that -they were immediately to be taken out and shot, and that there was any -possibility of being saved seemed hardly to occur to them. Yet all the -time they insisted that I should get individual exemptions. One could -not go because he had a dependent family; another had a sick child; -another was ill himself. My ante-room was full of frantic mothers, -asking me to secure exemption for their sons, and of wives, who sought -special treatment for their husbands. They made all kinds of impossible -suggestions: I should resign my ambassadorship as a protest; I should -even threaten Turkey with war by the United States! They constantly -besieged my wife, who spent hours listening to their stories and -comforting them. In all this exciting mass there were many who faced the -situation with more courage.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_238" id="page_238"></a>{238}</span></p> - -<p>The day after my talk with Enver, Bedri, the Prefect of Police, began to -arrest some of the victims.</p> - -<p>The next morning one of my callers made what would ordinarily have -seemed to be an obvious suggestion. This visitor was a German. He told -me that Germany would suffer greatly in reputation if the Turks carried -out their plan; the world would not possibly be convinced that Germans -had not devised the whole scheme. He said that I should call upon the -German and Austrian ambassadors; he was sure that they would support me -in my pleas for decent treatment. As I had made appeals to Wangenheim -several times before in behalf of foreigners, without success, I had -hardly thought it worth while to ask his coöperation in this instance. -Moreover, the plan of using non-combatants as a protective screen in -warfare was such a familiar German device that I was not at all sure -that the German Staff had not instigated the Turks. I decided, however, -to adopt the advice of my German visitor and seek Wangenheim’s -assistance. I must admit that I did this as a forlorn hope, but at least -I thought it only fair to Wangenheim to give him a chance to help.</p> - -<p>I called upon him in the evening at ten o’clock and stayed with him -until eleven. I spent the larger part of this hour in a fruitless -attempt to interest him in the plight of these non-combatants. -Wangenheim said point blank that he would not assist me. “It is -perfectly proper,” he maintained, “for the Turks to establish a -concentration camp at Gallipoli. It is also proper for them to put -non-combatant English and French on their transports and thus insure -them against attack. As I made repeated attempts to argue the matter, -Wangenheim would deftly shift the conversation to other<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_239" id="page_239"></a>{239}</span> topics. -According to my record of this talk, written out at the time, the German -Ambassador discussed almost every subject except the one upon which I -had called.</p> - -<p>“This act of the Turks will greatly injure Germany——” I would begin.</p> - -<p>“Do you know that the English soldiers at Gaba Tepe are without food and -drink?” he would reply. “They made an attack to capture a well and were -repulsed. The English have taken their ships away so as to prevent their -soldiers from retreating——”</p> - -<p>“But about this Gallipoli business,” I interrupted. “Germans themselves -here in Constantinople have said that Germany should stop it——”</p> - -<p>“The Allies landed 45,000 men on the peninsula,” Wangenheim answered, -“and of these 10,000 were killed. In a few days we shall attack the rest -and destroy them.”</p> - -<p>When I attempted to approach the subject from another angle, this master -diplomatist would begin discussing Rumania and the possibility of -obtaining ammunition by way of that country.</p> - -<p>“Your Secretary Bryan,” he said, “has just issued a statement showing -that it would be unneutral for the United States to refuse to sell -ammunition to the Allies. So we have used this same argument with the -Rumanians; if it is unneutral not to sell ammunition, it is certainly -unneutral to refuse to transport it!”</p> - -<p>The humorous aspects of this argument appealed to Wangenheim, but I -reminded him that I was there to discuss the lives of between 2,000 and -3,000 non-combatants. As I touched upon this subject again, Wangenheim -replied that the United States would not be acceptable to Germany as a -peacemaker now, because<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_240" id="page_240"></a>{240}</span> we were so friendly to the Entente. He insisted -on giving me all the details of recent German successes in the -Carpathians and the latest news on the Italian situation.</p> - -<p>“We would rather fight Italy than have her for our ally,” he said.</p> - -<p>At another time all this would have greatly entertained me, but not -then. It was quite apparent that Wangenheim would not discuss the -proposed deportation, further than to say that the Turks were justified. -His statement that it was planned to establish a “concentration camp” at -Gallipoli unfolded his whole attitude. Up to this time the Turks had not -established concentration camps for enemy aliens anywhere. I had -earnestly advised them not to establish such camps, thus far with -success. On the other hand, the Germans were protesting that Turkey was -“too lenient” and urging the establishment of such camps in the -interior. Wangenheim’s use of the words “concentration camps in -Gallipoli” showed that the German view was at last prevailing and that I -was losing my battle for the foreigners. An internment camp is a -distressing place under the most favourable circumstances, but who, -except a German or a Turk, ever conceived of establishing one right in -the field of battle? Let us suppose that the English and the French -should assemble all their enemy aliens, march them to the front, and -place them in a camp in No Man’s Land, directly in the fire of both -armies. That was precisely the kind of a “concentration camp” which the -Turks and Germans now intended to establish for the resident aliens of -Constantinople—for my talk with Wangenheim left no doubt in my mind -that the Germans were parties to the plot.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_241" id="page_241"></a>{241}</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 328px;"> -<a href="images/i_286_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_286_sml.jpg" width="328" height="500" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">TURKISH QUARTERS AT THE DARDANELLES</p> - -<p class="c">These dugouts, for the most part, were well protected. The Turks -defended their batteries with great heroism and skill.</p></div> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_287_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_287_sml.jpg" width="500" height="289" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">LOOKING NORTH TO THE CITY OF GALLIPOLI<br /> -This part of the Dardanelles is practically unfortified.</p></div> -</div> - -<p>They feared that the land attack on the Dardanelles would succeed, just -as they had feared that the naval attack would succeed, and they were -prepared to use any weapon, even the lives of several thousand -non-combatants, in their efforts to make it a failure.</p> - -<p>My talk with Wangenheim produced no results, so far as enlisting his -support was concerned, but it stiffened my determination to defeat this -enterprise. I also called upon Pallavicini, the Austrian Ambassador. He -at once declared that the proposed deportation was “inhuman.”</p> - -<p>“I will take up the matter with the Grand Vizier,” he said, “and see if -I can’t stop it.”</p> - -<p>“But you know that is perfectly useless,” I answered. “The Grand Vizier -has no power—he is only a figurehead. Only one man can stop this, that -is Enver.”</p> - -<p>Pallavicini had far finer sensibilities and a tenderer conscience than -Wangenheim, and I had no doubt that he was entirely sincere in his -desire to prevent this crime. But he was a diplomat of the old Austrian -school. Nothing in his eyes was so important as diplomatic etiquette. As -the representative of his emperor, propriety demanded that he should -conduct all his negotiations with the Grand Vizier, who was also at that -time Minister for Foreign Affairs. He never discussed state matters with -Talaat and Enver—indeed, he had only limited official relations with -these men, the real rulers of Turkey. And now the saving of 3,000 lives -was not, in Pallavicini’s eyes, any reason why he should disregard the -traditional routine of diplomatic intercourse.</p> - -<p>“I must go strictly according to rules in this matter,” he said. And, in -the goodness of his heart, he did<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_242" id="page_242"></a>{242}</span> speak to Saïd Halim. Following this -example Wangenheim also spoke to the Grand Vizier. In Wangenheim’s case, -however, the protest was merely intended for the official record.</p> - -<p>“You may fool some people,” I told the German Ambassador, “but you know -that speaking to the Grand Vizier in this matter is of about as much use -as shouting in the air.”</p> - -<p>However, there was one member of the diplomatic corps who worked -wholeheartedly in behalf of the threatened foreigners. This was M. -Koloucheff, the Bulgarian Minister. As soon as he heard of this latest -Turco-German outrage, he immediately came to me with offers of -assistance. He did not propose to waste his time by a protest to the -Grand Vizier, but announced his intention of going immediately to the -source of authority, Enver himself. Koloucheff was an extremely -important man at that particular time, for Bulgaria was then neutral and -both sides were angling for her support.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile, Bedri and his minions were busy arresting some of the doomed -English and French. The deportation was arranged to take place Thursday -morning. On Wednesday, the excitement reached the hysterical stage. It -seemed as if the whole foreign population of Constantinople had gathered -at the American Embassy. Scores of weeping women and haggard men -assembled in front and at the side of the building; more than three -hundred gained personal access to my office, hanging desperately upon -the Ambassador and his staff. Many almost seemed to think that I -personally held their fates in my hand; in their agony of spirit some -even denounced me, insisting that I was<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_243" id="page_243"></a>{243}</span> not exerting all my powers in -their behalf. Whenever I left my office and passed into the hall I was -almost mobbed by scores of terror-stricken and dishevelled mothers and -wives. The nervous tension was frightful; I seized the telephone, called -up Enver, and demanded an interview.</p> - -<p>He replied that he would be happy to receive me on Thursday. By this -time, however, the prisoners would already have been on their way to -Gallipoli.</p> - -<p>“No,” I replied, “I must see you this afternoon.”</p> - -<p>Enver made all kinds of excuses; he was busy, he had appointments -scheduled for the whole day.</p> - -<p>“I presume you want to see me about the English and French,” he said. -“If that is so, I can tell you now that it will be useless. Our minds -are made up. Orders have been issued to the police to gather them all by -to-night and to ship them down to-morrow morning.”</p> - -<p>I still insisted that I must see him that afternoon and he still -attempted to dodge the interview.</p> - -<p>“My time is all taken,” he said. “The Council of Ministers sits at four -o’clock and the meeting is to be a very important one. I can’t absent -myself.”</p> - -<p>Emboldened by the thought of the crowds of women that were flooding the -whole Embassy I decided on an altogether unprecedented move.</p> - -<p>“I shall not be denied an interview,” I replied. “I shall come up to the -cabinet room at four o’clock. If you refuse to receive me then, I shall -insist on going into the council room and discussing the matter with the -whole Cabinet. I shall be interested to learn whether the Turkish -Cabinet will refuse to receive the American Ambassador.”<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_244" id="page_244"></a>{244}</span></p> - -<p>It seemed to me that I could almost hear Enver gasp over the telephone. -I presume few responsible ministers of any country have ever had such an -astounding proposition made to them.</p> - -<p>“If you will meet me at the Sublime Porte at 3:30,” he answered, after a -considerable pause, “I shall arrange to see you.”</p> - -<p>When I reached the Sublime Porte I was told that the Bulgarian Minister -was having a protracted conference with Enver. Naturally I was willing -to wait, for I knew what the two men were discussing. Presently M. -Koloucheff came out; his face was tense and anxious, clearly revealing -the ordeal through which he had just passed.</p> - -<p>“It is perfectly hopeless,” he said to me. “Nothing will move Enver: he -is absolutely determined that this thing shall go through. I cannot wish -you good luck, for you will have none.”</p> - -<p>The meeting which followed between Enver and myself was the most -momentous I had had up to that time. We discussed the fate of the -foreigners for nearly an hour. I found Enver in one of his most polite -but most unyielding moods. He told me before I began that it was useless -to talk—that the matter was a closed issue. But I insisted on telling -him what a splendid impression Turkey’s treatment of her enemies had -made on the outside world. “Your record in this matter is better than -that of any other belligerent country,” I said. “You have not put them -into concentration camps, you have let them stay here and continue their -ordinary business, just as before. You have done this in spite of strong -pressure to act otherwise. Why do you destroy all the good effect this -has<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_245" id="page_245"></a>{245}</span> produced by now making such a fatal mistake as you propose?”</p> - -<p>But Enver insisted that the Allied fleets were bombarding unfortified -towns, killing women, children, and wounded men.</p> - -<p>“We have warned them through you that they must not do this,” he said, -“but they don’t stop.”</p> - -<p>This statement, of course, was not true, but I could not persuade Enver -that he was wrong. He expressed great appreciation for all that I had -done, and regretted for my sake that he could not accept my advice. I -told him that the foreigners had suggested that I threaten to give up -the care of British and French interests.</p> - -<p>“Nothing would suit us better,” he quickly replied. “The only difficulty -we have with you is when you come around and bother us with English and -French affairs.”</p> - -<p>I asked him if I had ever given him any advice that had led them into -trouble. He graciously replied that they had never yet made a mistake by -following my suggestions.</p> - -<p>“Very well, take my advice in this case, too,” I replied. “You will find -later that you have made no mistake by doing so. I tell you that it is -my positive opinion that your cabinet is committing a terrible error by -taking this step.”</p> - -<p>“But I have given orders to this effect,” Enver answered. “I cannot -countermand them. If I did, my whole influence with the army would go. -Once having given an order I never change it. My own wife asked me to -have her servants exempted from military service and I refused. The -Grand Vizier asked exemption for his secretary, and I refused him, -because I had given<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_246" id="page_246"></a>{246}</span> orders. I never revoke orders and I shall not do it -in this case. If you can show me some way in which this order can be -carried out and your protégés still saved, I shall be glad to listen.”</p> - -<p>I had already discovered one of the most conspicuous traits in the -Turkish character: its tendency to compromise and to bargain. Enver’s -request for a suggestion now gave me an opportunity to play on this -characteristic.</p> - -<p>“All right,” I said. “I think I can. I should think you could still -carry out your orders without sending all the French and English -residents down. If you would send only a few, you would still win your -point. You could still maintain discipline in the army, and these few -would be as strong a deterrent to the Allied fleet as sending all.”</p> - -<p>It seemed to me that Enver almost eagerly seized upon this suggestion as -a way out of his dilemma.</p> - -<p>“How many will you let me send?” he asked quickly. The moment he put -this question I knew that I had carried my point.</p> - -<p>“I would suggest that you take twenty English and twenty French—forty -in all.”</p> - -<p>“Let me have fifty,” he said.</p> - -<p>“All right—we won’t haggle over ten,” I answered. “But you must make -another concession. Let me pick out the fifty who are to go.”</p> - -<p>This agreement had relieved the tension, and now the gracious side of -Enver’s nature began to show itself again.</p> - -<p>“No, Mr. Ambassador,” he replied. “You have prevented me from making a -mistake this afternoon; now let me prevent you from making one. If you -select<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_247" id="page_247"></a>{247}</span> the fifty men who are to go, you will simply make fifty enemies. -I think too much of you to let you do that. I will prove to you that I -am your real friend. Can’t you make some other suggestion?”</p> - -<p>“Why not take the youngest? They can stand the fatigue best.”</p> - -<p>“That is fair,” answered Enver. He said that Bedri, who was in the -building at that moment, would select the “victims.” This caused me some -uneasiness; I knew that Enver’s modification of his order would -displease Bedri, whose hatred of the foreigners had shown itself on many -occasions, and that the head of the police would do his best to find -some way of evading it. So I asked Enver to send for Bedri and give him -his new orders in my presence. Bedri came in, and, as I had suspected, -he did not like the new arrangement at all. As soon as he heard that he -was to take only fifty and the youngest he threw up his hands and began -to walk up and down the room.</p> - -<p>“No, no, this will never do!” he said. “I don’t want the youngest, I -must have notables!”</p> - -<p>But Enver stuck to the arrangement and gave Bedri orders to take only -the youngest men. It was quite apparent that Bedri needed humouring, so -I asked him to ride with me to the American Embassy, where we would have -tea and arrange all the details. This invitation had an instantaneous -effect which the American mind will have difficulty in comprehending. An -American would regard it as nothing wonderful to be seen publicly riding -with an ambassador, or to take tea at an embassy. But this is a -distinction which never comes to a minor functionary, such as a Prefect -of Police, in the Turkish capital. Possibly I lowered<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_248" id="page_248"></a>{248}</span> the dignity of my -office in extending this invitation to Bedri; Pallavicini would probably -have thought so; but it certainly paid, for it made Bedri more pliable -than he would otherwise have been.</p> - -<p>When we reached the Embassy, we found the crowds still there, awaiting -the results of my intercession. When I told the besiegers that only -fifty had to go and these the youngest, they seemed momentarily -stupefied. They could not understand it at first; they believed that I -might obtain some modification of the order, but nothing like this. -Then, as the truth dawned upon them, I found myself in the centre of a -crowd that had apparently gone momentarily insane, this time not from -grief, but from joy. Women, the tears streaming down their faces, -insisted on throwing themselves on their knees, seizing both my hands, -and covering them with kisses. Mature men, despite my violent -protestations, persisted in hugging me and kissing me on both cheeks. -For several minutes I struggled with this crowd, embarrassed by its -demonstrations of gratitude, but finally I succeeded in breaking away -and secreting myself and Bedri in an inner room.</p> - -<p>“Can’t I have a few notables?” he asked.</p> - -<p>“I’ll give you just one,” I replied.</p> - -<p>“Can’t I have three?” he asked again.</p> - -<p>“You can have all who are under fifty,” I answered.</p> - -<p>But that did not satisfy him, as there was not a solitary person of -distinction under that age limit. Bedri really had his eye on Messieurs -Weyl, Rey, and Dr. Frew. But I had one “notable” up my sleeve whom I was -willing to concede. Dr. Wigram, an Anglican clergyman, one of the most -prominent men in the foreign colony, had pleaded with me, asking<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_249" id="page_249"></a>{249}</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 319px;"> -<a href="images/i_296_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_296_sml.jpg" width="319" height="500" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">THE BRITISH SHIP “ALBION”</p> - -<p class="c">Shelling the fortifications at the Inner Strait. The splashes near the -ship show that the Turks are replying vigorously.</p></div> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 372px;"> -<a href="images/i_297_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_297_sml.jpg" width="372" height="500" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">THE DARDANELLES AS IT WAS MARCH 16, 1915</p> - -<p>When Ambassador Morgenthau, at the invitation of the Turkish -Government, visited all the batteries. He found the batteries well -defended, but short of ammunition and completely outranged by the -guns of the Allied fleets. On March 19th the Germans and Turks were -prepared to retreat to Anatolia and leave Constantinople at the -mercy of the British. The Allies abandoned the attack at the -precise moment when complete victory was in their grasp.</p></div> -</div> - -<p class="nind">that he might be permitted to go with the hostages and furnish them such -consolation as religion could give them. I knew that nothing would -delight Dr. Wigram more than to be thrown as a sop to Bedri’s passion -for “notables.”</p> - -<p>“Dr. Wigram is the only notable you can have,” I said to Bedri. So he -accepted him as the best that he could do in that line.</p> - -<p>Mr. Hoffman Philip, the <i>Conseiller</i> of the American Embassy—now -American Minister to Colombia—had already expressed a desire to -accompany the hostages, so that he might minister to their comfort. This -manifestation of a fine humanitarian spirit was nothing new in Mr. -Philip. Although not in good health, he had returned to Constantinople -after Turkey had entered the war, in order that he might assist me in -the work of caring for the foreign residents. Through all that arduous -period he constantly displayed that sympathy for the unfortunate, the -sick, and the poor, which is innate in his character. Though it was -somewhat irregular for a representative of the Embassy to engage in such -a hazardous enterprise as this one, Mr. Philip pleaded so earnestly that -finally I reluctantly gave my consent. I also obtained permission for -Mr. Arthur Ruhl of <i>Collier’s</i> and Mr. Henry West Suydam, of the -Brooklyn <i>Eagle</i>, to accompany the party.</p> - -<p>At the end Bedri had to have his little joke. Though the fifty were -informed that the boat for Gallipoli would leave the next morning at six -o’clock, he, with his police, visited their houses at midnight, and -routed them all out of bed. The crowd that assembled at the dock the -next morning looked somewhat weather-beaten and worse for wear. Bedri -was there, superintending<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_250" id="page_250"></a>{250}</span> the whole proceeding, and when he came up to -me, he good-naturedly reproached me again for letting him have only one -“notable.” In the main, he behaved very decently, though he could not -refrain from telling the hostages that the British airplanes were -dropping bombs on Gallipoli! Of the twenty-five “Englishmen” assembled -there were only two who had been born in England, and of the twenty-five -“Frenchmen” only two who had been born in France. They carried satchels -containing food and other essentials, their assembled relatives had -additional bundles, and Mrs. Morgenthau sent several large cases of food -to the ship. The parting of these young men with their families was -affecting, but they all stood it bravely.</p> - -<p>I returned to the Embassy, somewhat wearied by the excitement of the -last few days and in no particularly gracious humour for the honour -which now awaited me. For I had been there only a few minutes when His -Excellency, the German Ambassador, was announced. Wangenheim discussed -commonplaces for a few minutes and then approached the real object of -his call. He asked me to telegraph to Washington that he had been -“helpful” in getting the number of the Gallipoli hostages reduced to -fifty! In view of the actual happenings this request was so preposterous -that I could scarcely maintain my composure. I had known that, in going -through the form of speaking to the Grand Vizier, Wangenheim had been -manufacturing his protest for future use, but I had not expected him to -fall back upon it so soon.</p> - -<p>“Well,” said Wangenheim, “at least telegraph your government that I -didn’t ‘<i>hetz</i>’ the Turks in this matter.”<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_251" id="page_251"></a>{251}</span></p> - -<p>The German verb “<i>hetzen</i>” means about the same as the English “sic,” in -the sense of inciting a dog. I was in no mood to give Wangenheim a clean -bill of health, and told him so. In fact, I specifically reported to -Washington that he had refused to help me. A day or two afterward -Wangenheim called me on the telephone and began to talk in an excited -and angry tone. His government had wired him about my telegram to -Washington. I told him that if he desired credit for assistance in -matters of this kind, he should really exert himself and do something.</p> - -<p>The hostages had an uncomfortable time at Gallipoli; they were put into -two wooden houses with no beds and no food except that which they had -brought themselves. The days and nights were made wretched by the -abundant vermin that is a commonplace in Turkey. Had Mr. Philip not gone -with them, they would have suffered seriously. After the unfortunates -had been there for a few days I began work with Enver again to get them -back. Sir Edward Grey, then British Secretary for Foreign Affairs, had -requested our State Department to send me a message with the request -that I present it to Enver and his fellow ministers; its purport was -that the British Government would hold them personally responsible for -any injury to the hostages. I presented this message to Enver on May -9th. I had seen Enver in many moods, but the unbridled rage which Sir -Edward’s admonition now caused was something entirely new. As I read the -telegram his face became livid, and he absolutely lost control of -himself. The European polish which Enver had sedulously acquired dropped -like a mask; I now saw him for what he really was—a savage, -bloodthirsty Turk.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_252" id="page_252"></a>{252}</span></p> - -<p>“They will not come back!” he shouted. “I shall let them stay there -until they rot!”</p> - -<p>“I would like to see those English touch me!” he continued.</p> - -<p>I saw that the method which I had always used with Enver, that of -persuasion, was the only possible way of handling him. I tried to soothe -the Minister now, and, after a while, he quieted down.</p> - -<p>“But don’t ever threaten me again!” he said.</p> - -<p>After spending a week at Gallipoli, the party returned. The Turks had -moved their military headquarters from Gallipoli and the English fleet, -therefore, ceased to bombard it. All came back in good condition and -were welcomed home with great enthusiasm.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_253" id="page_253"></a>{253}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XX" id="CHAPTER_XX"></a>CHAPTER XX<br /><br /> -<small>MORE ADVENTURES OF THE FOREIGN RESIDENTS</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">T</span>HE Gallipoli deportation gives some idea of my difficulties in -attempting to fulfil my duty as the representative of Allied interests -in the Ottoman Empire. Yet, despite these occasional outbursts of -hatred, in the main the Turkish officials themselves behaved very well. -They had promised me at the beginning that they would treat their alien -enemies decently, and would permit them either to remain in Turkey, and -follow their accustomed occupations, or to leave the empire. They -apparently believed that the world would judge them, after the war was -over, not by the way they treated their own subject peoples but by the -way they treated the subjects of the enemy powers. The result was that a -Frenchman, an Englishman, or an Italian enjoyed far greater security in -Turkey than an Armenian, a Greek, or a Jew. Yet against this disposition -to be decent a persistent malevolent force was constantly manifesting -itself. In a letter to the State Department, I described the influence -that was working against foreigners in Turkey. “The German Ambassador,” -I wrote on May 14, 1915, “keeps pressing on the Turks the advisability -both of repressive measures and of detaining as hostages the subjects of -the belligerent powers. I have had to encounter the persistent -opposition of my German colleague in endeavouring<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_254" id="page_254"></a>{254}</span> to obtain permission -for the departure of the subjects of the nationalities under our -protection.”</p> - -<p>Now and then the Turkish officials would retaliate upon one of their -enemy aliens, usually in reprisal for some injury, or fancied injury, -inflicted on their own subjects in enemy countries. Such acts gave rise -to many exciting episodes, some tragical, some farcical, all -illuminating in the light they shed upon Turkish character and upon -Teutonic methods.</p> - -<p>One afternoon I was sitting with Talaat, discussing routine matters, -when his telephone rang.</p> - -<p>“<i>Pour vous</i>,” said the Minister, handing me the receiver.</p> - -<p>It was one of my secretaries. He told me that Bedri had arrested Sir -Edwin Pears, had thrown him into prison, and had seized all his papers. -Sir Edwin was one of the best-known British residents of Constantinople. -For forty years he had practised law in the Ottoman capital; he had also -written much for the press during that period, and had published several -books which had given him fame as an authority on Oriental history and -politics. He was about eighty years old and of venerable and -distinguished appearance. When the war started I had exacted a special -promise from Talaat and Bedri that, in no event, should Sir Edwin Pears -and Prof. Van Millingen of Robert College be disturbed. This telephone -message which I now received—curiously enough, in Talaat’s -presence—seemed to indicate that this promise had been broken.</p> - -<p>I now turned to Talaat and spoke in a manner that made no attempt to -conceal my displeasure.</p> - -<p>“Is this all your promises are worth?” I asked. “Can’t you find anything -better to do than to molest<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_255" id="page_255"></a>{255}</span> such a respectable old man as Sir Edwin -Pears? What has he ever done to you?”</p> - -<p>“Come, come, don’t get excited,” rejoined Talaat. “He’s only been in -prison for a few hours, and I will see that he is released.”</p> - -<p>He tried to get Bedri on the wire, but failed. By this time I knew Bedri -well enough to understand his methods of operation. When Bedri really -wished to be reached on the telephone, he was the most accessible man in -the world; when his presence at the other end of the wire might prove -embarrassing, the most painstaking search could not reveal his -whereabouts. As Bedri had given me his solemn promise that Sir Edwin -should not be disturbed, this was an occasion when the Prefect of Police -preferred to keep himself inaccessible.</p> - -<p>“I shall stay in this room until you get Bedri,” I now told Talaat. The -big Turk took the situation good-humouredly. We waited a considerable -period, but Bedri succeeded in avoiding an encounter. Finally I called -up one of my secretaries and told him to go out and hunt for the missing -prefect.</p> - -<p>“Tell Bedri,” I said, “that I have Talaat under arrest in his own office -and that I shall not let him leave it until he has been able to instruct -Bedri to release Sir Edwin Pears.”</p> - -<p>Talaat was greatly enjoying the comedy of the situation; he knew Bedri’s -ways even better than I did and he was much interested in seeing whether -I should succeed in finding him. But in a few moments the telephone -rang. It was Bedri. I told Talaat to tell him that I was going to the -prison in my own automobile to get Sir Edwin Pears.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_256" id="page_256"></a>{256}</span></p> - -<p>“Please don’t let him do that,” replied Bedri. “Such an occurrence would -make me personally ridiculous and destroy my influence.”</p> - -<p>“Very well,” I replied, “I shall wait until 6.15. If Sir Edwin is not -restored to his family by that time, I shall go to the Police -Headquarters and get him.”</p> - -<p>As I returned to the Embassy I stopped at the Pears residence and -attempted to soothe Lady Pears and her daughter.</p> - -<p>“If your father is not here at 6.15,” I told Miss Pears, “please let me -know immediately.”</p> - -<p>Promptly at that time my telephone rang. It was Miss Pears, who informed -me that Sir Edwin had just reached home.</p> - -<p>The next day Sir Edwin called at the Embassy to thank me for my efforts -in his behalf. He told me that the German Ambassador had also worked for -his release. This latter statement somewhat surprised me, as I knew no -one else had had a chance to make a move, since everything transpired -while I had been in Talaat’s office. Half an hour afterward I met -Wangenheim himself; he dropped in at Mrs. Morgenthau’s reception. I -referred to the Pears case and asked him whether he had used any -influence in obtaining his freedom. My question astonished him greatly.</p> - -<p>“What?” he said. “I helped you to secure that man’s release! <i>Der alte -Gauner!</i> (The old rascal.) Why, I was the man who had him arrested!”</p> - -<p>“What have you got against him?” I asked.</p> - -<p>“In 1876,” Wangenheim replied, “that man was pro-Russian and against -Turkey!”</p> - -<p>Such are the long memories of the Germans! In 1876, Sir Edwin wrote -several articles for the London<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_257" id="page_257"></a>{257}</span> <i>Daily News</i>, describing the Bulgarian -massacres. At that time the reports of these fiendish atrocities were -generally disbelieved and Sir Edwin’s letters placed all the -incontrovertible facts before the English-speaking peoples, and had much -to do with the emancipation of Bulgaria from Turkish rule. This act of -humanity and journalistic statesmanship had brought Sir Edwin much fame -and now, after forty years, Germany proposed to punish him by casting -him into a Turkish prison! Again the Turks proved more considerate than -their German allies, for they not only gave Sir Edwin his liberty and -his papers, but permitted him to return to London.</p> - -<p>Bedri, however, was a little mortified at my successful intervention in -this instance and decided to even up the score. Next to Sir Edwin Pears, -the most prominent English-speaking barrister in Constantinople was Dr. -Mizzi, a Maltese, 70 years old. The ruling powers had a grudge against -him, for he was the proprietor of the <i>Levant Herald</i>, a paper which had -published articles criticizing the Union and Progress Committee. On the -very night of the Pears episode, Bedri went to Dr. Mizzi’s house at -eleven o’clock, routed the old gentleman out of bed, arrested him, and -placed him on a train for Angora, in Asia Minor. As a terrible epidemic -of typhus was raging in Angora, this was not a desirable place of -residence for a man of Dr. Mizzi’s years. The next morning, when I heard -of it for the first time, Dr. Mizzi was well on the way to his place of -exile.</p> - -<p>“This time I got ahead of you!” said Bedri, with a triumphant laugh. He -was as good-natured about it and as pleased as a boy. At last he had -“put one over” on the American Ambassador, who had been unguardedly<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_258" id="page_258"></a>{258}</span> -asleep in his bed when this old man had been railroaded to a fever camp -in Asia Minor.</p> - -<p>But Bedri’s success was not so complete, after all. At my request Talaat -had Dr. Mizzi sent to Konia, instead of to Angora. There one of the -American missionaries, Dr. Dodd, had a splendid hospital; I arranged -that Dr. Mizzi could have a nice room in this building, and here he -lived for several months, with congenial associates, good food, a -healthy atmosphere, all the books he wanted, and one thing without which -he would have been utterly miserable—a piano. So I still thought that -the honours between Bedri and myself were a little better than even.</p> - -<p>Early in January, 1916, word was received that the English were -maltreating Turkish war prisoners in Egypt. Soon afterward I received -letters from two Australians, Commander Stoker and Lieutenant -Fitzgerald, telling me that they had been confined for eleven days in a -miserable, damp dungeon at the War Office, with no companions except a -monstrous swarm of vermin. These two naval officers had come to -Constantinople on one of that famous fleet of American-built submarines -which had made the daring trip from England, dived under the mines in -the Dardanelles, and arrived in the Marmora, where for several weeks -they terrorized and dominated this inland sea, practically putting an -end to all shipping. The particular submarine on which my correspondents -arrived, the <i>E</i> 15, had been caught in the Dardanelles, and its crew -and officers had been sent to the Turkish military prison at Afium Kara -Hissar in Asia Minor. When news of the alleged maltreatment of Turkish -prisoners in Egypt was received, lots were drawn among these<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_259" id="page_259"></a>{259}</span> prisoners -to see which two should be taken to Constantinople and imprisoned in -reprisal. Stoker and Fitzgerald drew the unlucky numbers, and had been -lying in this terrible underground cell for eleven days. I immediately -took the matter up with Enver and suggested that a neutral doctor and -officer examine the Turks in Egypt and report on the truth of the -stories. We promptly received word that the report was false, and that, -as a matter of fact, the Turkish prisoners in English hands were -receiving excellent treatment.</p> - -<p>About this time I called on Monsignor Dolci, the Apostolic Delegate to -Turkey. He happened to refer to a Lieutenant Fitzgerald, who, he said, -was then a prisoner of war at Afium Kara Hissar.</p> - -<p>“I am much interested in him,” said Monsignor Dolci, “because he is -engaged to the daughter of the British Minister to the Vatican. I spoke -to Enver about him and he promised that he would receive special -treatment.”</p> - -<p>“What is his first name?” I asked.</p> - -<p>“Jeffrey.”</p> - -<p>“He’s receiving ‘special treatment’ indeed,” I answered. “Do you know -that he is in a dungeon in Constantinople this very moment?”</p> - -<p>Naturally M. Dolci was much disturbed but I reassured him, saying that -his protégé would be released in a few days.</p> - -<p>“You see how shamefully you treated these young men,” I now said to -Enver, “you should do something to make amends.”</p> - -<p>“All right, what would you suggest?”</p> - -<p>Stoker and Fitzgerald were prisoners of war, and, according to the usual -rule, would have been sent back<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_260" id="page_260"></a>{260}</span> to the prison camp after being released -from their dungeon. I now proposed that Enver should give them a -vacation of eight days in Constantinople. He entered into the spirit of -the occasion and the men were released. They certainly presented a sorry -sight; they had spent twenty-five days in the dungeon, with no chance to -bathe or to shave, with no change of linen or any of the decencies of -life. But Mr. Philip took charge, furnished them the necessaries, and in -a brief period we had before us two young and handsome British naval -officers. Their eight days’ freedom turned out to be a triumphal -procession, notwithstanding that they were always accompanied by an -English-speaking Turkish officer. Monsignor Dolci and the American -Embassy entertained them at dinner and they had a pleasant visit at the -Girls’ College. When the time came to return to their prison camp, the -young men declared that they would be glad to spend another month in -dungeons if they could have a corresponding period of freedom in the -city when liberated.</p> - -<p>In spite of all that has happened I shall always have one kindly -recollection of Enver for his treatment of Fitzgerald. I told the -Minister of War about the Lieutenant’s engagement.</p> - -<p>“Don’t you think he’s been punished enough?” I asked. “Why don’t you let -the boy go home and marry his sweetheart?”</p> - -<p>The proposition immediately appealed to Enver’s sentimental side.</p> - -<p>“I’ll do it,” he replied, “if he will give me his word of honour not to -fight against Turkey any more.”</p> - -<p>Fitzgerald naturally gave this promise, and so his comparatively brief -stay in the dungeon had the result<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_261" id="page_261"></a>{261}</span> of freeing him from imprisonment and -restoring him to happiness. As poor Stoker had formed no romantic -attachments that would have justified a similar plea in his case, he had -to go back to the prison in Asia Minor. He did this, however, in a -genuinely sporting spirit that was worthy of the best traditions of the -British navy.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_262" id="page_262"></a>{262}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXI" id="CHAPTER_XXI"></a>CHAPTER XXI<br /><br /> -<small>BULGARIA ON THE AUCTION BLOCK</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">T</span>HE failure of the Allied fleet at the Dardanelles did not definitely -settle the fate of Constantinople. Naturally the Turks and the Germans -felt immensely relieved when the fleet sailed away. But they were by no -means entirely easy in their minds. The most direct road to the ancient -capital still remained available to their enemies.</p> - -<p>In early September, 1915, one of the most influential Germans in the -city gave me a detailed explanation of the prevailing military -situation. He summed up the whole matter in the single phrase:</p> - -<p>“We cannot hold the Dardanelles without the military support of -Bulgaria.”</p> - -<p>This meant, of course, that unless Bulgaria aligned herself with Turkey -and the Central Empires, the Gallipoli expedition would succeed, -Constantinople would fall, the Turkish Empire would collapse, Russia -would be reëstablished as an economic and military power, and the war, -in a comparatively brief period, would terminate in a victory for the -Entente. Not improbably the real neutrality of Bulgaria would have had -the same result. It is thus perhaps not too much to say that, in -September and October of 1915, the Bulgarian Government held the -duration of the war in its hands.</p> - -<p>This fact is of such preëminent importance that I can hardly emphasize -it too strongly. I suggest that<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_263" id="page_263"></a>{263}</span> my readers take down the map of a part -of the world with which they are not very familiar—that of the Balkan -States, as determined by the Treaty of Bucharest. All that remains of -European Turkey is a small irregular area stretching about one hundred -miles west of Constantinople. The nation whose land is contiguous to -European Turkey is Bulgaria. The main railroad line to Western Europe -starts at Constantinople and runs through Bulgaria, by way of -Adrianople, Philippopolis, and Sofia. At that time Bulgaria could muster -an army of 500,000 well-trained, completely organized troops. Should -these once start marching toward Constantinople, there was practically -nothing to bar their way. Turkey had a considerable army, it is true, -but it was then finding plenty of employment repelling the Allied forces -at the Dardanelles and the Russians in the Caucasus. With Bulgaria -hostile, Turkey could obtain neither troops nor munitions from Germany. -Turkey would have been completely isolated, and, under the pounding of -Bulgaria, would have disappeared as a military force, and as a European -state, in one very brief campaign.</p> - -<p>I wish to direct particular attention to this railroad, for it was, -after all, the main strategic prize for which Germany was contending. -After leaving Sofia it crosses northeastern Serbia, the most important -stations being at Nish and Belgrade. From the latter point it crosses -the River Save and later the River Danube, and thence pursues its course -to Budapest and Vienna and thence to Berlin. Practically all the -military operations that took place in the Balkans in 1915-16 had for -their ultimate object the possession of this road. Once holding this -line Turkey and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_264" id="page_264"></a>{264}</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_313_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_313_sml.jpg" width="500" height="416" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -</div> - -<p>Germany would no longer be separated; economically and militarily they -would become a unit. The Dardanelles, as I have described, was the link -that connected Russia with her allies; with this passage closed Russia’s -collapse rapidly followed. The valleys of the Morava and the Maritza, in -which this railroad is laid, constituted for Turkey a kind of waterless -Dardanelles. In her possession it gave her access to her allies; in the -possession of her enemies, the Ottoman Empire would go to pieces. Only -the accession of Bulgaria to the Teutonic cause could give the Turks and -Germans this advantage. As soon as Bulgaria entered, that section of the -railroad extending to the Serbian frontier would at once become -available. If Bulgaria joined the Central Powers as an active -participant, the conquest of Serbia would<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_265" id="page_265"></a>{265}</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_314_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_314_sml.jpg" width="500" height="289" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">TCHEMENLIK AND FORT ANADOLU HAMIDIÉ</p> - -<p>The latter, the works in the background, was the chief -fortification on the Asiatic side. It inflicted the most damage on -the Allied fleet and was the chief object of the fleet’s attack. It -was almost entirely manned by German officers and men.</p></div> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_315_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_315_sml.jpg" width="500" height="292" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">FORT DARDANOS</p> - -<p>These guns date from 1905. It was not until Bulgaria entered the -war and Serbia was overwhelmed that the Germans reinforced the -Dardanelles. Now this strait is as completely fortified as -Heligoland. Probably all the fleets of the world could not force -the passage to-day.</p></div> - -</div> - -<p class="nind">inevitably follow, and this would give the link extending from Nish to -Belgrade to the Teutonic powers. Thus the Bulgarian alliance would make -Constantinople a suburb of Berlin, place all the resources of the Krupps -at the disposal of the Turkish army, make inevitable the failure of the -Allied attack on Gallipoli, and lay the foundation of that Oriental -Empire which had been for thirty years the mainspring of German policy.</p> - -<p>It is thus apparent what my German friend meant when, in early -September, he said that, “without Bulgaria we cannot hold the -Dardanelles.” Everybody sees this so clearly now that there is a -prevalent belief that Germany had arranged this Bulgarian alliance -before the outbreak of the war. On this point I have no definite -knowledge. That the Bulgarian king and the Kaiser may have arranged this -coöperation in advance is not unlikely. But we must not make the mistake -of believing that this settled the matter, for the experience of the -last few years shows us that treaties are not to be taken too seriously. -Whether there was an understanding or not, I know that the Turkish -officials and the Germans by no means regarded it as settled that -Bulgaria would take their side. In their talks with me they constantly -showed the utmost apprehension over the outcome; and at one time the -fear was general that Bulgaria would take the side of the Entente.</p> - -<p>I had my first personal contact with the Bulgarian negotiations in the -latter part of May, when I was informed that M. Koloucheff, the -Bulgarian Minister, had notified Robert College that the Bulgarian -students could not remain until the end of the college year, but<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_266" id="page_266"></a>{266}</span> would -have to return home by June 5th. The Constantinople College for Women -had also received word that all the Bulgarian girls must return at the -same time. Both these American institutions had many Bulgarian students, -in most cases splendid representatives of their country; it is through -these colleges, indeed, that the distant United States and Bulgaria had -established such friendly relations. But they had never had such an -experience before.</p> - -<p>Everybody was discussing the meaning of this move. It seemed quite -apparent. The chief topic of conversation at that time was Bulgaria. -Would she enter the war? If so, on which side would she cast her -fortunes? One day it was reported that she would join the Entente; the -next day that she had decided to ally herself with the Central Powers. -The prevailing belief was that she was actively bargaining with both -sides and looking for the highest terms. Should Bulgaria go with the -Entente, however, it would be undesirable to have any Bulgarian subjects -marooned in Turkey. As the boys and girls in the American colleges -usually came from important Bulgarian families—one of them was the -daughter of General Ivanoff, who led the Bulgarian armies in the Balkan -wars—the Bulgarian Government might naturally have a particular -interest in their safety.</p> - -<p>The conclusion reached by most people was that Bulgaria had decided to -take the side of the Entente. The news rapidly spread throughout -Constantinople. The Turks were particularly impressed. Dr. Patrick, -President of Constantinople College for Women, arranged a hurried -commencement for her Bulgarian students, which I attended. It was a sad -occasion, more<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_267" id="page_267"></a>{267}</span> like a funeral than the festivity that usually took -place. I found the Bulgarian girls almost in a hysterical state; they -all believed that war was coming immediately, and that they were being -bundled home merely to prevent them from falling into the clutches of -the Turks. My sympathies were so aroused that we brought them down to -the American Embassy, where we all spent a delightful evening. After -dinner the girls dried their eyes and entertained us by singing many of -their beautiful Bulgarian songs, and what had started as a mournful day -thus had a happy ending. Next morning the girls all left for Bulgaria.</p> - -<p>A few weeks afterward the Bulgarian Minister told me that the Government -had summoned the students home merely for political effect. There was no -immediate likelihood of war, he said. But Bulgaria wished Germany and -Turkey to understand that there was still a chance that she might join -the Entente. Bulgaria, as all of us suspected, was apparently on the -auction block. The one fixed fact in the Bulgarian position was the -determination to have Macedonia. Everything, said Koloucheff, depended -upon that. His conversations reflected the general Bulgarian view that -Bulgaria had fairly won this territory in the first Balkan war, that the -Powers had unjustly permitted her to be deprived of it, that it was -Bulgarian by race, language, and tradition, and that there could be no -permanent peace in the Balkans until it was returned to its rightful -possessors. But Bulgaria insisted on more than a promise, to be redeemed -after the war was over; she demanded immediate occupation. Once -Macedonia were turned over to Bulgaria, she would join her forces to -those of the Entente. There were<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_268" id="page_268"></a>{268}</span> two great prizes in the game then -being played in the Balkans: one was Macedonia, which Bulgaria must -have; and the other Constantinople, which Russia was determined to get. -Bulgaria was entirely willing that Russia should have Constantinople if -she herself could obtain Macedonia.</p> - -<p>I was given to understand that the Bulgarian General Staff had plans all -completed for the capture of Constantinople, and that they had shown -these plans to the Entente. Their programme called for a Bulgarian army -of about 300,000 men who would besiege Constantinople twenty-three days -from the time the signal to start should be given. But promises of -Macedonia would not suffice; the Bulgarian must have possession.</p> - -<p>Bulgaria recognized the difficulties of the Allied position. She did not -believe that Serbia and Greece would voluntarily surrender Macedonia, -nor did she believe that the Allies would dare to take this country away -from them by force. In that event, she thought that there was a danger -that Serbia might make a separate peace with the Central Powers. On the -other hand, Bulgaria would object if Serbia received Bosnia and -Herzegovina as compensation for the loss of Macedonia—she felt that an -enlarged Serbia would be a constant menace to her, and hence a future -menace to peace in the Balkans. Thus the situation was extremely -difficult and complicated.</p> - -<p>One of the best-informed men in Turkey was Paul Weitz, the correspondent -of the <i>Frankfurter Zeitung</i>. Weitz was more than a journalist; he had -spent thirty years in Constantinople; he had the most intimate personal -knowledge of Turkish affairs, and he was the confidant and adviser of -the German Embassy. His<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_269" id="page_269"></a>{269}</span> duties there were actually semi-diplomatic. -Weitz had really been one of the most successful agencies in the German -penetration of Turkey; it was common talk that he knew every important -man in the Turkish Empire, the best way to approach him, and his price. -I had several talks with Weitz about Bulgaria during those critical -August and early September days. He said many times that it was not at -all certain that she would join her forces with Germany. Yet on -September 7th Weitz came to me with important news. The situation had -changed over night. Baron Neurath, the Conseiller of the German Embassy -at Constantinople, had gone to Sofia, and, as a result of his visit, an -agreement had been signed that would make Bulgaria Germany’s ally.</p> - -<p>Germany, said Weitz, had won over Bulgaria by doing something which the -Entente had not been able and willing to do. It had secured her the -possession at once of a piece of coveted territory. Serbia had refused -to give Bulgaria immediate possession of Macedonia; Turkey, on the other -hand, had now surrendered a piece of the Ottoman Empire. The amount of -land in question, it is true, was apparently insignificant, yet it had -great strategic advantages and represented a genuine sacrifice by -Turkey. The Maritza River, a few miles north of Enos, bends to the east, -to the north, and then to the west again, creating a block of territory, -with an area of nearly 1,000 square miles, including the important -cities of Demotica, Kara Agatch, and half of Adrianople. What makes this -land particularly important is that it contains about fifty miles of the -railroad which runs from Dedeagatch to Sofia. All this railroad, that -is, except<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_270" id="page_270"></a>{270}</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 381px;"> -<a href="images/i_321_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_321_sml.jpg" width="381" height="500" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -</div> - -<p class="nind">this fifty miles, is laid in Bulgarian territory; this short strip, -extending through Turkey, cuts Bulgaria’s communications with the -Mediterranean. Naturally Bulgaria yearned for this piece of land; and -Turkey now handed it over to her. This cession changed<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_271" id="page_271"></a>{271}</span> the whole Balkan -situation and it made Bulgaria an ally of Turkey and the Central Powers. -Besides the railroad, Bulgaria obtained that part of Adrianople which -lay west of the Maritza River. In addition, of course, Bulgaria was to -receive Macedonia, as soon as that province could be occupied by -Bulgaria and her allies.</p> - -<p>I vividly remember the exultation of Weitz when this agreement was -signed.</p> - -<p>“It’s all settled,” he told me. “Bulgaria has decided to join us. It was -all arranged last night at Sofia.”</p> - -<p>The Turks also were greatly relieved. For the first time they saw the -way out of their troubles. The Bulgarian arrangement, Enver told me, had -taken a tremendous weight off their minds.</p> - -<p>“We Turks are entitled to the credit,” he said, “of bringing Bulgaria in -on the side of the Central Powers. She would never have come to our -assistance if we hadn’t given her that slice of land. By surrendering it -immediately and not waiting till the end of the war, we showed our good -faith. It was very hard for us to do it, of course, especially to give -up part of the city of Adrianople, but it was worth the price. We really -surrendered this territory in exchange for Constantinople, for if -Bulgaria had not come in on our side, we would have lost this city. Just -think how enormously we have improved our position. We have had to keep -more than 200,000 men at the Bulgarian frontier, to protect us against -any possible attack from that quarter. We can now transfer all these -troops to the Gallipoli peninsula, and thus make it absolutely -impossible that the Allies’ expedition can succeed. We are also greatly -hampered at the Dardanelles by the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_272" id="page_272"></a>{272}</span> lack of ammunition. But Bulgaria, -Austria, and Germany are to make a joint attack on Serbia and will -completely control that country in a few weeks. So we shall have a -direct railroad line from Constantinople into Austria and Germany and -can get all the war supplies which we need. With Bulgaria on our side no -attack can be made on Constantinople from the north—we have created an -impregnable bulwark against Russia. I do not deny that the situation had -caused us great anxiety. We were afraid that Greece and Bulgaria would -join hands, and that would also bring in Rumania. Then Turkey would have -been lost; they would have had us between a pair of pincers. But now we -have only one task before us, that is to drive the English and French at -the Dardanelles into the sea. With all the soldiers and all the -ammunition which we need, we shall do this in a very short time. We gave -up a small area because we saw that that was the way to win the war.”</p> - -<p>The outcome justified Enver’s prophecies in almost every detail. Three -months after Bulgaria accepted the Adrianople bribe, the Entente -admitted defeat and withdrew its forces from the Dardanelles; and, with -this withdrawal, Russia, which was the greatest potential source of -strength to the Allied cause and the country which, properly organized -and supplied, might have brought the Allies a speedy triumph, -disappeared as a vital factor in the war. When the British and French -withdrew from Gallipoli that action turned adrift this huge hulk of a -country to flounder to anarchy, dissolution, and ruin.</p> - -<p>The Germans celebrated this great triumph in a way that was -characteristically Teutonic. In their<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_273" id="page_273"></a>{273}</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_324_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_324_sml.jpg" width="500" height="291" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">THE AMERICAN WARD OF THE TURKISH HOSPITAL</p></div> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_325_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_325_sml.jpg" width="500" height="298" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">STUDENTS OF THE CONSTANTINOPLE COLLEGE (An American -institution)</p> - -<p class="c">On the terrace of the American Embassy. The young man to the left of Mr. -Morgenthau is M. Koloucheff, Bulgarian Minister to Turkey.</p></div> -</div> - -<p class="nind">minds, January 17, 1916, stands out as one of the big dates in the war. -There was great rejoicing in Constantinople, for the first Balkan -express—or, as the Germans called it, the <i>Balkanzug</i>—was due to -arrive that afternoon! The railroad station was decorated with flags and -flowers, and the whole German and Austrian population of Constantinople, -including the Embassy staffs, assembled to welcome the incoming train. -As it finally rolled into the station, thousands of “hochs” went up from -as many raucous throats.</p> - -<p>Since that January 17, 1916, the Balkanzug has run regularly from Berlin -to Constantinople. The Germans believe that it is as permanent a feature -of the new Germanic Empire as the line from Berlin to Hamburg.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_274" id="page_274"></a>{274}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXII" id="CHAPTER_XXII"></a>CHAPTER XXII<br /><br /> -<small>THE TURK REVERTS TO THE ANCESTRAL TYPE</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">T</span>HE withdrawal of the Allied fleet from the Dardanelles had consequences -which the world does not yet completely understand. The practical effect -of the event, as I have said, was to isolate the Turkish Empire from all -the world excepting Germany and Austria. England, France, Russia, and -Italy, which for a century had held a restraining hand over the Ottoman -Empire, had finally lost all power to influence or control. The Turks -now perceived that a series of dazzling events had changed them from -cringing dependents of the European Powers into free agents. For the -first time in two centuries they could now live their national life -according to their own inclinations, and govern their peoples according -to their own will. The first expression of this rejuvenated national -life was an episode which, so far as I know, is the most terrible in the -history of the world. New Turkey, freed from European tutelage, -celebrated its national rebirth by murdering not far from a million of -its own subjects.</p> - -<p>I can hardly exaggerate the effect which the repulse of the Allied fleet -produced upon the Turks. They believed that they had won the really -great decisive battle of the war. For several centuries, they said, the -British fleet had victoriously sailed the seas and had now met its first -serious reverse at the hands of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_275" id="page_275"></a>{275}</span> the Turks. In the first moments of -their pride, the Young Turk leaders saw visions of the complete -resurrection of their empire. What had for two centuries been a decaying -nation had suddenly started on a new and glorious life. In their pride -and arrogance the Turks began to look with disdain upon the people that -had taught them what they knew of modern warfare, and nothing angered -them so much as any suggestion that they owed any part of their success -to their German allies.</p> - -<p>“Why should we feel any obligation to the Germans?” Enver would say to -me. “What have they done for us which compares with what we have done -for them? They have lent us some money and sent us a few officers, it is -true, but see what we have done! We have defeated the British -fleet—something which neither the Germans nor any other nation could -do. We have stationed armies on the Caucasian front, and so have kept -busy large bodies of Russian troops that would have been used on the -western front. Similarly we have compelled England to keep large armies -in Egypt, in Mesopotamia, and in that way we have weakened the Allied -armies in France. No, the Germans could never have achieved their -military successes without us; the shoe of obligation is entirely on -their foot.”</p> - -<p>This conviction possessed the leaders of the Union and Progress Party -and now began to have a determining effect upon Turkish national life -and Turkish policy. Essentially the Turk is a bully and a coward; he is -brave as a lion when things are going his way, but cringing, abject, and -nerveless when reverses are overwhelming him. And now that the fortunes -of war were apparently favouring the empire, I began to see an entirely<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_276" id="page_276"></a>{276}</span> -new Turk unfolding before my eyes. The hesitating and fearful Ottoman, -feeling his way cautiously amid the mazes of European diplomacy, and -seeking opportunities to find an advantage for himself in the divided -counsels of the European powers, gave place to an upstanding, almost -dashing figure, proud and assertive, determined to live his own life and -absolutely contemptuous of his Christian foes. I was really witnessing a -remarkable development in race psychology—an almost classical instance -of reversion to type. The ragged, unkempt Turk of the twentieth century -was vanishing and in his place was appearing the Turk of the fourteenth -and the fifteenth, the Turk who had swept out of his Asiatic fastnesses, -conquered all the powerful peoples in his way, and founded in Asia, -Africa, and Europe one of the most extensive empires that history has -known. If we are properly to appreciate this new Talaat and Enver and -the events which now took place, we must understand the Turk who, under -Osman and his successors, exercised this mighty but devastating -influence in the world. We must realize that the basic fact underlying -the Turkish mentality is its utter contempt for all other races. A -fairly insane pride is the element that largely explains this strange -human species. The common term applied by the Turk to the Christian is -“dog,” and in his estimation this is no mere rhetorical figure; he -actually looks upon his European neighbours as far less worthy of -consideration than his own domestic animals. “My son,” an old Turk once -said, “do you see that herd of swine? Some are white, some are black, -some are large, some are small—they differ from each other in some -respects, but they are all swine. So it is with<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_277" id="page_277"></a>{277}</span> Christians. Be not -deceived, my son. These Christians may wear fine clothes, their women -may be very beautiful to look upon; their skins are white and splendid; -many of them are very intelligent and they build wonderful cities and -create what seem to be great states. But remember that underneath all -this dazzling exterior they are all the same—they are all swine.”</p> - -<p>Practically all foreigners, while in the presence of a Turk, are -conscious of this attitude. The Turk may be obsequiously polite, but -there is invariably an almost unconscious feeling that he is mentally -shrinking from his Christian friend as something unclean. And this -fundamental conviction for centuries directed the Ottoman policy toward -its subject peoples. This wild horde swept from the plains of Central -Asia and, like a whirlwind, overwhelmed the nations of Mesopotamia and -Asia Minor; it conquered Egypt, Arabia, and practically all of northern -Africa and then poured into Europe, crushed the Balkan nations, occupied -a large part of Hungary, and even established the outposts of the -Ottoman Empire in the southern part of Russia. So far as I can discover, -the Ottoman Turks had only one great quality, that of military genius. -They had several military leaders of commanding ability, and the early -conquering Turks were brave, fanatical, and tenacious fighters, just as -their descendants are to-day. I think that these old Turks present the -most complete illustration in history of the brigand idea in politics. -They were lacking in what we may call the fundamentals of a civilized -community. They had no alphabet and no art of writing; no books, no -poets, no art, and no architecture;<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_278" id="page_278"></a>{278}</span> they built no cities and they -established no lasting state. They knew no law except the rule of might, -and they had practically no agriculture and no industrial organization. -They were simply wild and marauding horsemen, whose one conception of -tribal success was to pounce upon people who were more civilized than -themselves and plunder them. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries -these tribes overran the cradles of modern civilization, which have -given Europe its religion and, to a large extent, its civilization. At -that time these territories were the seats of many peaceful and -prosperous nations. The Mesopotamian valley supported a large -industrious agricultural population; Bagdad was one of the largest and -most flourishing cities in existence; Constantinople had a greater -population than Rome, and the Balkan region and Asia Minor contained -several powerful states. Over all this part of the world the Turk now -swept as a huge, destructive force. Mesopotamia in a few years became a -desert; the great cities of the Near East were reduced to misery, and -the subject peoples became slaves. Such graces of civilization as the -Turk has acquired in five centuries have practically all been taken from -the subject peoples whom he so greatly despises. His religion comes from -the Arabs; his language has acquired a certain literary value by -borrowing certain Arabic and Persian elements; and his writing is -Arabic. Constantinople’s finest architectural monument, the Mosque of -St. Sophia, was originally a Christian church, and all so-called Turkish -architecture is derived from the Byzantine. The mechanism of business -and industry has always rested in the hands of the subject peoples, -Greeks, Jews, Armenians,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_279" id="page_279"></a>{279}</span> and Arabs. The Turks have learned little of -European art or science, they have established very few educational -institutions, and illiteracy is the prevailing rule. The result is that -poverty has attained a degree of sordidness and misery in the Ottoman -Empire which is almost unparalleled elsewhere. The Turkish peasant lives -in a mud hut; he sleeps on a dirt floor; he has no chairs, no tables, no -eating utensils, no clothes except the few scant garments which cover -his back and which he usually wears for many years.</p> - -<p>In the course of time these Turks might learn certain things from their -European and Arab neighbours, but there was one idea which they could -never even faintly grasp. They could not understand that a conquered -people were anything except slaves. When they took possession of a land, -they found it occupied by a certain number of camels, horses, buffaloes, -dogs, swine, and human beings. Of all these living things the object -that physically most resembled themselves they regarded as the least -important. It became a common saying with them that a horse or a camel -was far more valuable than a man; these animals cost money, whereas -“infidel Christians” were plentiful in the Ottoman countries and could -easily be forced to labour. It is true that the early Sultans gave the -subject peoples and the Europeans in the empire certain rights, but -these in themselves really reflected the contempt in which all -non-Moslems were held. I have already described the “Capitulations,” -under which foreigners in Turkey had their own courts, prisons, -post-offices, and other institutions. Yet the early sultans gave these -privileges not from a spirit of tolerance, but merely because they -looked upon the Christian nations<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_280" id="page_280"></a>{280}</span> as unclean and therefore unfit to -have any contact with the Ottoman administrative and judicial system. -The sultans similarly erected the several peoples, such as the Greeks -and the Armenians, into separate “millets,” or nations, not because they -desired to promote their independence and welfare, but because they -regarded them as vermin, and therefore disqualified for membership in -the Ottoman state. The attitude of the Government toward their Christian -subjects was illustrated by certain regulations which limited their -freedom of action. The buildings in which Christians lived should not be -conspicuous and their churches should have no belfry. Christians could -not ride a horse in the city, for that was the exclusive right of the -noble Moslem. The Turk had the right to test the sharpness of his sword -upon the neck of any Christian.</p> - -<p>Imagine a great government year in and year out maintaining this -attitude toward many millions of its own subjects! And for centuries the -Turks simply lived like parasites upon these overburdened and -industrious people. They taxed them to economic extinction, stole their -most beautiful daughters and forced them into their harems, took -Christian male infants by the hundreds of thousands and brought them up -as Moslem soldiers. I have no intention of describing the terrible -vassalage and oppression that went on for five centuries; my purpose is -merely to emphasize this innate attitude of the Moslem Turk to people -not of his own race and religion—that they are not human beings with -rights, but merely chattels, which may be permitted to live when they -promote the interest of their masters, but which may be pitilessly -destroyed when they have ceased to be useful. This<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_281" id="page_281"></a>{281}</span> attitude is -intensified by a total disregard for human life and an intense delight -in inflicting physical human suffering which are not unusually the -qualities of primitive peoples.</p> - -<p>Such were the mental characteristics of the Turk in his days of military -greatness. In recent times his attitude toward foreigners and his -subject peoples had superficially changed. His own military decline and -the ease with which the infidel nations defeated his finest armies had -apparently given the haughty descendants of Osman a respect at least for -their prowess. The rapid disappearance of his own empire in a hundred -years, the creation out of the Ottoman Empire of new states like Greece, -Serbia, Bulgaria, and Rumania, and the wonderful improvement which had -followed the destruction of the Turkish yoke in these benighted lands, -may have increased the Ottoman hatred for the unbeliever, but at least -they had a certain influence in opening his eyes to his importance. Many -Turks also now received their education in European universities; they -studied in their professional schools, and they became physicians, -surgeons, lawyers, engineers, and chemists of the modern kind. However -much the more progressive Moslems might despise their Christian -associates, they could not ignore the fact that the finest things, in -this temporal world at least, were the products of European and American -civilization. And now that one development of modern history which -seemed to be least understandable to the Turk began to force itself upon -the consciousness of the more intelligent and progressive. Certain -leaders arose who began to speak surreptitiously of such things as -“Constitutionalism,” “Liberty,” “Self-government,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_282" id="page_282"></a>{282}</span>” and to whom the -Declaration of Independence contained certain truths that might have a -value even for Islam. These daring spirits began to dream of overturning -the autocratic Sultan and of substituting a parliamentary system for his -irresponsible rule. I have already described the rise and fall of this -Young Turk movement under such leaders as Talaat, Enver, Djemal, and -their associates in the Committee of Union and Progress. The point which -I am emphasizing here is that this movement presupposed a complete -transformation of Turkish mentality, especially in its attitude toward -subject peoples. No longer, under the reformed Turkish state, were -Greeks, Syrians, Armenians, and Jews to be regarded as “filthy giaours.” -All these peoples were henceforth to have equal rights and equal duties. -A general love feast now followed the establishment of the new régime, -and scenes of almost frenzied reconciliation, in which Turks and -Armenians embraced each other publicly, apparently signalized the -absolute union of the long antagonistic peoples. The Turkish leaders, -including Talaat and Enver, visited Christian churches and sent forth -prayers of thanksgiving for the new order, and went to Armenian -cemeteries to shed tears of retribution over the bones of the martyred -Armenians who lay there. Armenian priests reciprocally paid their -tributes to the Turks in Mohammedan mosques. Enver Pasha visited several -Armenian schools, telling the children that the old days of -Moslem-Christian strife had passed forever and that the two peoples were -now to live together as brothers and sisters. There were cynics who -smiled at all these demonstrations and yet one development encouraged -even them to believe that an earthly<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_283" id="page_283"></a>{283}</span> paradise had arrived. All through -the period of domination only the master Moslem had been permitted to -bear arms and serve in the Ottoman army. To be a soldier was an -occupation altogether too manly and glorious for the despised Christian. -But now the Young Turks encouraged all Christians to arm, and enrolled -them in the army on an equality with Moslems. These Christians fought, -both as officers and soldiers, in the Italian and the Balkan wars, -winning high praise from the Turkish generals for their valour and -skill. Armenian leaders had figured conspicuously in the Young Turk -movement; these men apparently believed that a constitutional Turkey was -possible. They were conscious of their own intellectual and industrial -superiority to the Turks, and knew that they could prosper in the -Ottoman Empire if left alone, whereas, under European control, they -would have greater difficulty in meeting the competition of the more -rigorous European colonists who might come in. With the deposition of -the Red Sultan, Abdul Hamid, and the establishment of a constitutional -system, the Armenians now for the first time in several centuries felt -themselves to be free men.</p> - -<p>But, as I have already described, all these aspirations vanished like a -dream. Long before the European War began, the Turkish democracy had -disappeared. The power of the new Sultan had gone, and the hopes of -regenerating Turkey on modern lines had gone also, leaving only a group -of individuals, headed by Talaat and Enver, actually in possession of -the state. Having lost their democratic aspirations these men now -supplanted them with a new national conception. In place of a democratic -constitutional state they resurrected the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_284" id="page_284"></a>{284}</span> idea of Pan-Turkism; in place -of equal treatment of all Ottomans, they decided to establish a country -exclusively for Turks. I have called this a new conception; yet it was -new only to the individuals who then controlled the destiny of the -empire, for, in reality, it was simply an attempt to revive the most -barbaric ideas of their ancestors. It represented, as I have said, -merely an atavistic reversion to the original Turk. We now saw that the -Turkish leaders, in talking about liberty, equality, fraternity, and -constitutionalism, were merely children repeating phrases; that they had -used the word “democracy” merely as a ladder by which to climb to power. -After five hundred years’ close contact with European civilization, the -Turk remained precisely the same individual as the one who had emerged -from the steppes of Asia in the Middle Ages. He was clinging just as -tenaciously as his ancestors to that conception of a state as consisting -of a few master individuals whose right it is to enslave and plunder and -maltreat any peoples whom they can subject to their military control. -Though Talaat and Enver and Djemal all came of the humblest families, -the same fundamental ideas of master and slave possessed them that -formed the statecraft of Osman and the early Sultans. We now discovered -that a paper constitution and even tearful visits to Christian churches -and cemeteries could not uproot the inborn preconception of this nomadic -tribe that there are only two kinds of people in the world—the -conquering and the conquered.</p> - -<p>When the Turkish Government abrogated the Capitulations, and in this way -freed themselves from the domination of the foreign powers, they were -merely<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_285" id="page_285"></a>{285}</span> taking one step toward realizing this Pan-Turkish ideal. I have -alluded to the difficulties which I had with them over the Christian -schools. Their determination to uproot these, or at least to transform -them into Turkish institutions, was merely another detail in the same -racial progress. Similarly, they attempted to make all foreign business -houses employ only Turkish labour, insisting that they should discharge -their Greek, Armenian, and Jewish clerks, stenographers, workmen, and -other employees. They ordered all foreign houses to keep their books in -Turkish; they wanted to furnish employment for Turks, and enable them to -acquire modern business methods. The Ottoman Government even refused to -have any dealings with the representative of the largest Austrian -munition maker unless he admitted a Turk as a partner. They developed a -mania for suppressing all languages except Turkish. For decades French -had been the accepted language of foreigners in Constantinople; most -street signs were printed in both French and Turkish. One morning the -astonished foreign residents discovered that all these French signs had -been removed and that the names of streets, the directions on street -cars, and other public notices, appeared only in those strange Turkish -characters, which very few of them understood. Great confusion resulted -from this change, but the ruling powers refused to restore the detested -foreign language.</p> - -<p>These leaders not only reverted to the barbaric conceptions of their -ancestors, but they went to extremes that had never entered the minds of -the early sultans. Their fifteenth and sixteenth century predecessors -treated the subject peoples as dirt under their feet, yet they believed -that they had a certain usefulness<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_286" id="page_286"></a>{286}</span> and did not disdain to make them -their slaves. But this Committee of Union and Progress, led by Talaat -and Enver, now decided to do away with them altogether. The old -conquering Turks had made the Christians their servants, but their -parvenu descendants bettered their instruction, for they determined to -exterminate them wholesale and Turkify the empire by massacring the -non-Moslem elements. Originally this was not the statesmanlike -conception of Talaat and Enver; the man who first devised it was one of -the greatest monsters known to history, the “Red Sultan,” Abdul Hamid. -This man came to the throne in 1876, at a critical period in Turkish -history. In the first two years of his reign, he lost Bulgaria as well -as important provinces in the Caucasus, his last remaining vestiges of -sovereignty in Montenegro, Serbia, and Rumania, and all his real powers -in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Greece had long since become an independent -nation, and the processes that were to wrench Egypt from the Ottoman -Empire had already begun. As the Sultan took stock of his inheritance, -he could easily foresee the day when all the rest of his domain would -pass into the hand of the infidel. What had caused this disintegration -of this extensive Turkish Empire? The real cause, of course, lay deep in -the character of the Turk, but Abdul Hamid saw only the more obvious -fact that the intervention of the great European Powers had brought -relief to these imprisoned nations. Of all the new kingdoms which had -been carved out of the Sultan’s dominions, Serbia—let us remember this -fact to her everlasting honour—is the only one that has won her own -independence. Russia, France, and Great Britain have set free all<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_287" id="page_287"></a>{287}</span> the -rest. And what had happened several times before might happen again. -There still remained one compact race in the Ottoman Empire that had -national aspirations and national potentialities. In the northeastern -part of Asia Minor, bordering on Russia, there were six provinces in -which the Armenians formed the largest element in the population. From -the time of Herodotus this portion of Asia has borne the name of -Armenia. The Armenians of the present day are the direct descendants of -the people who inhabited the country three thousand years ago. Their -origin is so ancient that it is lost in fable and mystery. There are -still undeciphered cuneiform inscriptions on the rocky hills of Van, the -largest Armenian city, that have led certain scholars—though not many, -I must admit—to identify the Armenian race with the Hittites of the -Bible. What is definitely known about the Armenians, however, is that -for ages they have constituted the most civilized and most industrious -race in the eastern section of the Ottoman Empire. From their mountains -they have spread over the Sultan’s dominions, and form a considerable -element in the population of all the large cities. Everywhere they are -known for their industry, their intelligence, and their decent and -orderly lives. They are so superior to the Turks intellectually and -morally that much of the business and industry had passed into their -hands. With the Greeks, the Armenians constitute the economic strength -of the empire. These people became Christians in the fourth century and -established the Armenian Church as their state religion. This is said to -be the oldest Christian Church in existence.</p> - -<p>In face of persecutions which have had no parallel elsewhere<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_288" id="page_288"></a>{288}</span> these -people have clung to their early Christian faith with the utmost -tenacity. For fifteen hundred years they have lived there in Armenia, a -little island of Christians surrounded by backward peoples of hostile -religion and hostile race. Their long existence has been one unending -martyrdom. The territory which they inhabit forms the connecting link -between Europe and Asia, and all the Asiatic invasions—Saracens, -Tartars, Mongols, Kurds, and Turks—have passed over their peaceful -country. For centuries they have thus been the Belgium of the East. -Through all this period the Armenians have regarded themselves not as -Asiatics, but as Europeans. They speak an Indo-European language, their -racial origin is believed by scholars to be Aryan, and the fact that -their religion is the religion of Europe has always made them turn their -eyes westward. And out of that western country, they have always hoped, -would some day come the deliverance that would rescue them from their -murderous masters. And now, as Abdul Hamid, in 1876, surveyed his -shattered domain, he saw that its most dangerous spot was Armenia. He -believed, rightly or wrongly, that these Armenians, like the Rumanians, -the Bulgarians, the Greeks, and the Serbians, aspired to restore their -independent medieval nation, and he knew that Europe and America -sympathized with this ambition. The Treaty of Berlin, which had -definitely ended the Turco-Russian War, contained an article which gave -the European Powers a protecting hand over the Armenians. How could the -Sultan free himself permanently from this danger? An enlightened -administration, which would have transformed the Armenians into free men -and made them<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_289" id="page_289"></a>{289}</span> safe in their lives and property and civil and religious -rights, would probably have made them peaceful and loyal subjects. But -the Sultan could not rise to such a conception of statesmanship as this. -Instead, Abdul Hamid apparently thought that there was only one way of -ridding Turkey of the Armenian problem—and that was to rid her of the -Armenians. The physical destruction of 2,000,000 men, women, and -children by massacres, organized and directed by the state, seemed to be -the one sure way of forestalling the further disruption of the Turkish -Empire.</p> - -<p>And now for nearly thirty years Turkey gave the world an illustration of -government by massacre. We in Europe and America heard of these events -when they reached especially monstrous proportions, as they did in -1895-96, when nearly 200,000 Armenians were most atrociously done to -death. But through all these years the existence of the Armenians was -one continuous nightmare. Their property was stolen, their men were -murdered, their women were ravished, their young girls were kidnapped -and forced to live in Turkish harems. Yet Abdul Hamid was not able to -accomplish his full purpose. Had he had his will, he would have -massacred the whole nation in one hideous orgy. He attempted to -exterminate the Armenians in 1895 and 1896, but found certain -insuperable obstructions to his scheme. Chief of these were England, -France, and Russia. These atrocities called Gladstone, then eighty-six -years old, from his retirement, and his speeches, in which he denounced -the Sultan as “the great assassin,” aroused the whole world to the -enormities that were taking place. It became apparent that unless the -Sultan desisted, England, France, and Russia would<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_290" id="page_290"></a>{290}</span> intervene, and the -Sultan well knew, that, in case this intervention took place, such -remnants of Turkey as had survived earlier partitions would disappear. -Thus Abdul Hamid had to abandon his satanic enterprise of destroying a -whole race by murder, yet Armenia continued to suffer the slow agony of -pitiless persecution. Up to the outbreak of the European War not a day -had passed in the Armenian vilayets without its outrages and its -murders. The Young Turk régime, despite its promises of universal -brotherhood, brought no respite to the Armenians. A few months after the -love feastings already described, one of the worst massacres took place -at Adana, in which 35,000 people were destroyed.</p> - -<p>And now the Young Turks, who had adopted so many of Abdul Hamid’s ideas, -also made his Armenian policy their own. Their passion for Turkifying -the nation seemed to demand logically the extermination of all -Christians—Greeks, Syrians, and Armenians. Much as they admired the -Mohammedan conquerors of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, they -stupidly believed that these great warriors had made one fatal mistake, -for they had had it in their power completely to obliterate the -Christian populations and had neglected to do so. This policy in their -opinion was a fatal error of statesmanship and explained all the woes -from which Turkey has suffered in modern times. Had these old Moslem -chieftains, when they conquered Bulgaria, put all the Bulgarians to the -sword, and peopled the Bulgarian country with Moslem Turks, there would -never have been any modern Bulgarian problem and Turkey would never have -lost this part of her empire. Similarly, had they destroyed all the -Rumanians, Serbians,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_291" id="page_291"></a>{291}</span> and Greeks, the provinces which are now occupied -by these races would still have remained integral parts of the Sultan’s -domain. They felt that the mistake had been a terrible one, but that -something might be saved from the ruin. They would destroy all Greeks, -Syrians, Armenians, and other Christians, move Moslem families into -their homes and into their farms, and so make sure that these -territories would not similarly be taken away from Turkey. In order to -accomplish this great reform, it would not be necessary to murder every -living Christian. The most beautiful and healthy Armenian girls could be -taken, converted forcibly to Mohammedanism, and made the wives or -concubines of devout followers of the Prophet. Their children would then -automatically become Moslems and so strengthen the empire, as the -Janissaries had strengthened it formerly. These Armenian girls represent -a high type of womanhood and the Young Turks, in their crude, intuitive -way, recognized that the mingling of their blood with the Turkish -population would exert a eugenic influence upon the whole. Armenian boys -of tender years could be taken into Turkish families and be brought up -in ignorance of the fact that they were anything but Moslems. These were -about the only elements, however, that could make any valuable -contributions to the new Turkey which was now being planned. Since all -precautions must be taken against the development of a new generation of -Armenians, it would be necessary to kill outright all men who were in -their prime and thus capable of propagating the accursed species. Old -men and women formed no great danger to the future of Turkey, for they -had already fulfilled their natural function of leaving<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_292" id="page_292"></a>{292}</span> descendants; -still they were nuisances and therefore should be disposed of.</p> - -<p>Unlike Abdul Hamid, the Young Turks found themselves in a position where -they could carry out this holy enterprise. Great Britain, France, and -Russia had stood in the way of their predecessor. But now these -obstacles had been removed. The Young Turks, as I have said, believed -that they had defeated these nations and that they could therefore no -longer interfere with their internal affairs. Only one power could -successfully raise objections and that was Germany. In 1898, when all -the rest of Europe was ringing with Gladstone’s denunciations and -demanding intervention, Kaiser Wilhelm the Second had gone to -Constantinople, visited Abdul Hamid, pinned his finest decorations on -that bloody tyrant’s breast, and kissed him on both cheeks. The same -Kaiser who had done this in 1898 was still sitting on the throne in -1915, and was now Turkey’s ally. Thus for the first time in two -centuries the Turks, in 1915, had their Christian populations utterly at -their mercy. The time had finally come to make Turkey exclusively the -country of the Turks.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_293" id="page_293"></a>{293}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXIII" id="CHAPTER_XXIII"></a>CHAPTER XXIII<br /><br /> -<small>THE “REVOLUTION” AT VAN</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">T</span>HE Turkish province of Van lies in the remote northeastern corner of -Asia Minor; it touches the frontiers of Persia on the east and its -northern boundary looks toward the Caucasus. It is one of the most -beautiful and most fruitful parts of the Turkish Empire and one of the -richest in historical associations. The city of Van, which is the -capital of the vilayet, lies on the eastern shores of the lake of the -same name; it is the one large town in Asia Minor in which the Armenian -population is larger than the Moslem. In the fall of 1914, its -population of about 30,000 people represented one of the most peaceful -and happy and prosperous communities in the Turkish Empire. Though Van, -like practically every other section where Armenians lived, had had its -periods of oppression and massacre, yet the Moslem yoke, comparatively -speaking, rested upon its people rather lightly. Its Turkish governor, -Tahsin Pasha, was one of the more enlightened type of Turkish officials. -Relations between the Armenians, who lived in the better section of the -city, and the Turks and the Kurds, who occupied the mud huts in the -Moslem quarter, had been tolerably agreeable for many years.</p> - -<p>The location of this vilayet, however, inevitably made it the scene of -military operations, and made the activities of its Armenian population -a matter of daily<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_294" id="page_294"></a>{294}</span> suspicion. Should Russia attempt an invasion of -Turkey one of the most accessible routes lay through this province. The -war had not gone far when causes of irritation arose. The requisitions -of army supplies fell far more heavily upon the Christian than upon the -Mohammedan elements in Van, just as they did in every other part of -Turkey. The Armenians had to stand quietly by while the Turkish officers -appropriated all their cattle, all their wheat, and all their goods of -every kind, giving them only worthless pieces of paper in exchange. The -attempt at general disarmament that took place also aroused their -apprehension, which was increased by the brutal treatment visited upon -Armenian soldiers in the Caucasus. On the other hand, the Turks made -many charges against the Christian population, and, in fact, they -attributed to them the larger share of the blame for the reverses which -the Turkish armies had suffered in the Caucasus. The fact that a -considerable element in the already changed forces was composed of -Armenians aroused their unbridled wrath. Since about half the Armenians -in the world inhabit the Russian provinces in the Caucasus and are -liable, like all Russians, to military service, there were certainly no -legitimate grounds for complaint, so far as these Armenian levies were -<i>bona fide</i> subjects of the Czar. But the Turks asserted that large -numbers of Armenian soldiers in Van and other of their Armenian -provinces deserted, crossed the border, and joined the Russian army, -where their knowledge of roads and the terrain was an important factor -in the Russian victories. Though the exact facts are not yet -ascertained, it seems not unlikely that such desertions, perhaps a few -hundred, did take place. At the beginning of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_295" id="page_295"></a>{295}</span> war, Union and -Progress agents appeared in Erzeroum and Van and appealed to the -Armenian leaders to go into Russian Armenia and attempt to start -revolutions against the Russian Government; and the fact that the -Ottoman Armenians refused to do this contributed further to the -prevailing irritation. The Turkish Government has made much of the -“treasonable” behaviour of the Armenians of Van and have even urged it -as an excuse for their subsequent treatment of the whole race. Their -attitude illustrates once more the perversity of the Turkish mind. After -massacring hundreds of thousands of Armenians in the course of thirty -years, outraging their women and girls, and robbing and maltreating them -in every conceivable way, the Turks still apparently believed that they -had the right to expect from them the most enthusiastic “loyalty”. That -the Armenians all over Turkey sympathized with the Entente was no -secret. “If you want to know how the war is going,” wrote a humorous -Turkish newspaper, “all you need to do is to look in the face of an -Armenian. If he is smiling, then the Allies are winning; if he is -downcast, then the Germans are successful.” If an Ottoman Armenian -soldier should desert and join the Russians, that would unquestionably -constitute a technical crime against the state, and might be punished -without violating the rules of all civilized countries. Only the Turkish -mind, however—and possibly the Junker—could regard it as furnishing an -excuse for the terrible barbarities that now took place.</p> - -<p>Though the air, all during the autumn and winter of 1914-15, was filled -with premonitions of trouble, the Armenians behaved with remarkable -self-restraint.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_296" id="page_296"></a>{296}</span> For years it had been the Turkish policy to provoke the -Christian population into committing overt acts, and then seizing upon -such misbehaviour as an excuse for massacres. The Armenian clergy and -political leaders saw many evidences that the Turks were now up to their -old tactics, and they therefore went among the people, cautioning them -to keep quiet, to bear all insults and even outrages patiently, so as -not to give the Moslems the opening which they were seeking. “Even -though they burn a few of our villages,” these leaders would say, “do -not retaliate, for it is better that a few be destroyed than that the -whole nation be massacred.”</p> - -<p>When the war started, the Central Government recalled Tahsin Pasha, the -conciliatory governor of Van, and replaced him with Djevdet Bey, a -brother-in-law of Enver Pasha. This act in itself was most disquieting. -Turkish officialdom has always contained a minority of men who do not -believe in massacre as a state policy and cannot be depended upon to -carry out strictly the most bloody orders of the Central Government. -Whenever massacres have been planned, therefore, it has been customary -first to remove such “untrustworthy” public servants and replace them by -men who are regarded as more reliable. The character of Tahsin’s -successor made his displacement still more alarming. Djevdet had spent -the larger part of his life at Van; he was a man of unstable character, -friendly to non-Moslems one moment, hostile the next, hypocritical, -treacherous, and ferocious according to the worst traditions of his -race. He hated the Armenians and cordially sympathized with the -long-established Turkish plan of solving the Armenian problem. There is -little question that he<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_297" id="page_297"></a>{297}</span> came to Van with definite instructions to -exterminate all Armenians in this province, but, for the first few -months, conditions did not facilitate such operations. Djevdet himself -was absent fighting the Russians in the Caucasus and the near approach -of the enemy made it a wise policy for the Turks to refrain from -maltreating the Armenians of Van. But early in the spring the Russians -temporarily retreated. It is generally recognized as good military -tactics for a victorious army to follow up the retreating enemy. In the -eyes of the Turkish generals, however, the withdrawal of the Russians -was a happy turn of war mainly because it deprived the Armenians of -their protectors and left them at the mercies of the Turkish army. -Instead of following the retreating foe, therefore, the Turks’ army -turned aside and invaded their own territory of Van. Instead of fighting -the trained Russian army of men, they turned their rifles, machine guns, -and other weapons upon the Armenian women, children, and old men in the -villages of Van. Following their usual custom, they distributed the most -beautiful Armenian women among the Moslems, sacked and burned the -Armenian villages, and massacred uninterruptedly for days. On April -15th, about 500 young Armenian men of Akantz were mustered to hear an -order of the Sultan; at sunset they were marched outside the town and -every man shot in cold blood. This procedure was repeated in about -eighty Armenian villages in the district north of Lake Van, and in three -days 24,000 Armenians were murdered in this atrocious fashion. A single -episode illustrates the unspeakable depravity of Turkish methods. A -conflict having broken out at Shadak, Djevdet Bey, who had meanwhile<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_298" id="page_298"></a>{298}</span> -returned to Van, asked four of the leading Armenian citizens to go to -this town and attempt to quiet the multitude. These men made the trip, -stopping at all Armenian villages along the way, urging everybody to -keep public order. After completing their work these four Armenians were -murdered in a Kurdish village.</p> - -<p>And so when Djevdet Bey, on his return to his official post, demanded -that Van furnish him immediately 4,000 soldiers, the people were -naturally in no mood to accede to his request. When we consider what had -happened before and what happened subsequently, there remains little -doubt concerning the purpose which underlay this demand. Djevdet, acting -in obedience to orders from Constantinople, was preparing to wipe out -the whole population, and his purpose in calling for 4,000 able-bodied -men was merely to massacre them, so that the rest of the Armenians might -have no defenders. The Armenians, parleying to gain time, offered to -furnish five hundred soldiers and to pay exemption money for the rest; -now, however, Djevdet began to talk aloud about “rebellion,” and his -determination to “crush” it at any cost. “If the rebels fire a single -shot,” he declared, “I shall kill every Christian man, woman, and” -(pointing to his knee) “every child, up to here.” For some time the -Turks had been constructing entrenchments around the Armenian quarter -and filling them with soldiers and, in response to this provocation, the -Armenians began to make preparations for a defense. On April 20th, a -band of Turkish soldiers seized several Armenian women who were entering -the city; a couple of Armenians ran to their assistance and were shot -dead. The Turks now opened<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_299" id="page_299"></a>{299}</span> fire on the Armenian quarters with rifles -and artillery; soon a large part of the town was in flames and a regular -siege had started. The whole Armenian fighting force consisted of only -1,500 men; they had only 300 rifles and a most inadequate supply of -ammunition, while Djevdet had an army of 5,000 men, completely equipped -and supplied. Yet the Armenians fought with the utmost heroism and -skill; they had little chance of holding off their enemies indefinitely, -but they knew that a Russian army was fighting its way to Van and their -utmost hope was that they would be able to defy the besiegers until -these Russians arrived. As I am not writing the story of sieges and -battles, I cannot describe in detail the numerous acts of individual -heroism, the coöperation of the Armenian women, the ardour and energy of -the Armenian children, the self-sacrificing zeal of the American -missionaries, especially Doctor Ussher and his wife and Miss Grace H. -Knapp, and the thousand other circumstances that made this terrible -month one of the most glorious pages in modern Armenian history. The -wonderful thing about it is that the Armenians triumphed. After nearly -five weeks of sleepless fighting, the Russian army suddenly appeared and -the Turks fled into the surrounding country, where they found -appeasement for their anger by further massacres of unprotected Armenian -villagers. Doctor Ussher, the American medical missionary whose hospital -at Van was destroyed by bombardment, is authority for the statement -that, after driving off the Turks, the Russians began to collect and to -cremate the bodies of Armenians who had been murdered in the province, -with the result that 55,000 bodies were burned.</p> - -<p>I have told this story of the “Revolution” in Van not<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_300" id="page_300"></a>{300}</span> only because it -marked the first stage in this organized attempt to wipe out a whole -nation, but because these events are always brought forward by the Turks -as a justification of their subsequent crimes. As I shall relate, Enver, -Talaat, and the rest, when I appealed to them in behalf of the -Armenians, invariably instanced the “revolutionists” of Van as a sample -of Armenian treachery. The famous “Revolution,” as this recital shows, -was merely the determination of the Armenians to save their women’s -honour and their own lives, after the Turks, by massacring thousands of -their neighbours, had shown them the fate that awaited them.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_301" id="page_301"></a>{301}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXIV" id="CHAPTER_XXIV"></a>CHAPTER XXIV<br /><br /> -<small>THE MURDER OF A NATION</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">T</span>HE destruction of the Armenian race in 1915 involved certain -difficulties that had not impeded the operations of the Turks in the -massacres of 1895 and other years. In these earlier periods the Armenian -men had possessed little power or means of resistance. In those days -Armenians had not been permitted to have military training, to serve in -the Turkish army, or to possess arms. As I have already said, these -discriminations were withdrawn when the revolutionists obtained the -upper hand in 1908. Not only were the Christians now permitted to bear -arms, but the authorities, in the full flush of their enthusiasm for -freedom and equality, encouraged them to do so. In the early part of -1915, therefore, every Turkish city contained thousands of Armenians who -had been trained as soldiers and who were supplied with rifles, pistols, -and other weapons of defense. The operations at Van once more disclosed -that these men could use their weapons to good advantage. It was thus -apparent that an Armenian massacre this time would generally assume more -the character of warfare than those wholesale butcheries of defenseless -men and women which the Turks had always found so congenial. If this -plan of murdering a race were to succeed, two preliminary steps would -therefore have to be taken: it would be necessary to render all Armenian -soldiers<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_302" id="page_302"></a>{302}</span> powerless and to deprive of their arms the Armenians in every -city and town. Before Armenia could be slaughtered, Armenia must be made -defenseless.</p> - -<p>In the early part of 1915, the Armenian soldiers in the Turkish army -were reduced to a new status. Up to that time most of them had been -combatants, but now they were all stripped of their arms and transformed -into workmen. Instead of serving their country as artillerymen and -cavalrymen, these former soldiers now discovered that they had been -transformed into road labourers and pack animals. Army supplies of all -kinds were loaded on their backs, and, stumbling under the burdens and -driven by the whips and bayonets of the Turks, they were forced to drag -their weary bodies into the mountains of the Caucasus. Sometimes they -would have to plough their way, burdened in this fashion, almost waist -high through snow. They had to spend practically all their time in the -open, sleeping on the bare ground—whenever the ceaseless prodding of -their taskmasters gave them an occasional opportunity to sleep. They -were given only scraps of food; if they fell sick they were left where -they had dropped, their Turkish oppressors perhaps stopping long enough -to rob them of all their possessions—even of their clothes. If any -stragglers succeeded in reaching their destinations, they were not -infrequently massacred. In many instances Armenian soldiers were -disposed of in even more summary fashion, for it now became almost the -general practice to shoot them in cold blood. In almost all cases the -procedure was the same. Here and there squads of 50 or 100 men would be -taken, bound together in groups of four, and then marched out to a -secluded spot a short distance from the village. Suddenly the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_303" id="page_303"></a>{303}</span> sound of -rifle shots would fill the air, and the Turkish soldiers who had acted -as the escort would sullenly return to camp. Those sent to bury the -bodies would find them almost invariably stark naked, for, as usual, the -Turks had stolen all their clothes. In cases that came to my attention, -the murderers had added a refinement to their victims’ sufferings by -compelling them to dig their graves before being shot.</p> - -<p>Let me relate a single episode which is contained in one of the reports -of our consuls and which now forms part of the records of the American -State Department. Early in July, 2,000 Armenian “amélés”—such is the -Turkish word for soldiers who have been reduced to workmen—were sent -from Harpoot to build roads. The Armenians in that town understood what -this meant and pleaded with the Governor for mercy. But this official -insisted that the men were not to be harmed, and he even called upon the -German missionary, Mr. Ehemann, to quiet the panic, giving that -gentleman his word of honour that the ex-soldiers would be protected. -Mr. Ehemann believed the Governor and assuaged the popular fear. Yet -practically every man of these 2,000 was massacred, and his body thrown -into a cave. A few escaped, and it was from these that news of the -massacre reached the world. A few days afterward another 2,000 soldiers -were sent to Diarbekir. The only purpose of sending these men out in the -open country was that they might be massacred. In order that they might -have no strength to resist or to escape by flight, these poor creatures -were systematically starved. Government agents went ahead on the road, -notifying the Kurds that the caravan was approaching and ordering them -to do their congenial<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_304" id="page_304"></a>{304}</span> duty. Not only did the Kurdish tribesmen pour -down from the mountains upon this starved and weakened regiment, but the -Kurdish women came with butcher’s knives in order that they might gain -that merit in Allah’s eyes that comes from killing a Christian. These -massacres were not isolated happenings; I could detail many more -episodes just as horrible as the one related above; throughout the -Turkish Empire a systematic attempt was made to kill all able-bodied -men, not only for the purpose of removing all males who might propagate -a new generation of Armenians, but for the purpose of rendering the -weaker part of the population an easy prey.</p> - -<p>Dreadful as were these massacres of unarmed soldiers, they were mercy -and justice themselves when compared with the treatment which was now -visited upon those Armenians who were suspected of concealing arms. -Naturally the Christians became alarmed when placards were posted in the -villages and cities ordering everybody to bring their arms to -headquarters. Although this order applied to all citizens, the Armenians -well understood what the result would be, should they be left -defenseless while their Moslem neighbours were permitted to retain their -arms. In many cases, however, the persecuted people patiently obeyed the -command; and then the Turkish officials almost joyfully seized their -rifles as evidence that a “revolution” was being planned and threw their -victims into prison on a charge of treason. Thousands failed to deliver -arms simply because they had none to deliver, while an even greater -number tenaciously refused to give them up, not because they were -plotting an uprising, but because they proposed to defend their own -lives<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_305" id="page_305"></a>{305}</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_358_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_358_sml.jpg" width="500" height="292" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">ABDUL HAMID</p> - -<p>Known in history as the “Red Sultan” and stigmatized by Gladstone -as “the great assassin.” It was his state policy to solve the -Armenian problem by murdering the entire race. The fear of England, -France, Russia, and America, was the only thing that restrained him -from accomplishing this task. His successors, Talaat and Enver, no -longer fearing these nations, have more successfully carried out -his programme.</p></div> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_359_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_359_sml.jpg" width="500" height="290" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">A CHARACTERISTIC VIEW OF THE ARMENIAN COUNTRY</p></div> -</div> - -<p class="nind">and their women’s honour against the outrages which they knew were being -planned. The punishment inflicted upon these recalcitrants forms one of -the most hideous chapters of modern history. Most of us believe that -torture has long ceased to be an administrative and judicial measure, -yet I do not believe that the darkest ages ever presented scenes more -horrible than those which now took place all over Turkey. Nothing was -sacred to the Turkish gendarmes; under the plea of searching for hidden -arms, they ransacked churches, treated the altars and sacred utensils -with the utmost indignity, and even held mock ceremonies in imitation of -the Christian sacraments. They would beat the priests into -insensibility, under the pretense that they were the centres of -sedition. When they could discover no weapons in the churches, they -would sometimes arm the bishops and priests with guns, pistols, and -swords, then try them before courts-martial for possessing weapons -against the law, and march them In this condition through the streets, -merely to arouse the fanatical wrath of the mobs. The gendarmes treated -women with the same cruelty and indecency as the men. There are cases on -record in which women accused of concealing weapons were stripped naked -and whipped with branches freshly cut from trees, and these beatings -were even inflicted on women who were with child. Violations so commonly -accompanied these searches that Armenian women and girls, on the -approach of the gendarmes, would flee to the woods, the hills, or to -mountain caves.</p> - -<p>As a preliminary to the searches everywhere, the strong men of the -villages and towns were arrested and taken to prison. Their tormentors -here would exercise<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_306" id="page_306"></a>{306}</span> the most diabolical ingenuity in their attempt to -make their victims declare themselves to be “revolutionists” and to tell -the hiding places of their arms. A common practice was to place the -prisoner in a room, with two Turks stationed at each end and each side. -The examination would then begin with the bastinado. This is a form of -torture not uncommon in the Orient; it consists of beating the soles of -the feet with a thin rod. At first the pain is not marked; but as the -process goes slowly on, it develops into the most terrible agony, the -feet swell and burst, and not infrequently, after being submitted to -this treatment, they have to be amputated. The gendarmes would bastinado -their Armenian victim until he fainted; they would then revive him by -sprinkling water on his face and begin again. If this did not succeed in -bringing their victim to terms, they had numerous other methods of -persuasion. They would pull out his eyebrows and beard almost hair by -hair; they would extract his finger nails and toe nails; they would -apply red-hot irons to his breast, tear off his flesh with red-hot -pincers, and then pour boiled butter into the wounds. In some cases the -gendarmes would nail hands and feet to pieces of wood—evidently in -imitation of the Crucifixion, and then, while the sufferer writhed in -his agony, they would cry:</p> - -<p>“Now let your Christ come and help you!”</p> - -<p>These cruelties—and many others which I forbear to describe—were -usually inflicted in the night time. Turks would be stationed around the -prisons, beating drums and blowing whistles, so that the screams of the -sufferers would not reach the villagers.</p> - -<p>In thousands of cases the Armenians endured these agonies and refused to -surrender their arms simply because<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_307" id="page_307"></a>{307}</span> they had none to surrender. -However, they could not persuade their tormentors that this was the -case. It therefore became customary, when news was received that the -searchers were approaching, for Armenians to purchase arms from their -Turkish neighbours so that they might be able to give them up and escape -these frightful punishments.</p> - -<p>One day I was discussing these proceedings with a responsible Turkish -official, who was describing the tortures inflicted. He made no secret -of the fact that the Government had instigated them, and, like all Turks -of the official classes, he enthusiastically approved this treatment of -the detested race. This official told me that all these details were -matters of nightly discussion at the headquarters of the Union and -Progress Committee. Each new method of inflicting pain was hailed as a -splendid discovery, and the regular attendants were constantly -ransacking their brains in the effort to devise some new torment. He -told me that they even delved into the records of the Spanish -Inquisition and other historic institutions of torture and adopted all -the suggestions found there. He did not tell me who carried off the -prize in this gruesome competition, but common reputation throughout -Armenia gave a preëminent infamy to Djevdet Bey, the Vali of Van, whose -activities in that section I have already described. All through this -country Djevdet was generally known as the “horseshoer of Bashkale” for -this connoisseur in torture had invented what was perhaps the -masterpiece of all—that of nailing horseshoes to the feet of his -Armenian victims.</p> - -<p>Yet these happenings did not constitute what the newspapers of the time -commonly referred to as the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_308" id="page_308"></a>{308}</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_363_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_363_sml.jpg" width="500" height="387" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -</div> - -<p>Armenian atrocities; they were merely the preparatory steps in the -destruction of the race. The Young Turks displayed greater ingenuity -than their predecessor, Abdul Hamid. The injunction of the deposed -Sultan was merely “to kill, kill”, whereas the Turkish democracy hit -upon an entirely new plan. Instead of massacring outright the Armenian -race, they now decided to deport it. In the south and southeastern -section of the Ottoman Empire lie the Syrian desert and the Mesopotamian -valley. Though part of this area was once the scene of a flourishing -civilization, for the last five centuries it has suffered the blight -that becomes the lot of any country that is subjected to Turkish rule; -and it is now a dreary, desolate waste, without cities and towns or life -of any kind, populated only by a few wild and fanatical Bedouin tribes. -Only the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_309" id="page_309"></a>{309}</span> most industrious labour, expended through many years, could -transform this desert into the abiding place of any considerable -population. The Central Government now announced its intention of -gathering the two million or more Armenians living in the several -sections of the empire and transporting them to this desolate and -inhospitable region. Had they undertaken such a deportation in good -faith it would have represented the height of cruelty and injustice. As -a matter of fact, the Turks never had the slightest idea of -reëstablishing the Armenians in this new country. They knew that the -great majority would never reach their destination and that those who -did would either die of thirst and starvation, or be murdered by the -wild Mohammedan desert tribes. The real purpose of the deportation was -robbery and destruction; it really represented a new method of massacre. -When the Turkish authorities gave the orders for these deportations, -they were merely giving the death warrant to a whole race; they -understood this well, and, in their conversations with me, they made no -particular attempt to conceal the fact.</p> - -<p>All through the spring and summer of 1915 the deportations took place. -Of the larger cities, Constantinople, Smyrna, and Aleppo were spared; -practically all other places where a single Armenian family lived now -became the scenes of these unspeakable tragedies. Scarcely a single -Armenian, whatever his education or wealth, or whatever the social class -to which he belonged, was exempted from the order. In some villages -placards were posted ordering the whole Armenian population to present -itself in a public place at an appointed time—usually a day or two -ahead,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_310" id="page_310"></a>{310}</span> and in other places the town crier would go through the streets -delivering the order vocally. In still others not the slightest warning -was given. The gendarmes would appear before an Armenian house and order -all the inmates to follow them. They would take women engaged in their -domestic tasks without giving them the chance to change their clothes. -The police fell upon them just as the eruption of Vesuvius fell upon -Pompeii; women were taken from the wash-tubs, children were snatched out -of bed, the bread was left half baked in the oven, the family meal was -abandoned partly eaten, the children were taken from the schoolroom, -leaving their books open at the daily task, and the men were forced to -abandon their ploughs in the fields and their cattle on the mountain -side. Even women who had just given birth to children would be forced to -leave their beds and join the panic-stricken throng, their sleeping -babies in their arms. Such things as they hurriedly snatched up—a -shawl, a blanket, perhaps a few scraps of food—were all that they could -take of their household belongings. To their frantic questions “Where -are we going?” the gendarmes would vouchsafe only one reply: “To the -interior.”</p> - -<p>In some cases the refugees were given a few hours, in exceptional -instances a few days, to dispose of their property and household -effects. But the proceeding, of course, amounted simply to robbery. They -could sell only to Turks, and since both buyers and sellers knew that -they had only a day or two to market the accumulations of a lifetime, -the prices obtained represented a small fraction of their value. Sewing -machines would bring one or two dollars—a cow would go for a dollar, a -houseful of furniture would be sold<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_311" id="page_311"></a>{311}</span> for a pittance. In many cases -Armenians were prohibited from selling or Turks from buying even at -these ridiculous prices; under pretense that the Government intended to -sell their effects to pay the creditors whom they would inevitably leave -behind, their household furniture would be placed in stores or heaped up -in public places, where it was usually pillaged by Turkish men and -women. The government officials would also inform the Armenians that, -since their deportation was only temporary, the intention being to bring -them back after the war was over, they would not be permitted to sell -their houses. Scarcely had the former possessors left the village, when -Mohammedan <i>mohadjirs</i>—immigrants from other parts of Turkey—would be -moved into the Armenian quarters. Similarly all their valuables—money, -rings, watches, and jewellery—would be taken to the police stations for -“safe keeping,” pending their return, and then parcelled out among the -Turks. Yet these robberies gave the refugees little anguish, for far -more terrible and agonizing scenes were taking place under their eyes. -The systematic extermination of the men continued; such males as the -persecutions which I have already described had left were now violently -dealt with. Before the caravans were started, it became the regular -practice to separate the young men from the families, tie them together -in groups of four, lead them to the outskirts, and shoot them. Public -hangings without trial—the only offense being that the victims were -Armenians—were taking place constantly. The gendarmes showed a -particular desire to annihilate the educated and the influential. From -American consuls and missionaries I was constantly receiving reports of -such executions, and many of<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_312" id="page_312"></a>{312}</span> the events which they described will never -fade from my memory. At Angora all Armenian men from fifteen to seventy -were arrested, bound together in groups of four, and sent on the road in -the direction of Caesarea. When they had travelled five or six hours and -had reached a secluded valley, a mob of Turkish peasants fell upon them -with clubs, hammers, axes, scythes, spades, and saws. Such instruments -not only caused more agonizing deaths than guns and pistols, but, as the -Turks themselves boasted, they were more economical, since they did not -involve the waste of powder and shell. In this way they exterminated the -whole male population of Angora, including all its men of wealth and -breeding, and their bodies, horribly mutilated, were left in the valley, -where they were devoured by wild beasts. After completing this -destruction, the peasants and gendarmes gathered in the local tavern, -comparing notes and boasting of the number of “giaours” that each had -slain. In Trebizond the men were placed in boats and sent out on the -Black Sea; gendarmes would follow them in boats, shoot them down, and -throw their bodies into the water.</p> - -<p>When the signal was given for the caravans to move, therefore, they -almost invariably consisted of women, children, and old men. Any one who -could possibly have protected them from the fate that awaited them had -been destroyed. Not infrequently the prefect of the city, as the mass -started on its way, would wish them a derisive “pleasant journey.” -Before the caravan moved the women were sometimes offered the -alternative of becoming Mohammedans. Even though they accepted the new -faith, which few of them did, their earthly troubles did not end. The -converts were<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_313" id="page_313"></a>{313}</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_368_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_368_sml.jpg" width="500" height="289" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">FISHING VILLAGE ON LAKE VAN<br /> -In this district about 55,000 Armenians were massacred.</p></div> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_369_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_369_sml.jpg" width="500" height="295" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">REFUGEES AT VAN CROWDING AROUND A PUBLIC OVEN, HOPING TO -GET BREAD</p> -<p>These people were torn from their homes almost without warning, and -started toward the desert. Thousands of children and women as well -as men died on these forced journeys, not only from hunger and -exposure, but also from the inhuman cruelty of their guards.</p></div> -</div> - -<p class="nind">compelled to surrender their children to a so-called “Moslem Orphanage,” -with the agreement that they should be trained as devout followers of -the Prophet. They themselves must then show the sincerity of their -conversion by abandoning their Christian husbands and marrying Moslems. -If no good Mohammedan offered himself as a husband, then the new convert -was deported, however strongly she might protest her devotion to Islam.</p> - -<p>At first the Government showed some inclination to protect these -departing throngs. The officers usually divided them into convoys, in -some cases numbering several hundred, in others several thousand. The -civil authorities occasionally furnished ox-carts which carried such -household furniture as the exiles had succeeded in scrambling together. -A guard of gendarmerie accompanied each convoy, ostensibly to guide and -protect it. Women, scantily clad, carrying babies in their arms or on -their backs, marched side by side with old men hobbling along with -canes. Children would run along, evidently regarding the procedure, in -the early stages, as some new lark. A more prosperous member would -perhaps have a horse or a donkey, occasionally a farmer had rescued a -cow or a sheep, which would trudge along at his side, and the usual -assortment of family pets—dogs, cats, and birds—became parts of the -variegated procession. From thousands of Armenian cities and villages -these despairing caravans now set forth; they filled all the roads -leading southward; everywhere, as they moved on, they raised a huge -dust, and abandoned débris, chairs, blankets, bedclothes, household -utensils, and other impedimenta, marked the course of the processions. -When the caravans first<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_314" id="page_314"></a>{314}</span> started, the individuals bore some resemblance -to human beings; in a few hours, however, the dust of the road plastered -their faces and clothes, the mud caked their lower members, and the -slowly advancing mobs, frequently bent with fatigue and crazed by the -brutality of their “protectors,” resembled some new and strange animal -species. Yet for the better part of six months, from April to October, -1915, practically all the highways in Asia Minor were crowded with these -unearthly bands of exiles. They could be seen winding in and out of -every valley and climbing up the sides of nearly every mountain—moving -on and on, they scarcely knew whither, except that every road led to -death. Village after village and town after town was evacuated of its -Armenian population, under the distressing circumstances already -detailed. In these six months, as far as can be ascertained, about -1,200,000 people started on this journey to the Syrian desert.</p> - -<p>“Pray for us,” they would say as they left their homes—the homes in -which their ancestors had lived for 2,500 years. “We shall not see you -in this world again, but sometime we shall meet. Pray for us!”</p> - -<p>The Armenians had hardly left their native villages when the -persecutions began. The roads over which they travelled were little more -than donkey paths; and what had started a few hours before as an orderly -procession soon became a dishevelled and scrambling mob. Women were -separated from their children and husbands from their wives. The old -people soon lost contact with their families and became exhausted and -footsore. The Turkish drivers of the ox-carts, after extorting the last -coin from their charges, would suddenly dump them and their belongings -into the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_315" id="page_315"></a>{315}</span> road, turn around, and return to the village for other -victims. Thus in a short time practically everybody, young and old, was -compelled to travel on foot. The gendarmes whom the Government had sent, -supposedly to protect the exiles, in a very few hours became their -tormentors. They followed their charges with fixed bayonets, prodding -any one who showed any tendency to slacken the pace. Those who attempted -to stop for rest, or who fell exhausted on the road, were compelled, -with the utmost brutality, to rejoin the moving throng. They even -prodded pregnant women with bayonets; if one, as frequently happened, -gave birth along the road, she was immediately forced to get up and -rejoin the marchers. The whole course of the journey became a perpetual -struggle with the Moslem inhabitants. Detachments of gendarmes would go -ahead, notifying the Kurdish tribes that their victims were approaching, -and Turkish peasants were also informed that their long-waited -opportunity had arrived. The Government even opened the prisons and set -free the convicts, on the understanding that they should behave like -good Moslems to the approaching Armenians. Thus every caravan had a -continuous battle for existence with several classes of enemies—their -accompanying gendarmes, the Turkish peasants and villagers, the Kurdish -tribes and bands of <i>Chétés</i> or brigands. And we must always keep in -mind that the men who might have defended these wayfarers had nearly all -been killed or forced into the army as workmen, and that the exiles -themselves had been systematically deprived of all weapons before the -journey began.</p> - -<p>When the victims had travelled a few hours from<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_316" id="page_316"></a>{316}</span> their starting place, -the Kurds would sweep down from their mountain homes. Rushing up to the -young girls, they would lift their veils and carry the pretty ones off -to the hills. They would steal such children as pleased their fancy and -mercilessly rob all the rest of the throng. If the exiles had started -with any money or food, their assailants would appropriate it, thus -leaving them a hopeless prey to starvation. They would steal their -clothing, and sometimes even leave both men and women in a state of -complete nudity. All the time that they were committing these -depradations the Kurds would freely massacre, and the screams of women -and old men would add to the general horror. Such as escaped these -attacks in the open would find new terrors awaiting them in the Moslem -villages. Here the Turkish roughs would fall upon the women, leaving -them sometimes dead from their experiences or sometimes ravingly insane. -After spending a night in a hideous encampment of this kind, the exiles, -or such as had survived, would start again the next morning. The -ferocity of the gendarmes apparently increased as the journey -lengthened, for they seemed almost to resent the fact that part of their -charges continued to live. Frequently any one who dropped on the road -was bayoneted on the spot. The Armenians began to die by hundreds from -hunger and thirst. Even when they came to rivers, the gendarmes, merely -to torment them, would sometimes not let them drink. The hot sun of the -desert burned their scantily clothed bodies, and their bare feet, -treading the hot sand of the desert, became so sore that thousands fell -and died or were killed where they lay. Thus, in a few days, what had -been a procession of normal human beings became a<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_317" id="page_317"></a>{317}</span> stumbling horde of -dust-covered skeletons, ravenously looking for scraps of food, eating -any offal that came their way, crazed by the hideous sights that filled -every hour of their existence, sick with all the diseases that accompany -such hardships and privations, but still prodded on and on by the whips -and clubs and bayonets of their executioners.</p> - -<p>And thus, as the exiles moved, they left behind them another -caravan—that of dead and unburied bodies, of old men and of women dying -in the last stages of typhus, dysentery, and cholera, of little children -lying on their backs and setting up their last piteous wails for food -and water. There were women who held up their babies to strangers, -begging them to take them and save them from their tormentors, and -failing this, they would throw them into wells or leave them behind -bushes, that at least they might die undisturbed. Behind was left a -small army of girls who had been sold as slaves—frequently for a -medjidie, or about eighty cents—and who, after serving the brutal -purposes of their purchasers, were forced to lead lives of prostitution. -A string of encampments, filled by the sick and the dying, mingled with -the unburied or half-buried bodies of the dead, marked the course of the -advancing throngs. Flocks of vultures followed them in the air, and -ravenous dogs, fighting one another for the bodies of the dead, -constantly pursued them. The most terrible scenes took place at the -rivers, especially the Euphrates. Sometimes, when crossing this stream, -the gendarmes would push the women into the water, shooting all who -attempted to save themselves by swimming. Frequently the women -themselves would save their honour by jumping into the river, their -children in their arms.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_318" id="page_318"></a>{318}</span> “In the last week in June,” I quote from a -consular report, “several parties of Erzeroum Armenians were deported on -successive days and most of them massacred on the way, either by -shooting or drowning. One, Madame Zarouhi, an elderly lady of means, who -was thrown into the Euphrates, saved herself by clinging to a boulder in -the river. She succeeded in approaching the bank and returned to -Erzeroum to hide herself in a Turkish friend’s house. She told Prince -Argoutinsky, the representative of the ‘All-Russian Urban Union’ in -Erzeroum, that she shuddered to recall how hundreds of children were -bayoneted by the Turks and thrown into the Euphrates, and how men and -women were stripped naked, tied together in hundreds, shot, and then -hurled into the river. In a loop of the river near Erzinghan, she said, -the thousands of dead bodies created such a barrage that the Euphrates -changed its course for about a hundred yards.”</p> - -<p>It is absurd for the Turkish Government to assert that it ever seriously -intended to “deport the Armenians to new homes”; the treatment which was -given the convoys clearly shows that extermination was the real purpose -of Enver and Talaat. How many exiled to the south under these revolting -conditions ever reached their destinations? The experiences of a single -caravan show how completely this plan of deportation developed into one -of annihilation. The details in question were furnished me directly by -the American Consul at Aleppo, and are now on file in the State -Department at Washington. On the first of June a convoy of three -thousand Armenians, mostly women, girls, and children, left Harpoot. -Following the usual custom the Government provided them an<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_319" id="page_319"></a>{319}</span> escort of -seventy gendarmes, under the command of a Turkish leader, a Bey. In -accordance with the common experience these gendarmes proved to be not -their protectors, but their tormentors and their executioners. Hardly -had they got well started on the road when —— Bey took 400 liras from -the caravan, on the plea that he was keeping it safely until their -arrival at Malatia; no sooner had he robbed them of the only thing that -might have provided them with food than he ran away, leaving them all to -the tender mercies of the gendarmes.</p> - -<p>All the way to Ras-ul-Ain, the first station on the Bagdad line, the -existence of these wretched travellers was one prolonged horror. The -gendarmes went ahead, informing the half-savage tribes of the mountains -that several thousand Armenian women and girls were approaching. The -Arabs and Kurds began to carry off the girls, the mountaineers fell upon -them repeatedly, violating and killing the women, and the gendarmes -themselves joined in the orgy. One by one the few men who accompanied -the convoy were killed. The women had succeeded in secreting money from -their persecutors, keeping it in their mouths and hair; with this they -would buy horses, only to have them repeatedly stolen by the Kurdish -tribesmen. Finally the gendarmes, having robbed and beaten and violated -and killed their charges for thirteen days, abandoned them altogether. -Two days afterward the Kurds went through the party and rounded up all -the males who still remained alive. They found about 150, their ages -varying from 15 to 90 years, and these they promptly took away and -butchered to the last man. But that same day another convoy from Sivas -joined<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_320" id="page_320"></a>{320}</span> this one from Harpoot, increasing the numbers of the whole -Caravan to 18,000 people.</p> - -<p>Another Kurdish Bey now took command, and to him, as to all men placed -in the same position, the opportunity was regarded merely as one for -pillage, outrage, and murder. This chieftain summoned all his followers -from the mountains and invited them to work their complete will upon -this great mass of Armenians. Day after day and night after night the -prettiest girls were carried away; sometimes they returned in a pitiable -condition that told the full story of their sufferings. Any stragglers, -those who were so old and infirm and sick that they could not keep up -with the marchers, were promptly killed. Whenever they reached a Turkish -village all the local vagabonds were permitted to prey upon the Armenian -girls. When the diminishing band reached the Euphrates they saw the -bodies of 200 men floating upon the surface. By this time they had all -been so repeatedly robbed that they had practically nothing left except -a few ragged clothes, and even these the Kurds now took; and the larger -part of the convoy marched for five days almost completely naked under -the scorching desert sun. For another five days they did not have a -morsel of bread or a drop of water. “Hundreds fell dead on the way,” the -report reads, “their tongues were turned to charcoal, and when, at the -end of five days, they reached a fountain, the whole convoy naturally -rushed toward it. But here the policemen barred the way and forebade -them to take a single drop of water.” Their purpose was to sell it at -from one to three liras a cup and sometimes they actually withheld the -water after getting the money. “At another place, where<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_321" id="page_321"></a>{321}</span> there were -wells, some women threw themselves into them, as there was no rope or -pail to draw up the water. These women were drowned and, in spite of -that, the rest of the people drank from that well,” the dead bodies -still remaining there and polluting the water. Sometimes, when the wells -were shallow and the women could go down into them and come out again, -the other people would rush to lick or suck their wet, dirty clothes, in -the effort to quench their thirst. When they passed an Arab village in -their naked condition the Arabs pitied them and gave them old pieces of -cloth to cover themselves with. Some of the exiles who still had money -bought some clothes; but some still remained who travelled thus naked -all the way to the city of Aleppo. The poor women could hardly walk for -shame; they all walked bent double.</p> - -<p>On the seventieth day a few creatures reached Aleppo. Out of the -combined convoy of 18,000 souls just 150 women and children reached -their destination. A few of the rest, the most attractive, were still -living as captives of the Kurds and Turks; all the rest were dead.</p> - -<p>My only reason for relating such dreadful things as this is that, -without the details, the English-speaking public cannot understand -precisely what this nation is which we call Turkey. I have by no means -told the most terrible details, for a complete narration of the sadistic -orgies of which these Armenian men and women were the victims can never -be printed in an American publication. Whatever crimes the most -perverted instincts of the human mind can devise, and whatever -refinements of persecution and injustice the most debased imagination -can conceive, became the daily misfortunes of this devoted people. I am -confident<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_322" id="page_322"></a>{322}</span> that the whole history of the human race contains no such -horrible episode as this. The great massacres and persecutions of the -past seem almost insignificant when compared with the sufferings of the -Armenian race in 1915. The slaughter of the Albigenses in the early part -of the thirteenth century has always been regarded as one of the most -pitiful events in history. In these outbursts of fanaticism about 60,000 -people were killed. In the massacre of St. Bartholomew about 30,000 -human beings lost their lives. The Sicilian Vespers, which has always -figured as one of the most fiendish outbursts of this kind, caused the -destruction of 8,000. Volumes have been written about the Spanish -Inquisition under Torquemada, yet in the eighteen years of his -administration only a little more than 8,000 heretics were done to -death. Perhaps the one event in history that most resembles the Armenian -deportations was the expulsion of the Jews from Spain by Ferdinand and -Isabella. According to Prescott 160,000 were uprooted from their homes -and scattered broadcast over Africa and Europe. Yet all these previous -persecutions seem almost trivial when we compare them with the -sufferings of the Armenians, in which at least 600,000 people were -destroyed and perhaps as many as 1,000,000. And these earlier massacres, -when we compare them with the spirit that directed the Armenian -atrocities, have one feature that we can almost describe as an excuse: -they were the product of religious fanaticism and most of the men and -women who instigated them sincerely believed that they were devoutly -serving their Maker. Undoubtedly religious fanaticism was an impelling -motive with the Turkish and Kurdish rabble who slew Armenians as a<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_323" id="page_323"></a>{323}</span> -service to Allah, but the men who really conceived the crime had no such -motive. Practically all of them were atheists, with no more respect for -Mohammedanism than for Christianity, and with them the one motive was -cold-blooded, calculating state policy.</p> - -<p>The Armenians are not the only subject people in Turkey which have -suffered from this policy of making Turkey exclusively the country of -the Turks. The story which I have told about the Armenians I could also -tell with certain modifications about the Greeks and the Syrians. Indeed -the Greeks were the first victims of this nationalizing idea. I have -already described how, in the few months preceding the European War, the -Ottoman Government began deporting its Greek subjects along the coast of -Asia Minor. These outrages aroused little interest in Europe or the -United States, yet in the space of three or four months more than -100,000 Greeks were taken from their age-long homes in the Mediterranean -littoral and removed to the Greek Islands and the interior. For the -larger part these were bona-fide deportations; that is, the Greek -inhabitants were actually removed to new places and were not subjected -to wholesale massacre. It was probably for the reason that the civilized -world did not protest against these deportations that the Turks -afterward decided to apply the same methods on a larger scale not only -to the Greeks but to the Armenians, Syrians, Nestorians, and others of -its subject peoples. In fact, Bedri Bey, the Prefect of Police at -Constantinople, himself told one of my secretaries that the Turks had -expelled the Greeks so successfully that they had decided to apply the -same method to all the other races in the empire.</p> - -<p>The martyrdom of the Greeks, therefore, comprised<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_324" id="page_324"></a>{324}</span> two periods: that -antedating the war, and that which began in the early part of 1915. The -first affected chiefly the Greeks on the seacoast of Asia Minor. The -second affected those living in Thrace and in the territories -surrounding the Sea of Marmora, the Dardanelles, the Bosphorus, and the -coast of the Black Sea. These latter, to the extent of several hundred -thousand, were sent to the interior of Asia Minor. The Turks adopted -almost identically the same procedure against the Greeks as that which -they had adopted against the Armenians. They began by incorporating the -Greeks into the Ottoman army and then transforming them into labour -battalions, using them to build roads in the Caucasus and other scenes -of action. These Greek soldiers, just like the Armenians, died by -thousands from cold, hunger, and other privations. The same -house-to-house searches for hidden weapons took place in the Greek -villages, and Greek men and women were beaten and tortured just as were -their fellow Armenians. The Greeks had to submit to the same forced -requisitions, which amounted in their case, as in the case of the -Armenians, merely to plundering on a wholesale scale. The Turks -attempted to force the Greek subjects to become Mohammedans; Greek -girls, just like Armenian girls, were stolen and taken to Turkish harems -and Greek boys were kidnapped and placed in Moslem households. The -Greeks, just like the Armenians, were accused of disloyalty to the -Ottoman Government; the Turks accused them of furnishing supplies to the -English submarines in the Marmora and also of acting as spies. The Turks -also declared that the Greeks were not loyal to the Ottoman Government, -and that they also looked forward to the day when the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_325" id="page_325"></a>{325}</span> Greeks inside of -Turkey would become part of Greece. These latter charges were -unquestionably true; that the Greeks, after suffering for five centuries -the most unspeakable outrages at the hands of the Turks, should look -longingly to the day when their territory should be part of the -fatherland, was to be expected. The Turks, as in the case of the -Armenians, seized upon this as an excuse for a violent onslaught on the -whole race. Everywhere the Greeks were gathered in groups and, under the -so-called protection of Turkish gendarmes, they were transported, the -larger part on foot, into the interior. Just how many were scattered in -this fashion is not definitely known, the estimates varying anywhere -from 200,000 up to 1,000,000. These caravans suffered great privations, -but they were not submitted to general massacre as were the Armenians, -and this is probably the reason why the outside world has not heard so -much about them. The Turks showed them this greater consideration not -from any motive of pity. The Greeks, unlike the Armenians, had a -government which was vitally interested in their welfare. At this time -there was a general apprehension among the Teutonic Allies that Greece -would enter the war on the side of the Entente, and a wholesale massacre -of Greeks in Asia Minor would unquestionably have produced such a state -of mind in Greece that its pro-German king would have been unable longer -to keep his country out of the war. It was only a matter of state -policy, therefore, that saved these Greek subjects of Turkey from all -the horrors that befell the Armenians. But their sufferings are still -terrible, and constitute another chapter in the long story of crimes for -which civilization will hold the Turk responsible.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_326" id="page_326"></a>{326}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXV" id="CHAPTER_XXV"></a>CHAPTER XXV<br /><br /> -<small>TALAAT TELLS WHY HE “DEPORTS” THE ARMENIANS</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">I</span>T was some time before the story of the Armenian atrocities reached the -American Embassy in all its horrible details. In January and February -fragmentary reports began to filter in, but the tendency was at first to -regard them as mere manifestations of the disorders that had prevailed -in the Armenian provinces for many years. When the reports came from -Urumia, both Enver and Talaat dismissed them as wild exaggerations, and -when, for the first time, we heard of the disturbances at Van, these -Turkish officials declared that they were nothing more than a mob -uprising which they would soon have under control. I now see, what was -not apparent in those early months, that the Turkish Government was -determined to keep the news, as long as possible, from the outside -world. It was clearly the intention that Europe and America should hear -of the annihilation of the Armenian race only after that annihilation -had been accomplished. As the country which the Turks particularly -wished to keep in ignorance was the United States, they resorted to the -most shameless prevarications when discussing the situation with myself -and with my staff.</p> - -<p>In early April the authorities arrested about two hundred Armenians in -Constantinople and sent them into the interior. Many of those who were -then deported were educational and social leaders and men who<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_327" id="page_327"></a>{327}</span> were -prominent in industry and in finance. I knew many of these men and -therefore felt a personal interest in their misfortunes. But when I -spoke to Talaat about their expulsion, he replied that the Government -was acting in self-defense. The Armenians at Van, he said, had already -shown their abilities as revolutionists; he knew that these leaders in -Constantinople were corresponding with the Russians and he had every -reason to fear that they would start an insurrection against the Central -Government. The safest plan, therefore, was to send them to Angora and -other interior towns. Talaat denied that this was part of any general -concerted scheme to rid the city of its Armenian population, and -insisted that the Armenian masses in Constantinople would not be -disturbed.</p> - -<p>But soon the accounts from the interior became more specific and more -disquieting. The withdrawal of the Allied fleet from the Dardanelles -produced a distinct change in the atmosphere. Until then there were -numerous indications that all was not going well in the Armenian -provinces; when it at last became definitely established, however, that -the traditional friends of Armenia, Great Britain, France, and Russia, -could do nothing to help that suffering people, the mask began to -disappear. In April I was suddenly deprived of the privilege of using -the cipher for communicating with American consuls. The most rigorous -censorship also was applied to letters. Such measures could mean only -that things were happening in Asia Minor which the authorities were -determined to conceal. But they did not succeed. Though all sorts of -impediments were placed to travelling, certain Americans, chiefly -missionaries, succeeded in getting through.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_328" id="page_328"></a>{328}</span> For hours they would sit in -my office and, with tears streaming down their faces, they would tell me -of the horrors through which they had passed. Many of these, both men -and women, were almost broken in health from the scenes which they had -witnessed. In many cases they brought me letters from American consuls, -confirming the most dreadful of their narrations and adding many -unprintable details. The general purport of all these first-hand reports -was that the utter depravity and fiendishness of the Turkish nature, -already sufficiently celebrated through the centuries, had now surpassed -themselves. There was only one hope of saving nearly 2,000,000 people -from massacre, starvation, and even worse, I was told—that was the -moral power of the United States. These spokesmen of a condemned nation -declared that, unless the American Ambassador could persuade the Turk to -stay his destroying arm, the whole Armenian nation would disappear. It -was not only American and Canadian missionaries who made this personal -appeal. Several of their German associates begged me to intercede. These -men and women confirmed all the worst things which I had heard, and they -were unsparing in denouncing their own fatherland. They did not conceal -the humiliation which they felt, as Germans, in the fact that their own -nation was allied with a people that could perpetrate such infamies, but -they understood German policy well enough to know that Germany would not -intercede. There was no use in expecting aid from the Kaiser, they -said—America must stop the massacres, or they would go on.</p> - -<p>Technically, of course, I had no right to interfere. According to the -cold-blooded legalities of the situation,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_329" id="page_329"></a>{329}</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 338px;"> -<a href="images/i_386_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_386_sml.jpg" width="338" height="500" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">KAISER WILLIAM II, IN THE UNIFORM OF A TURKISH FIELD MARSHAL</p> - -<p>He remained acquiescent, refusing to intercede, while his allies, -the Turks, murdered anywhere from 600,000 to 1,000,000 Armenians. -This assassination of a whole people was the worst outcome of the -Prussian doctrine,—that anything is justified which promotes the -success of German arms. After the massacre was over, the Kaiser -decorated the Sultan, precisely as in 1898, after Abdul Hamid had -just massacred 200,000 Christians, he visited that potentate and -publicly embraced him.</p></div> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 321px;"> -<a href="images/i_387_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_387_sml.jpg" width="321" height="500" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">INTERIOR OF THE ARMENIAN CHURCH AT URFA</p> - -<p>Where many Armenians were burned. The Armenian Church was -established in the fourth century; it is said to be the oldest -state Christian church in existence.</p></div> -</div> - -<p class="nind">the treatment of Turkish subjects by the Turkish Government was purely a -domestic affair; unless it directly affected American lives and American -interests, it was outside the concern of the American Government. When I -first approached Talaat on the subject, he called my attention to this -fact in no uncertain terms. This interview was one of the most exciting -which I had had up to that time. Two missionaries had just called upon -me, giving the full details of the frightful happenings at Konia. After -listening to their stories, I could not restrain myself, and went -immediately to the Sublime Porte. I saw at once that Talaat was in one -of his most ferocious states of mind. For months he had been attempting -to secure the release of one of his closest friends, Ayoub Sabri, and -Zinnoun, who were held as prisoners by the English at Malta. His failure -in this matter was a constant grievance and irritation; he was always -talking about it, always making new suggestions for getting his friends -back to Turkey, and always appealing to me for help. So furious did the -Turkish Boss become when thinking about his absent friends that we -usually referred to these manifestations as Talaat in his “Ayoub Sabri -moods.” This particular morning the Minister of the Interior was in one -of his worst “Ayoub Sabri moods.” Once more he had been working for the -release of the exiles and once more he had failed. As usual, he -attempted to preserve outer calm and courtesy to me, but his short, -snappy phrases, his bull-dog rigidity, and his wrists, planted on the -table, showed that it was an unfavourable moment to stir him to any -sense of pity or remorse. I first spoke to him about a Canadian -missionary, Dr. McNaughton, who was receiving harsh treatment in Asia -Minor.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_330" id="page_330"></a>{330}</span></p> - -<p>“The man is an English agent,” he replied, “and we have the evidence for -it.”</p> - -<p>“Let me see it,” I asked.</p> - -<p>“We’ll do nothing for any Englishman or any Canadian,” he replied, -“until they release Ayoub and Zinnoun.”</p> - -<p>“But you promised to treat English in the employ of Americans as -Americans,” I replied.</p> - -<p>“That may be,” rejoined the Minister, “but a promise is not made to be -kept forever. I withdraw that promise now. There is a time limit on a -promise.”</p> - -<p>“But if a promise is not binding, what is?” I asked.</p> - -<p>“A guarantee,” Talaat answered quickly.</p> - -<p>This fine Turkish distinction had a certain metaphysical interest, but I -had more practical matters to discuss at that time. So I began to talk -about the Armenians at Konia. I had hardly started when Talaat’s -attitude became even more belligerent. His eyes lighted up, he brought -his jaws together, leaned over toward me, and snapped out:</p> - -<p>“Are <i>they</i> Americans?”</p> - -<p>The implications of this question were hardly diplomatic; it was merely -a way of telling me that the matter was none of my business. In a moment -Talaat said this in so many words.</p> - -<p>“The Armenians are not to be trusted,” he said, “besides, what we do -with them does not concern the United States.”</p> - -<p>I replied that I regarded myself as the friend of the Armenians and was -shocked at the way that they were being treated. But he shook his head -and refused to discuss the matter. I saw that nothing could be gained by -forcing the issue at that time. I spoke in<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_331" id="page_331"></a>{331}</span> behalf of another British -subject who was not being treated properly.</p> - -<p>“He’s English, isn’t he?” answered Talaat. “Then I shall do as I like -with him!”</p> - -<p>“Eat him, if you wish!” I replied.</p> - -<p>“No,” said Talaat, “he would go against my digestion.”</p> - -<p>He was altogether in a reckless mood. “<i>Gott strafe England!</i>” he -shouted—using one of the few German phrases that he knew. “As to your -Armenians, we don’t give a rap for the future! We live only in the -present! As to the English, I wish you would telegraph Washington that -we shall not do a thing for them until they let out Ayoub Sabri and -Zinnoun!”</p> - -<p>Then leaning over, he struck a pose, pressed his hand to his heart, and -said, in English—I think this must have been almost all the English he -knew:</p> - -<p>“Ayoub Sabri—he—my—brudder!”</p> - -<p>Despite this I made another plea for Dr. McNaughton.</p> - -<p>“He’s not American,” said Talaat, “he’s a Canadian.”</p> - -<p>“It’s almost the same thing,” I said.</p> - -<p>“Well,” replied Talaat, “if I let him go, will you promise that the -United States will annex Canada?”</p> - -<p>“I promise,” said I, and we both laughed at this little joke.</p> - -<p>“Every time you come here,” Talaat finally said, “you always steal -something from me. All right, you can have your McNaughton!”</p> - -<p>Certainly this interview was not an encouraging beginning, so far as the -Armenians were concerned. But Talaat was not always in an “Ayoub Sabri -mood.”<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_332" id="page_332"></a>{332}</span> He went from one emotion to another as lightly as a child; I -would find him fierce and unyielding one day, and uproariously -good-natured and accommodating the next. Prudence indicated, therefore, -that I should await one of his more congenial moments before approaching -him on the subject that aroused all the barbarity in his nature. Such an -opportunity was soon presented. One day, soon after the interview -chronicled above, I called on Talaat again. The first thing he did was -to open his desk and pull out a handful of yellow cablegrams.</p> - -<p>“Why don’t you give this money to us?” he said, with a grin.</p> - -<p>“What money?” I asked.</p> - -<p>“Here is a cablegram for you from America, sending you a lot of money -for the Armenians. You ought not to use it that way; give it to us -Turks, we need it as badly as they do.”</p> - -<p>“I have not received any such cablegram,” I replied.</p> - -<p>“Oh, no, but you will,” he answered. “I always get all your cablegrams -first, you know. After I have finished reading them I send them around -to you.”</p> - -<p>This statement was the literal truth. Every morning all uncoded -cablegrams received in Constantinople were forwarded to Talaat, who read -them, before consenting to their being forwarded to their destinations. -Even the cablegrams of the ambassadors were apparently not exempt, -though, of course, the ciphered messages were not interfered with. -Ordinarily I might have protested against this infringement of my -rights, but Talaat’s engaging frankness about<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_333" id="page_333"></a>{333}</span> pilfering my -correspondence and in even waving my own cablegrams in my face gave me -an excellent opening to introduce the forbidden subject.</p> - -<p>But on this occasion, as on many others, Talaat was evasive and -non-committal and showed much hostility to the interest which the -American people were manifesting in the Armenians. He explained his -policy on the ground that the Armenians were in constant correspondence -with the Russians. The definite conviction which these conversations -left upon my mind was that Talaat was the most implacable enemy of this -persecuted race. “He gave me the impression,” such is the entry which I -find in my diary on August 3d, “that Talaat is the one who desires to -crush the poor Armenians.” He told me that the Union and Progress -Committee had carefully considered the matter in all its details and -that the policy which was being pursued was that which they had -officially adopted. He said that I must not get the idea that the -deportations had been decided upon hastily; in reality, they were the -result of prolonged and careful deliberation. To my repeated appeals -that he should show mercy to these people, he sometimes responded -seriously, sometimes angrily, and sometimes flippantly.</p> - -<p>“Some day,” he once said, “I will come and discuss the whole Armenian -subject with you,” and then he added in a low tone in Turkish:</p> - -<p>“But that day will never come!”</p> - -<p>“Why are you so interested in the Armenians, anyway?” he said, on -another occasion. “You are a Jew; these people are Christians. The -Mohammedans and the Jews always get on harmoniously. We are treating the -Jews here all right. What have you to complain<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_334" id="page_334"></a>{334}</span> of? Why can’t you let us -do with these Christians as we please?”</p> - -<p>I had frequently remarked that the Turks look upon practically every -question as a personal matter, yet this point of view rather stunned me. -However, it was a complete revelation of Turkish mentality; the fact -that, above all considerations of race and religion, there are such -things as humanity and civilization, never for a moment enters their -mind. They can understand a Christian fighting for a Christian and a Jew -fighting for a Jew, but such abstractions as justice and decency form no -part of their conception of things.</p> - -<p>“You don’t seem to realize,” I replied, “that I am not here as a Jew but -as American Ambassador. My country contains something more than -97,000,000 Christians and something less than 3,000,000 Jews. So, at -least in my ambassadorial capacity, I am 97 per cent. Christian. But -after all, that is not the point. I do not appeal to you in the name of -any race or any religion, but merely as a human being. You have told me -many times that you want to make Turkey a part of the modern progressive -world. The way you are treating the Armenians will not help you to -realize that ambition; it puts you in the class of backward, reactionary -peoples.”</p> - -<p>“We treat the Americans all right, too,” said Talaat. “I don’t see why -you should complain.”</p> - -<p>“But Americans are outraged by your persecutions of the Armenians,” I -replied. “You must base your principles on humanitarianism, not racial -discrimination, or the United States will not regard you as a friend and -an equal. And you should understand the great changes that are taking -place among Christians all<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_335" id="page_335"></a>{335}</span> over the world. They are forgetting their -differences and all sects are coming together as one. You look down on -American missionaries, but don’t forget that it is the best element in -America that supports their religious work, as well as their educational -institutions. Americans are not mere materialists, always chasing -money—they are broadly humanitarian, and interested in the spread of -justice and civilization throughout the world. After this war is over -you will face a new situation. You say that, if victorious, you can defy -the world, but you are wrong. You will have to meet public opinion -everywhere, especially in the United States. Our people will never -forget these massacres. They will always resent the wholesale -destruction of Christians in Turkey. They will look upon it as nothing -but wilful murder and will seriously condemn all the men who are -responsible for it. You will not be able to protect yourself under your -political status and say that you acted as Minister of the Interior and -not as Talaat. You are defying all ideas of justice as we understand the -term in our country.”</p> - -<p>Strangely enough, these remarks did not offend Talaat, but they did not -shake his determination. I might as well have been talking to a stone -wall. From my abstractions he immediately came down to something -definite.</p> - -<p>“These people,” he said, “refused to disarm when we told them to. They -opposed us at Van and at Zeitoun, and they helped the Russians. There is -only one way in which we can defend ourselves against them in the -future, and that is just to deport them.”</p> - -<p>“Suppose a few Armenians did betray you,” I said. “Is that a reason for -destroying a whole race? Is that<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_336" id="page_336"></a>{336}</span> an excuse for making innocent women -and children suffer?”</p> - -<p>“Those things are inevitable,” he replied.</p> - -<p>This remark to me was not quite so illuminating as one which Talaat made -subsequently to a reporter of the <i>Berliner Tageblatt</i>, who asked him -the same question. “We have been reproached,” he said, according to this -interviewer, “for making no distinction between the innocent Armenians -and the guilty; but that was utterly impossible, in view of the fact -that those who were innocent to-day might be guilty to-morrow”!</p> - -<p>One reason why Talaat could not discuss this matter with me freely, was -because the member of the embassy staff who did the interpreting was -himself an Armenian. In the early part of August, therefore, he sent a -personal messenger to me, asking if I could not see him alone—he said -that he himself would provide the interpreter. This was the first time -that Talaat had admitted that his treatment of the Armenians was a -matter with which I had any concern. The interview took place two days -afterward. It so happened that since the last time I had visited Talaat -I had shaved my beard. As soon as I came in the burly Minister began -talking in his customary bantering fashion.</p> - -<p>“You have become a young man again,” he said; “you are so young now that -I cannot go to you for advice any more.”</p> - -<p>“I have shaved my beard,” I replied, “because it had become very -gray—made gray by your treatment of the Armenians.”</p> - -<p>After this exchange of compliments we settled down to the business in -hand. “I have asked you to come to-day,” began Talaat, “so that I can -explain our<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_337" id="page_337"></a>{337}</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_396_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_396_sml.jpg" width="500" height="298" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">ARMENIAN SOLDIERS</p> - -<p>Until 1908 no Armenian was allowed to serve in the Ottoman army. In -the Balkan Wars, they distinguished themselves by their bravery and -skill. In the present war, the Turks have taken away their arms and -transformed them into pack animals and road labourers.</p></div> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_397a_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_397a_sml.jpg" width="500" height="360" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">THOSE WHO FELL BY THE WAYSIDE</p> - -<p>Scenes like this were common all over the Armenian provinces, in -the spring and summer months of 1915. Death in its several -forms—massacre, starvation, exhaustion—destroyed the larger part -of the refugees. The Turkish policy was that of extermination under -the guise of deportation.</p></div> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_397b_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_397b_sml.jpg" width="500" height="365" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">A VIEW OF HARPOOT</p> - -<p class="c">Where massacres of men took place on a large scale</p></div> -</div> - -<p class="nind">position on the whole Armenian subject. We base our objections to the -Armenians on three distinct grounds. In the first place, they have -enriched themselves at the expense of the Turks. In the second place, -they are determined to domineer over us and to establish a separate -state. In the third place, they have openly encouraged our enemies. They -have assisted the Russians in the Caucasus and our failure there is -largely explained by their actions. We have therefore come to the -irrevocable decision that we shall make them powerless before this war -is ended.”</p> - -<p>On every one of these points I had plenty of arguments in rebuttal. -Talaat’s first objection was merely an admission that the Armenians were -more industrious and more able than the dull-witted and lazy Turks. -Massacre as a means of destroying business competition was certainly an -original conception! His general charge that the Armenians were -“conspiring” against Turkey and that they openly sympathized with -Turkey’s enemies merely meant, when reduced to its original elements, -that the Armenians were constantly appealing to the European Powers to -protect them against robbery, murder, and outrage. The Armenian problem, -like most race problems, was the result of centuries of ill-treatment -and injustice. There could be only one solution for it, the creation of -an orderly system of government, in which all citizens were to be -treated upon an equality, and in which all offenses were to be punished -as the acts of individuals and not as of peoples. I argued for a long -time along these and similar lines.</p> - -<p>“It is no use for you to argue,” Talaat answered, “we have already -disposed of three quarters of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_338" id="page_338"></a>{338}</span> Armenians; there are none at all left -in Bitlis, Van, and Erzeroum. The hatred between the Turks and the -Armenians is now so intense that we have got to finish with them. If we -don’t, they will plan their revenge.”</p> - -<p>“If you are not influenced by humane considerations,” I replied, “think -of the material loss. These people are your business men. They control -many of your industries. They are very large tax-payers. What would -become of you commercially without them?”</p> - -<p>“We care nothing about the commercial loss,” replied Talaat. “We have -figured all that out and we know that it will not exceed five million -pounds. We don’t worry about that. I have asked you to come here so as -to let you know that our Armenian policy is absolutely fixed and that -nothing can change it. We will not have the Armenians anywhere in -Anatolia. They can live in the desert but nowhere else.”</p> - -<p>I still attempted to persuade Talaat that the treatment of the Armenians -was destroying Turkey in the eyes of the world, and that his country -would never be able to recover from this infamy.</p> - -<p>“You are making a terrible mistake,” I said, and I repeated the -statement three times.</p> - -<p>“Yes, we may make mistakes,” he replied, “but”—and he firmly closed his -lips and shook his head—”we never regret.”</p> - -<p>I had many talks with Talaat on the Armenians, but I never succeeded in -moving him to the slightest degree. He always came back to the points -which he had made in this interview. He was very willing to grant any -request I made in behalf of the Americans or even of the French and -English, but I could obtain no<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_339" id="page_339"></a>{339}</span> general concessions for the Armenians. -He seemed to me always to have the deepest personal feeling in this -matter, and his antagonism to the Armenians seemed to increase as their -sufferings increased. One day, discussing a particular Armenian, I told -Talaat that he was mistaken in regarding this man as an enemy of the -Turks; that in reality he was their friend.</p> - -<p>“No Armenian,” replied Talaat, “can be our friend after what we have -done to them.”</p> - -<p>One day Talaat made what was perhaps the most astonishing request I had -ever heard. The New York Life Insurance Company and the Equitable Life -of New York had for years done considerable business among the -Armenians. The extent to which this people insured their lives was -merely another indication of their thrifty habits.</p> - -<p>“I wish,” Talaat now said, “that you would get the American life -insurance companies to send us a complete list of their Armenian policy -holders. They are practically all dead now and have left no heirs to -collect the money. It of course all escheats to the State. The -Government is the beneficiary now. Will you do so?”</p> - -<p>This was almost too much, and I lost my temper.</p> - -<p>“You will get no such list from me,” I said, and I got up and left him.</p> - -<p>One other episode involving the Armenians stirred Talaat to one of his -most ferocious moods. In the latter part of September, Mrs. Morgenthau -left for America. The sufferings of the Armenians had greatly preyed -upon her mind and she really left for home because she could not any -longer endure to live in such a country. But she determined to make one -last intercession<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_340" id="page_340"></a>{340}</span> for this poor people on her own account. Her way home -took her through Bulgaria, and she had received an intimation that Queen -Eleanor of that country would be glad to receive her. Perhaps it was -Mrs. Morgenthau’s well-known interest in social work that led to this -invitation. Queen Eleanor was a high-minded woman, who had led a sad and -lonely existence, and who was spending most of her time attempting to -improve the condition of the poor in Bulgaria. She knew all about social -work in American cities, and, a few years before, she had made all her -plans to visit the United States in order to study our settlements at -first hand. At the time of Mrs. Morgenthau’s visit the Queen had two -American nurses from the Henry Street Settlement of New York instructing -a group of Bulgarian girls in the methods of the American Red Cross.</p> - -<p>My wife was mainly interested in visiting the Queen in order that, as -one woman to another, she might make a plea for the Armenians. At that -time the question of Bulgaria’s entrance into the war had reached a -critical stage, and Turkey was prepared to make concessions to gain her -as an ally. It was therefore a propitious moment to make such an appeal.</p> - -<p>The Queen received Mrs. Morgenthau informally, and my wife spent about -an hour telling her all about the Armenians. Most of what she said was -entirely new to the Queen. Little had yet appeared in the European press -on this subject, and Queen Eleanor was precisely the kind of woman from -whom the truth would be concealed as long as possible. Mrs. Morgenthau -gave her all the facts about the treatment of Armenian women and -children and asked her to intercede<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_341" id="page_341"></a>{341}</span> in their behalf. She even went so -far as to suggest that it would be a terrible thing if Bulgaria, which -in the past had herself suffered such atrocities at the hands of the -Turks, should now become their allies in war. Queen Eleanor was greatly -moved. She thanked my wife for telling her these truths and said that -she would investigate immediately and see if something could not be -done.</p> - -<p>Just as Mrs. Morgenthau was getting ready to leave she saw the Duke of -Mecklenburg standing near the door. The Duke was in Sofia at that time -attempting to arrange for Bulgaria’s participation in the war. The Queen -introduced him to Mrs. Morgenthau; His Highness was polite, but his air -was rather cold and injured. His whole manner, particularly the stern -glances which he cast on Mrs. Morgenthau, showed that he had heard a -considerable part of the conversation. As he was exerting all his -efforts to bring Bulgaria in on Germany’s side, it is not surprising -that he did not relish the plea which Mrs. Morgenthau was making to the -Queen that Bulgaria should not ally herself with Turkey.</p> - -<p>Queen Eleanor immediately interested herself in the Armenian cause, and, -as a result, the Bulgarian Minister to Turkey was instructed to protest -against the atrocities. This protest accomplished nothing, but it did -arouse Talaat’s momentary wrath against the American Ambassador. A few -days afterward, when routine business called me to the Sublime Porte, I -found him in an exceedingly ugly humour. He answered most of my -questions savagely and in monosyllables, and I was afterward told that -Mrs. Morgenthau’s intercession with the Queen had put him into<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_342" id="page_342"></a>{342}</span> this -mood. In a few days, however, he was as good-natured as ever, for -Bulgaria had taken sides with Turkey.</p> - -<p>Talaat’s attitude toward the Armenians was summed up in the proud boast -which he made to his friends: “I have accomplished more toward solving -the Armenian problem in three months than Abdul Hamid accomplished in -thirty years!”<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_343" id="page_343"></a>{343}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXVI" id="CHAPTER_XXVI"></a>CHAPTER XXVI<br /><br /> -<small>ENVER PASHA DISCUSSES THE ARMENIANS</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">A</span>LL this time I was bringing pressure upon Enver also. The Minister of -War, as I have already indicated, was a different type of man from -Talaat. He concealed his real feelings much more successfully; he was -usually suave, cold-blooded, and scrupulously polite. And at first he -was by no means so callous as Talaat in discussing the Armenians. He -dismissed the early stories as wild exaggerations, declared that the -troubles at Van were merely ordinary warfare, and attempted to quiet my -fears that the wholesale annihilation of the Armenians had been decided -on. Yet all the time that Enver was attempting to deceive me, he was -making open admissions to other people—a fact of which I was aware. In -particular he made no attempt to conceal the real situation from Dr. -Lepsius, a representative of German missionary interests. Dr. Lepsius -was a high-minded Christian gentleman. He had been all through the -Armenian massacres of 1895, and he had raised considerable sums of money -to build orphanages for Armenian children who had lost their parents at -that time. He came again in 1915 to investigate the Armenian situation -in behalf of German missionary interests. He asked for the privilege of -inspecting the reports of American consuls and I granted it. These -documents, supplemented by other information which<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_344" id="page_344"></a>{344}</span> Dr. Lepsius -obtained, largely from German missionaries in the interior, left no -doubt in his mind as to the policy of the Turks. His feelings were -aroused chiefly against his own government. He expressed to me the -humiliation which he felt, as a German, that the Turks should set about -to exterminate their Christian subjects, while Germany, which called -itself a Christian country, was making no endeavours to prevent it. From -him Enver scarcely concealed the official purpose. Dr. Lepsius was -simply staggered by his frankness, for Enver told him in so many words -that they at last had an opportunity to rid themselves of the Armenians -and that they proposed to use it.</p> - -<p>By this time Enver had become more frank with me—the circumstantial -reports which I possessed made it useless for him to attempt to conceal -the true situation further—and we had many long and animated -discussions on the subject. One of these I recall with particular -vividness. I notified Enver that I intended to take up the matter in -detail and he laid aside enough time to go over the whole situation.</p> - -<p>“The Armenians had a fair warning,” Enver began, “of what would happen -to them in case they joined our enemies. Three months ago I sent for the -Armenian Patriarch and I told him that if the Armenians attempted to -start a revolution or to assist the Russians, I would be unable to -prevent mischief from happening to them. My warning produced no effect -and the Armenians started a revolution and helped the Russians. You know -what happened at Van. They obtained control of the city, used bombs -against government buildings, and killed a large number of Moslems. We -knew that they were planning uprisings<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_345" id="page_345"></a>{345}</span> in other places. You must -understand that we are now fighting for our lives at the Dardanelles and -that we are sacrificing thousands of men. While we are engaged in such a -struggle as this, we cannot permit people in our own country to attack -us in the back. We have got to prevent this no matter what means we have -to resort to. It is absolutely true that I am not opposed to the -Armenians as a people. I have the greatest admiration for their -intelligence and industry, and I should like nothing better than to see -them become a real part of our nation. But if they ally themselves with -our enemies, as they did in the Van district, they will have to be -destroyed. I have taken pains to see that no injustice is done; only -recently I gave orders to have three Armenians who had been deported -returned to their homes, when I found that they were innocent. Russia, -France, Great Britain, and America are doing the Armenians no kindness -by sympathizing with and encouraging them. I know what such -encouragement means to a people who are inclined to revolution. When our -Union and Progress Party attacked Abdul Hamid, we received all our moral -encouragement from the outside world. This encouragement was of great -help to us and had much to do with our success. It might similarly now -help the Armenians and their revolutionary programme. I am sure that if -these outside countries did not encourage them, they would give up all -their efforts to oppose the present government and become law-abiding -citizens. We now have this country in our absolute control and we can -easily revenge ourselves on any revolutionists.”</p> - -<p>“After all,” I said, “suppose what you say is true,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_346" id="page_346"></a>{346}</span> why not punish the -guilty? Why sacrifice a whole race for the alleged crimes of -individuals?”</p> - -<p>“Your point is all right during peace times,” replied Enver. “We can -then use Platonic means to quiet Armenians and Greeks, but in time of -war we cannot investigate and negotiate. We must act promptly and with -determination. I also think that the Armenians are making a mistake in -depending upon the Russians. The Russians really would rather see them -killed than alive. They are as great a danger to the Russians as they -are to us. If they should form an independent government in Turkey, the -Armenians in Russia would attempt to form an independent government -there. The Armenians have also been guilty of massacres; in the entire -district around Van only 30,000 Turks escaped, all the rest were -murdered by the Armenians and Kurds. I attempted to protect the -non-combatants at the Caucasus; I gave orders that they should not be -injured, but I found that the situation was beyond my control. There are -about 70,000 Armenians in Constantinople and they will not be molested, -except those who are Dashnaguists and those who are plotting against the -Turks. However, I think you can ease your mind on the whole subject as -there will be no more massacres of Armenians.”</p> - -<p>I did not take seriously Enver’s concluding statement. At the time that -he was speaking, massacres and deportations were taking place all over -the Armenian provinces and they went on almost without interruption for -several months.</p> - -<p>As soon as the reports reached the United States the question of relief -became a pressing one. In the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_347" id="page_347"></a>{347}</span> latter part of July, I heard that there -were 5,000 Armenians from Zeitoun and Sultanié who were receiving no -food whatever. I spoke about them to Enver, who positively declared that -they would receive proper food. He did not receive favourably any -suggestion that American representatives should go to that part of the -country and assist and care for the exiles.</p> - -<p>“For any American to do this,” he said, “would encourage all Armenians -and make further trouble. There are twenty-eight million people in -Turkey and one million Armenians, and we do not propose to have one -million disturb the peace of the rest of the population. The great -trouble with the Armenians is that they are separatists. They are -determined to have a kingdom of their own, and they have allowed -themselves to be fooled by the Russians. Because they have relied upon -the friendship of the Russians, they have helped them in this war. We -are determined that they shall behave just as Turks do. You must -remember that when we started this revolution in Turkey there were only -two hundred of us. With these few followers we were able to deceive the -Sultan and the public, who thought that we were immensely more numerous -and powerful than we were. We really prevailed upon him and the public -through our sheer audacity, and in this way we established the -Constitution. It is our own experience with revolutions which makes us -fear the Armenians. If two hundred Turks could overturn the Government, -then a few hundred bright, educated Armenians could do the same thing. -We have therefore deliberately adopted the plan of scattering them so -that they can do us no harm. As I told you once before, I warned the -Armenian Patriarch that if the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_348" id="page_348"></a>{348}</span> Armenians attacked us while we were -engaged in a foreign war, that we Turks would hit back and that we would -hit back indiscriminately.”</p> - -<p>Enver always resented any suggestion that American missionaries or other -friends of the Armenians should go to help or comfort them.</p> - -<p>“They show altogether too much sympathy for them,” he said over and over -again.</p> - -<p>I had suggested that particular Americans should go to Tarsus and -Marsovan.</p> - -<p>“If they should go there, I am afraid that the local people in those -cities would become angry and they would be inclined to start some -disturbance which might create an incident. It is better for the -Armenians themselves, therefore, that the American missionaries should -keep away from them.”</p> - -<p>“But you are ruining the country economically,” I said at another time, -making the same point that I had made to Talaat. And he answered it in -almost the same words, thus showing that the subject had been completely -canvassed by the ruling powers.</p> - -<p>“Economic considerations are of no importance at this time. The only -important thing is to win. That’s the only thing we have on our mind. If -we win, everything will be all right; if we lose, everything will be all -wrong anyhow. Our situation is desperate, I admit it, and we are -fighting as desperate men fight. We are not going to let the Armenians -attack us in the rear.”</p> - -<p>The question of relief to the starving Armenians became every week a -more pressing one, but Enver still insisted that Americans should keep -away from the Armenian provinces.</p> - -<p>“How can we furnish bread to the Armenians,”<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_349" id="page_349"></a>{349}</span> Enver declared, “when we -can’t get enough for our own people? I know that they are suffering and -that it is quite likely that they cannot get bread at all this coming -winter. But we have the utmost difficulty in getting flour and clothing -right here in Constantinople.”</p> - -<p>I said that I had the money and that American missionaries were anxious -to go and use it for the benefit of the refugees.</p> - -<p>“We don’t want the Americans to feed the Armenians,” he flatly replied. -“That is one of the worst things that could happen to them. I have -already said that it is their belief that they have friends in other -countries which leads them to oppose the Government and so brings down -upon them all their miseries. If you Americans begin to distribute food -and clothing among them, they will then think that they have powerful -friends in the United States. This will encourage them to rebellion -again and then we shall have to punish them still more. If you will give -such money as you have received to the Turks, we shall see that it is -used for the benefit of the Armenians.”</p> - -<p>Enver made this proposal with a straight face, and he made it not only -on this occasion but on several others. At the very moment that Enver -suggested this mechanism of relief, the Turkish gendarmes and the -Turkish officials were not only robbing the Armenians of all their -household possessions, of all their food and all their money, but they -were even stripping women of their last shreds of clothing and prodding -their naked bodies with bayonets as they staggered across the burning -desert. And the Minister of War now proposed that we give our American -money to these same<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_350" id="page_350"></a>{350}</span> guardians of the law for distribution among their -charges! However, I had to be tactful.</p> - -<p>“If you or other heads of the Government would become personally -responsible for the distribution,” I said, “of course we would be glad -to entrust the money to you. But naturally you would not expect us to -give this money to the men who have been killing the Armenians and -outraging their women.”</p> - -<p>But Enver returned to his main point.</p> - -<p>“They must never know,” he said, “that they have a friend in the United -States. That would absolutely ruin them! It is far better that they -starve, and in saying this I am really thinking of the welfare of the -Armenians themselves. If they can only be convinced that they have no -friends in other countries, then they will settle down, recognize that -Turkey is their only refuge, and become quiet citizens. Your country is -doing them no kindness by constantly showing your sympathy. You are -merely drawing upon them greater hardships.”</p> - -<p>In other words, the more money which the Americans sent to feed the -Armenians, the more Armenians Turkey intended to massacre! Enver’s logic -was fairly maddening; yet he did relent at the end and permit me to help -the sufferers through certain missionaries. In all our discussions he -made this hypocritical plea that he was really a friend of this -distracted nation and that even the severity of the measures which he -had adopted was mercy in disguise. Since Enver always asserted that he -wished to treat the Armenians with justice—in this his attitude to me -was quite different from that of Talaat, who openly acknowledged his -determination to deport them—I went to the pains<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_351" id="page_351"></a>{351}</span> of preparing an -elaborate plan for bettering their condition. I suggested that, if he -wished to be just, he should protect the innocent refugees and lessen -this suffering as much as possible, and that for that purpose he should -appoint a special committee of Armenians to assist him and send a -capable Armenian, such as Oskan Effendi, formerly Minister of Posts and -Telegraphs, to study conditions and submit suggestions for remedying the -existing evils. Enver did not approve either of my proposals; as to the -first, he said that his colleagues would misunderstand it, and, as to -Oskan, he said that he admired him for his good work while he had been -in the Cabinet and had backed him in his severity toward the inefficient -officials, yet he could not trust him because he was a member of the -Armenian Dashnaguist Society.</p> - -<p>In another talk with Enver I began by suggesting that the Central -Government was probably not to blame for the massacres. I thought that -this would not be displeasing to him.</p> - -<p>“Of course I know that the Cabinet would never order such terrible -things as have taken place,” I said. “You and Talaat and the rest of the -Committee can hardly be held responsible. Undoubtedly your subordinates -have gone much further than you have ever intended. I realize that it is -not always easy to control your underlings.”</p> - -<p>Enver straightened up at once. I saw that my remarks, far from smoothing -the way to a quiet and friendly discussion, had greatly offended him. I -had intimated that things could happen in Turkey for which he and his -associates were not responsible.</p> - -<p>“You are greatly mistaken,” he said. “We have this<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_352" id="page_352"></a>{352}</span> country absolutely -under our control. I have no desire to shift the blame on to our -underlings and I am entirely willing to accept the responsibility myself -for everything that has taken place. The Cabinet itself has ordered the -deportations. I am convinced that we are completely justified in doing -this owing to the hostile attitude of the Armenians toward the Ottoman -Government, but we are the real rulers of Turkey, and no underling would -dare proceed in a matter of this kind without our orders.”</p> - -<p>Enver tried to mitigate the barbarity of his general attitude by showing -mercy in particular instances. I made no progress in my efforts to stop -the programme of wholesale massacre, but I did save a few Armenians from -death. One day I received word from the American Consul at Smyrna that -seven Armenians had been sentenced to be hanged. These men had been -accused of committing some rather vague political offense in 1909; yet -neither Rahmi Bey, the Governor General of Smyrna, nor the Military -Commander believed that they were guilty. When the order for execution -reached Smyrna these authorities wired Constantinople that under the -Ottoman law the accused had the right to appeal for clemency to the -Sultan. The answer which was returned to this communication well -illustrated the extent to which the rights of the Armenians were -regarded at that time:</p> - -<p>“Technically, you are right; hang them first and send the petition for -pardon afterward.”</p> - -<p>I visited Enver in the interest of these men on Bairam, which is the -greatest Mohammedan religious festival; it is the day that succeeds -Ramazan, their month of fasting. Bairam has one feature in common<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_353" id="page_353"></a>{353}</span> with -Christmas, for on that day it is customary for Mohammedans to exchange -small presents, usually sweets. So after the usual remarks of -felicitation, I said to Enver:</p> - -<p>“To-day is Bairam and you haven’t sent me any present yet.”</p> - -<p>Enver laughed.</p> - -<p>“What do you want? Shall I send you a box of candies?”</p> - -<p>“Oh, no,” I answered, “I am not so cheap as that. I want the pardon of -the seven Armenians whom the court-martial has condemned at Smyrna.”</p> - -<p>The proposition apparently struck Enver as very amusing.</p> - -<p>“That’s a funny way of asking for a pardon,” he said. “However, since -you put it that way, I can’t refuse.”</p> - -<p>He immediately sent for his aide and telegraphed to Smyrna, setting the -men free.</p> - -<p>Thus fortuitously is justice administered and decision involving human -lives made in Turkey. Nothing could make clearer the slight estimation -in which the Turks hold life, and the slight extent to which principle -controls their conduct. Enver spared these men not because he had the -slightest interest in their cases, but simply as a personal favour to me -and largely because of the whimsical manner in which I had asked it. In -all my talks on the Armenians the Minister of War treated the whole -matter more or less casually; he could discuss the fate of a race in a -parenthesis, and refer to the massacre of children as nonchalantly as we -would speak of the weather.</p> - -<p>One day Enver asked me to ride with him in the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_354" id="page_354"></a>{354}</span> Belgrade forest. As I -was losing no opportunities to influence him, I accepted this -invitation. We autoed to Buyukdere, where four attendants with horses -met us. In our ride through the beautiful forest, Enver became rather -more communicative in his conversation than ever before. He spoke -affectionately of his father and mother; when they were married, he -said, his father had been sixteen and his mother only eleven, and he -himself had been born when his mother was fifteen. In talking of his -wife, the Imperial Princess, he disclosed a much softer side to his -nature than I had hitherto seen. He spoke of the dignity with which she -graced his home, regretted that Mohammedan ideas of propriety prohibited -her from entering social life, but expressed a wish that she and Mrs. -Morgenthau could meet. He was then furnishing a beautiful new palace on -the Bosphorus; when this was finished, he said, the Princess would -invite my wife to breakfast. Just then we were passing the house and -grounds of Senator Abraham Pasha, a very rich Armenian. This man had -been an intimate friend of the Sultan Abdul Aziz, and, since in Turkey a -man inherits his father’s friends as well as his property, the Crown -Prince of Turkey, a son of Abdul Aziz, made weekly visits to this -distinguished Senator. As we passed through the park, Enver noticed with -disgust that woodmen were cutting down trees and stopped them. When I -heard afterward that the Minister of War had bought this park, I -understood one of the reasons for his anger. Since Abraham Pasha was an -Armenian, this gave me an opportunity to open the subject again.</p> - -<p>I spoke to him of the terrible treatment from which the Armenian women -were suffering.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_355" id="page_355"></a>{355}</span></p> - -<p>“You said that you wanted to protect women and children,” I remarked, -“but I know that your orders are not being carried out.”</p> - -<p>“Those stories can’t be true,” he said. “I cannot conceive that a -Turkish soldier would ill-treat a woman who is with child.”</p> - -<p>Perhaps, if Enver could have read the circumstantial reports which were -then lying in the archives of the American Embassy, he might have -changed his mind.</p> - -<p>Shifting the conversation once more, he asked me about my saddle, which -was the well-known “General McClellan” type. Enver tried it and liked it -so much that he afterward borrowed it, had one made exactly like it for -himself—even including the number in one corner—and adopted it for one -of his regiments. He told me of the railroads which he was then building -in Palestine, said how well the Cabinet was working, and pointed out -that there were great opportunities in Turkey now for real-estate -speculation. He even suggested that he and I join hands in buying land -that was sure to rise in value! But I insisted in talking about the -Armenians. However, I made no more progress than before.</p> - -<p>“We shall not permit them to cluster in places where they can plot -mischief and help our enemies. So we are going to give them new -quarters.”</p> - -<p>This ride was so successful, from Enver’s point of view, that we took -another a few days afterward, and this time Talaat and Dr. Gates, the -President of Robert College, accompanied us. Enver and I rode ahead, -while our companions brought up the rear. These Turkish officials are -exceedingly jealous of their prerogatives, and, since the Minister of -War is the ranking<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_356" id="page_356"></a>{356}</span> member of the Cabinet, Enver insisted on keeping a -decorous interval between ourselves and the other pair of horsemen. I -was somewhat amused by this, for I knew that Talaat was the more -powerful politician; yet he accepted the discrimination and only once -did he permit his horse to pass Enver and myself. At this violation of -the proprieties, Enver showed his displeasure, whereat Talaat paused, -reined up his horse, and passed submissively to the rear.</p> - -<p>“I was merely showing Dr. Gates the gait of my horse,” he said, with an -apologetic air.</p> - -<p>But I was interested in more important matters than such fine -distinctions in official etiquette; I was determined to talk about the -Armenians. But again I failed to make any progress. Enver found more -interesting subjects of discussion.</p> - -<p>He began to talk of his horses, and now another incident illustrated the -mercurial quality of the Turkish mind—the readiness with which a Turk -passes from acts of monstrous criminality to acts of individual -kindness. Enver said that the horse races would take place soon and -regretted that he had no jockey.</p> - -<p>“I’ll give you an English jockey,” I said. “Will you make a bargain? He -is a prisoner of war; if he wins will you give him his freedom?”</p> - -<p>“I’ll do it,” said Enver.</p> - -<p>This man, whose name was Fields, actually entered the races as Enver’s -jockey, and came in third. He rode for his freedom, as Mr. Philip said! -Since he did not come in first, the Minister was not obliged, by the -terms of his agreement, to let him return to England, but Enver -stretched a point and gave him his liberty.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_357" id="page_357"></a>{357}</span></p> - -<p>On this same ride Enver gave me an exhibition of his skill as a -marksman.</p> - -<p>At one point in the road I suddenly heard a pistol shot ring out in the -air. It was Enver’s aide practising on a near-by object. Immediately -Enver dismounted, whipped out his revolver, and, thrusting his arm out -rigidly and horizontally, he took aim.</p> - -<p>“Do you see that twig on that tree?” he asked me. It was about thirty -feet away.</p> - -<p>When I nodded, Enver fired—and the twig dropped to the ground.</p> - -<p>The rapidity with which Enver could whip his weapon out of his pocket, -aim, and shoot, gave me one convincing explanation for the influence -which he exercised with the piratical crew that was then ruling Turkey. -There were plenty of stories floating around that Enver did not hesitate -to use this method of suasion at certain critical moments of his career; -how true these anecdotes were I do not know, but I can certainly testify -to the high character of his marksmanship.</p> - -<p>Talaat also began to amuse himself in the same way, and finally the two -statesmen started shooting in competition and behaving as gaily and as -carefree as boys let out of school.</p> - -<p>“Have you one of your cards with you?” asked Enver. He requested that I -pin it to a tree, which stood about fifty feet away.</p> - -<p>Enver then fired first. His hand was steady; his eye went straight to -the mark, and the bullet hit the card directly in the centre. This -success rather nettled Talaat. He took aim, but his rough hand and wrist -shook slightly—he was not an athlete like his younger, wiry, and -straight-backed associate. Several<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_358" id="page_358"></a>{358}</span> times Talaat hit around the edges of -the card, but he could not duplicate Enver’s skill.</p> - -<p>“If it had been a man I was firing at,” said the bulky Turk, jumping on -his horse again, “I would have hit him several times.”</p> - -<p>So ended my attempts to interest the two most powerful Turks of their -day in the fate of one of the most valuable elements in their empire!</p> - -<p> </p> - -<p>I have already said that Saïd Halim, the Grand Vizier, was not an -influential personage. Nominally, his office was the most important in -the empire; actually, the Grand Vizier was a mere place-warmer, and -Talaat and Enver controlled the present incumbent, precisely as they -controlled the Sultan himself. Technically the ambassadors should have -conducted their negotiations with Saïd Halim, for he was Minister for -Foreign Affairs; I early discovered, however, that nothing could be -accomplished this way, and, though I still made my Monday calls as a -matter of courtesy, I preferred to deal directly with the men who had -the real power to decide all matters. In order that I might not be -accused of neglecting any means of influencing the Ottoman Government, I -brought the Armenian question several times to the Grand Vizier’s -attention. As he was not a Turk, but an Egyptian, and a man of education -and breeding, it seemed not unlikely that he might have a somewhat -different attitude toward the subject peoples. But I was wrong. The -Grand Vizier was just as hostile to the Armenians as Talaat and Enver. I -soon found that merely mentioning the subject irritated him greatly. -Evidently he did not care to have his elegant ease interfered with by -such<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_359" id="page_359"></a>{359}</span> disagreeable and unimportant subjects. The Grand Vizier showed his -attitude when the Greek Chargé d’Affaires spoke to him about the -persecutions of the Greeks. Saïd Halim said that such manifestations did -the Greeks more harm than good.</p> - -<p>“We shall do with them just the opposite from what we are asked to do,” -said the Grand Vizier.</p> - -<p>To my appeals the nominal chief minister was hardly more statesmanlike. -I had the disagreeable task of sending him, in behalf of the British, -French, and Russian governments, a notification that these Powers would -hold personally responsible for the Armenian atrocities the men who were -then directing Ottoman affairs. This meant, of course, that in the event -of Allied success, they would treat the Grand Vizier, Talaat, Enver, -Djemal and their companions as ordinary murderers. As I came into the -room to discuss this somewhat embarrassing message with this member of -the royal house of Egypt, he sat there, as usual, nervously fingering -his beads, and not in a particularly genial frame of mind. He at once -spoke of this telegram; his face flushed with anger, and he began a long -diatribe against the whole Armenian race. He declared that the Armenian -“rebels” had killed 120,000 Turks at Van. This and other of his -statements were so absurd that I found myself spiritedly defending the -persecuted race, and this aroused the Grand Vizier’s wrath still -further, and, switching from the Armenians, he began to abuse my own -country, making the usual charge that our sympathy with the Armenians -was largely responsible for all their troubles.</p> - -<p>Soon after this interview Saïd Halim ceased to be Minister for Foreign -Affairs; his successor was Halil<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_360" id="page_360"></a>{360}</span> Bey, who for several years had been -Speaker of the Turkish Parliament. Halil was a very different type of -man. He was much more tactful, much more intelligent, and much more -influential in Turkish affairs. He was also a smooth and oily -conversationalist, good natured and fat, and by no means so lost to all -decent sentiments as most Turkish politicians of the time. It was -generally reported that Halil did not approve the Armenian proceedings, -yet his official position compelled him to accept them and even, as I -now discovered, to defend them. Soon after obtaining his Cabinet post, -Halil called upon me and made a somewhat rambling explanation of the -Armenian atrocities. I had already had experiences with several official -attitudes toward the persecutions; Talaat had been bloodthirsty and -ferocious, Enver subtly calculating, while the Grand Vizier had been -testy. Halil now regarded the elimination of this race with the utmost -good humour. Not a single aspect of the proceeding, not even the -unkindest things I could say concerning it, disturbed his equanimity in -the least. He began by admitting that nothing could palliate these -massacres, but, he added that, in order to understand them, there were -certain facts that I should keep in mind.</p> - -<p>“I agree that the Government has made serious mistakes in the treatment -of the Armenians,” said Halil, “but the harm has already been done. What -can we do about it now? Still, if there are any errors we can correct, -we should correct them. I deplore as much as you the excesses and -violations which have been committed. I wish to present to you the view -of the Sublime Porte; I admit that this is no justification,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_361" id="page_361"></a>{361}</span> but I -think there are extenuating circumstances that you should take into -consideration before judgment is passed upon the Ottoman Government.”</p> - -<p>And then, like all the others, he went back to the happenings at Van, -the desire of the Armenians for independence, and the help which they -had given the Russians. I had heard it all many times before.</p> - -<p>“I told Vartkes” (an Armenian deputy who, like many other Armenian -leaders, was afterward murdered), “that, if his people really aspired to -an independent existence, they should wait for a propitious moment. -Perhaps the Russians might defeat the Turkish troops and occupy all the -Armenian provinces. Then I could understand that the Armenians might -want to set up for themselves. Why not wait, I told Vartkes, until such -a fortunate time had arrived? I warned him that we would not let the -Armenians jump on our backs, and that, if they did engage in hostile -acts against our troops, we would dispose of all Armenians who were in -the rear of our army, and that our method would be to send them to a -safe distance in the south. Enver, as you know, gave a similar warning -to the Armenian Patriarch. But in spite of these friendly warnings, they -started a revolution.”</p> - -<p>I asked about methods of relief, and told him that already twenty -thousand pounds ($100,000) had reached me from America.</p> - -<p>“It is the business of the Ottoman Government,” he blandly answered, “to -see that these people are settled, housed, and fed until they can -support themselves. The Government will naturally do its duty! Besides, -the twenty thousand pounds that you have is in reality nothing at all.”<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_362" id="page_362"></a>{362}</span></p> - -<p>“That is true,” I answered, “it is only a beginning, but I am sure that -I can get all the money we need.”</p> - -<p>“It is the opinion of Enver Pasha,” he replied, “that no foreigners -should help the Armenians. I do not say that his reasons are right or -wrong. I merely give them to you as they are. Enver says that the -Armenians are idealists, and that the moment foreigners approach and -help them, they will be encouraged in their national aspirations. He is -utterly determined to cut forever all relations between the Armenians -and foreigners.”</p> - -<p>“Is this Enver’s way of stopping any further action on their part?” I -asked.</p> - -<p>Halil smiled most good-naturedly at this somewhat pointed question and -answered:</p> - -<p>“The Armenians have no further means of action whatever!”</p> - -<p>Since not far from 500,000 Armenians had been killed by this time, -Halil’s genial retort certainly had one virtue which most of his other -statements in this interview had lacked—it was the truth.</p> - -<p>“How many Armenians in the southern provinces are in need of help?” I -asked.</p> - -<p>“I do not know; I would not give you even an approximate figure.”</p> - -<p>“Are there several hundred thousand?”</p> - -<p>“I should think so,” Halil admitted, “but I cannot say how many hundred -thousand.”</p> - -<p>“A great many suffered,” he added, “simply because Enver could not spare -troops to defend them. Some regular troops did accompany them and these -behaved very well; forty even lost their lives defending the Armenians. -But we had to withdraw most of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_363" id="page_363"></a>{363}</span> gendarmes for service in the army -and put in a new lot to accompany the Armenians. It is true that these -gendarmes committed many deplorable excesses.”</p> - -<p>“A great many Turks do not approve these measures,” I said.</p> - -<p>“I do not deny it,” replied the ever-accommodating Halil, as he bowed -himself out.</p> - -<p>Enver, Halil, and the rest were ever insistent on the point which they -constantly raised, that no foreigners should furnish relief to the -Armenians. A few days after this visit the Under-Secretary of State -called at the American Embassy. He came to deliver to me a message from -Djemal to Enver. Djemal, who then had jurisdiction over the Christians -in Syria, was much annoyed at the interest which the American consuls -were displaying in the Armenians. He now asked me to order these -officials “to stop busying themselves in Armenian affairs.” Djemal could -not distinguish between the innocent and the guilty, this messenger -said, and so he had to punish them all! Some time afterward Halil -complained to me that the American consuls were sending facts about the -Armenians to America and that the Government insisted that they should -be stopped.</p> - -<p>As a matter of fact, I was myself sending most of this information—and -I did not stop.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_364" id="page_364"></a>{364}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXVII" id="CHAPTER_XXVII"></a>CHAPTER XXVII<br /><br /> -<small>“I SHALL DO NOTHING FOR THE ARMENIANS” SAYS THE GERMAN AMBASSADOR</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">I</span> SUPPOSE that there is no phase of the Armenian question which has -aroused more interest than this: Had the Germans any part in it? To what -extent was the Kaiser responsible for the wholesale slaughter of this -nation? Did the Germans favour it, did they merely acquiesce, or did -they oppose the persecutions? Germany, in the last four years, has -become responsible for many of the blackest pages in history; is she -responsible for this, unquestionably the blackest of all?</p> - -<p>I presume most people will detect in the remarks of these Turkish -chieftains certain resemblances to the German philosophy of war. Let me -repeat particular phrases used by Enver and other Turks while discussing -the Armenian massacres: “The Armenians have brought this fate upon -themselves.” “They had a fair warning of what would happen to them.” “We -were fighting for our national existence.” “We were justified in -resorting to any means that would accomplish these ends.” “We have no -time to separate the innocent from the guilty.” “The only thing we have -on our mind is to win the war.”</p> - -<p>These phrases somehow have a familiar ring, do they not? Indeed, I might -rewrite all these interviews with Enver, use the word Belgium in place -of Armenia, put<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_365" id="page_365"></a>{365}</span> the words in a German general’s mouth instead of -Enver’s, and we should have almost a complete exposition of the German -attitude toward subject peoples. But the teachings of the Prussians go -deeper than this. There was one feature about the Armenian proceedings -that was new—that was not Turkish at all. For centuries the Turks have -ill-treated their Armenians and all their other subject peoples with -inconceivable barbarity. Yet their methods have always been crude, -clumsy, and unscientific. They excelled in beating out an Armenian’s -brains with a club, and this unpleasant illustration is a perfect -indication of the rough and primitive methods which they applied to the -Armenian problem. They have understood the uses of murder, but not of -murder as a fine art. But the Armenian proceedings of 1915 and 1916 -evidenced an entirely new mentality. This new conception was that of -<i>deportation</i>. The Turks, in five hundred years, had invented -innumerable ways of physically torturing their Christian subjects, yet -never before had it occurred to their minds to move them bodily from -their homes, where they had lived for many thousands of years, and send -them hundreds of miles away into the desert. Where did the Turks get -this idea? I have already described how, in 1914, just before the -European War, the Government moved not far from 100,000 Greeks from -their age-long homes along the Asiatic littoral to certain islands in -the Ægean. I have also said that Admiral Usedom, one of the big German -naval experts in Turkey, told me that the Germans had suggested this -deportation to the Turks. But the all-important point is that this idea -of deporting peoples <i>en masse</i> is, in modern times, exclusively<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_366" id="page_366"></a>{366}</span> -Germanic. Any one who reads the literature of Pan-Germany constantly -meets it. These enthusiasts for a German world have deliberately -planned, as part of their programme, the ousting of the French from -certain parts of France, of Belgians from Belgium, of Poles from Poland, -of Slavs from Russia, and other indigenous peoples from the territories -which they have inhabited for thousands of years, and the establishment -in the vacated lands of solid, honest Germans. But it is hardly -necessary to show that the Germans have advocated this as a state -policy; they have actually been doing it in the last four years. They -have moved we do not know how many thousands of Belgians and French from -their native land. Austria-Hungary has killed a large part of the -Serbian population and moved thousands of Serbian children into her own -territories, intending to bring them up as loyal subjects of the empire. -To what degree this movement of populations has taken place we shall not -know until the end of the war, but it has certainly gone on extensively.</p> - -<p>Certain German writers have even advocated the application of this -policy to the Armenians. According to the Paris <i>Temps</i>, Paul Rohrbach -“in a conference held at Berlin, some time ago, recommended that Armenia -should be evacuated of the Armenians. They should be dispersed in the -direction of Mesopotamia and their places should be taken by Turks, in -such a fashion that Armenia should be freed of all Russian influence and -that Mesopotamia might be provided with farmers which it now lacked.” -The purpose of all this was evident enough. Germany was building the -Bagdad railroad across the Mesopotamian<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_367" id="page_367"></a>{367}</span> desert. This was an essential -detail in the achievement of the great new German Empire, extending from -Hamburg to the Persian Gulf. But this railroad could never succeed -unless there should develop a thrifty and industrious population to feed -it. The lazy Turk would never become such a colonist. But the Armenian -was made of just the kind of stuff which this enterprise needed. It was -entirely in accordance with the German conception of statesmanship to -seize these people in the lands where they had lived for ages and -transport them violently to this dreary, hot desert. The mere fact that -they had always lived in a temperate climate would furnish no impediment -in Pan-German eyes. I found that Germany had been sowing those ideas -broadcast for several years; I even found that German savants had been -lecturing on this subject in the East. “I remember attending a lecture -by a well-known German professor,” an Armenian tells me. “His main point -was that throughout their history the Turks had made a great mistake in -being too merciful toward the non-Turkish population. The only way to -insure the prosperity of the empire, according to this speaker, was to -act without any sentimentality toward all the subject nationalities and -races in Turkey who did not fall in with the plans of the Turks.”</p> - -<p>The Pan-Germanists are on record in the matter of Armenia. I shall -content myself with quoting the words of the author of “Mittel-Europa,” -Friedrich Naumann, perhaps the ablest propagator of Pan-German ideas. In -his work on Asia, Naumann, who started life as a Christian clergyman, -deals in considerable detail with the Armenian massacres of 1895-96. I -need only quote a few passages to show the<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_368" id="page_368"></a>{368}</span> attitude of German state -policy on such infamies: “If we should take into consideration merely -the violent massacre of from 80,000 to 100,000 Armenians,” writes -Naumann, “we can come to but one opinion—we must absolutely condemn -with all anger and vehemence both the assassins and their instigators. -They have perpetrated the most abominable massacres upon masses of -people, more numerous and worse than those inflicted by Charlemagne on -the Saxons. The tortures which Lepsius has described surpass anything we -have ever known. What then prohibits us from falling upon the Turk and -saying to him: ‘Get thee gone, wretch!’? Only one thing prohibits us, -for the Turk answers: ‘I, too, I fight for my existence!’—and indeed, -we believe him. We believe, despite the indignation which the bloody -Mohammedan barbarism arouses in us, that the Turks are defending -themselves legitimately, and before anything else we see in the Armenian -question and Armenian massacres a matter of internal Turkish policy, -merely an episode of the agony through which a great empire is passing, -which does not propose to let itself die without making a last attempt -to save itself by bloodshed. All the great powers, excepting Germany, -have adopted a policy which aims to upset the actual state of affairs in -Turkey. In accordance with this, they demand for the subject peoples of -Turkey the rights of man, or of humanity, or of civilization, or of -political liberty—in a word, something that will make them the equals -of the Turks. But just as little as the ancient Roman despotic state -could tolerate the Nazarene’s religion, just as little can the Turkish -Empire, which is really the political successor of the eastern Roman -Empire,<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_369" id="page_369"></a>{369}</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_430a_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_430a_sml.jpg" width="500" height="303" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">VIEW OF URFA<br /> -One of the largest towns in Asia Minor.</p></div> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_430b_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_430b_sml.jpg" width="500" height="365" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">A RELIC OF THE ARMENIAN MASSACRES AT ERZINGAN<br /> -Such mementos are found all over Armenia.</p></div> -</div> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 500px;"> -<a href="images/i_431_lg.jpg"> -<img src="images/i_431_sml.jpg" width="500" height="285" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /></a> -<div class="caption"><p class="c">THE FUNERAL OF BARON VON WANGENHEIM</p> - -<p class="c">The German Ambassador to Turkey. Mr. Morgenthau (in evening dress) is -walking with Enver Pasha. Immediately in front of them is Talaat -Pasha.</p></div> -</div> - -<p class="nind">tolerate any representation of western free Christianity among its -subjects. The danger for Turkey in the Armenian question is one of -extinction. For this reason she resorts to an act of a barbarous Asiatic -state; she has destroyed the Armenians to such an extent that they will -not be able to manifest themselves as a political force for a -considerable period. A horrible act, certainly, an act of political -despair, shameful in its details, but still a piece of political -history, in the Asiatic manner.... In spite of the displeasure which the -German Christian feels at these accomplished facts, he has nothing to do -except quietly to heal the wounds so far as he can, and then to let -matters take their course. For a long time our policy in the Orient has -been determined: we belong to the group that protects Turkey, that is -the fact by which we must regulate our conduct.... We do not prohibit -any zealous Christian from caring for the victims of these horrible -crimes, from bringing up the children and nursing the adults. May God -bless these good acts like all other acts of faith. Only we must take -care that deeds of charity do not take the form of political acts which -are likely to thwart our German policy. The internationalist, he who -belongs to the English school of thought, may march with the Armenians. -The nationalist, he who does not intend to sacrifice the future of -Germany to England, must, on questions of external policy, follow the -path marked out by Bismarck, even if it is merciless in its -sentiments.... National policy: that is the profound moral reason why we -must, as statesmen, show ourselves indifferent to the sufferings of the -Christian peoples of Turkey, however painful that<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_370" id="page_370"></a>{370}</span> may be to our human -feelings.... That is our duty, which we must recognize and confess -before God and before man. If for this reason we now maintain the -existence of the Turkish state, we do it in our own self-interest, -because what we have in mind is our great future.... On one side lie our -duties as a nation, on the other our duties as men. There are times, -when, in a conflict of duties, we can choose a middle ground. That is -all right from a human standpoint, but rarely right in a moral sense. In -this instance, as in all analogous situations, we must clearly know on -which side lies the greatest and most important moral duty. Once we have -made such a choice we must not hesitate. William II has chosen. He has -become the friend of the Sultan, because he is thinking of a greater, -independent Germany.”</p> - -<p>Such was the German state philosophy as applied to the Armenians, and I -had the opportunity of observing German practice as well. As soon as the -early reports reached Constantinople, it occurred to me that the most -feasible way of stopping the outrages would be for the diplomatic -representatives of all countries to make a joint appeal to the Ottoman -Government. I approached Wangenheim on this subject in the latter part -of March. His antipathy to the Armenians became immediately apparent. He -began denouncing them in unmeasured terms; like Talaat and Enver, he -affected to regard the Van episode as an unprovoked rebellion, and, in -his eyes, as in theirs, the Armenians were simply traitorous vermin.</p> - -<p>“I will help the Zionists,” he said, thinking that this remark would be -personally pleasing to me, “but I shall do nothing whatever for the -Armenians.”<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_371" id="page_371"></a>{371}</span></p> - -<p>Wangenheim pretended to regard the Armenian question as a matter that -chiefly affected the United States. My constant intercession in their -behalf apparently created the impression, in his Germanic mind, that any -mercy shown this people would be a concession to the American -Government. And at that moment he was not disposed to do anything that -would please the American people.</p> - -<p>“The United States is apparently the only country that takes much -interest in the Armenians,” he said. “Your missionaries are their -friends and your people have constituted themselves their guardians. The -whole question of helping them is therefore an American matter. How, -then, can you expect me to do anything as long as the United States is -selling ammunition to the enemies of Germany? Mr. Bryan has just -published his note, saying that it would be unneutral not to sell -munitions to England and France. As long as your government maintains -that attitude we can do nothing for the Armenians.”</p> - -<p>Probably no one except a German logician would ever have detected any -relation between our sale of war materials to the Allies and Turkey’s -attacks upon hundreds of thousands of Armenian women and children. But -that was about as much progress as I made with Wangenheim at that time. -I spoke to him frequently, but he invariably offset my pleas for mercy -to the Armenians by references to the use of American shells at the -Dardanelles. A coolness sprang up between us soon afterward, the result -of my refusal to give him “credit” for having stopped the deportation of -French and British civilians to the Gallipoli peninsula. After our -somewhat tart conversation over<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_372" id="page_372"></a>{372}</span> the telephone, when he had asked me to -telegraph Washington that he had not <i>hetzed</i> the Turks in this matter, -our visits to each other ceased for several weeks.</p> - -<p>There were certain influential Germans in Constantinople who did not -accept Wangenheim’s point of view. I have already referred to Paul -Weitz, for thirty years the correspondent of the <i>Frankfurter Zeitung</i>, -who probably knew more about affairs in the Near East than any other -German. Although Wangenheim constantly looked to Weitz for information, -he did not always take his advice. Weitz did not accept the orthodox -imperial attitude toward Armenia, for he believed that Germany’s refusal -effectively to intervene was doing his fatherland everlasting injury. -Weitz was constantly presenting this view to Wangenheim, but he made -little progress. Weitz told me about this himself, in January, 1916, a -few weeks before I left Turkey. I quote his own words on this subject:</p> - -<p>“I remember that you told me at the beginning,” said Weitz, “what a -mistake Germany was making in the Armenian matters. I agreed with you -perfectly. But when I urged this view upon Wangenheim, he threw me twice -out of the room!”</p> - -<p>Another German who was opposed to the atrocities was Neurath, the -Conseiller of the German Embassy. His indignation reached such a point -that his language to Talaat and Enver became almost undiplomatic. He -told me, however, that he had failed to influence them.</p> - -<p>“They are immovable and are determined to pursue their present course,” -Neurath said.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_373" id="page_373"></a>{373}</span></p> - -<p>Of course no Germans could make much impression on the Turkish -Government as long as the German Ambassador refused to interfere. And, -as time went on, it became more and more evident that Wangenheim had no -desire to stop the deportations. He apparently wished, however, to -reëstablish friendly relations with me, and soon sent third parties to -ask why I never came to see him. I do not know how long this -estrangement would have lasted had not a great personal affliction -befallen him. In June, Lieutenant Colonel Leipzig, the German Military -Attaché, died under the most tragic and mysterious circumstances in the -railroad station at Lule Bourgas. He was killed by a revolver shot; one -story said that the weapon had been accidentally discharged, another -that the Colonel had committed suicide, still another that the Turks had -assassinated him, mistaking him for Liman von Sanders. Leipzig was one -of Wangenheim’s intimate friends; as young men they had been officers in -the same regiment, and at Constantinople they were almost inseparable. I -immediately called on the Ambassador to express my condolences. I found -him very dejected and careworn. He told me that he had heart trouble, -that he was almost exhausted, and that he had applied for a few weeks’ -leave of absence. I knew that it was not only his comrade’s death that -was preying upon Wangenheim’s mind. German missionaries were flooding -Germany with reports about the Armenians and calling upon the Government -to stop the massacres. Yet, overburdened and nervous as Wangenheim was -this day, he gave many signs that he was still the same unyielding -German militarist. A few days afterward, when he returned my visit, he -asked:<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_374" id="page_374"></a>{374}</span></p> - -<p>“Where’s Kitchener’s army?</p> - -<p>“We are willing to surrender Belgium now,” he went on. “Germany intends -to build an enormous fleet of submarines with great cruising radius. In -the next war, we shall therefore be able completely to blockade England. -So we do not need Belgium for its submarine bases. We shall give her -back to the Belgians, taking the Congo in exchange.”</p> - -<p>I then made another plea in behalf of the persecuted Christians. Again -we discussed this subject at length.</p> - -<p>“The Armenians,” said Wangenheim, “have shown themselves in this war to -be enemies of the Turks. It is quite apparent that the two peoples can -never live together in the same country. The Americans should move some -of them to the United States, and we Germans will send some to Poland -and in their place send Jewish Poles to the Armenian provinces—that is, -if they will promise to drop their Zionist schemes.”</p> - -<p>Again, although I spoke with unusual earnestness, the Ambassador refused -to help the Armenians.</p> - -<p>Still, on July 4th, Wangenheim did present a formal note of protest. He -did not talk to Talaat or Enver, the only men who had any authority, but -to the Grand Vizier, who was merely a shadow. The incident had precisely -the same character as his <i>proforma</i> protest against sending the French -and British civilians down to Gallipoli, to serve as targets for the -Allied fleet. Its only purpose was to put Germans officially on record. -Probably the hypocrisy of this protest was more apparent to me than to -others, for, at the very moment when Wangenheim presented this so-called -protest, he was giving me the reasons why<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_375" id="page_375"></a>{375}</span> Germany could not take really -effective steps to end the massacres. Soon after this interview, -Wangenheim received his leave and went to Germany.</p> - -<p>Callous as Wangenheim showed himself to be, he was not quite so -implacable toward the Armenians as the German naval attaché in -Constantinople, Humann. This person was generally regarded as a man of -great influence; his position in Constantinople corresponded to that of -Boy-Ed in the United States. A German diplomat once told me that Humann -was more of a Turk than Enver or Talaat. Despite this reputation I -attempted to enlist his influence. I appealed to him particularly -because he was a friend of Enver, and was generally looked upon as an -important connecting link between the German Embassy and the Turkish -military authorities. Humann was a personal emissary of the Kaiser, in -constant communication with Berlin and undoubtedly he reflected the -attitude of the ruling powers in Germany. He discussed the Armenian -problem with the utmost frankness and brutality.</p> - -<p>“I have lived in Turkey the larger part of my life,” he told me, “and I -know the Armenians. I also know that both Armenians and Turks cannot -live together in this country. One of these races has got to go. And I -don’t blame the Turks for what they are doing to the Armenians. I think -that they are entirely justified. The weaker nation must succumb. The -Armenians desire to dismember Turkey; they are against the Turks and the -Germans in this war, and they therefore have no right to exist here. I -also think that Wangenheim went altogether too far in making a protest; -at least I would not have done so.”<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_376" id="page_376"></a>{376}</span></p> - -<p>I expressed my horror at such sentiments, but Humann went on abusing the -Armenian people and absolving the Turks from all blame.</p> - -<p>“It is a matter of safety,” he replied; “the Turks have got to protect -themselves, and, from this point of view, they are entirely justified in -what they are doing. Why, we found 7,000 guns at Kadikeuy which belonged -to the Armenians. At first Enver wanted to treat the Armenians with the -utmost moderation, and four months ago he insisted that they be given -another opportunity to demonstrate their loyalty. But after what they -did at Van, he had to yield to the army, which had been insisting all -along that it should protect its rear. The Committee decided upon the -deportations and Enver reluctantly agreed. All Armenians are working for -the destruction of Turkey’s power—and the only thing to do is to deport -them. Enver is really a very kind-hearted man; he is incapable -personally of hurting a fly! But when it comes to defending an idea in -which he believes, he will do it fearlessly and recklessly. Moreover, -the Young Turks have to get rid of the Armenians merely as a matter of -self-protection. The Committee is strong only in Constantinople and a -few other large cities. Everywhere else the people are strongly ‘Old -Turk’. And these old Turks are all fanatics. These Old Turks are not in -favour of the present government, and so the Committee has to do -everything in their power to protect themselves. But don’t think that -any harm will come to other Christians. Any Turk can easily pick out -three Armenians among a thousand Turks!”</p> - -<p>Humann was not the only important German who expressed this latter -sentiment. Intimations began<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_377" id="page_377"></a>{377}</span> to reach me from many sources that my -“meddling” in behalf of the Armenians was making me more and more -unpopular in German officialdom. One day in October, Neurath, the German -Conseiller, called and showed me a telegram which he had just received -from the German Foreign Office. This contained the information that Earl -Crewe and Earl Cromer had spoken on the Armenians in the House of Lords, -had laid the responsibility for the massacres upon the Germans, and had -declared that they had received their information from an American -witness. The telegram also referred to an article in the <i>Westminster -Gazette</i>, which said that the German consuls at certain places had -instigated and even led the attacks, and particularly mentioned Resler -of Aleppo. Neurath said that his government had directed him to obtain a -denial of these charges from the American Ambassador at Constantinople. -I refused to make such a denial, saying that I did not feel called upon -to decide officially whether Turkey or Germany was to blame for these -crimes.</p> - -<p>Yet everywhere in diplomatic circles there seemed to be a conviction -that the American Ambassador was responsible for the wide publicity -which the Armenian massacres were receiving in Europe and the United -States. I have no hesitation in saying that they were right about this. -In December, my son, Henry Morgenthau, Jr., paid a visit to the -Gallipoli peninsula, where he was entertained by General Liman von -Sanders and other German officers. He had hardly stepped into German -headquarters when an officer came up to him and said:</p> - -<p>“Those are very interesting articles on the Armenian<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_378" id="page_378"></a>{378}</span> question which -your father is writing in the American newspapers.”</p> - -<p>“My father has been writing no articles,” my son replied.</p> - -<p>“Oh,” said this officer, “just because his name isn’t signed to them -doesn’t mean that he is not writing them!”</p> - -<p>Von Sanders also spoke on this subject.</p> - -<p>“Your father is making a great mistake,” he said, “giving out the facts -about what the Turks are doing to the Armenians. That really is not his -business.”</p> - -<p>As hints of this kind made no impression on me, the Germans evidently -decided to resort to threats. In the early autumn, a Dr. Nossig arrived -in Constantinople from Berlin. Dr. Nossig was a German Jew, and came to -Turkey evidently to work against the Zionists. After he had talked with -me for a few minutes, describing his Jewish activities, I soon -discovered that he was a German political agent. He came to see me -twice; the first time his talk was somewhat indefinite, the purpose of -the call apparently being to make my acquaintance and insinuate himself -into my good graces. The second time, after discoursing vaguely on -several topics, he came directly to the point. He drew his chair close -up to me and began to talk in the most friendly and confidential manner.</p> - -<p>“Mr. Ambassador,” he said, “we are both Jews and I want to speak to you -as one Jew to another. I hope you will not be offended if I presume upon -this to give you a little advice. You are very active in the interest of -the Armenians and I do not think you realize how very unpopular you are -becoming, for this reason, with the authorities here. In fact, I think -that I ought to<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_379" id="page_379"></a>{379}</span> tell you that the Turkish Government is contemplating -asking for your recall. Your protests for the Armenians will be useless. -The Germans will not interfere for them and you are just spoiling your -opportunity for usefulness and running the risk that your career will -end ignominiously.”</p> - -<p>“Are you giving me this advice,” I asked, “because you have a real -interest in my personal welfare?”</p> - -<p>“Certainly,” he answered; “all of us Jews are proud of what you have -done and we would hate to see your career end disastrously.”</p> - -<p>“Then you go back to the German Embassy,” I said, “and tell Wangenheim -what I say—to go ahead and have me recalled. If I am to suffer -martyrdom, I can think of no better cause in which to be sacrificed. In -fact, I would welcome it, for I can think of no greater honour than to -be recalled because I, a Jew, have been exerting all my powers to save -the lives of hundreds of thousands of Christians.”</p> - -<p>Dr. Nossig hurriedly left my office and I have never seen him since. -When next I met Enver I told him that there were rumours that the -Ottoman Government was about to ask for my recall. He was very emphatic -in denouncing the whole story as a falsehood. “We would not be guilty of -making such a ridiculous mistake,” he said. So there was not the -slightest doubt that this attempt to intimidate me had been hatched at -the German Embassy.</p> - -<p>Wangenheim returned to Constantinople in early October. I was shocked at -the changes that had taken place in the man. As I wrote in my diary, “he -looked the perfect picture of Wotan.” His face was almost constantly -twitching; he wore a black cover over his<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_380" id="page_380"></a>{380}</span> right eye, and he seemed -unusually nervous and depressed. He told me that he had obtained little -rest; that he had been obliged to spend most of his time in Berlin -attending to business. A few days after his return I met him on my way -to Haskeuy; he said that he was going to the American Embassy and -together we walked back to it. I had been recently told by Talaat that -he intended to deport all the Armenians who were left in Turkey and this -statement had induced me to make a final plea to the one man in -Constantinople who had the power to end the horrors. I took Wangenheim -up to the second floor of the Embassy, where we could be entirely alone -and uninterrupted, and there, for more than an hour, sitting together -over the tea table, we had our last conversation on this subject.</p> - -<p>“Berlin telegraphs me,” he said, “that your Secretary of State tells -them that you say that more Armenians than ever have been massacred -since Bulgaria has come in on our side.”</p> - -<p>“No, I did not cable that,” I replied. “I admit that I have sent a large -amount of information to Washington. I have sent copies of every report -and every statement to the State Department. They are safely lodged -there, and whatever happens to me, the evidence is complete, and the -American people are not dependent on my oral report for their -information. But this particular statement you make is not quite -accurate. I merely informed Mr. Lansing that any influence Bulgaria -might exert to stop the massacres has been lost, now that she has become -Turkey’s ally.”</p> - -<p>We again discussed the deportations.</p> - -<p>“Germany is not responsible for this,” Wangenheim said.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_381" id="page_381"></a>{381}</span></p> - -<p>“You can assert that to the end of time,” I replied “but nobody will -believe it. The world will always hold Germany responsible; the guilt of -these crimes will be your inheritance forever. I know that you have -filed a paper protest. But what does that amount to? You know better -than I do that such a protest will have no effect. I do not claim that -Germany is responsible for these massacres in the sense that she -instigated them. But she is responsible in the sense that she had the -power to stop them and did not use it. And it is not only America and -your present enemies that will hold you responsible. The German people -will some day call your government to account. You are a Christian -people and the time will come when Germans will realize that you have -let a Mohammedan people destroy another Christian nation. How foolish is -your protest that I am sending information to my State Department. Do -you suppose that you can keep secret such hellish atrocities as these? -Don’t get such a silly, ostrich-like thought as that—don’t think that -by ignoring them yourselves, you can get the rest of the world to do so. -Crimes like these cry to heaven. Do you think I could know about things -like this and not report them to my government? And don’t forget that -German missionaries, as well as American, are sending me information -about the Armenians.”</p> - -<p>“All that you say may be true,” replied the German Ambassador, “<i>but the -big problem that confronts us is to win this war</i>. Turkey has settled -with her foreign enemies; she has done that at the Dardanelles and at -Gallipoli. She is now trying to settle her internal affairs. They still -greatly fear that the Capitulations will again be forced upon them. -Before they are again<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_382" id="page_382"></a>{382}</span> put under this restraint, they intend to have -their internal problems in such shape that there will be little chance -of any interference from foreign nations. Talaat has told me that he is -determined to complete this task before peace is declared. In the future -they don’t intend that the Russians shall be in a position to say that -they have a right to intervene about Armenian matters because there are -a large number of Armenians in Russia who are affected by the troubles -of their co-religionists in Turkey. Giers used to be doing this all the -time and the Turks do not intend that any ambassador from Russia or from -any other country shall have such an opportunity in the future. The -Armenians anyway are a very poor lot. You come in contact in -Constantinople with Armenians of the educated classes, and you get your -impressions about them from these men, but all the Armenians are not of -that type. Yet I admit that they have been treated terribly. I sent a -man to make investigations and he reported that the worst outrages have -not been committed by Turkish officials but by brigands.”</p> - -<p>Wangenheim again suggested that the Armenians be taken to the United -States, and once more I gave him the reasons why this would be -impracticable.</p> - -<p>“Never mind all these considerations,” I said. “Let us disregard -everything—military necessity, state policy, and all else—and let us -look upon this simply as a human problem. Remember that most of the -people who are being treated in this way are old men, old women, and -helpless children. Why can’t you, as a human being, see that these -people are permitted to live?”</p> - -<p>“At the present stage of internal affairs in Turkey,” Wangenheim -replied, “I shall not intervene.”<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_383" id="page_383"></a>{383}</span></p> - -<p>I saw that it was useless to discuss the matter further. He was a man -who was devoid of sympathy and human pity, and I turned from him in -disgust. Wangenheim rose to leave. As he did so he gave a gasp, and his -legs suddenly shot from under him. I jumped and caught the man just as -he was falling. For a minute he seemed utterly dazed; he looked at me in -a bewildered way, then suddenly collected himself and regained his -poise. I took the Ambassador by the arm, piloted him down stairs, and -put him into his auto. By this time he had apparently recovered from his -dizzy spell and he reached home safely. Two days afterward, while -sitting at his dinner table, he had a stroke of apoplexy; he was carried -upstairs to his bed, but he never regained consciousness. On October -24th, I was officially informed that Wangenheim was dead. And thus my -last recollection of Wangenheim is that of the Ambassador as he sat in -my office in the American Embassy, absolutely refusing to exert any -influence to prevent the massacre of a nation. He was the one man, and -his government was the one government, that could have stopped these -crimes, but, as Wangenheim told me many times, “<i>our one aim is to win -this war</i>.”</p> - -<p>A few days afterward official Turkey and the diplomatic force paid their -last tribute to this perfect embodiment of the Prussian system. The -funeral was held in the garden of the German Embassy at Pera. The -inclosure was filled with flowers. Practically the whole gathering, -excepting the family and the ambassadors and the Sultan’s -representatives, remained standing during the simple but impressive -ceremonies. Then the procession formed; German<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_384" id="page_384"></a>{384}</span> sailors carried the bier -upon their shoulders, other German sailors carried the huge bunches of -flowers, and all members of the diplomatic corps and the officials of -the Turkish Government followed on foot.</p> - -<p>The Grand Vizier led the procession; I walked the whole way with Enver. -All the officers of the <i>Goeben</i> and the <i>Breslau</i>, and all the German -generals, dressed in full uniform, followed. It seemed as though the -whole of Constantinople lined the streets, and the atmosphere had some -of the quality of a holiday. We walked to the grounds of Dolma Bagtche, -the Sultan’s Palace, passing through the gate which the ambassadors -enter when presenting their credentials. At the dock a steam launch lay -awaiting our arrival, and in this stood Neurath, the German Conseiller, -ready to receive the body of his dead chieftain. The coffin, entirely -covered with flowers, was placed in the boat. As the launch sailed out -into the stream Neurath, a six-foot Prussian, dressed in his military -uniform, his helmet a waving mass of white plumes, stood erect and -silent. Wangenheim was buried in the park of the summer embassy at -Therapia, by the side of his comrade Colonel Leipzig. No final -resting-place would have been more appropriate, for this had been the -scene of his diplomatic successes, and it was from this place that, a -little more than two years before, he had directed by wireless the -<i>Goeben</i> and the <i>Breslau</i>, and safely brought them into Constantinople, -thus making it inevitable that Turkey should join forces with Germany, -and paving the way for all the triumphs and all the horrors that have -necessarily followed that event.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_385" id="page_385"></a>{385}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXVIII" id="CHAPTER_XXVIII"></a>CHAPTER XXVIII<br /><br /> -<small>ENVER AGAIN MOVES FOR PEACE—FAREWELL TO THE SULTAN AND TO TURKEY</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">M</span>Y failure to stop the destruction of the Armenians had made Turkey for -me a place of horror, and I found intolerable my further daily -association with men who, however gracious and accommodating and -good-natured they might have been to the American Ambassador, were still -reeking with the blood of nearly a million human beings. Could I have -done anything more, either for Americans, enemy aliens, or the -persecuted peoples of the empire, I would willingly have stayed. The -position of Americans and Europeans, however, had now become secure and, -so far as the subject peoples were concerned, I had reached the end of -my resources. Moreover, an event was approaching in the United States -which, I believed, would inevitably have the greatest influence upon the -future of the world and of democracy—the presidential campaign. I felt -that there was nothing so important in international politics as the -reëlection of President Wilson. I could imagine no greater calamity, for -the United States and the world, than that the American nation should -fail to indorse heartily this great statesman. If I could substantially -assist in Mr. Wilson’s reëlection, I concluded that I could better serve -my country at home at this juncture.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_386" id="page_386"></a>{386}</span></p> - -<p>I had another practical reason for returning home, and that was to give -the President and the State Department, by word of mouth, such -first-hand information as I possessed on the European situation. It was -especially important to give them the latest side lights on the subject -of peace. In the latter part of 1915 and the early part of 1916 this was -the uppermost topic in Constantinople. Enver Pasha was constantly asking -me to intercede with the President to end the war. Several times he -intimated that Turkey was war-weary and that its salvation depended on -getting an early peace. I have already described the conditions that -prevailed a few months after the outbreak of the war, but, by the end of -1915, they were infinitely worse. When Turkey decided on the deportation -and massacre of her subject peoples, especially the Armenians and -Greeks, she had signed her own economic death warrant. These were the -people, as I have already said, who controlled her industries and her -finances and developed her agriculture, and the material consequences of -this great national crime now began to be everywhere apparent. The farms -were lying uncultivated and daily thousands of peasants were dying of -starvation. As the Armenians and Greeks were the largest taxpayers, -their annihilation greatly reduced the state revenues, and the fact that -practically all Turkish ports were blockaded had shut off customs -collections. The mere statement that Turkey was barely taking in money -enough to pay the interest on her debt, to say nothing of ordinary -expenses and war expenses, gives a fair idea of her advanced degree of -exhaustion. In these facts Turkey had abundant reasons for desiring a -speedy peace.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_387" id="page_387"></a>{387}</span> Besides this, Enver and the ruling party feared a -revolution, unless the war quickly came to an end. As I wrote the State -Department about this time, “These men are willing to do almost anything -to retain their power.”</p> - -<p>Still I did not take Enver’s importunities for peace any too seriously.</p> - -<p>“Are you speaking for yourself and your party in this matter,” I asked -him, “or do you really speak for Germany also? I cannot submit a -proposition from you unless the Germans are back of you. Have you -consulted them about this?”</p> - -<p>“No,” Enver replied, “but I know how they feel.”</p> - -<p>“That is not sufficient,” I answered. “You had better communicate with -them directly through the German Embassy. I would not be willing to -submit a proposition that was not indorsed by all the Teutonic Allies.”</p> - -<p>Enver thought that it would be almost useless to discuss the matter with -the German Ambassador. He said, however, that he was just leaving for -Orsova, a town on the Hungarian and Rumanian frontier, where he was to -have a conference with Falkenhayn, at that time the German -Chief-of-Staff. Falkenhayn, said Enver, was the important man; he would -take up the question of peace with him.</p> - -<p>“Why do you think that it is a good time to discuss peace now?” I asked.</p> - -<p>“Because in two weeks we shall have completely annihilated Serbia. We -think that should put the Allies in a frame of mind to discuss peace. My -visit to Falkenhayn is to complete arrangements for the invasion of -Egypt. In a very few days we expect Greece to join us. We are already -preparing tons of provisions and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_388" id="page_388"></a>{388}</span> fodder to send to Greece. And when we -get Greece, of course, Rumania will come in. When the Greeks and -Rumanians join us, we shall have a million fresh troops. We shall get -all the guns and ammunition we need from Germany as soon as the direct -railroad is opened. All these things make it an excellent time for us to -take up the matter of peace.”</p> - -<p>I asked the Minister of War to talk the matter over with Falkenhayn at -his proposed interview, and report to me when he returned. In some way -this conversation came to the ears of the new German Ambassador, Graf -Wolf-Metternich, who immediately called to discuss the subject. He -apparently wished to impress upon me two things: that Germany would -never surrender Alsace-Lorraine, and that she would insist on the return -of all her colonies. I replied that it was apparently useless to discuss -peace until England first had won some great military victory.</p> - -<p>“That may be so,” replied the Graf, “but you can hardly expect that -Germany shall let England win such a victory merely to put her in a -frame of mind to consider peace. But I think that you are wrong. It is a -mistake to say that Great Britain has not already won great victories. I -think that she has several very substantial ones to her credit. Just -consider what she has done. She has established her unquestioned -supremacy of the seas and driven off all German commerce. She has not -only not lost a foot of her own territory, but she has gained enormous -new domains. She has annexed Cyprus and Egypt and has conquered all the -German colonies. She is in possession of a considerable part of -Mesopotamia. How absurd to say that England has gained nothing by the -war!”<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_389" id="page_389"></a>{389}</span></p> - -<p>On December 1st, Enver came to the American Embassy and reported the -results of his interview with Falkenhayn. The German Chief-of-Staff had -said that Germany would very much like to discuss peace but that Germany -could not state her terms in advance, as such an action would be -generally interpreted as a sign of weakness. But one thing could be -depended on; the Allies could obtain far more favourable terms at that -moment than at any future time. Enver told me that the Germans would be -willing to surrender all the territory they had taken from the French -and practically all of Belgium. But the one thing on which they had -definitely settled was the permanent dismemberment of Serbia. Not an -acre of Macedonia would be returned to Serbia and even parts of old -Serbia would be retained; that is, Serbia would become a much smaller -country than she had been before the Balkan wars, and, in fact, she -would practically disappear as an independent state. The meaning of all -this was apparent, even then. Germany had won the object for which she -had really gone to war; a complete route from Berlin to Constantinople -and the East; part, and a good part, of the Pan-German “Mittel Europa” -had thus become an accomplished military fact. Apparently Germany was -willing to give up the overrun provinces of northern France and Belgium, -provided that the Entente would consent to her retention of these -conquests. The proposal which Falkenhayn made then did not materially -differ from that which Germany had put forward in the latter part of -1914. This Enver-Falkenhayn interview, as reported to me, shows that it -was no suddenly conceived German plan, but that it has been Germany’s -scheme from the first.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_390" id="page_390"></a>{390}</span></p> - -<p>In all this I saw no particular promise of an early peace. Yet I thought -that I should lay these facts before the President. I therefore applied -to Washington for a leave of absence, which was granted.</p> - -<p>I had my farewell interview with Enver and Talaat on the thirteenth of -January. Both men were in their most delightful mood. Evidently both -were turning over in their minds, as was I, all the momentous events -that had taken place in Turkey, and in the world, since my first meeting -with them two years before. Then Talaat and Enver were merely desperate -adventurers who had reached high position by assassination and intrigue; -their position was insecure, for at any moment another revolution might -plunge them into the obscurity from which they had sprung. But now they -were the unquestioned despots of the Ottoman Empire, the allies of the -then strongest military power in the world, the conquerors—absurdly -enough they so regarded themselves—of the British navy. At this moment -of their great triumph—the Allied expedition to the Dardanelles had -evacuated its positions only two weeks before—both Talaat and Enver -regarded their country again as a world power.</p> - -<p>“I hear you are going home to spend a lot of money and reëlect your -President,” said Talaat—this being a jocular reference to the fact that -I was the Chairman of the Finance Committee of the Democratic National -Committee. “That’s very foolish; why don’t you stay here and give it to -Turkey? We need it more than your people do.”</p> - -<p>“But we hope you are coming back soon,” he added, in the polite (and -insincere) manner of the oriental. “You and we have really grown up -together; you came here<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_391" id="page_391"></a>{391}</span> about the same time that we took office and we -don’t know how we could ever get so well acquainted with another man. We -have grown fond of you, too. We have had our differences, and pretty -lively ones at times, but we have always found you fair, and we respect -American policy in Turkey as you have represented it. We don’t like to -see you go, even for a few months.”</p> - -<p>I expressed my pleasure at these words.</p> - -<p>“It’s very nice to hear you talk that way,” I answered. “Since you -flatter me so much, I know that you will be willing to promise me -certain things. Since I have you both here together this is my chance to -put you on record. Will you treat the people in my charge considerately, -just the same as though I were here?”</p> - -<p>“As to the American missionaries and colleges and schools,” said -Talaat—and Enver assented—”we give you an absolute promise. They will -not be molested in the slightest degree, but can go on doing their work -just the same as before. Your mind can rest easy on that score.”</p> - -<p>“How about the British and French?” I asked.</p> - -<p>“Oh, well,” said Talaat, smiling, “we may have to have a little fun with -them now and then, but don’t worry. We’ll take good care of them.”</p> - -<p>And now for the last time I spoke on the subject that had rested so -heavily on my mind for many months. I feared that another appeal would -be useless, but I decided to make it.</p> - -<p>“How about the Armenians?”</p> - -<p>Talaat’s geniality disappeared in an instant. His face hardened and the -fire of the beast lighted up his eyes once more.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_392" id="page_392"></a>{392}</span></p> - -<p>“What’s the use of speaking about them?” he said, waving his hand. “We -are through with them. That’s all over.”</p> - -<p>Such was my farewell with Talaat. “That’s all over” were his last words -to me.</p> - -<p>The next day I had my farewell audience with the Sultan. He was the same -gracious, kindly old gentleman whom I had first met two years before. He -received me informally, in civilian European clothes, and asked me to -sit down with him. We talked for twenty minutes, and discussed among -other things the pleasant relations that prevailed between America and -Turkey. He thanked me for the interest which I had taken in his country -and hoped that I would soon return. Then he took up the question of war -and peace.</p> - -<p>“Every monarch naturally desires peace,” he said. “None of us approves -the shedding of blood. But there are times when war seems unavoidable. -We may wish to settle our disputes amicably, but we cannot always do it. -This seems to be one of them. I told the British Ambassador that we did -not wish to go to war with his country. I tell you the same thing now. -But Turkey had to defend her rights. Russia attacked us; and naturally -we had to defend ourselves. Thus the war was not the result of any -planning on our part; it was an act of Allah—it was fate.”</p> - -<p>I expressed the hope that it might soon be over.</p> - -<p>“Yes, we wish peace also,” replied His Majesty. “But it must be a peace -that will guarantee the rights of our empire. I am sure that a civilized -and flourishing country like America wants peace, and she should exert -all her efforts to bring about a peace that shall be permanent.”<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_393" id="page_393"></a>{393}</span></p> - -<p>One of the Sultan’s statements at this interview left a lasting -impression. This was his assertion that “Russia attacked us.” That the -simple-minded old gentleman believed this was apparent; it was also -clear that he knew nothing of the real facts—that Turkish warships, -under German officers, had plunged Turkey into the war by bombarding -Russian seaports. Instead of telling him the truth, the Young Turk -leaders had foisted upon the Sultan this fiction of Russia as the -aggressor. The interview showed precisely to what extent the ostensible -ruler of Turkey was acquainted with the crucial facts in the government -of his own empire.</p> - -<p>In our interview Talaat and Enver had not said their final farewells, -telling me that they would meet me at the station. A few minutes before -the train started Bedri came up, rather pale-faced and excited, and -brought me their apologies.</p> - -<p>“They cannot come,” he said, “the Crown Prince has just committed -suicide.”</p> - -<p>I knew the Crown Prince well and I had expected to have him as a fellow -passenger to Berlin; he had been about to make a trip to Germany, and -his special car was attached to this train. I had seen much of Youssouf -Izzeddin; he had several times invited me to call upon him, and we had -spent many hours talking over the United States and American -institutions, in which subject he had always displayed the keenest -interest. Many times had he told me that he would like to introduce -certain American governmental ideas in Turkey. This morning, when we -were leaving for Berlin, the Crown Prince was found lying on the floor -in his villa, bathed in a pool of blood, with his arteries cut. Youssouf -was the son of Abdul-Aziz, Sultan from<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_394" id="page_394"></a>{394}</span> 1861 to 1876, who, gruesomely -enough, had ended his days by opening his arteries forty years before. -The circumstances surrounding the death of father and son were thus -precisely the same. The fact that Youssouf was strongly pro-Ally, that -he had opposed Turkey’s participation in the war on Germany’s side, and -that he was extremely antagonistic to the Committee of Union and -Progress gave rise to many suspicions. I know nothing about the stories -that now went from mouth to mouth, and merely record that the official -report on the death was that it was a case of “suicide.”</p> - -<p>“<i>On l’a suicidé!</i>” (they have suicided him!), remarked a witty -Frenchman, when this verdict was reported.</p> - -<p>This tragic announcement naturally cast a gloom over our party, as our -train pulled out of Constantinople, but the journey proved to be full of -interest. I was now on the famous Balkanzug, and this was only the -second trip which it had made to Berlin. My room was No. 13; several -people came to look at it, telling me that, on the outward trip, the -train had been shot at, and a window of my compartment broken.</p> - -<p>Soon after we started I discovered that Admiral Usedom was one of my -fellow passengers. Usedom had had a distinguished career in the navy; -among other things he had been captain of the <i>Hohenzollern</i>, the -Kaiser’s yacht, and thus was upon friendly terms with His Majesty. The -last time I had seen Usedom was on my visit to the Dardanelles, where he -had been Inspector General of the Ottoman defenses. As soon as we met -again, the admiral began to talk about the abortive Allied attack. He -again made no secret of the fears which he had then entertained that -this attack would succeed.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_395" id="page_395"></a>{395}</span></p> - -<p>“Several times,” he said, “we thought that they were on the verge of -getting through. All of us down there were very much distressed and -depressed over the prospect. We owed much to the heroism of the Turks -and their willingness to sacrifice an unlimited number of human lives. -It is all over now—that part of our task is finished.”</p> - -<p>The Admiral thought that the British landing party had been badly -prepared, though he spoke admiringly of the skill with which the Allies -had managed their retreat. I also obtained further light on the German -attitude toward the Armenian massacres. Usedom made no attempt to -justify them; neither did he blame the Turks. He discussed the whole -thing calmly, dispassionately, merely as a military problem, and one -would never have guessed from his remarks that the lives of a million -human beings had been involved. He simply said that the Armenians were -in the way, that they were an obstacle to German success, and that it -had therefore been necessary to remove them, just like so much useless -lumber. He spoke about them as detachedly as one would speak about -removing a row of houses in order to bombard a city.</p> - -<p>Poor Serbia! As our train sped through her devastated districts I had a -picture of what the war had meant to this brave little country. In the -last two years this nation had stood alone, practically unassisted by -her allies, attempting to stem the rush of Pan-German conquest, just as, -for several centuries, she had stood as a bulwark against the onslaughts -of the Turks. And she had paid the penalty. Many farms we passed were -abandoned, overgrown with weeds and neglected, and the buildings were -frequently roofless and<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_396" id="page_396"></a>{396}</span> sometimes razed to the ground. Whenever we -crossed a stream we saw the remains of a dynamited bridge; in all cases -the Germans had built new ones to replace those which had been -destroyed. We saw many women and children, looking ragged and half -starved, but significantly we saw very few men, for all had either been -killed or they were in the ranks of Serbia’s still existing and valiant -little army. All this time trains full of German soldiers were passing -us or standing on the switches at the stations where we slowed up, a -sufficient explanation for all the misery and devastation we saw on our -way.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_397" id="page_397"></a>{397}</span></p> - -<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XXIX" id="CHAPTER_XXIX"></a>CHAPTER XXIX<br /><br /> -<small>VON JAGOW, ZIMMERMANN, AND GERMAN-AMERICANS</small></h2> - -<p class="nind"><span class="letra">O</span>UR train drew into the Berlin station on the evening of February 2, -1916. The date is worth mentioning, for that marked an important crisis -in German-American relations. Almost the first man I met was my old -friend and colleague, Ambassador James W. Gerard. Mr. Gerard told me -that he was packing up and expected to leave Berlin at any moment, for -he believed that a break between Germany and the United States was a -matter only of days, perhaps of hours. At that time Germany and the -United States were discussing the settlement of the <i>Lusitania</i> outrage. -The negotiations had reached a point where the Imperial Government had -expressed a willingness to express her regrets, pay an indemnity, and -promise not to do it again. But the President and Mr. Lansing insisted -that Germany should declare that the sinking of the <i>Lusitania</i> had been -an illegal act. This meant that Germany at no time in the future could -resume submarine warfare without stultifying herself and doing something -which her own government had denounced as contrary to international law. -But our government would accept nothing less and the two nations were, -therefore, at loggerheads.</p> - -<p>“I can do nothing more,” said Mr. Gerard. “I want to have you talk with -Zimmermann and Von Jagow, and perhaps you can give them a new point of -view.”<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_398" id="page_398"></a>{398}</span></p> - -<p>I soon discovered, from my many callers, that the atmosphere in Berlin -was tense and exceedingly anti-American. Our country was regarded -everywhere as practically an ally of the Entente, and I found that the -most absurd ideas prevailed concerning the closeness of our relations -with England. Thus it was generally believed that Sir Cecil Spring-Rice, -the British Ambassador in Washington, met regularly with President -Wilson’s Cabinet and was consulted on all our national policies.</p> - -<p>At three o’clock Mr. Gerard took me to Von Jagow’s house and we spent -more than an hour there with the Foreign Minister. Von Jagow was a -small, slight man of nervous disposition. He lighted cigarette after -cigarette during our interview. He was apparently greatly worried over -the American situation. Let us not suppose that the German Government -regarded lightly a break with the United States. At that time their -newspapers were ridiculing and insulting us, and making fun of the idea -that Uncle Sam would go to war. The contrast between these journalistic -vapourings and the anxiety, even the fear, which this high German -official displayed, much impressed me. The prospect of having our men -and our resources thrown on the side of the Entente he did not regard -indifferently, whatever the Berlin press might say.</p> - -<p>“It seems to us a shame that Mr. Lansing should insist that we declare -the <i>Lusitania</i> sinking illegal,” Von Jagow began. “He is acting like a -technical lawyer.”</p> - -<p>“If you want the real truth,” I replied, “I do not think that the United -States is particular or technical about the precise terms that you use. -But you must<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_399" id="page_399"></a>{399}</span> give definite assurances that you are sorry for the act, -say that you regard it as an improper one, and that it will not occur -again. Unless you do this, the United States will not be satisfied.”</p> - -<p>“We cannot do that,” he answered. “Public opinion in Germany would not -permit it. If we should make a declaration such as you outline, the -present Cabinet would fall.”</p> - -<p>“But I thought that you had public opinion here well under control?” I -answered. “It may take a little time but certainly you can change public -sentiment so that it would approve such a settlement.”</p> - -<p>“As far as the newspapers are concerned,” said Von Jagow, “that is true. -We can absolutely control them. However, that will take some time. The -newspapers cannot reverse themselves immediately; they will have to do -it gradually, taking two or three weeks. We can manage them. But there -are members of Parliament whom we can’t control and they would make so -much trouble that we would all have to resign.”</p> - -<p>“Yet it seems to me,” I rejoined, “that you could get these members -together, explain to them the necessity of keeping the United States out -of the war, and that they would be convinced. The trouble is that you -Germans don’t understand conditions in my country. You don’t think that -the United States will fight. You don’t understand President Wilson; you -think that he is an idealist and a peace man, and that, under no -circumstances, will he take up arms. You are making the greatest and -most costly mistake that any nation could make. The President has two -sides to his nature. Do not forget that he has Scotch-Irish blood in -him. Up to the present you have seen only<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_400" id="page_400"></a>{400}</span> the Scotch side of him. That -makes him very cautious, makes him weigh every move, makes him patient -and long-suffering. But he has also all the fire and combativeness of -the Irish. Let him once set his jaws and it takes a crowbar to open them -again. If he once decides to fight, he will fight with all his soul and -to the bitter end. You can go just so far with your provocations but no -farther. You are also greatly deceived because certain important members -of Congress, perhaps even a member of the Cabinet, have been for peace. -But there is one man who is going to settle this matter—that is the -President. He will settle it as he thinks right and just, irrespective -of what other people may say or do.”</p> - -<p>Von Jagow said that I had given him a new impression of the President. -But he still had one more reason to believe that the United States would -not go to war.</p> - -<p>“How about the German-Americans?” he asked.</p> - -<p>“I can tell you all about them,” I answered, “because I am one of them -myself. I was born in Germany and spent the first nine years of my life -here. I have always loved many things German, such as its music and its -literature. But my parents left this country because they were -dissatisfied and unhappy here. The United States gave us a friendly -reception and a home, and made us prosperous and happy. There are many -millions just like us; there is no business opportunity and no social -position that is not open to us. I do not believe that there is a more -contented people in the world than the German-Americans.” I could not -reveal to him my own state of mind, as I was still ambassador, but I -could and did say:</p> - -<p>“Take my own children. Their sympathies all<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_401" id="page_401"></a>{401}</span> through this war have been -with England and her allies. My son is here with me; he tells me that, -if the United States goes to war, he will enlist immediately. Do you -suppose, in case we should go to war with Germany, that they would side -with you? The idea is simply preposterous. And the overwhelming mass of -German-Americans feel precisely the same way.”</p> - -<p>“But I am told,” said Von Jagow, “that there will be an insurrection of -German-Americans if your country makes war on us.”</p> - -<p>“Dismiss any such idea from your mind,” I replied. “The first one who -attempts it will be punished so promptly and so drastically that such a -movement will not go far. And I think that the loyal German-Americans -themselves will be the first to administer such punishment.”</p> - -<p>“We wish to avoid a rupture with the United States,” said Von Jagow. -“But we must have time to change public sentiment here. There are two -parties here, holding diametrically opposed views on submarine warfare. -One believes in pushing it to the limit, irrespective of consequences to -the United States or any other power. The present Cabinet takes the -contrary view; we wish to meet the contentions of your President. But -the militaristic faction is pushing us hard. They will force us out of -office if we declare the <i>Lusitania</i> sinking illegal or improper. I -think that President Wilson should understand this. We are working with -him, but we must go cautiously. I should suppose that Mr. Wilson, since -he wishes to avoid a break, would prefer to have us in power. Why should -he take a stand that will drive us out of office and put<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_402" id="page_402"></a>{402}</span> in here men -who will make war inevitable between Germany and the United States?”</p> - -<p>“Do you wish Washington to understand,” I asked, “that your tenure of -office depends on your not making this declaration?”</p> - -<p>“We certainly do,” replied Von Jagow. “I wish that you would telegraph -Washington to that effect. Tell the President that, if we are displaced -now, we shall be succeeded by men who advocate unlimited submarine -warfare.”</p> - -<p>He expressed himself as amazed at my description of President Wilson and -his willingness to fight. “We regard him,” said Von Jagow, “as -absolutely a man of peace. Nor do we believe that the American people -will fight. They are far from the scene of action, and, what, after all, -have they to fight for? Your material interests are not affected.”</p> - -<p>“But there is one thing that we will fight for,” I replied, “and that is -moral principle. It is quite apparent that you do not understand the -American spirit. You do not realize that we are holding off, not because -we have no desire to fight, but because we wish to be absolutely fair. -We first wish to have all the evidence in. I admit that we are reluctant -to mix in foreign disputes, but we shall insist upon our right to use -the ocean as we see fit and we don’t propose to have Germany constantly -interfering with that right and murdering our citizens. The American is -still perhaps a great powerful youth, but once he gets his mind made up -that he is going to defend his rights, he will do so irrespective of -consequences. You seem to think that Americans will not fight for a -principle; you apparently have forgotten that all our wars have been<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_403" id="page_403"></a>{403}</span> -over matters of principle. Take the greatest of them all—the Civil War, -from 1861 to ’65. We in the North fought to emancipate the slaves; that -was purely a matter of principle; our material interests were not -involved. And we fought that to the end, although we had to fight our -own brothers.”</p> - -<p>“We don’t want to be on bad terms with the United States,” Von Jagow -replied. “There are three nations on whom the peace of the world -depends—England, the United States, and Germany. We three should get -together, establish peace, and maintain it. I thank you for your -explanation; I understand the situation much better now. But I still -don’t see why your Government is so hard on Germany and so easy with -England.”</p> - -<p>I made the usual explanation that we regarded our problem with each -nation as a distinct matter and could not make our treatment of Germany -in any way conditional on our treatment of England.</p> - -<p>“Oh, yes,” replied Von Jagow, rather plaintively. “It reminds me of two -boys playing in a yard. One is to be punished first and the other is -waiting for his turn. Wilson is going to spank the German boy first, -and, after he gets through, then he proposes to take up England.”</p> - -<p>“However,” he concluded, “I wish you would cable the President that you -have gone over the matter with me and now understand the German point of -view. Won’t you please ask him to do nothing until you have reached the -other side and explained the whole thing personally?”</p> - -<p>I made this promise, and Mr. Gerard and I cabled immediately.</p> - -<p>At four-thirty o’clock I had an engagement to take tea<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_404" id="page_404"></a>{404}</span> with Dr. -Alexander and his wife at their home. I had been there about fifteen -minutes when Zimmermann was announced! He was a different kind of man -from Von Jagow. He impressed me as much stronger, mentally and -physically. He was tall, even stately in his bearing, masterful in his -manner, direct and searching in his questions, but extremely pleasing -and insinuating.</p> - -<p>Zimmermann, discussing the German-American situation, began with a -statement which I presume he thought would be gratifying to me. He told -me how splendidly the Jews had behaved in Germany during the war and how -deeply under obligations the Germans felt to them.</p> - -<p>“After the war,” he said, “they are going to be much better treated in -Germany than they have been.”</p> - -<p>Zimmermann told me that Von Jagow had told him about our talk and asked -me to repeat part of it. He was particularly interested, he said, in my -statements about the German-Americans, and he wished to learn from me -himself the facts upon which I based my conclusions. Like most Germans, -he regarded the Germanic elements in our population as almost a part of -Germany.</p> - -<p>“Are you sure that the mass of German-Americans would be loyal to the -United States in case of war?” he asked. “Aren’t their feelings for the -Fatherland really dominant?”</p> - -<p>“You evidently regard those German-Americans as a distinct part of the -population,” I replied, “living apart from the rest of the people and -having very little to do with American life as a whole. You could not -make a greater mistake. You can purchase a few here and there, who will -make a big noise and shout for<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_405" id="page_405"></a>{405}</span> Germany, but I am talking about the -millions of Americans of German ancestry. These people regard themselves -as Americans and nothing else. The second generation particularly resent -being looked upon as Germans. It is practically impossible to make them -talk German; they refuse to speak anything but English. They do not read -German newspapers and will not go to German schools. They even resent -going to Lutheran churches where the language is German. We have more -than a million German-Americans in New York City, but it has been a -great struggle to keep alive one German theatre; the reason is that -these people prefer the theatres where English is the language. We have -a few German clubs, but their membership is very small. The -German-Americans prefer to belong to the clubs of general membership and -there is not a single one in New York, even the finest, where they are -not received upon their merits. In the political and social life of New -York there are few German-Americans who, as such, have acquired any -prominent position, though there are plenty of men of distinguished -position who are German in origin. If the United States and Germany go -to war, you will not only be surprised at the loyalty of our German -people, but the whole world will be. Another point; if the United States -goes in, we shall fight to the end, and it will be a very long and a -very determined struggle.”</p> - -<p>After three years I have no reason to be ashamed of either of these -prophecies. I sometimes wonder what Zimmermann now thinks of my -statements.</p> - -<p>After the explanation Zimmermann began to talk about Turkey. He seemed -interested to find out<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_406" id="page_406"></a>{406}</span> whether the Turks were likely to make a separate -peace. I bluntly told him that the Turks felt themselves to be under no -obligations to the Germans. This gave me another opportunity.</p> - -<p>“I have learned a good deal about German methods in Turkey,” I said. “I -think it would be a great mistake to attempt similar tactics in the -United States. I speak of this because there has been a good deal of -sabotage there already. This in itself is solidifying the -German-Americans against you and is more than anything else driving the -United States into the arms of England.”</p> - -<p>“But the German Government is not responsible,” said Zimmermann. “We -know nothing about it.”</p> - -<p>Of course I could not accept that statement on its face value—recent -developments have shown how mendacious it was—but we passed to other -topics. The matter of the submarine came up again.</p> - -<p>“We have voluntarily interned our navy,” said Zimmermann. “We can do -nothing at sea except with our submarines. It seems to me that the -United States is making a serious mistake in so strongly opposing the -submarine. You have a long coast line and you may need the U-boat -yourself some day. Suppose one of the European Powers, or particularly -Japan, should attack you. You could use the submarine to good purpose -then. Besides, if you insist on this proposed declaration in the -<i>Lusitania</i> matter, you will simply force our government into the hands -of the Tirpitz party.”</p> - -<p>Zimmermann now returned again to the situation in Turkey. His questions -showed that he was much displeased with the new German Ambassador, Graf -Wolf-Metternich.<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_407" id="page_407"></a>{407}</span> Metternich, it seemed, had failed in his attempt to -win the good will of the ruling powers in Turkey and had been a trial to -the German Foreign Office. Metternich had shown a different attitude -toward the Armenians from Wangenheim, and he had made sincere attempts -with Talaat and Enver to stop the massacres. Zimmermann now told me that -Metternich had made a great mistake in doing this and had destroyed his -influence at Constantinople. Zimmermann made no effort to conceal his -displeasure over Metternich’s manifestation of a humanitarian spirit. I -now saw that Wangenheim had really represented the attitude of official -Berlin, and I thus had confirmation, from the highest German authority, -of my conviction that Germany had acquiesced in those deportations.</p> - -<p> </p> - -<p>In a few days we had taken the steamer at Copenhagen, and, on February -22, 1916, I found myself once more sailing into New York harbour—and -home.</p> - -<p class="c">THE END<span class="pagenum"><a name="page_408" id="page_408"></a>{408}</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/end.jpg" width="90" alt="[Image unavailable.]" /> -</div> - -<p class="c"> -THE COUNTRY LIFE PRESS<br /> -GARDEN CITY, N. 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