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diff --git a/old/55280-0.txt b/old/55280-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index e31dd11..0000000 --- a/old/55280-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,10027 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of An Enquiry into The Life and Legend of -Michael Scot, by J. Wood Brown - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: An Enquiry into The Life and Legend of Michael Scot - -Author: J. Wood Brown - -Release Date: August 6, 2017 [EBook #55280] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LIFE AND LEGEND OF MICHAEL SCOT *** - - - - -Produced by The Online Distributed Proofreading Team at -http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images -generously made available by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - - - THE LIFE AND LEGEND - OF MICHAEL SCOT - - EDINBURGH: Printed by T. and A. CONSTABLE - FOR - DAVID DOUGLAS - - LONDON SIMPKIN, MARSHALL, HAMILTON, KENT AND CO., LTD. - CAMBRIDGE MACMILLAN AND BOWES - GLASGOW JAMES MACLEHOSE AND SONS - - - - -[Illustration] - - - - - An Enquiry into - The Life and Legend of - Michael Scot - - BY REV. J. WOOD BROWN, M.A. - - AUTHOR OF ‘AN ITALIAN CAMPAIGN,’ ‘THE COVENANTERS - OF THE MERSE,’ ETC. - - [Illustration: ‘Michael next ordered that Eildon - Hill, which was then a uniform cone, should be - divided into three.’—_Lay of Last Minstrel, note._] - - EDINBURGH: DAVID DOUGLAS - 1897 - - [_All rights reserved_] - - D. D. D. - ALMAE MATRI SUAE - EDINBURGENSI - HAUD IMMEMOR - AUCTOR - - - - -PREFACE - - -After some considerable time spent in making collections for the work -which is now submitted to the public, I became aware that a biography of -Michael Scot was in existence which had been composed as early as the -close of the sixteenth century. This is the work of Bernardino Baldi -of Urbino, who was born in 1553. He studied medicine at Padua, but -soon turned his attention to mathematics, especially to the historical -developments of that science. Taking holy orders, he became Abbot of -Guastalla in 1586, and in the quiet of that cloister found time to -produce his work ‘De le vite de Matematici’ of which the biography of -Scot forms a part. He died in 1617. - -This discovery led me at first to think that my original plan might with -some advantage be modified. Baldi had evidently enjoyed great advantages -in writing his life of Scot. His time lay nearer to that of Scot by -three hundred years than our own does. He was a native of Italy, where -so large a part of Scot’s life was passed. He had studied at Padua, the -last of the great schools in which Averroës, whom Scot first introduced -to the Latins, still held intellectual sway. All this seemed to indicate -him as one who was exceptionally situated and suited for the work of -collecting such accounts of Michael Scot as still survived in the south -when he lived and wrote. The purpose he had in view was also such as -promised a serious biography, not entirely, nor even chiefly, occupied -with the recitation of traditional tales, but devoted to a solid account -of the philosopher’s scientific fame in what was certainly one of the -most considerable branches of science which he followed. It occurred to -me therefore that an edition of Baldi’s life of Scot, which has never yet -been printed, might give scope for annotations and digressions embodying -all the additional material I had in hand or might still collect, and -that a work on this plan would perhaps best answer the end in view. - -A serious difficulty, however, here presented itself, and in the end -proved insuperable, as I was quite unable to gain access to the work -of Baldi. It seems to exist in no more than two manuscripts, both of -them belonging to a private library in Rome, that of the late Prince -Baldassare Boncompagni, who had acquired them from the Albani collection. -The Boncompagni library has been now for some time under strict seal, -pending certain legal proceedings, and all my endeavours to get even a -sight of the manuscripts were in vain. In these circumstances I fell -back upon a printed volume, the _Cronica de Matematici overo Epitome -dell’Istoria delle vite loro_, which is an abbreviated form of Baldi’s -work and was published at Urbino in 1707. The account of Michael Scot -which it gives is not such as to increase my regret that I cannot present -this biography to the reader in its most complete form. Thus it runs: -‘Michele Scoto, that is Michael the Scot, was a Judicial Astrologer, -in which profession he served the Emperor Frederick II. He wrote a -most learned treatise by way of questions upon the _Sphere_ of John de -Sacrobosco which is still in common use. Some say he was a Magician, -and tell how he used to cause fetch on occasion, by magic art, from -the kitchen of great Princes whatever he needed for his table. He died -from the blow of a stone falling on his head, having already foreseen -that such would be the manner of his end.’ Now Scot’s additions to the -_Sphere_ of Sacrobosco are among the more common of his printed works, -while the tales of his feasts at Bologna, and of his sudden death, -are repeated almost _ad nauseam_ by almost every early writer who has -undertaken to illustrate the text of Dante. So far as we can tell, -therefore, Baldi would seem to have made no independent research on his -own account regarding Scot’s life and literary labours, but to have -depended entirely upon very obvious and commonplace printed authorities. -To crown all, he assigns 1240 as the _floruit_ of Michael Scot, a date at -least five years posterior to that of his death! On the whole then there -is little cause to regret that his work on this subject is not more fully -accessible. - -My study of the life and times of Scot thus resumed its natural tendency -towards an independent form, there being no text known to me that -could in any way supply the want of an original biography. It is for -the reader to judge how far the boldness of such an attempt has been -justified by its success. The difficulties of the task have certainly -been increased by the want of any previous collections that could be -called satisfactory. Boece, Dempster, and Naudé yield little in the way -of precise and instructive detail; their accounts of Scot fall to be -classed with that of Baldi as partly incorrect and partly commonplace. -Schmuzer alone seems by the title of his work[1] to promise something -more original. Unfortunately my attempts to obtain it have been defeated -by the great rarity of the volume, which is not to be found in any of the -libraries to which I have access. - -This failure in the department of biography already formed has obliged -me to a more exact and extensive study of original manuscript sources -for the life of Scot than I might otherwise have thought necessary, and -has proved thus perhaps rather of advantage. It is inevitable indeed -that a work of this kind, undertaken several ages too late, should be -comparatively barren in those dates and intimate details which are so -satisfactory to our curiosity when we can fall upon them. In the absence -of these, however, our attention is naturally fixed, and not, as it seems -to me, unprofitably, on what is after all of higher or more enduring -importance. The mind is free to take a wider range, and in place of -losing itself in the lesser facts of an individual life, studies the -intellectual movements and gauges the progress of what was certainly a -remarkable epoch in philosophy, science, and literature. The almost exact -reproduction in Spain during the thirteenth century of the Alexandrian -school of thought and science and even superstition; the part played by -the Arab race in this curious transference, and the close relation it -holds to our modern intellectual life—if the volume now published be -found to throw light on subjects so little understood, yet so worthy of -study, I shall feel more than rewarded for the pains and care spent in -its preparation. - -In the course of researches among the libraries of Scotland and Italy, of -England and France, of Spain and Germany, I have received much kindness -from the learned men who direct these institutions. I therefore gladly -avail myself of this opportunity to express my thanks in general to all -those who have so kindly come to my help, and in particular to Signor -Comm. G. Biagi, and Signor Prof. E. Rostagno of the Laurentian Library; -to Signore L. Licini of the Riccardian Library; to the Rev. Padre Ehrle -of the Vatican Library; to Signor Cav. Giorgi, and the Conte Passerini -of the Casanatense; to Signor Prof. Menghini of the Vittorio Emanuele -Library, Rome; and to Signor Comm. Cugnoni of the Chigi Library. I am -also much indebted to the kindness of Professor R. Foerster of Breslau; -of Mr. W. M. Lindsay, Fellow of Jesus College, Oxford, and the Rev. R. -Langton Douglas of New College, who have furnished me with valuable -notes from the libraries of that university, and, not least of all, to -the interest taken in my work by Mr. Charles Godfrey Leland, who has -been good enough to read it in manuscript, and to favour me with curious -material and valuable suggestions. - -If the result of my studies should prove somewhat disappointing to the -reader, I can but plead the excuse with which Pliny furnishes me, it is -one having peculiar application to such a task as is here attempted: ‘Res -ardua,’ he says, ‘vetustis novitatem dare, novis auctoritatem, obsoletis -nitorem, obscuris lucem, fastiditis gratiam, dubiis fidem, omnibus vero -naturam, et naturae suae omnia.’ - -17 VIA MONTEBELLO, FLORENCE, _November 17th, 1896_. - - - - -CONTENTS - - - PAGE - CHAPTER I - - State of Scotland in the twelfth century—Necessity of foreign - travel to scholars bred there—Michael Scot: his Nation and - Birthplace.—The account given by Boece, how far it is to be - believed—The date of Scot’s birth and nature of his first - studies—Scot at Paris: his growing fame, and the degrees he won - in that school—Probability that further study at Bologna formed - the introduction to his life in the south, 1 - - CHAPTER II - - The position held by Scot at the Court of Sicily—His service - under the Clerk Register, who seems to have been the same as - Philip of Tripoli—Scot appointed tutor to Frederick II.—Advantages - of such a position—He teaches the Prince mathematics and - acts as Court Astrologer—Publication of the _Astronomia_ and - _Liber Introductorius_—Frederick’s marriage—Scot produces the - _Physionomia_ and presents it on this occasion—Account of this the - most popular of his books, and of the sources from which it was - derived—Scot quits Sicily for Spain, 18 - - CHAPTER III - - An important moment—The history of the Arabs in their influence on - the intellectual life of Europe—The school of Toledo—Scot fixes - his residence in that city—The name and fame of Aristotle—Scot - engages in translating Arabic versions of the works of Aristotle - on Natural History—The _De Animalibus_ and its connection with - the _Physionomia_—The _Abbreviatio Avicennae_ and its relation to - former versions of the Toledo school—The date when Scot finished - this work.—Frederick’s interest in these books—The _De partibus - animalium_—Did Scot know Greek?—How the Arabian Natural History - contrasts with the modern—Toledo, 42 - - CHAPTER IV - - Alchemy: its history, both primitive and derivative—The - Gnostics influence it, and it passes by way of the Syrians to - the Arabs—Disputes divide their schools in the twelfth century - regarding the reality of this art—Spain the scene of this activity - and the place where alchemy began to become known among the - Latins—The time when the work of translation commenced, and the - course it followed—Scot’s position in the history of this art, and - an examination of his chemical works: the spurious _De natura solis - et lunae_, the _Magisterium_, the _Liber Luminis Luminum_, and the - _De Alchimia_, 65 - - CHAPTER V - - Connection between alchemy and astronomy—Scot’s interest in the - latter science—Toledo a favourable place for such study—Progress - made by the Moors in astronomy—Scot translates Alpetrongi—Relation - of this author to those who had preceded him: to Albategni; to - Al Khowaresmi and to Alfargan—The fresh contributions made by - Alpetrongi to a theory of the heavenly motions—His solution of the - problems of recession and solstitial change—The date of Scot’s - version of the _Sphere_, and its possible coincidence with that of - the great astronomical congress at Toledo, 96 - - CHAPTER VI - - Averroës of Cordova and the fame he enjoyed among the Latins—His - works condemned by the Church—Frederick II. likely to have been - attracted by this philosophy—Michael Scot at Cordova—Constitution - of a new College at Toledo under imperial patronage for the purpose - of translating the works of Averroës into Latin—Correspondence - between this and the similar enterprise of a hundred years - before—Andrew the Jew interprets for Scot—Defence of this - literary method—Versions of the _De Coelo et Mundo_, the _De - anima_, the _Parva Naturalia_ and others—The _Quaestiones Nicolai - Peripatetici_: with a summary of this important treatise—Works - found in the Venice manuscript—The _Nova Ethica_—Michael Scot - shines as a translator from the Greek—Comparison between him and - Bacon in regard to this, 106 - - CHAPTER VII - - Scot returns from Spain to the Imperial Court—Dante’s reference - to this and to the costume worn by the philosopher—Probability - that he is represented in the fresco at S. Maria Novella. The - Latin Averroës suppressed and Scot resumes his post as Imperial - Astrologer—He publishes on this subject—Remarks on Scot by - Mirandola, Salimbene, and Bacon—He comments on the _Sphere_ of - Sacrobosco—A legend of Naples and its interpretation—Testimony of - Leonardo Pisano—Scot’s medical studies and skill—He composes a - treatise in that science—Two prescriptions, and some account of - the plagues then prevalent, 137 - - CHAPTER VIII - - Scot on the way to ecclesiastical preferment—Honorius III. exerts - himself to obtain a benefice for the philosopher—He refuses the - Archbishopric of Cashel—A similar case of conscience in the - same age.—Gregory IX. applies again to Canterbury but without - result—Effect of these disappointments on Scot.—His prophecies in - verse and prose—The _Cervilerium_—His mental state at this time; - and an attempt to estimate his real character—The publication of - Scot’s version of Averroës now possible—Frederick II. indites a - circular letter to the Universities—Scot travels through Italy, - France, and England to the borders of Scotland—His death—The - Emperor permits a copy of the _Abbreviatio Avicennae_ to be made - as a tribute to Scot’s memory, 157 - - CHAPTER IX - - The legendary fame of Scot—Nature of the magic then studied - in Spain—Reasons for thinking that Scot’s fame as a magician - is mostly mythical—Origin of the story in his connection with - the Emperor, and from the place and nature of his Spanish - studies—Probability that he composed a work on algebra, which was - afterwards mistaken for something magical—His association with the - Arthurian legend in its southern development confirms his character - as a magician, and may have suggested several details in the - stories that are told concerning him, 179 - - CHAPTER X - - How Dante used the legend of Michael Scot—The nature of subjective - magic or _glamour_—Stories told by those who commented on the - _Divine Comedy_—Boccaccio’s reference to Scot, and sundry tales - of court and camp—The fifteenth century produces spurious - magical works under Scot’s name—Folengo introduces him into the - _Baldus_.—Dempster and the Scottish tales.—The tasks of Scot’s - familiar spirit.—His embassy to Paris—Story of the witch of - Falsehope—The _Book of Might_—Two stories of Scot as told by an - old woman of Florence in the present year of grace—Conclusion, 206 - - APPENDIX, 231 - - INDEX, 277 - - - - -LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS - - -Frontispiece, A Magician, from the S. Maria Novella Fresco—Photogravure -by Alinari, Florence - -Vignette on Title—The Eildons, from an engraving kindly lent by Messrs. -A. and C. Black, London - -Facsimile of colophon to Scot’s _Abbreviatio Avicennae_ (Fondo Vaticano -4428, p. 158 recto), _to face page 55_ - - - - -CHAPTER I - -BIRTHPLACE AND EARLY STUDIES OF MICHAEL SCOT - - -In the Borders of Scotland it is well known that any piece of hill -pasture, if it be fenced in but for a little from the constant cropping -of the sheep, will soon show springing shoots of forest trees indigenous -to the soil, whose roots remain wherever the plough has not passed too -deeply. Centuries ago, when nature had her way and was unrestrained, -the whole south-eastern part of the country was covered with dense -forests and filled with forest-dwellers; the wild creatures that form -the prey of the snare and the quarry of the chase. In the deep valleys, -and by the streams of Tweed and Teviot, and many another river of that -well-watered land, stood the great ranks and masses of the oak and beech -as captains and patriarchs of the forest, mingled with the humbler -whitethorn which made a dense undergrowth wherever the sun could reach. -On the heights grew the sombre firs; their gnarled and ruddy branches -crowned with masses of bluish-green foliage, while the alders followed -the water-courses, and, aided by the shelter of these secret valleys, all -but reached the last summits of the hills, which alone, in many a varied -slope and peak and swelling breast, rose eminent and commanding over -these dark and almost unbroken woodlands. - -Such was south-eastern Scotland in the twelfth century: a country fitted -to be the home of men of action rather than of thought; men whose joy -should lie in the chase and the conflict with nature as yet unsubdued, -who could track the savage creatures of the forest to their dens, and -clear the land where it pleased them, and build, and dwell, and beget -children in their own likeness, till by the labours of generations that -country should become pastoral, peaceful, and fit for fertile tillage as -we see it now. - -Already, at the early time of which we speak, something of this work -had been begun. There were gaps in the high forest where it lay well -to the sun: little clearings marked by the ridge and furrow of a rude -agriculture. Here and there a baron’s lonely tower raised its grey -horn on high, sheltering a troop of men-at-arms who made it their -business to guard the land in war, and in peace to rid it of the savage -forest-creatures that hindered the hind and herd in their labour and -their hope. In the main valleys more than one great monastery was rising, -or already built, by the waters of Tweed and Teviot. The inmates of these -religious houses took their share in the whole duty of peaceful Scottish -men by following trades at home or superintending the labours of an army -of hinds who broke in and made profitable the wide abbey lands scattered -here and there over many a lowland county. All was energy, action, and -progress: a form of life which left but little room for the enterprises -of the mind, the conflicts and conquests which can alone be known and won -in the world of thought within. - -These conditions we know to have reared and trained generations of men -well fitted to follow the pursuits of hardy and active life, yet they -cannot have been so constraining as to hinder the birth of some at least -who possessed an altogether different temper of mind and body. The -lowland Scots were even then of a mixed race: the ancestry which tends -more than any other to the production of life-eddies, where thought -rather than activity naturally forms and dwells, while the current of the -main stream sweeps past in its ordinary course. Grant the appearance of -such natures here and there in these early times, and it is easy to see -much in the only life then possible that was fit to foster their natural -tendencies. The deep woodlands were not only scenes of labour where -sturdy arms found constant employment, they were homes of mystery in -which the young imagination loved to dwell; peopling them with half-human -shapes more graceful than their stateliest trees, and half-brutal -monsters more terrible than the fiercest wolf or bear. The distant sun -and stars were more than a heavenly horologe set to mark the hours for -labour or vigil, they were an unexplored scene of wonder which patient -and brooding thought alone could reach and interpret. The trivial flight -and annual return of birds, tracing like the wild geese a mysterious -wedge against the sky of winter, gave more than a signal for the chase, -which was all that ordinary men saw in it. To these finer natures it -brought the awakening which those know who have learned to ask the mighty -questions—Why? Whence? and Whither? demands which will not be denied till -they have touched the heights and fathomed the depths of human life -itself. _Our life is a bird_, said one in these early ages, _which flies -by night, and, entering lighted hall at one end, swiftly passeth out at -the other. So come we, who knoweth whence, and so pass we, who knoweth -whither? From the darkness we come and to the darkness we go, and the -brief light that is meanwhile ours cannot make the mystery plain._ - -But though the nature of this primitive life in early Scottish days -could not hinder the appearance of men of thought, and even helped -their development as soon as they began to show the movements of active -intellect, yet on the other hand Scotland had not reached that culture -which affords such natures their due and full opportunity. Centuries were -yet to pass before the foundation of St. Andrews as the first Scottish -university. The grammar-schools of the country[2] were but a step to -the studies of some foreign seat of learning. The churchmen who filled -considerable positions at home were either Italians, or had at least been -trained abroad, so that everything in those days pointed to that path -of foreign study which has since been trodden by so many generations of -Scottish students. The bright example of Scotus Erigena, who had reached -such a high place in France under Charles the Bald, was an incitement to -the northern world of letters. Young men of parts and promise naturally -sought their opportunity to go abroad in the hope of finding like -honourable employment, or, better still, of returning crowned with the -honours of the schools to occupy some distinguished ecclesiastical -position in their native country. - -This then was the age, and these were the prevailing conditions, under -which Michael Scot was born. To the necessary and common impulse of -Scottish scholars we are to trace the disposition of the great lines -on which his life ran its remarkable and distinguished course. He is -certainly one of the most notable, as he is among the earliest, examples -of the student Scot abroad. - -There can be little doubt regarding the nation where he had his birth. -Disregarding for a moment the varying accounts of those who lived -centuries after the age of Scot himself, let us make a commencement -with one whose testimony is of the very highest value, being that of -a contemporary. Roger Bacon, the famous scientist of the thirteenth -century, introduces the name of Michael Scot in the following manner: -‘Unde, cum per Gerardum Cremonensem, et Michaelem Scotum, et Aluredum -Anglicum, et Heremannum (Alemannum), et Willielmum Flemingum, data sit -nobis copia translationum de omni scientia.’[3] In this passage the -distinctive appellation of each author is plainly derived from that of -his native country. That Bacon believed Michael to be of Scottish descent -is therefore certain, and his opinion is all the more valuable since he -was an Englishman, and not likely therefore to have confused the two -nations of Great Britain as a foreigner might haply have done. To the -same purpose is the testimony of Guido Bonatti, the astrologer, who -also belonged to the age of Bacon and Scot. ‘Illi autem,’ he says,[4] -‘qui fuerunt in tempore meo, sicut fuit Hugo ab Alugant, Beneguardinus -Davidbam, Joannes Papiensis, Dominicus Hispanus, Michael Scotus, -Stephanus Francigena, Girardus de Sabloneta Cremonensis, et multi alii.’ -Here also the significance of _Scotus_, as indicating nationality, is one -that hardly admits of question. It was in all probability on these or -similar authorities that Dempster relied when he said of Michael:[5] ‘The -name Scot, however, is not a family one, but national,’ though he seems -to have pressed the matter rather too far, it being plainly possible that -_Scotus_ might combine in itself both significations. In Scotland it -might indicate that Michael belonged to the clan of Scott, as indeed has -been generally supposed, while as employed by men of other nations, it -might declare what they believed to have been this scholar’s native land. - -At this point, however, a new difficulty suggests itself. It is well -known that the lowland Scots were emigrants from the north of Ireland, -and that in early times _Scotus_ was used as a racial rather than a local -designation. May not Michael have been an Irishman? Such is the question -actually put by a recent writer,[6] and certainly it deserves a serious -answer. We may commence by remarking that even on this understanding of -it the name is an indefinite one as regards locality, and might therefore -have been applied to one born in Scotland just as well as if he had -first seen the light in the sister isle. So certainly is this the case -that when we recall the name of John Scotus we find it was customary -to add the appellative _Erigena_ to determine his birthplace. At that -time the separation of race was much less marked than it had become in -Michael’s day, and it seems certain therefore that if _Michael Scotus_ -was thought a sufficient designation of the man by Bacon and Bonatti, -they must have used it in the sense of indicating that he came of that -part of the common stock which had crossed the sea and made their home -in Scotland. But to find a conclusive answer to this difficulty we need -only anticipate a little the course of our narrative by mentioning here a -highly curious fact which will occupy our attention in its proper place. -When Michael Scot was offered high ecclesiastical preferment in Ireland -he declined it on the ground that he was ignorant of the vernacular -tongue of that country.[7] This seems to supply anything that may have -been wanting in the other arguments we have advanced, and the effect -of the whole should be to assure our conviction that there need be now -no further attempt made to deny Scotland the honour of having been the -native land of so distinguished a scholar. - -Nor are we altogether without the means of coming to what seems at -least a probable conclusion regarding the very district of the Scottish -lowlands where Michael Scot was born. Leland the antiquary tells us that -he was informed on good authority that Scot came from the territory of -Durham.[8] Taken literally this statement would make him an Englishman, -but no one would think of quoting it as of sufficient value to disprove -the testimony of Bacon and Bonatti who both believed Michael to have -been born in Scotland. If, however, there should offer itself any way in -which both these apparently contending opinions can be reconciled, we are -surely bound to accept such an explanation of the difficulty, and in fact -the solution we are about to propose not only meets the conditions of -the problem, but will be found to narrow very considerably the limits of -country within which the birthplace of Scot is to be looked for. - -The See of Durham in that age, and for long afterwards, had a wide sphere -of influence, extending over much of the south-eastern part of the -Scottish Borders. Many deeds relating to this region of Scotland must -be sought in the archives that belong to the English Cathedral. To be -born in the territory of Durham then, as Leland says Scot had been, was -not necessarily to be a native of England, and the anonymous Florentine -commentator on Dante uses a remarkable expression which seems to confirm -this solution as far as Scot is concerned. ‘This Michael,’ he says, ‘was -of the Province of Scotland’;[9] and his words seem to point to that part -of the Scottish lowlands adjacent to the See of Durham and in a sense its -_province_, as subject to its influence, just as Provence, the analogous -part of France, had its name from the similar relation it bore to Rome. -The most likely opinion therefore that can now be formed on the subject -leads us to believe that Scot was born somewhere in the valley of the -Tweed; if we understand that geographical expression in the wide sense -which makes it equivalent to the whole of the south-eastern borders of -Scotland. - -Nor is this so contrary as might at first appear to the tradition which -makes Scot a descendant of the family of Balwearie in Fife. Hector Boëce, -Principal of Marischal College, Aberdeen, who first gave currency to the -story,[10] could hardly have meant to imply that Michael was actually -born at Balwearie. It is to be presumed that he understood _Scotus_ to -have been a family name; and the Scotts, who became of Balwearie by -marriage with the heiress of that estate, did not enter into possession -of it till long after the close of the twelfth century.[11] To call -Michael a son of Balwearie in the genealogical sense, however, is in -perfect agreement with the conclusion regarding his origin which we have -just reached; for the original home of the Scotts who afterwards held -that famous property as their _chef lieu_, lay by the upper streams of -Tweed in the very district which every probability has already indicated -to us as that of Michael’s birthplace. In 1265 we find an entry of money -paid by the Crown ‘to Michael Scot and Richard Rufus who have occupied -the waste lands at Stuth,’ near Peebles.[12] Identification is here -out of the question, as Michael the scholar, of whom we write, was by -this time long in his grave, but the entry we have quoted shows that a -family of this surname, who still used the Christian name of Michael, -was flourishing in this part of Scotland during the second half of the -thirteenth century. - -It is to be remarked, too, that the Scottish tales of wonder relating to -Michael Scot have a local colour that accords well with the other signs -we have noticed. The hill which the sorcerer’s familiar spirit cleaves -in sunder is the triple peak of Eildon; the water which he curbs is that -of Tweed; from Oakwood he rides forth to try the witch of Falsehope, -and in Oakwood tower may still be seen the _Jingler’s room_: a curious -anachronism, for Oakwood is a building much more recent than the days of -Michael Scot, yet one which fixes for us in a picturesque and memorable -way the district of country where, according to the greatest number of -converging probabilities, this remarkable man was born. - -As to the date of his birth, it is difficult to be very precise. -The probability that he died suddenly, and before he had completed -the measure of an ordinary lifetime, prevents us from founding our -calculations upon the date of his decease, which can be pretty accurately -determined. A more certain argument may be derived from the fact that -Scot had finished his youthful studies, made some figure in the world, -and entered on the great occupation of his life as an author, as early as -the year 1210.[13] Assuming then that thirty was the least age he could -well have attained at the period in question, the year 1180 would be -indicated as that of his birth, or rather as the latest date to which it -can with probability be referred; 1175 being in every way a more likely -approximation to the actual time of this event. - -It is unfortunate that we find ourselves in the same position with regard -to the interesting question of Scot’s early education, having only the -suggestions derived from probable conjecture to offer on this subject -also. Du Boulay indeed, in his account of the University of Paris,[14] -pretends to supply a pretty complete account of the schools which Scot -attended, but, as he adds that this was the usual course of study in -those days, we find reason to think that he may have been guided in his -assertions, rather by the probabilities of the case, than by any exact -evidence. Nor is it likely that any more satisfactory assurance can now -be had on this point: the time being too remote and the want of early -material for Scot’s biography defeating in this respect all the care and -attention that can now be given to the subject. - -We know, however, that there was a somewhat famous grammar-school at -Roxburgh in the twelfth century,[15] and considering the rarity of such -an opportunity at so early a period, and the proximity of this place to -the district in which Scot was born, we may venture to fancy that here -he may have learned his rudiments, thus laying the foundation of those -deeper studies, which he afterwards carried to such a height. - -With regard to Durham, the matter may be considered to stand on firmer -ground. The name of Michael Scot, as we have already seen, has for many -ages been associated with this ancient Cathedral city by the Wear. If -the question of his birthplace be regarded as now determined in favour of -Scotland, no reason remains for this association so convincing as that -which would derive it from the fact that he pursued his education there. -The Cathedral School of Durham was a famous one, which no doubt exerted -a strong attraction upon studious youths throughout the whole of that -province. In Scot’s case the advantages it offered may well have seemed a -desirable step to further advances; his means, as one of a family already -distinguished from the common people, allowing him to plan a complete -course of study, and his ambition prompting him to follow it. - -The common tradition asserts that when he left Durham, Scot proceeded to -Oxford. This is not unlikely, considering the fame of that University, -and the number of students drawn from all parts of the land who assembled -there.[16] The only matters, however, which offer themselves in support -of this bare conjecture are not, it must be said, very convincing. Roger -Bacon shows great familiarity with Scot, and Bacon was an Oxford scholar, -though his studies at that University were not begun till long after the -time when Scot could possibly have been a student there. It is quite -possible, however, that the interest shown by Bacon in Scot’s labours and -high reputation—not by any means of a kindly sort—may have been awakened -by traditions that were still current in the Schools of Oxford when -the younger student came there. Near the end of his life, Scot visited -in a public capacity the chief Universities of Europe, and brought -them philosophic treasures that were highly thought of by the learned. -It seems most probable, from the terms in which Bacon speaks of this -journey,[17] that it may have included a visit to Oxford. This might of -course be matter of mere duty and policy, but one cannot help observing -how well it agrees with the tradition that these schools were already -familiar to Scot. As a recognised alumnus of Oxford, he would be highly -acceptable there, being one whose European fame shed no small lustre upon -the scene of his early studies. - -As to Paris, the next stage in Scot’s educational progress, the historian -of that University becomes much more convincing when he claims for -_Lutetia_ the honour of having contributed in a special sense to the -formation of this scholar’s mind. For here tradition has preserved one -of those sobriquets which are almost invariably authentic. Scot, it -seems, gained here the name of _Michael the Mathematician_,[18] and this -corresponds, not only with what is known concerning the character of -his studies, but also with the nature of the course for which Paris was -then famous. There is another circumstance which seems to point strongly -in the same direction. Every one must have noticed how invariably the -name of Scot is honoured by the prefix of _Master_. This is the case not -only in his printed works, but also in popular tradition, as may be seen -in the well-known rhyme:—‘Maister Michael Scot’s man.’[19] A Florence -manuscript, to which we shall presently refer more fully, throws some -light upon the meaning of this title, by describing Scot as that scholar, -‘who among the rest is known as the chief Master.’[20] It is matter of -common knowledge, that this degree had special reference to the studies -of the _Trivium_ and _Quadrivium_, being the scholastic crown reserved -for those who had made satisfactory progress in the liberal arts. Scot -then, according to the testimony of early times, was the supreme Master -in this department of knowledge. But it is also certain that Paris was -then recognised as the chief school of the _Trivium_ and _Quadrivium_, -just as Bologna had a like reputation for Law, and Salerno for -Medicine.[21] We are therefore warranted to conclude that Michael Scot -could never have been saluted in European schools as ‘Supreme Master,’ -had he not studied long in the French capital, and carried off the highly -esteemed honours of Paris. - -Another branch of study which tradition says Scot followed with success -at Paris was that of theology. Du Boulay declares, indeed, that he -reached the dignity of doctor in that faculty, and there is some reason -to think that this may actually have been the case. There can be no -doubt that an ecclesiastical career then offered the surest road to -wealth and fame in the case of all who aspired to literary honours. That -Scot took holy orders[22] seems very probable. He may well have done so -even before he came to Paris, for Bacon makes it one of his reproaches -against the corruption of the times, that men were ordained far too -readily, and before they had reached the canonical age: from their -tenth to their twentieth year, he says.[23] It is difficult to verify -Dempster’s assertion that Scot’s renown as a theologian is referred -to by Baconthorpe the famous Carmelite of the following century.[24] -This author was commonly known as the _Princeps Averroïstarum_. If he -really mentions Michael, and does not mean Duns Scotus, as there is some -reason to suspect, his praise may have been given quite as much on the -ground of profane as of religious philosophy. On the other hand we find -abounding and unmistakable references to Scripture, the Liturgy, and -ascetic counsels in the writings of Scot, from which it may safely be -concluded that he had not merely embraced the ecclesiastical profession -as a means of livelihood or of advancement, but had seriously devoted -himself to sacred studies. It is true that we cannot point to any -instance in which he receives the title of doctor, but this omission -may be explained without seriously shaking our belief in the tradition -that Scot gained this honour at Lutetia. During the twelfth century the -Bishop of Paris forbade the doctors of theology to profess that faculty -in any other University.[25] Scot may well, therefore, have been one of -those philosophical divines who taught _entre les deux ponts_, as the -same statute commanded they should, though in other lands and during -his after-life, he came to be known simply as the ‘Great Master’: the -brightest of all those choice spirits of the schools on which Paris set -her stamp. - -At this point we may surely hazard a further conjecture. Bacon tells us -that in those days it was the study of law, ecclesiastical and civil, -rather than of theology, which opened the way to honour and preferment in -the Church.[26] Now Paris was not more eminently and distinctly the seat -of arts than Bologna was the school of laws.[27] May not Michael Scot -have passed from the French to the Italian University? Such a conjecture -would be worth little were it not for the support which it undoubtedly -receives from credible tradition. Boccaccio in one of his tales[28] -mentions Michael Scot, and tells how he used to live in Bologna. Many of -the commentators on the _Divine Comedy_ of Dante dwell on the theme, and -enrich it with superstitious wonders.[29] It would be difficult to find -a period in the scholar’s life which suits better with such a residence -than that we are now considering. On all accounts it seems likely -that he left Paris for Bologna, and found in the latter city a highly -favourable opening, which led directly to the honours and successes of -his after-life. - -He was now to leave the schools and enter a wider sphere, not without the -promise of high and enduring fame. A child of the mist and the hill, he -had come from the deep woods and wild outland life of the Scottish Border -to what was already no inconsiderable position. He knew Paris, not, need -it be said, the gay capital of modern days, but Paris of the closing -years of the twelfth century, _Lutetia Parisiorum_: her low-browed houses -of wood and mud; her winding streets, noisome even by day, and by night -still darker and more perilous; her vast Latin Quarter, then far more -preponderant than now—a true cosmopolis, where fur-clad barbarians from -the home of the north wind sharpened wits with the Latin races haply -trained in southern schools by some keen-browed Moor or Jew. And Paris -knew him, watched his course, applauded his success, crowned his fame by -that coveted title of _Master_, which he shared with many others, but -which the world of letters made peculiarly his own by creating for him a -singular and individual propriety in it. From Paris we may follow him in -fancy to Bologna, yet it is not hard to believe he must have left half -his heart behind, enchained in that remarkable devotion which Lutetia -could so well inspire in her children.[30] Bologna might be, as we have -represented it, the gate to a new Eden, that of Scot’s Italian and -Spanish life, yet how could he enter it without casting many a longing -glance behind to the Paradise he had quitted for ever when he left the -banks of the Seine? - - - - -CHAPTER II - -SCOT AT THE COURT OF SICILY - - -All tradition assures us that the chief occupation of Scot’s life was -found at the Court of Frederick II., King of Sicily, and afterwards -Emperor of Germany: a Prince deservedly famous, not only for his own -talent, but for the protection and encouragement he afforded to men of -learning. A manuscript in the Laurentian Library,[31] hitherto unnoticed -in this connection, seems to throw some light upon the time and manner -of this employment: points that have always been very obscure. The -volume is a collection of _Occulta_, and at p. 256 we find the following -title, ‘An Experiment of Michael Scot the magician.’ What follows is of -no serious importance: such as it has we shall consider in speaking of -the Master’s legendary fame. The concluding words, however, are of great -interest, especially when we observe that this part of the manuscript, -though written between 1450 and 1500, is said[32] to have been copied -‘from a very ancient book.’ The colophon runs thus: ‘Here endeth the -necromantic experiment of the most illustrious doctor, Master[33] Michael -Scot, who among other scholars is known as the supreme Master; who was -of Scotland, and servant to his most distinguished chief Don Philip,[34] -the King of Sicily’s clerk;[35] which experiment he contrived[36] when he -lay sick in the city of Cordova. Finis.’ - -Taking the persons here named in the order of their rank, we notice -first the great Emperor Frederick II., the patron of Michael Scot. It is -worth remark that he is styled simply ‘King of Sicily,’ a title which -belongs to the time previous to 1215, when he obtained the Imperial -crown. This is a touch which seems to give high originality and value to -the colophon. We may feel sure that it was not composed by the fifteenth -century scribe, who would certainly have described Frederick in the -usual style as Emperor and Lord of the World. He must have copied it, -and everything leads one to suppose that he was right in describing the -source from which he drew as ‘very ancient.’ - -Next comes Don Philip, whom we have rightly described as the clerk of -Sicily, for the word _coronatus_ in its mediæval use is derived from -_corona_ in the sense of the priestly tonsure, so that _Philippus -coronatus_ is equivalent to _Philippus clericus_.[37] Of this -distinguished man we find many traces in the historical documents of -the period.[38] Two deeds passed the seals of Sicily in the year 1200 -when the King, then a boy of five years old, was living under the care -of his widowed mother the Queen Constantia. These are countersigned by -the royal notary, who is described as ‘Philippus de Salerno, notarius et -fidelis noster scriba.’ His name is found in the same way, apparently -for the last time, in 1213. This date, and the particular designation -of Philip the Notary as ‘of Salerno,’ connect themselves very naturally -with the title of a manuscript belonging to the De Rossi collection.[39] -It is as follows: ‘The Book of the Inspections of Urine according to -the opinion of the Masters, Peter of Berenico, Constantine Damascenus, -and Julius of Salerno; which was composed by command of the Emperor -Frederick, Anno Domini 1212, in the month of February, and was revised -by Master Philip of Tripoli and Master Gerard of Cremona at the orders -of the King of Spain,’ etc. The person designed as Philip of Salerno was -very likely to be put in charge of the revision of a medical treatise, -and as he disappears from his duties as notary for some time after 1213 -we may suppose that it was then he passed into the service of the King -of Spain. This conjecture agrees also with the mention of Cordova in -the Florence manuscript, and with other peculiarities it displays, such -as the spelling of the name _Philippus_ like _Felipe_, and the way in -which the title _Dominus_ is repeated, just as _Don_ might be in the -style of a Spaniard. There is, in short, every reason to conclude that -Philip of Salerno and Philip of Tripoli were one and the same person. -We may add that Philip was the author of the first complete version in -Latin of the book called _Secreta Secretorum_, the preface of which -describes him as a _clericus_ of the See of Tripoli. As will presently -appear, Michael Scot drew largely from this work in composing one of -his own;[40] another proof that in confronting with each other these -three names—Philippus coronatus or clericus; Philippus de Salerno, and -Philippus Tripolitanus—and in concluding that they belong to one and the -same person, we have a reasonable amount of evidence in our favour. - -From what has just been said it is plain that three distinct periods must -have composed the life of Philip so far as we know it: the first when -he served as an ecclesiastic in Tripoli of Syria or its neighbourhood; -the second when he came westward, and, not without a certain literary -reputation, held the post of Clerk Register in Sicily; the last when -Frederick sent him, in the height of his powers and the fulness of his -fame, to that neighbouring country of Spain, then so full of attraction -for every scholar. In which of these periods then was it that Michael -Scot first came into those relations with Philip of which the Florentine -manuscript speaks? The time of his residence in Spain, likely as it might -seem on other accounts, would appear to be ruled out by the fact that it -was too late for Philip to be then described as servant of the _King of -Sicily_. Nor did he hold this office, so far as we can tell, until he -had left Tripoli for the West. We must pronounce then for the Sicilian -period, and precisely therefore for the years between 1200 and 1213. This -conclusion, however, does not hinder us from supposing that the relation -then first formally begun between Michael and Philip continued to bind -them, in what may have been a friendly co-operation, during the time -spent by both in Spain. - -The period thus determined was that of the King’s boyhood, and this opens -up another line of argument which may be trusted not only to confirm -the results we have reached, but to afford a more exact view of Scot’s -occupation in Sicily. Several of his works are dedicated to Frederick, -from which it is natural to conclude that his employment was one which -brought him closely in contact with the person of the King. When we -examine their contents we are struck by the tone which Scot permits -himself to use in addressing his royal master. There is familiarity when -we should expect flattery, and the desire to impart instruction instead -of the wish to display obsequiousness. Scot appears in fact as one -careless to recommend himself for a position at Court, certain rather of -one which must have been already his own. What can this position have -been? - -A tradition preserved by one of the commentaries on Dante[41] informs -us that Michael Scot was employed as the Emperor’s tutor, and this -explanation is one which we need feel no hesitation in adopting, as it -clears up in a very convincing way all the difficulties of the case. -His talents, already proved and crowned in Paris and Bologna, may well -have commended him for such a position. The dedication of his books -to Frederick, and the familiar style in which he addresses the young -prince, are precisely what might be expected from the pen of a court -schoolmaster engaged in compiling manuals _in usum Delphini_.[42] Nay -the very title of ‘Master’ which Scot had won at Paris probably owed its -chief confirmation and continued employment to the nature of his new -charge. Since the fifth century there had prevailed in Spain the habit -of committing children of position to the course of an ecclesiastical -education.[43] They were trained by some discreet and grave person -called the _magister disciplinae_, deputed by the Bishop to this office. -Such would seem to have been the manner of Frederick’s studies. His -guardian was the Pope; he lived at Palermo under charge of the Canons -of that Cathedral,[44] and no doubt the ecclesiastical character of -Michael Scot combined with his acknowledged talents to point him out as -a suitable person to fill so important a charge. It was his first piece -of preferment, and we may conceive that he drew salary for his services -under some title given him in the royal registry. This would explain -his connection with Philip, the chief notary, on which the Florentine -manuscript insists. Such fictitious employments have always been a -part of court fashion, and that they were common in Sicily at the time -of which we write may be seen from the case of Werner and Philip de -Bollanden, who, though in reality most trusted and confidential advisers -of the Crown, were known at Court as the chief butler and baker, titles -which they were proud to transmit to their descendants.[45] - -It was at Palermo, then, that Michael Scot must have passed the opening -years of the thirteenth century; now more than ever ‘Master,’ since he -was engaged in a work which carried with it no light responsibility: -the early education of a royal youth destined to play the first part on -the European stage. The situation was one not without advantages of an -uncommon kind for a scholar like Scot, eager to acquire knowledge in -every department. Sicily was still, especially in its more remote and -mountainous parts about Entella, Giato, and Platani, the refuge of a -considerable Moorish population, whose language was therefore familiar in -the island, and was heard even at Court; being, we are assured, one of -those in which Frederick received instruction.[46] There can be little -doubt that Scot availed himself of this opportunity, and laid a good -foundation for his later work on Arabic texts by acquiring, in the years -of his residence at Palermo, at least the vernacular language of the -Moors. - -The same may be said regarding the Greek tongue: a branch of study -much neglected even by the learned of those times. We shall presently -produce evidence which goes to show that Michael Scot worked upon -Greek as well as Arabic texts,[47] and it was in all probability to -his situation in Sicily that he owed the acquisition of what was then -a very rare accomplishment. Bacon, who deplores the ignorance of -Greek which prevailed in his days, recommends those who would learn -this important language to go to Italy, where, he says, especially -in the south, both clergy and people are still in many places purely -Greek.[48] The reference to _Magna Grecia_ is obvious, and to Sicily, -whose Greek colonies preserved, even to Frederick’s time and beyond it, -their nationality and language. So much was this the case, that it was -thought necessary to make the study of Greek as well as of Arabic part of -Frederick’s education. We can hardly err in supposing that Scot profited -by this as well as by the other opportunity. - -In point of general culture too a residence at Palermo offered many and -varied advantages. Rare manuscripts abounded, some lately brought to the -island, like that of the _Secreta Secretorum_, the prize of Philip the -Clerk, which he carried with him when he came from Tripoli to Sicily, and -treasured there, calling it his ‘precious pearl’;[49] others forming part -of collections that had for some time been established in the capital. -As early as the year 1143, George of Antioch, the Sicilian Admiral, had -founded the Church of St. Maria della Martorana in Palermo, and had -enriched it with a valuable library, no doubt brought in great part from -the East.[50] A better opportunity for literary studies could hardly have -been desired than that which the Prince’s Master now enjoyed. - -The society and surroundings in which Michael Scot now found himself -were such as must have communicated a powerful impulse to the mind. The -Court was grave rather than gay, as had befitted the circumstances of -a royal widow, and now of an orphan still under canonical protection -and busied in serious study, but this allowed the wit and wisdom of -learned men free scope, and thus invited and encouraged their residence. -Already, probably, had begun that concourse and competition of talents, -for which the Court of Frederick was afterwards so remarkable. Amid -delicious gardens at evening, or by day in the cool shade of courtyards: -those _patios_ which the Moors had built so well and adorned with such -fair arabesques, all that was rarest in learning and brightest in wit, -held daily disputation, while the delicate fountains played and Monte -Pellegrino looked down on the curving beauties of the bay and shore. A -strange contrast truly to the arcades of Bologna, now heaped with winter -snow and now baked by summer sun; to the squalor of mediæval Paris, and -much more to the green hillsides and moist forest-clad vales of southern -Scotland. Here at last the spirit of Michael Scot underwent a powerful -and determining influence which left its mark on all his subsequent life. - -As royal tutor, his peculiar duty would seem to have been that of -instructing the young Prince in the different branches of mathematics. -This we should naturally have conjectured from the fact that Scot’s fame -as yet rested entirely upon the honours he had gained at Paris, and -precisely in this department of learning; for ‘Michael the Mathematician’ -was not likely to have been called to Palermo with any other purpose. -We have direct evidence of it however in an early work which came from -the Master’s pen, and one which would seem to have been designed for -the use of his illustrious pupil. This was the _Astronomia_, or _Liber -Particularis_, and in the Oxford copy,[51] the colophon of that treatise -runs thus: ‘Here endeth the book of Michael Scot, astrologer to the Lord -Frederick, Emperor of Rome, and ever August; which book he composed in -simple style[52] at the desire of the aforesaid Emperor. And this he did, -not so much considering his own reputation, as desiring to be serviceable -and useful to young scholars, who, of their great love for wisdom, desire -to learn in the Quadrivium the Art of Astronomy.’ The preface says that -this was the second book which Scot composed for Frederick. - -The science of Astronomy was so closely joined in those times with the -art of Astrology, that it is difficult to draw a clear distinction -between them as they were then understood. The one was but the practical -application of the other, and in common use their names were often -confused and used interchangeably. We are not surprised then to find the -title of Imperial Astrologer given to Michael Scot in the colophon to his -_Astronomia_; he was sure to be employed in this way, and the fact will -help us to determine with probability what was the _first_ book he wrote -for the Emperor, that to which the _Liber Particularis_ was a sequel. -For there is actually extant under Scot’s name an astrological treatise -bearing the significant name of the _Liber Introductorius_.[53] This -title agrees exceedingly well with the position we are now inclined to -give it, and an examination of the preface confirms our conjecture in a -high degree. It commences thus: ‘Here beginneth the preface of the _Liber -Introductorius_ which was put forth by Michael Scot, Astrologer to the -ever August Frederick, Emperor of the Romans, at whose desire he composed -it concerning astrology,[54] in a simple style[55] for the sake of young -scholars and those of weaker capacity, and this in the days of our Lord -Pope Innocent IV.’[56] One cannot help noticing the close correspondence -between this and the colophon of the _Astronomia_. The two treatises were -the complement each of the other. They must have been composed about the -same time, and were doubtless meant to serve as text-books to guide the -studies of Frederick’s youth. That this royal pupil should have been led -through astrology to the higher and more enduring wonders of astronomy -need cause no surprise, for such a course was quite in accordance with -the intellectual habits of the age. It may be doubted indeed whether the -men of those times would have shown such perseverance in the observations -and discoveries proper to a pure science of the heavens, had it not -been for the practicable and profitable interest which its application -in astrology furnished. Astronomy, such as it then was, formed the last -and highest study in the Quadrivium.[57] It was here that Scot had -carried off honours at Paris, and now in his _Liber Introductorius_ and -_Astronomia_, we see him imparting the ripe fruits of that diligence to -his royal charge, whose education, so far as regarded formal study, was -thereby brought to a close. - -In the year 1209, when Frederick was but fourteen years of age, the -quiet study and seclusion in which he still lived with those who taught -him was brought to an abrupt and, one must think, premature conclusion. -The boy was married, and to a lady ten years his senior, Constance, -daughter of the King of Aragon, and already widow of the King of Hungary. -It is not hard to see that such a union must have been purely a matter -of arrangement. The Prince of Palermo, undergrown and delicate as he -was,[58] promised to be, as King of Sicily and possibly Emperor, the -noblest husband of his time. Pope Innocent III., his guardian, foresaw -this, and chose a daughter of Spain as most fit to occupy the proud -position of Frederick’s wife, queen, and perhaps empress. Had the wishes -of Rome prevailed at the Court of Aragon from the first, this marriage -would have taken place even earlier than it did. The delay seems to have -been owing, not to any reluctance on the part of the bride’s parents, -but solely to the doubt which of two sisters, elder or younger, widow or -maid, should accept the coveted honour. - -It was in spring, the loveliest season of the year in that climate, that -the fleet of Spain, sent to bear the bride and her suite, rose slowly -over the sea rim and dropped anchor in the Bay of Palermo. Constantia -came with many in her company, the flower of Catalan and Provençal -chivalry, led by her brother, Count Alfonso. The Bishop of Mazara, -too, was among them, bearing a commission to represent the Pope in -these negotiations and festivities. And now the stately Moorish palace, -with its courtyard, its fountains, and its gardens, became once more a -scene of gaiety, as—in the great hall of forty pillars, beneath a roof -such as Arabian artists alone could frame, carved like a snow cave, or -stained with rich and lovely colour like a mass of jewels set in gold—the -officers of the royal household passed solemnly on to offer homage before -their Prince and his bride. In the six great apartments of state the -frescoed forms of Christian art: Patriarchs in their histories, Moses -and David in their exploits, and the last wild charge of Barbarossa’s -Crusade,[59] looked down upon a moving throng of nobles and commons who -came to present their congratulations, while the plaintive music of lute, -of pipe, and tabor, sighed upon the air, and skilful dancers swam before -the delighted guests in all the fascination of the voluptuous East. - -What part could Michael Scot, the grave ecclesiastic, and now doubly -the ‘Master’ as Frederick’s trusted tutor, play in the gay scene of his -pupil’s marriage? For many ages it has been the custom among Italian -scholars, the attached dependants of a noble house, to offer on such -occasions their homage to bride and bridegroom in the form of a learned -treatise; any bookseller’s list of _Nozze_ is enough to show that the -habit exists even at the present day. This then was what Scot did; for -there is every reason to think that the _Physionomia_, which he composed -and dedicated to Frederick, was produced and presented at the time of -the royal marriage. No date suits this publication so well as 1209, and -nothing but the urgent desire of Court and people that the marriage -should prove fruitful can explain, one might add excuse, some passages of -almost fescennine licence which it contains.[60] We seem to find in the -advice of the preface that Frederick should study man, encouraging the -learned to dispute in his presence what may well have been the last word -of a master who saw his pupil passing to scenes of larger and more active -life at an unusually early age, and before he could be fully trusted to -take his due place in the great world of European politics. - -The _Physionomia_, however, is too important a work to be dismissed in -a paragraph. Both the subject itself, and the sources from which Scot -drew, deserve longer consideration. The science of physiognomy, as its -name imports, was derived from the Greeks. Achinas, a contemporary of the -Hippocratic school, and Philemon, who is mentioned in the introduction -to Scot’s treatise, seem to have been the earliest writers in this -department of philosophy. It was a spiritual medicine,[61] and formed -part of the singular doctrine of _signatures_, teaching as it did that -the inward dispositions of the soul might be read in visible characters -upon the bodily frame. The Alexandrian school made a speciality of -physiognomy. In Egypt it attained a further development, and various -writings in Greek which expounded the system passed current during the -early centuries of our era under the names of Aristotle and Polemon. -Through the common channel of the Syriac schools and language it reached -the Arabs, and in the ninth century had the fortune to be taken up -warmly by Rases and his followers, who made it a characteristic part of -their medical system. From this source then Scot drew largely; chapters -xxiv.-xxv. in Book II. of his _Physionomia_ correspond closely with the -_De Medicina ad Regem Al Mansorem_[62] of Rases.[63] - -Among ancient texts on physiognomy, however, perhaps the most famous -was the _Sirr-el-asrar_, or _Secreta Secretorum_, which was ascribed to -Aristotle. Its origin, like that of other pseudo-Aristotelic writings, -seems to have been Egyptian. When the conquests of Alexander the Great -had opened the way for a new relation between East and West, Egypt, and -especially its capital, Alexandria, became the focus of a new philosophic -influence. The sect of the Essenes, transported hither, had given rise -to the school of the Therapeutae, where Greek theories developed in -a startling direction under the power of Oriental speculation. The -Therapeutae were sun-worshippers, and eager students of ancient and -occult writings, as Josephus[64] tells us the Essenes had been. We find -in the _Abraxas_ gems, of which so large a number has been preserved, an -enduring memorial of these people and their system of thought.[65] - -The preface to the _Sirr-el-asrar_ affords several matters which agree -admirably with what we know of the Therapeutae. The precious volume was -the prize of a scholar on his travels, who found it in the possession of -an aged recluse dwelling in the _penetralia_ of a sun-temple built by -Æsculapius.[66] All this is characteristic enough, and when we examine -the substance of the treatise it appears distinctly Therapeutic. Much of -it is devoted to bodily disease, to the regimen of the health, and to -that science of physiognomy which professed to reveal, as in a spiritual -diagnosis, the infirmities of the soul. The ascription of the work -to Aristotle, Alexander’s tutor, seems quite in accordance with this -theory; in short, there is no reason to doubt that it first appeared in -Egypt, where it probably formed one of the most cherished texts of the -Therapeutae. - -The preface to the _Sirr-el-asrar_ throws light not only upon the origin -of the treatise but also upon its subsequent fortunes. It is said to -have been rendered from the Greek into Chaldee or Syriac,[67] and -thence into Arabic, the usual channel by which the remains of ancient -learning have reached the modern world. The translator’s name is given as -Johannes filius Bitricii, but this can hardly have been the well-known -Ibn-el-Bitriq, the freedman of Mamoun. To this latter author indeed, the -_Fihrist_, composed in 987, ascribes the Arabic version of Aristotle’s -_De Cœlo et Mundo_, and of Plato’s _Timaeus_, so that his literary -faculty would seem to accord very well with the task of translating the -_Sirr-el-asrar_. But Foerster has observed[68] that we find no trace -of this book in Arabian literature before the eleventh century. Now -the famous Ibn-el-Bitriq lived in the ninth, as appears from several -considerations. His works were revised by Honain ibn Ishaq (873), and, if -we believe in the authenticity of the _El Hawi_, where he is mentioned -by name, then he must have belonged to an age at least as early as that -of Rases who wrote it. In these perplexing circumstances, Foerster gives -up the attempt to determine who may have been the translator of the -_Sirr-el-asrar_, contenting himself with the conjecture that some unknown -scholar had assumed the name of El Bitriq to give importance to the -production of his pen. We may be excused, however, if we direct attention -to two manuscripts of the British Museum[69] which do not seem to have -been noticed by those who have devoted attention to this obscure subject. -One of these, which is written in a hand of the thirteenth century, -informs us that the man who transcribed it was a certain Said Ibn Butrus -ibn Mansur, a Maronite priest of Lebanon in the diocese of Tripolis, a -prisoner for twelve years in the place where the royal standards were -kept (? at Cairo), who was released from that confinement in the time of -_al Malik an Nazir_. The other—a mere fragment—contains a notice of the -priest Yahyā, or Yuhannā, ibn Butrus, who died in the year 1217 A.D. It -is not unlikely that some confusion might arise between the names Patrick -and Peter, often used interchangeably. ‘Filius Patricii’ then may have -been no assumed designation, but the equivalent of Ibn Butrus, the real -name of this priest of Tripoli, who was perhaps the translator of the -_Sirr-el-asrar_ at the close of the twelfth century. - -Those chapters of the _Sirr-el-asrar_ which relate to regimen were -translated into Latin by Johannes Hispalensis. Jourdain identifies this -author with John Avendeath, who worked for the Archbishop of Toledo -between the years 1130 and 1150.[70] But Foerster shows that caution is -needed here.[71] The Latin version was dedicated to Tarasia, Queen of -Spain. A queen of this name certainly lived contemporaneously with John -Avendeath, but she was Queen of Portugal. Another Tarasia, however, was -Queen of Leon from 1176 to 1180. We may observe that this latter epoch -agrees well enough with the lifetime of Ibn Butrus, who died in 1217, -and we find trace of another Johannes Hispanus, who was a monk of Mount -Tabor in 1175. Such a man, who from his situation in Syria could scarcely -have been ignorant of Arabic, and whose nationality agrees so well with -a dedication to the Queen of Spain, and who was a contemporary of -Tarasia of Leon, may well have translated the _Sirr-el-asrar_ into Latin. -That part of the book thus made public in the West appeared under the -following title: ‘De conservatione corporis humani, ad Alexandrum.’ It is -found in several manuscripts of the Laurentian Library in Florence.[72] - -Soon afterwards, and probably in the opening years of the thirteenth -century, the whole book was published in a Latin version by the same -Philippus Clericus, with whom we have already become acquainted. We may -recall the fact that he belonged to the diocese of Tripoli, as Ibn Butrus -also did, and as Johannes Hispanus was also a monk of Syria, these three -scholars are seen to be joined by a link of locality highly increasing -the probability that they actually co-operated in the publication -of this hitherto unknown text. In his preface, Philip speaks of the -Arabic manuscript as a precious pearl, discovered while he was still in -Syria. This leads us to think that his work in translating it was done -after he had left the East, and possibly in the course of his voyage -westward. We know that the Hebrew version of Aristotle’s _Meteora_ was -produced in similar circumstances. Samuel ben Juda ben Tibbun says he -completed that translation in the year 1210, while the ship that bore -him from Alexandria to Spain was passing between the isles of Lampadusa -and Pantellaria.[73] However this may be, Philip of Tripoli dedicated -his version of the _Sirr-el-asrar_, which he called the _Secreta -Secretorum_, to the Bishop under whom he had hitherto lived and laboured: -‘Guidoni vere de Valentia, civitatis Tripolis glorioso pontifici’: a name -and title little understood by the copyists, who have subjected them to -strange corruptions.[74] - -It is highly in favour of our identifying, as we have already done, -Philip of Tripoli, the translator of the _Secreta_, with Philip of -Salerno, the Clerk Register of Sicily, that we find Michael Scot, who -stood in an undoubtedly close relation to the Clerk Register, showing an -intimate acquaintance with the _Secreta Secretorum_. Foerster has given -us a careful and exact account of several passages in different parts of -the _Physionomia_ of Scot, which have their correspondences in the works -of Philip, so that it is beyond question that the Latin version of the -_Secreta_ was one of the sources from which Scot drew. Before leaving -this part of the subject, we may notice that translations of Philip’s -version into the vernacular languages of Italy, France, and England were -made at an early date, both in prose and verse.[75] The English version -of the _Secreta_ came from the hand of the poet Lydgate. - -Another treatise of the same school, to which Scot was also indebted, -is to be found in the _Physionomia_ ascribed, like the _Secreta_, to -Aristotle. The Latin version of this apocryphal work was made, it is -said, directly from a Greek original, by Bartholomew of Messina. This -author wrote for Manfred of Sicily, and at a time which excludes the -notion that Scot could have seen or employed his work. Yet several -passages in the preface to Book II. of Scot’s _Physionomia_ have -evidently been borrowed from that of the Pseudo-Aristotle. As no -Arabic version of the treatise is known to exist, the fact of this -correspondence is one of the proofs on which we may rely in support of -the conclusion that Scot must have known and used the Greek language in -his studies. - -The last two chapters of Book I. in the _Physionomia_ of Scot show -plainly that he had the Arabic version of Aristotle’s _History of -Animals_ before him as he wrote. We shall recur to this matter when we -come to deal with the versions which Scot made expressly from these -books. Meanwhile let us guard against the impression naturally arising -from our analysis of the _Physionomia_, that it was a mere compilation. -Many parts of the work show no correspondence with any other treatise on -the subject that is known to us, and these must be held as the results of -the author’s own observations. The arrangement of the whole is certainly -original, nor can we better conclude our study of the _Physionomia_, -than by giving a comprehensive view of its contents in their order. The -work is divided into three books, each having its own introduction. The -first expounds the mysteries of generation and birth, and reaches, as we -have already remarked, even beyond humanity to a considerable part of -the animal world so much studied by the Arabians. The second expounds -the signs of the different complexions, as these become visible in any -part of the body, or are discovered by dreams. The third examines the -human frame member by member, explaining what signs of the inward nature -may be read in each. The whole forms a very complete and interesting -compendium of the art of physiognomy as then understood, and must have -seemed not unworthy of the author, nor unsuitable as an offering to the -young prince, who by marriage was about to enter on the great world of -affairs, where knowledge of men would henceforth be all-important to his -success and happiness. The book attained a wide popularity in manuscript, -and the invention of printing contributed to increase its circulation in -Europe:[76] no less than eighteen editions are said to have been printed -between 1477 and 1660.[77] - -In the copy preserved at Milan, the _Physionomia_ is placed immediately -after the _Astronomia_, or _Liber Particularis_. A similar arrangement -is found in the Oxford manuscript. This fact is certainly in favour -of the view we have adopted, and would seem to fix very plainly -the date and relation of these works. They stand beside the _Liber -Introductorius_, and, together with it, form the only remains we have of -Scot’s first literary activity, being publications that were called out -in the course of his scholastic duty to the King of Sicily. The _Liber -Introductorius_ opens this series. It is closely related by the nature of -its subject-matter to the _Astronomia_, or _Liber Particularis_, while -the _Physionomia_ forms a fitting close to the others with which it is -thus associated. In this last treatise Michael Scot sought to fulfil -his charge by sending forth his pupil to the great world, not wholly -unprovided with a guide to what is far more abstruse and incalculable -than any celestial theorem, the mystery of human character and action. - -In presenting the _Physionomia_ to Frederick, Scot took what proved a -long farewell of the Court; for many years passed before he saw the -Emperor again. The great concourse of the Queen’s train, together with -the assembly of Frederick’s subjects at Palermo, bred a pestilence under -the dangerous heats of spring. A sudden horror fell on the masques and -revels of these bright days, with the death of the Queen’s brother, -Count Alfonso of Provence, and several others, so that soon the fair -gardens and pleasant palace were emptied and deserted as a place where -only the plague might dare to linger. The King and Queen, with five -hundred Spanish knights and a great Sicilian following, passed eastward; -to Cefalù first, and then on to Messina and Catania, as if they could -not put too great a distance between themselves and the infected spot. -Meanwhile Michael Scot, whose occupation in Palermo, and indeed about -the King, was now gone, set sail in the opposite direction and sought -the coast of Spain. Whether the idea of this voyage was his own, was -the result of a royal commission, or had been suggested by some of the -learned who came with Queen Constantia from her native land, it is now -impossible to say. It was in any case a fortunate venture, which did -much, not only for Scot’s personal fame, but for the general advantage in -letters and in arts. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -SCOT AT TOLEDO - - -In following the course which Michael Scot held in his voyage to Spain, -we approach what was beyond all doubt the most important epoch in the -life of that scholar. Hitherto we have seen him as the student preparing -at Paris or Bologna for a brilliant future, or as the tutor of a youthful -monarch, essaying some literary ventures, which justified the position -he held in Sicily, and recommended him for future employment. But the -moment was now come which put him at last in possession of an opportunity -suitable to his training and talents. We are to see how he won in Spain -his greatest reputation in connection with the most important literary -enterprise of the age, and one which is indeed not the least remarkable -of all time. - -The part which the Arabs took in the intellectual awakening of Europe -is a familiar theme of early mediæval history. That wonderful people, -drawn from what was then an unknown land of the East, and acted on -by the mighty sense of religion and nationality which Mohammed was -able to communicate, fell like a flood upon the weak remains of older -civilisations, and made huge inroads upon the Christian Empire of -the East. Having reached this point in their career of conquest they -became in their turn the conquered, not under force of arms indeed, -but as subdued by the still vital intellectual power possessed by those -whom they had in a material sense overcome. In their new seat by the -streams of the Euphrates they learned from their Syrian subjects, now -become their teachers, the treasures of Greek philosophy which had been -translated into the Aramaic tongue. Led captive as by a spell, the -Caliphs of the Abassid line, especially Al Mansour, Al Rachid, and Al -Mamoun, encouraged with civil honours and rewards the labours of these -learned men. Happy indeed was the Syrian who brought to life another -relic of the mighty dead, or who gave to such works a new immortality by -rendering them into the Arabic language. - -Meanwhile the progress of the Ommiad arms, compelled to seek new -conquests by the defeat they had sustained in the East from the -victorious Abbassides, was carrying the Moors west and ever westward -along the northern provinces of Africa. Egypt and Tripoli and Tunis -successively fell before their victorious march; Algiers and Morocco -shared the same fate, and at last, crossing the Straits of Gibraltar, the -Moors overran Spain, making a new Arabia of that western peninsula, which -in position and physical features bore so great a likeness to the ancient -cradle of their race. - -It is true indeed that long ere the period of which we write the Moorish -power in the West had received a severe check, and had, for at least a -century, entered on its period of decay. The battle of Tours, fought -in 732, had driven the infidels from France. The Christian kingdoms of -Spain itself had rallied their courage and their forces, and, in a scene -of chivalry, which inspired many a tale and song, had freed at least the -northern provinces of that country from the alien power. But weapons of -war, as we have already seen in the case of the Arabs themselves, are -not the only means of conquest. The surest title of the Moors to glory -lies in the prevailing intellectual influence they were able to exert -over that Christendom which, in a political sense, they had failed to -subdue and dispossess. The scene we have just witnessed in the East was -now repeated in Spain, but was repeated in an exactly opposite sense. The -mental impulse received from the remains of Greek literature at Bagdad -now became in its turn the motive power which not only sufficed to carry -these forgotten treasures westward in the course of Moorish conquest, but -succeeded, through that nation, in rousing the Latin races to a sense of -their excellence, and a generous ambition to become possessed of all the -culture and discipline they were capable of yielding. - -The chief centre of this influence, as it was the chief scene of contact -between the two races, naturally lay in Spain. During the ages of Moorish -dominion the Christians of this country had lived in peace and prosperity -under the generous protection of their foreign rulers. To a considerable -extent indeed the Moors and Spaniards amalgamated by intermarriage. The -language of the conquerors was familiarly employed by their Spanish -subjects, and these frequented in numbers the famous schools of science -and literature established by the Moors at Cordova, and in other -cities of the kingdom. Proof of all this remains in the public acts of -the Castiles, which continued to be written in Arabic as late as the -fourteenth century, and were signed by Christian prelates in the same -characters;[78] in the present language of Spain which retains so many -words of eastern origin; but, above all, in the profound influence, now -chiefly engaging our attention, which has left its mark upon almost every -branch of our modern science, literature, and art. - -This result was largely owing to a singular enterprise of the twelfth -century with which the learned researches of Jourdain have made us -familiar.[79] Scholars from other lands, such as Constantine, Gerbert, -afterwards Pope Sylvester II., Adelard of Bath, Hermann, and Alfred -and Daniel de Morlay, had indeed visited Spain during that age and -the one which preceded it, and had, as individuals, made a number of -translations from the Arabic, among which were various works in medicine -and mathematics, as well as the first version of the Koran. But in the -earlier half of the twelfth century, and precisely between the years -1130 and 1150, this desultory work was reduced to a system by the -establishment of a regular school of translation in Toledo. The credit -of this foundation, which did so much for mediæval science and letters, -belongs to Don Raymon, Archbishop of Toledo and Primate of Spain. This -enlightened and liberal churchman was by origin a French monk, born at -Agen, whom Bernard, a previous Primate, had brought southward in his -train, as he returned from a journey beyond the Pyrenees. Don Raymon -associated with himself his Archdeacon, Dominicus Gundisalvus, and a -converted Jew commonly known as Johannes Hispalensis or John of Seville, -whom Jourdain has identified with Johannes Avendeath: this latter being -in all probability his proper name. These formed the heads of the -Toledo school in its earliest period, and the enterprise was continued -throughout the latter half of the century by other scholars, of whom -Gherardus Cremonensis the elder was probably the chief. Versions of the -voluminous works of Avicenna, as well as of several treatises by Algazel -and Alpharabius, and of a number of medical writings, were the highly -prized contribution of the Toledo school to the growing library of -foreign authors now accessible in the Latin language. - -It is probable that when Michael Scot left Sicily he did so with the -purpose of joining this important enterprise. His movements naturally -suggest such an idea, as he proceeded to Toledo, still the centre of -these studies, and won, during the years of his residence there, the name -by which he is best known in the world of letters, that of the chief -exponent of the Arabo-Aristotelic philosophy in the West. - -The name and fame of Aristotle, never quite forgotten even in the darkest -age,[80] and now known and extolled among Moorish scholars, formed indeed -the ground of that immense reputation which Arabian philosophy enjoyed -in Europe. The Latin schools had long been familiar with the logical -writings of Aristotle, but the modern spirit, soon to show itself as it -were precociously in Bacon and Albertus Magnus, was already awake, and -under its influence men had begun to demand more than the mere training -of the mind in abstract reasoning. Even the application of dialectics to -evolve or support systems of doctrine drawn from Holy Scripture could not -content this new curiosity. Men were becoming alive to the larger book -of nature which lay open around them, and, confounded at first by the -complexity of unnumbered facts in sea and sky, in earth and air, they -began to long for help from the great master of philosophy which might -guide their first trembling footsteps in so strange and untrodden a realm -of knowledge. Nor was the hope of such aid denied them. There was still a -tradition concerning the lost works of Aristotle on physics. The Moors, -it was found, boasted their possession, and even claimed to have enriched -these priceless pages by comments which were still more precious than the -original text itself. - -The mere hope that it might be so was enough to beget a new crusade, -when western scholars vied with each other in their efforts to recover -these lost treasures and restore to the schools of Europe the impulse -and guidance so eagerly desired. Such had, in fact, been the aim of -Archbishop Raymon and the successive translators of the Toledan school. -The important place they assigned to Avicenna among those whose works -they rendered into Latin was due to the fact that this author had come -to be regarded in the early part of the twelfth century as the chief -exponent of Aristotle, whose spirit he had inherited, and on whose works -he had founded his own. - -The part of the Aristotelic writings to which Michael Scot first turned -his attention would seem to have been the history of animals. This, in -the Greek text, consisted of three distinct treatises: first the _De -Historiis Animalium_ in ten books; next the _De Partibus Animalium_ in -four books; and lastly, the _De Generatione Animalium_ in five books. -The Arabian scholars, however, who paid great attention to this part -of natural philosophy and made many curious observations in it, were -accustomed to group these three treatises under the general title _De -Animalibus_, and to number their books or chapters consecutively from one -to nineteen, probably for convenience in referring to them. As Scot’s -work consisted of a translation from Arabic texts it naturally followed -the form which had been sanctioned by the use and wont of the eastern -commentators. - -At least two versions of the _De Animalibus_ appeared from the pen of -Scot. These have sometimes been confounded with each other, but are -really quite distinct, representing the labours of two different Arabian -commentators on the text of Aristotle. We may best commence by examining -that of which least is known, the _De Animalibus ad Caesarem_, as it is -commonly called, and this the rather that there is good reason to suppose -it represents the first Arabian work on Natural History which came into -Scot’s hands. - -Nothing is known certainly regarding the author of this commentary. -Jourdain and Steinschneider conclude with reason that the text must have -been an Arabic and not a Hebrew one, as Camus[81] and Wüstenfeld[82] -contend. No one, however, has hitherto ventured any suggestion throwing -light on the personality of the writer. The colophon to the copy of -Scot’s version in the _Bibliotheca Angelica_ of Rome contains the word -_Alphagiri_, which would seem to stand for the proper name Al Faquir. But -in all probability, as we shall presently show, this may be merely the -name of the Spanish Jew who aided Michael Scot in the work of translation. - -The expression ‘secundum extractionem Michaelis Scoti,’ which is -used in the same colophon, would seem to indicate that this version, -voluminous as it is, was no more than a compend of the original. The -title of the manuscript too: ‘Incipit flos primi libri Aristotelis de -Animalibus’ agrees curiously with this, and with the word _Abbreviatio_ -(_Avicennae_), used to describe Scot’s second version of the _De -Animalibus_ of which we are presently to speak. Are we then to suppose -that in each case the translator exercised his faculty of selection, and -that the form of these compends was due, not to Avicenna, nor to the -unknown author of the text called in Scot’s version the _De Animalibus ad -Caesarem_, but to Scot himself? The expressions just cited would seem to -open the way for such a conclusion. - -The contents of the _De Animalibus ad Caesarem_ may be inferred from -the Prologue which is as follows: ‘In Nomine Domini Nostri Jesu Christi -Omnipotentis Misericordis et Pii, translatio tractatus primi libri quem -composuit Aristoteles in cognitione naturalium animalium, agrestium -et marinorum, et in illo est conjunctionis animalium modus et modus -generationis illorum cum coitu, cum partitione membrorum interiorum -et apparentium, et cum meditatione comparationum eorum, et actionum -eorum, et juvamentorum et nocumentorum eorum, et qualiter venantur, -et in quibus locis sunt, et quomodo moventur de loco ad locum propter -dispositionem presentis aetatis, aestatis et hiemis, et unde est vita -cuiuslibet eorum, scilicet modorum avium, et luporum, et piscium maris -et qui ambulant in eo.’ It seems tolerably certain that the substance -of this prologue came from the Arabic original, which must have -commenced with the ascription of praise to God so commonly employed by -Mohammedans: ‘Bi-smilláhi-r-rahhmáni-r-rahheém’ (In the Name of God, the -Compassionate; the Merciful).[83] The clumsiness of the Latin, which -here, as in the body of the work, seems to labour heavily in the track -of a foreign text,[84] adds force to this assumption. The hand of Scot -is seen, however, where the name of our Saviour has been substituted for -that of Allah, and also in the closing words, which ring with a strong -reminiscence of the eighth Psalm. The churchman betrays himself here -as in not a few other places which might be quoted from his different -writings. - -By far the most interesting matter, however, which offers itself for -our consideration here, lies in the comparison we are now to make -between this book and a former work of Scot, the _De Physionomia_. This -comparison, which has never before been attempted, will throw light on -both these texts, but has a special value as it affords the means of -dating, at least approximately, the composition of Scot’s version of the -_De Animalibus ad Caesarem_. - -We have already remarked that the last two chapters of the first book of -the _Physionomia_ suggest that in compiling them the author had before -him an Arabic treatise on Natural History. A natural conjecture leads -us further to suppose that this may have been the original from which -he translated the _De Animalibus ad Caesarem_, and this idea becomes a -certainty when we pursue the comparison a little more closely. Take for -example this curious passage from the _Physionomia_ (Book I. chap, ii.): -‘Incipiunt pili paulatim oriri in pectine unitas quorum dicitur femur -… item sibi vox mutatur.’ Its obscurity disappears when we confront it -with the corresponding words in the _De Animalibus ad Caesarem_, and thus -discover what was no doubt the original source from which Scot derived -it: ‘Incipiunt pili oriri in pectore _Kameon alkaratoki_, et in isto -tempore mutatur vox eius.’[85] There is no need to extend the comparison -any further than this significant passage. Doubt may arise regarding -the depth and accuracy of Scot’s knowledge of the Arabic tongue, the -nature of the text that lay before him, or the reason he may have had -for retaining foreign words in the one version which he translated in -the other; but surely this may be regarded as now clearly established, -that some part of the first book of the _Physionomia_ was derived by -compilation from the same text which appeared in a Latin dress as the _De -Animalibus ad Caesarem_, and that this source was an Arabic one. - -This point settled, it becomes possible to establish another. One of the -copies of the _De Animalibus ad Caesarem_[86] has the following colophon: -‘Completus est liber Aristotelis de animalibus, translatus a magistro -michaele in tollecto de arabico in latinum.’ Now if the version was made -in Toledo, it was probably posterior in date to the _Physionomia_. This -indeed is no more than might have been asserted on the ground of common -likelihood; for, when a compilation and a complete version of one of -the sources from which it was derived are both found passing under the -name of the same author, it is but natural to suppose that the first was -made before the other, and that in the interval the author had conceived -the idea of producing in a fuller form a work he had already partially -published. - -Resuming then the results we have reached, it appears that Scot had met -with this Arabic commentary on the Natural History of Aristotle while he -was still in Sicily, and had made extracts from it for his _Physionomia_. -Coming to Spain he probably carried the manuscript with him, and as -his version of the _De Animalibus ad Caesarem_ seems to have been the -first complete translation he made from the Arabic, and to have been -published shortly after he came to the Castiles, he may possibly have -begun work upon it even before his arrival there. On every account, -there being no positive evidence to the contrary, we may conjecture that -the _De Animalibus ad Caesarem_, like the _Physionomia_, belongs to the -year 1209. If the latter work appeared at Palermo in time for the royal -marriage, which took place in spring, the former may well have been -completed and published towards the end of the same year, when Scot had -no doubt been already some time settled in Toledo. - -The second form in which Michael Scot produced his work upon the Natural -History of Aristotle was that of a version called the _Abbreviatio -Avicennae_. The full title as it appears in the printed copy[87] is: -‘Avicenna de Animalibus per Magistrum Michaelem Scotum de Arabico in -Latinum translatus.’ Like the _De Animalibus ad Caesarem_ it consists of -nineteen books, thus comprehending the three Aristotelic treatises in one -work. - -The name of _Ibn Sina_ or Avicenna, the author of the Arabic original, is -significant, as it enables us to connect in a remarkable way the present -labours of Scot’s pen with those which had in a past age proceeded from -the school of translators at Toledo, and to place the _Abbreviatio_ in -its true relation with the system of versions which had been published -there nearly a century before. We have already remarked that Don Raymon -directed the attention of his translators to Avicenna as the best -representative, both of Aristotle himself and of the Arabian wisdom -which had gathered about his writings. A manuscript of great interest -preserved in the library of the Vatican[88] shows what the labours of -Gundisalvus, Avendeath, and their coadjutors had been, and how far they -had proceeded in the task of making this author accessible to Latin -students. From it we learn that the _Logic_, the _Physics_, the _De -Cœlo et Mundo_, the _Metaphysics_; the _De Anima_, called also _Liber -sextus de Naturalibus_; and the _De generatione Lapidum_ of Avicenna, -had come from the school of Toledo during the twelfth century in a -Latin dress. The last-named treatise was apparently a comment on the -_Meteora_ of Aristotle, and the whole belonged to that _Kitab Alchefâ_, -which was called by the Latins the _Assephae_, _Asschiphe_ or _Liber -Sufficientiae_. This collection was said to form but the first and -most common of the three bodies of philosophy composed by Avicenna. It -represented the teaching of Aristotle and the Peripatetics, while the -second expounded the system of Avicenna himself, and the third contained -the more esoteric and occult doctrines of natural philosophy.[89] Of -these the first alone had reached the Western schools. - -It is plain then that until Michael Scot took the work in hand Toledo -had not completed the Latin version of Avicenna by translating that part -of the _Alchefâ_ which concerned the Natural History of Animals. The -_Abbreviatio Avicennae_ thus came to supply the defect and to crown the -labours of the ancient college of translators. This place of honour is -actually given to it in the Vatican manuscript just referred to, where -it follows the _De generatione Lapidum_, and forms the fitting close of -that remarkable series and volume. Thus, while the _De Animalibus ad -Caesarem_ connects itself with the _Physionomia_, and with Scot’s past -life in Sicily, the _Abbreviatio Avicennae_ joins him closely and in a -very remarkable way with the whole tradition of the Toledo school, of -which, by this translation, he at once became not the least distinguished -member. - -[Illustration: FROM M.S. FONDO VATICANO 4428, p. 158, _recto_] - -The authority of this manuscript, now perhaps for the first time -appealed to, is sufficient not only to determine the relation of -Scot’s work to that of the earlier Toledan school, but even, by a most -fortunate circumstance, enables us to feel sure of the exact date when -the translation of the _Abbreviatio_ was made. For the colophon to the -Vatican manuscript, brief as it is, contains in one line a fact of the -utmost interest and importance to all students of the life of Scot. -It is as follows: ‘Explicit anno Domini mºcºcºx.’[90] The researches -of Jourdain had the merit of making public two colophons from the -manuscripts of Paris, containing the date of another and later work of -Scot,[91] but since the days of that savant no further addition of this -valuable kind has been made to our knowledge of the philosopher’s life. -The date just cited from the Vatican copy of the _Abbreviatio_ shows, -however, that further inquiry in this direction need not be abandoned as -useless. We now know accurately the time when this version was completed, -and find the date to be such as accords exactly with our idea that Scot -must have quitted Sicily soon after the marriage of Frederick; for the -year 1210 may be taken as a fixed point determining the time when he -first became definitely connected with the Toledo school. It will be -remembered that we anticipated this result of research so far as to use -it in our attempt to conjecture the date of Scot’s birth.[92] - -Like the _De Animalibus ad Caesarem_, the _Abbreviatio Avicennae_ -bears a dedication to Frederick conceived in the following terms: ‘_O -Frederick, Lord of the World and Emperor, receive with devotion this -book of Michael Scot, that it may be a grace unto thy head and a chain -about thy neck._’[93] It will always be matter of doubt whether in this -address Scot appealed to a taste for natural history already formed in -his pupil before he left Palermo, or whether the interest subsequently -shown by this monarch in studying the habits of animals was awakened by -the perusal of these two volumes. In any case they must have done not a -little to guide both his interest and his researches. The chroniclers -tell us of Frederick’s elephant, which was sent to Cremona, of the -cameleopard, the camels and dromedaries, the lions, leopards, panthers, -and rare birds which the royal menagerie contained, and of a white bear -which, being very uncommon, formed one of the gifts presented by the -Emperor on an important occasion. We hear too that Frederick, not content -with gathering such rarities under his own observation, entered upon more -than one curious experiment in this branch of science. Desiring to learn -the origin of language he had some children brought up, so Salimbene -tells us, beyond hearing of any spoken tongue. In the course of another -inquiry he caused the surgeon’s knife to be ruthlessly employed upon -living men that he might lay bare the secrets and study the process of -digestion. If these experiments do not present the moral character of the -Emperor in a very attractive light, they may at least serve to show how -keenly he was interested in the study of nature. - -This interest indeed went so far as to lead Frederick to join the -number of royal authors by publishing a work on falconry.[94] In it he -ranges over all the species of birds then known, and insists on certain -rarities, such as a white cockatoo, which had been sent to him by the -Sultan from Cairo. He thus appears in his own pages, not merely as a keen -sportsman, but as one who took no narrow interest in natural history. -Clearly the dedication of the _De Animalibus_ and the _Abbreviatio -Avicennae_ was no empty compliment as it flowed from the pen of Scot. -He had directed his first labours from Toledo to one who could highly -appreciate them, and to these works must be ascribed, in no small -measure, the growth of the Emperor’s interest in a subject then very -novel and little understood. - -As regards the _Abbreviatio Avicennae_ indeed, we have actual evidence of -the esteem in which Frederick held it. The book remained treasured in the -Imperial closet at Melfi for more than twenty years, and, when at last -the Emperor consented to its publication, so important was the moment -deemed, that a regular writ passed the seals giving warrant for its -transcription.[95] Master Henry of Colonia[96] was the person selected -by favour of Frederick for this work, and, as most of the manuscripts of -the _Abbreviatio_ now extant have a colophon referring in detail to this -transaction, we may assume that Henry’s copy, made from that belonging to -the Emperor, was the source from which all others have been derived. - -This Imperial original would seem to be more nearly represented by -the Vatican copy[97] than by any other which remains in the libraries -of Europe. From it we discover that the Arabic names with which the -_Abbreviatio_ abounds were given in Latin in the margin of the original -manuscript, which Scot sent to the Emperor.[98] These hard words and -their explanations were afterwards gathered in a glossary, and inscribed -at the end of the treatise; an improvement which was probably due to -Henry of Colonia. The glossary has, however, been quite neglected -by later copyists, nor does it appear in the printed edition of the -_Abbreviatio Avicennae_. The completeness with which it is found in the -Vatican manuscript shows the close relation which that copy holds to the -one first made by the Emperor’s permission. The Chigi manuscript[99] -seems to be the only other in which the glossary is to be found. It -therefore ranks beside that of the Vatican, but is inferior to it as it -presents the glossary in a less complete form. - -The originality of the Vatican text perhaps appears also in the curious -triplet with which it closes: ‘Liber iste inceptus est et expletus cum -adiutorio Jesu Christi qui vivit, etc. - - Frenata penna, finito nunc Avicenna - Libro Caesario, gloria summa Deo - Dextera scriptoris careat gravitate doloris.’[100] - -Several other copies of the _Abbreviatio_ have the first two lines, but -this alone contains the third. In the Chigi manuscript, the place of -these verses is occupied by a curious feat of language:— - - latinum arabicum sclauonicum teutonicum arabicum - Felix el melic dober Friderich salemelich.[101] - -To whatever period it belongs, the writer’s purpose was doubtless to -recall to the mind the four nations over which Frederick II. ruled, and -the splendid kingdoms of Sicily, Germany, and Jerusalem which he gathered -in one under his imperial power. - -In the Laurentian Library there is a valuable manuscript, written during -the summer and autumn of 1266, for the monks of Santa Croce.[102] It -contains the _De Animalibus ad Caesarem_; the _Abbreviatio Avicennae_, -and, as a third and concluding article, an independent version of the -_Liber de Partibus Animalium_, corresponding, as has been said, to books -xi.-xiv. of the other versions which the volume contains. Bandini, in the -printed catalogue of the library, asserts that this third translation, -unlike the two which precede it, was made from the Greek. This is -probably correct, as it was only the Greek text which treated these -four chapters of the Natural History as a distinct work. He further -ascribes the version to Michael Scot, relying no doubt on the general -composition of the volume, for this particular translation does not seem -to contain any direct evidence of authorship. Thus the doubt expressed -by Jourdain in this matter[103] is not without reason, though the balance -of probability would seem to incline in favour of Bandini’s opinion; for -such a volume can scarcely be assumed to have been a mere miscellany -without clear evidence that the contents come from more than one author. -Taking it for granted then that the _De Partibus Animalium_ came from -Scot’s pen, then this is the third form in which his labours on the -Natural History of Aristotle appeared. - -In any case, however, his chief merit in this department of study -belonged to Michael Scot as the exponent of the Arabian naturalists. -It is difficult for any one who has not read the books in question to -form an adequate idea of their contents, and still more of their style; -even from the most careful description. We are made to feel that the -task of the translator must have been a very difficult one. There is a -concentration combined with great wealth of detail, and withal a constant -nimble transition from one subject to another, seemingly remote, under -the suggestion of some subtle connection, which result in a style almost -baffling to one who sought to reproduce it in his comparatively slow and -clumsy Latin. - -No greater contrast could be imagined than that which separates such -works from those which are the production of our modern writers on the -same subject. Nor does this difference depend, as one might suppose, -on the fact that a wider field of observation is open to us, and more -adequate collections of facts are at our disposal. Rather is it the case -that between ancients and moderns, between the eastern and western -world, there is an entirely different understanding of the whole subject. -A different principle of arrangement is at work, and results in the -wide diversity of manner which strikes us as soon as we open the _De -Animalibus_ or the _Abbreviatio_. We find ourselves in the presence of a -system of ideas, more or less abstract, which a wealth of facts derived -from keen and wide observation of the world of nature is employed to -illustrate. There is a finer division than with us. The unit in these -works is not the species nor even the individual, but some single -part or passion. This the author follows through all he knew of the -multitudinous maze of nature, comparing and discerning and recording with -a _bizarrerie_ which comes to resemble nothing so much as the fantastic -dance of form and colour in a kaleidoscope. - -‘Birds,’ says Avicenna,[104] ‘have a way of life that is peculiar to -themselves. Those that are long-necked drink by the mouth, then lift -their head till the water runs down their neck. The reason of this is -that their neck is long and narrow, so that they cannot satisfy their -thirst by putting beak in water and straightway drinking. There is, -however, a great difference between different birds in their way of -drinking, and the mountain hog loveth roots to which his tusk helpeth, -wherewith he turneth up the ground and breaketh out the roots. Six days -or thereabout are proper for his fattening, wherein he drinketh not for -three, and there are some who feed their hogs and yet will not water them -for perchance seven days on end. And in their fattening all animals are -helped by moderate and gentle exercise, save the hog, who fatteneth lying -in the mud, and that mightily, for thereby his pores are shut upon him so -that he loseth nothing by evaporation. And the hog will fight with the -wolf, and that is his nature, and cows fatten on every windy thing, such -as vetches, beans, and barley, and if their horns be anointed with soft -wax, straightway, even while still upon the living animal, they become -soft, and if the horns of ox or cow be anointed with marrow, oil, or -pitch, this easeth them of the pain in their feet after a journey.’ - -In another place[105] he continues: ‘Some animals have teeth which serve -them not save for fighting, and not for the mastication of their food. -Such are the hog and the elephant, for the elephant’s tusks are of use -to him in this matter as we have said. And there are animals which make -no use of their teeth save for eating or fighting, nay, I believe that -every animal having teeth will fight with them upon occasion, and some -there are whose teeth are sharp and stand well apart, so that they are -therewith furnished to tear prey: such is the lion. And those animals -that have need to crop their food, as grass and the like, from the -ground, have level and regular teeth, and not long tusks or canines, -which would hinder them from cropping; and since in some kinds the males -are more apt to anger than the females, tusks have been given them that -they may defend the females, because these are weaker in themselves and -of a worse complexion, and this is true in a general way of all animals, -even in those kinds that eat no flesh, and need not their tusks for -eating, but only for defence, such as boars, and this is the reason why -they have the strength of which we have just spoken. It is the same -with the camel, and so we pass to speak of this general truth as it -appears with regard to all other means of defence. Hence hath the stag -his horn and not the hind; the ram and not the ewe; the he-goat and not -his female, and fish which eat not flesh have no need of teeth that are -sharp.’ - -The city where these strange writings were deciphered and translated into -Latin, being itself so strange and remote from the ways of modern life, -had a certain poetic fitness as the scene where Michael Scot undertook -his labours upon the Arabian authors. No passage of all their texts -was more bizarre and tortuous than the mass of intricate lanes which -formed then, as they form to-day, the thoroughfares of communication in -Toledo. No hidden jewel of knowledge and observation could surprise and -reward the translator in the midst of his tedious labours with a flash -of sudden light and glory more unexpectedly delicious than that felt by -the traveller, when, after long wandering in that maze and labyrinth, he -finds a wider air; a stronger light beats before him, beckoning, and in a -moment he stands in the full sunshine of the _plaza mayor_, with space to -see and light to show the wonders of mind and hand, and all the toil of -past ages in the fabric of the great cathedral. - -Such as it now stands, the Cathedral of Toledo had not yet begun to rise -above ground when Michael Scot had his residence there, but enough of -the ancient city remains to show what Toledo must have been like in these -early days. The splendid and commanding site, swept about by the waves of -the Tagus; the famous bridge of Alcantara; the steep slope of approach -crowned by ancient fortifications; and above all the massed and massive -houses of the old town, so closely crowded together as hardly to give -room for streets that should rather be called lanes; all this, beneath -the unchanging sky of the south, recalls sufficiently what must have -been the surroundings of Scot’s life during ten laborious years. Even -yet, where white-wash peels and stucco fails, strange records of that -forgotten past reveal themselves in the walls and on the house fronts: -sculptured stones of every age; bas-reliefs, arabesques; windows in the -delicate Moorish manner of twin arches, and a central shaft with carved -cornices, long built up and forgotten till accident has revealed them. - -Here then, perhaps in some house still standing, the scholar come from -Sicily made his home. The quiet courtyard is forgotten; the _azulejos_ -have disappeared from walls and pavement; the rich wood-work of the -ceilings, still bearing dim traces of colour and gold, looks down on -the life of another age; even the curious cedar book-chest has crumbled -to dust, for all its delicate defence of ironwork spreading away like a -spider’s web from hinges and from lock. But the name and the fame endure, -and the years which Michael Scot spent in Toledo have left a deep mark -upon that and every succeeding age. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -THE ALCHEMICAL STUDIES OF SCOT - - -The Moorish schools of Spain were famous, not only for their researches -in natural history, but also for the interest they took in chemistry, -then called alchemy: a name which sufficiently indicates the nation -which chiefly pursued these studies, and the language that recorded -their progress. The practical turn taken by alchemy, as the foundation -of a scientific _materia medica_ in minerals, is shown by the writings -of Rases. This author, who belonged to the ninth and tenth centuries -(860-940), produced a considerable work on medicine in which he devoted -special attention to the diseases of children. Under his name appeared -several alchemical writings, either his own or the productions of the -school which followed his teaching and borrowed his name. - -Michael Scot, as we know, had become familiar with the works of Rases -while still in Sicily, and thought so highly of the _De Medicina_ as to -borrow thence for his treatise on physiognomy no fewer than thirty-one -chapters relating to that subject.[106] It is a natural conjecture then -which leads us to find in his acquaintance with this author’s writings -the starting-point of Scot’s interest both in medicine and in alchemy. -Leaving for the present what may hereafter be said of his name and fame -as a physician, let us examine the origin and nature of his work as a -student of the Arabian chemistry. We have reached what would seem to be -the proper moment for such an inquiry. The treatises of Michael Scot on -this subject are not dated indeed, but their form shows them to belong -to the epoch of his work as a translator. They were therefore probably -produced during the period of his residence at Toledo, and as there -is a long interval, otherwise unaccounted for, between 1210, when the -_Abbreviatio Avicenna_ appeared, and the date of his next publication -some seven years later, this blank cannot be better filled than by -supposing that it was during these years he found time for the study of -alchemy, and for the translation or composition of the writings in that -branch of science which still bear his name. - -In this, as in almost all his other studies, Michael Scot sat at the -feet of Eastern masters. But the Arabians themselves had derived their -chemical science, at least in its first principles and primitive -processes, from still older peoples. If we are to understand the progress -of human thought in this science we must trace it from the beginning, -following again that beaten track of tradition by which not physiognomy -and alchemy alone, but almost all the secrets of early times, have -reached the modern world. - -Primitive chemistry was closely connected with the still older art of -metallurgy, out of which it arose by a natural process of development. -Those who worked with ores soon discovered the secret of alloys, whereby -a considerable quantity of baser metal, such as copper, lead or tin, -could be added to gold or silver, so as greatly to increase the bulk -of the whole without injuring either its appearance or usefulness. The -problem of the crown set before Archimedes, and happily solved by that -philosopher in the bath, shows how dexterously alloys were used by the -Greeks, and what subtle means were necessary for their detection. - -M. Berthelot has reminded us[107] that the transmission of receipts -for such processes from early times to our own has been naturally and -inevitably secured by the unbroken continuity of practice in the arts -which gave them birth, and that they thus passed safely from generation -to generation, and even spread from the tribes that originated them -to other and distant peoples. He cites in support of this observation -a papyrus of the third century, preserved at Leyden, which, he says, -contains what are substantially the same directions as those of the -chief mediæval authorities in such matters: the _Mappae Clavicula_ and -the _Compositiones ad Tingenda_.[108] These receipts are not unnaturally -entitled ‘How to make Gold,’ and it is curious to find in them the -veritable starting-point of the dreams which made so many a furnace -smoke, and so many a crucible glow during the course of centuries, in the -vain hope of effecting an actual transmutation of substance. - -Thus it was that in the first ages, long before authentic record, in the -dimness of early Egyptian history, or of that still more ancient Pelasgic -civilisation from which the pyramid-builders learned so much, the germs -of this science may already be perceived. Only one source of genuine gold -seems then to have been known: the mines of Ophir. This circumstance, -by making the supplies of precious metal small and uncertain, mightily -encouraged the art which taught men to counterfeit its appearance in -a colourable way. How this was done may be judged of by the receipts -themselves. The _Mappae Clavicula_, for instance, has the following: -‘To make gold. Silver, one pound; copper, half-a-pound; gold, a pound; -melt, etc.’ Here indeed a considerable proportion of the precious metal -itself was required, but there are other receipts which dispense with -any such admixture. It is said, for example, that one hundred parts of -copper and seventeen of zinc joined in a state of fusion with divers -small proportions of magnesia, sal ammoniac, quicklime, and tartar, yield -an alloy which is fine in grain and malleable, which may be polished and -used in damascening just as if it were the pure gold that it has all -the appearance of being. Such then were the receipts which formed the -hereditary riches of the mighty clan of the _Smiths_. It is easy to see -how the famous ‘powder of projection,’ so much sought in later times, -was, in fact, but the transfiguration of one of these formulae. - -When, during the early centuries of the Christian era, the traditions of -Greece found a new home in lower Egypt, and especially in Alexandria, -they were profoundly influenced by the still more ancient philosophy of -the East. We have already remarked this in the case of another science, -that of physiognomy, but the same influence may also be traced in the -modification it brought to the notions of primitive chemistry. The -Chaldæans and Persians had long believed that the heavens influenced the -earth, and were capable of producing strange effects in the lower spheres -of being.[109] Their wise men considered that an individual connection -could be established between the stars and the elements, the planets -and the metals. It was in contact with this new doctrine and under its -influence that there arose the hope, soon hardening into a settled -belief, that the rules of art might be sufficient to effect an actual -transmutation of the baser into the nobler metals, of copper into gold, -and of tin or lead into silver. - -This opinion must have been immensely heightened, and its authority -reinforced, by the secrecy with which the receipts for alloying metals -were guarded. These were handed down orally from father to son; were not -committed to writing till a comparatively late period, and even then -remained for the most part the cherished treasures of temple guilds. On -the well-known principle of the proverb, ‘Omne ignotum pro magnifico’ -this secrecy tended to confirm the impression that, however much had been -communicated, more remained untold, to await discovery by the patient -and undaunted chemist. The Therapeutæ or Essenes were among the earliest -representatives of this new tendency, as appears from the testimony -of Josephus,[110] who describes them as not only devoted to ancient -writings, but eager to investigate the properties of minerals. The -chief object of their inquiries, the maintenance of health by medicines -thus derived from the vegetable and mineral kingdoms, is not only an -early instance of the connection between chemistry and pharmacy, but is -remarkable as the probable starting-point of the search for the elixir -of life: that other and nobler dream which so much of the enthusiastic -energy of the mediæval alchemists was spent to realise. - -The point of connection between these speculations of Eastern philosophy -and the practice of the primitive chemistry may with probability be -sought in the fire which of necessity played so large a part in the -operations of the metal-worker. Fire bore a highly sacred character in -the philosophy and religion of the East. This element, it soon came -to be thought by those whom Eastern speculation influenced, might be -trusted not only to melt, to calcine and to sublime in the vulgar way, -but to form the long-sought link of sympathy between the stars of heaven, -themselves compact of fire, and the elements of earth, as these were -subjected to its piercing and transforming power. In its due employment -the suspected connection between the higher and lower worlds would become -an accomplished fact. Thus, under the power of the planets, in some -favourable hour and fortunate conjunction, the mighty work would be done: -the philosopher’s stone discovered, the metals transmuted, and the elixir -of life produced. - -It is highly curious to find this idea presented in a novel and perhaps -an exaggerated form by a writer of the sixteenth century. This was -Fra Evangelista Quattrami of Gubbio, _semplicista_, or master of the -still-room, to the Cardinal d’Este. He wrote a book entitled, _The -true declaration of all the metaphors, similitudes, and riddles of the -ancient Alchemical Philosophers, as well among the Chaldeans and Arabians -as the Greeks and Latins_.[111] According to this work, the potable -gold; the elixir of life; the quintessence, and the philosopher’s stone -were nothing but fantastic names for the fire itself which was used -in distillation and other chemical operations. In this the Frate may -possibly have touched the true sense of Al Kindi at least, who, in his -commentary on the _Meteora_,[112] speaks of fire as if it were the all in -all of the alchemist. - -While the primitive chemical practice followed the progress of the -arts which it served, the new theory of alchemy, with the ever-growing -tradition of fantastic experiments arising out of it, found different and -less direct channels in its descent from ancient to modern times. It has -been customary to speak of the Arabs as if that nation had been the chief -means of transmitting the knowledge of Greek doctrine to our mediæval -scholars, but we now know that there was a previous link in the chain -of intellectual succession. This was supplied by the care and industry -of the Syrian subjects of the early Caliphs, nor did their learned men -play a less important part in the history of chemistry than in that of -the other sciences. Sergius of Resaina, a scholar of the fifth century, -was, it is said, the first Syrian who attempted to translate the Greek -chemists, several of whom mention him by name. The chief development -of this work belongs, however, to the ninth and tenth centuries, and -its glory must ever remain with the great school of Bagdad. Chemical -treatises composed by Democritus and Zosimus[113] were there and then -rendered into Syriac, as may be seen by the manuscripts still preserved -in the British Museum and at Cambridge. - -It was not long before the Arabs themselves began to feel powerfully the -intellectual impulse thus communicated to them in the heart of a country -which they had made their own. Khaled ben Yezid ibn Moauia, who died in -the year 708, is said by their historians to have been the first of that -nation who devoted his attention to chemistry. In his case the filiation -of doctrine would seem very plain, as he was the pupil of a Syrian monk -named Mariannos. Djabar, the _Geber_ of Western writers, followed in -the same line of study, and from the ninth century there was a regular -school of Arabian chemists whose labours may be studied in the manuscript -collections of Paris and Leyden. - -In the eleventh century appeared a curious phenomenon, in the shape of -a dispute among the Arabians of that day regarding the truth of the -tradition which pronounced the transmutation of metals possible. The -unwearied but still unavailing experiments which had now been carried on -through several ages, produced at last their inevitable effect in the -shape of philosophic doubt, eagerly urged on the one part and as eagerly -repelled on the other. The chemical school was now divided according to -these opposite opinions, and each party in their writings sought to give -weight to what they taught by borrowing in support of their arguments the -names of the mighty dead. In this conflict it was left to the followers -of Rases to sustain the affirmative and to assert the possibility of -transmutation. These were the apologists for the past, and the advocates, -in the name of their great master, of that hope which had inspired -previous research and borne fruit in so many important discoveries. - -The defence of the new doubt belonged on the other hand to the school -of Al Kindi. This chemist lived and died during the ninth century. He -was probably the earliest Arabian commentator on Aristotle, and seems to -have paid special attention to the _Meteora_ of that author. The treatise -_De Mineralibus_, so often appended to the _Meteora_ as a supplement, -is ascribed to Al Kindi in the Paris manuscript.[114] It represents the -alchemy of the time. - -Between these two contending parties stood the school of Avicenna, which -now occupied an intermediate position and doubted of the doubt. That this -had not always been the opinion of Avicenna himself is plain, however, -from a passage which occurs in his _Sermo de generatione lapidum_, where -the author unhesitatingly pronounces against the theory of transmutation. -‘Those of the chemical craft,’ he says, ‘know well that no change can be -effected in the different species of things, though they can produce the -appearance of them: tinging that which is ruddy with yellow till it looks -like gold, and that which is white with colour at their pleasure till -the same effect is in great measure produced. Nay, they can also remove -the impurity from lead, so that it looks like silver, though it be lead -still, and can endue it with such strange qualities as to deceive men’s -senses, and this by the use of salt and sal ammoniac.’[115] Avicenna was -evidently well acquainted with the secrets of art and held them at their -proper value. Had his followers in the eleventh century done the same -they would have supported the school of Al Kindi instead of taking a less -definite position. - -This view of the later Arabian schools and their differences is forced -upon us by the fact, that works are extant under the names of Rases, Al -Kindi, and Avicenna, which evidently belong to the eleventh century, -the period when they first appeared, and could not therefore have been -written by authors who lived at an earlier date. They are plainly the -production of later chemists who followed more or less intelligently the -doctrine of these great masters in alchemy. The artifice involved in this -ascription of authorship is one which has always been common in Eastern -literature. - -We have a direct interest in observing that Spain was the country where -these developments of the later Arabian chemistry arose, contended and -flourished. Spain, therefore, during the eleventh and twelfth centuries, -became, by the attraction she offered to European scholars, the country -where these theories first reached the Latin races, and began to find -an entrance among them. M. Berthelot indeed, by a happy citation, has -enabled us to fix, almost with certainty, the very moment of this -important event. Robert Castrensis, the author alluded to, remarks: ‘Your -Latin world has not as yet learned the doctrine of Alchemy.’ These words -are taken from the preface to this author’s version of the _Liber de -Compositione Alchimiae_, and a colophon informs us that the translation -was completed on the 11th of February 1182. We may add that the same -year, corrected, however, in one copy to 1183, was the date of another -of these versions of the Arabian chemistry: that of the treatise called -_Interrogationes Regis Kalid, et responsiones Morieni_.[116] Here then we -stand on the threshold of a new age, and find ourselves in presence of -an intellectual movement which was certainly of the greatest importance, -since in it we may trace the origin of our modern chemistry. The -knowledge of what had already been gained by Greek and Arabian alchemists -was the first step to independent research among the Latins. The closing -years of the twelfth century saw that knowledge at last beginning to -unfold itself in a form intelligible to the Western schools. - -As in Bagdad during the ninth century, the palmy period of Syrian -studies, so in Spain three hundred years later, the work was in its -commencement essentially one of interpretation, and the first age of -these labours was distinguished by the number of versions which were -then produced. From 1182, through the whole of the following century, -students laboured in the translation of Moorish books on chemistry. Only -towards the close of this period did a tendency become apparent which -led in the direction of improvement and innovation. The seed already -sown had begun to bear fruit. The material thus derived from Eastern -sources was now treated with a new freedom, enriched by the results of -original experiment, and edited in forms which betray the influence of -scholastic philosophy. The criticism, however, which would determine the -precise point when this change began to be operative, and the extent to -which it proceeded, attempts what is perhaps an impossible and certainly -a difficult task. For it is a remarkable fact that no Arabic texts -have been preserved to us which can be regarded as the originals from -which these earlier Latin versions were made. This want is probably due -to the widespread destruction which overtook the Moorish libraries of -Spain.[117] That such originals did at one time exist, however, is made -certain by the correspondence which the Latin translations show with -those which have come down to us in another language, the Hebrew. The -labours of these Latin translators during a hundred years may be found -in the manifold collections of chemical treatises, containing some -forty or fifty articles apiece, which were arranged and copied out at -the beginning of the fourteenth century. These volumes became, after the -invention of printing, the chief quarry whence were composed the _Ars -Aurifera_; the _Theatrum Chemicum_ of Zetzner, and the _Bibliotheca_ of -Manget. - -We are now in a position to understand, not only the nature and progress -of the work in which Michael Scot took part, but the exact development -which alchemy had reached in his day, and therefore the relation which -his chemical publications bore to the general direction of study in this -department of science. The time and care which our survey of the field -has demanded need not be thought ill spent. It has prepared the way for -a more intelligent appreciation of Scot’s labours as a chemist, and has -furnished us with the means of coming to a true judgment regarding their -authenticity and value. - -To put the matter to the proof: we may begin by dismissing altogether -from consideration a treatise which has long been attributed to Scot, and -still appears in the most recent list of his works: the _Quaestio curiosa -de natura Solis et Lunae_. It has probably received more attention -than it deserves since it appeared under Scot’s name in the _Theatrum -Chemicum_.[118] The subject of this treatise is indeed an alchemical -one; for the _sun_ and _moon_ of which it speaks are not these heavenly -bodies themselves, but, by an allegorical use common in the Middle Ages, -and derived from the Eastern theories of sympathy already mentioned, -stand for the nobler metals of gold and silver. A brief examination, -however, shows that Scot could not have been the author. The very -style suggests this conclusion; for it is distinctly scholastic, and -proper therefore to a later age than that which aimed at the direct and -simple reproduction of Eastern texts. It is satisfactory to find that -this criticism, hardly convincing _per se_, is fully borne out by what -occurs in the substance of the work itself. The author quotes from the -_De Mineralibus_ of Albertus. Now Albertus Magnus, by common testimony, -produced this treatise after the year 1240, and we may anticipate what -is afterwards to be told of Michael Scot’s death so far as to say here -that he had then been long in his grave. The _De Natura Solis et Lunæ_ -then must be ascribed to some other and later alchemist, who lived in -the end of the thirteenth or the beginning of the fourteenth century. -A more careful examination of the treatise than has been necessary for -our purpose might succeed in fixing its date with greater precision, and -might possibly throw some light upon the person of its true author. - -Another work ascribed to the pen of Michael Scot, and one which seems -likely to be authentic, is that contained in the Speciale Manuscript. -This volume is one of those collections of alchemical tracts made in the -fourteenth century to which we have already alluded. It belonged to the -library of the Speciale family in Palermo, and has been made the subject -of an interesting monograph by Carini.[119] No. 44 of this manuscript is -entitled _Liber Magistri Miccaelis Scotti in quo continetur Magisterium_. -The term _Magisterium_, or supreme secret of art, would seem to carry -with it a certain reference to Aristotle, ‘Il _Maestro_ di color che -sanno,’ as Dante calls him.[120] Curious as the appearance of such a name -in connection with alchemy may seem to us, it is certain that Aristotle -held a high place in the chemical traditions of the Middle Ages. The -_Meteora_ afforded a text which lent itself readily to large commentaries -by the Arabian chemists. The tract _De Mineralibus_, which we noticed -when speaking of Al Kindi, was one of these commentaries, and it is easy -to see how it became confused with the text which it illustrated so as -in time to be considered the work of Aristotle himself. This, we may -believe, was the ground on which so many alchemical works were afterwards -published under the same mighty name.[121] An interesting example appears -in the Speciale collection itself which contains the following title: -_Liber perfecti Magisterii Aristotelis qui incipit cum studii solertis -indigere_.[122] The treatise _Cum studii_ is also found in the Paris -manuscript,[123] where it is ascribed to Rases. To the school of Rases -then we are inclined to attribute the works on the _Magisterium_, and -among the rest therefore, this treatise in the Speciale Manuscript, which -bears the name of Michael Scot, seemingly because he translated it from -the Arabic. This conclusion is confirmed when we notice the character of -some of the chapter headings as given by Carini; for example: ‘Qualiter -_Venus_ mutatur in _Solem_’; and again, ‘Transformatio _Mercurii_ in -_Lunam_.’ These show beyond all doubt that the doctrine which Michael -Scot published by means of this version was that held by the school of -Rases. - -A curious question here offers itself for our consideration. In the -times of Robert Castrensis alchemy was as yet unknown to the Latins. -Michael Scot, as we shall presently see, described it in one of his works -as meeting with but a poor reception at its first introduction among -them.[124] How then did it come to pass that in a few years the theory -of Rases became so popular in the West, and continued for so many ages -to direct the progress of chemical study among the European nations with -enduring power? We find the explanation of this sudden change in the -fact that human thought has always been subject to the tyranny of ruling -ideas. In our own day the place of direction is filled by a doctrine -of development which is eagerly made use of in every department of -knowledge. In those earlier ages the same place seems to have been held -by a doctrine of _transformation_. This idea ruled the thoughts of men -like an obsession, in whatever direction they turned their minds. We see -it in their superstitions, suggesting the wild tales of were-wolves and -of other animal forms assumed at will by wizard and witch. We find it in -religion, infusing a new meaning into the hyperbolical language of still -earlier times, till, under this direction, there came to be fastened -upon the Church a full-formed doctrine of Transubstantiation.[125] It -is the operation of the same idea then that we are to remark also in -the scientific sphere. As soon as the first shock of their surprise was -over, the Latins greedily embraced a theory of chemical change which -related itself so naturally to the prevailing habit of their minds, and -which promised to show as operative in the mineral kingdom a law already -conceived to hold good in the world of organic life. - -The Riccardian Library of Florence possesses another of those volumes -to which we have already referred: a collection of alchemical treatises -formed in the end of the thirteenth or beginning of the fourteenth -century.[126] Among these appears one called the _Liber Luminis Luminum_. -It is said to have been translated by Michael Scot, and, as there is no -reason to doubt this ascription, we have now the means of determining -with some fulness and accuracy the lines on which the philosopher -proceeded in his chemical researches. - -The book opens with a preface somewhat scholastic,[127] and one which, -on this ground as well as on others, is probably to be ascribed to Scot -himself. In this part of the work he informs us that he took as his -basis in the following compilation a text called the _Secreta Naturae_. -To it he added material derived from other sources, which seemed -necessary in order to complete the doctrine of chemistry contained in the -_Secreta_. In this way he endeavoured to present his readers with a full -and practical body of Alchemy according to the teaching of the school to -which he belonged. - -In the study of a composite work, such as the _Liber Luminis_ is thus -declared to be, our first problem is naturally to determine and separate -the original text from the additions which have been made to it. Which -then are those parts of the _Liber Luminis_ that represent the _Secreta -Naturae_? Very fortunately the volume where the _Liber Luminis_ is found -contains another treatise that throws considerable light on the matter. -This is the _Liber Dedali Philosophi_. The correspondences between that -book and the _Liber Luminis_ are so many, close, and verbal, that it is -evident both have borrowed from the same source. This source can hardly -have been other than the _Secreta Naturae_, so that a comparison of these -two books such as is attempted in the Appendix[128] should go far to -determine what that hitherto unknown text was. - -The question of the chemical doctrine contained in the _Secreta_ is an -interesting one, and we shall return to it, but meanwhile, let us observe -that the _Liber Luminis_ contains hints which seem to carry us further -still, and throw some light upon the source from which the _Secreta_ was -itself derived. One of the authors quoted is a certain ‘Archelaus.’ Now -there was a veritable chemist of this name who lived during the fifth -century. This author wrote a treatise on his art in Greek verse. In later -times his name seems to have become common property, as did so many -others distinguished in alchemy, and to have been freely used by some who -wrote long after his day. Thus the Riccardian manuscript itself contains -no less than three books ascribed to this author: the _Liber Archelai -Philosophi de arte alchimiae_,[129] called also in the margin _Practica -Galieni in Secretis secretorum_;[130] the _Summula_, ‘quam ego Archilaus -transtuli de libro secretorum’;[131] and finally the _Mappa Archilei -nobilis philosophi_.[132] - -The fact that these titles mention the _Secreta_ is enough to show us -that in following up the alchemy of the Pseudo-Archelaus, we are on the -right track. As we proceed the traces become still more interesting and -significant. The _Summula_ offers the following curious passage: ‘Et -hoc feci amore Dei et cuidam compatri meo, qui pauper sint [_sic_] et -infortunatus, et postea fortunatus fortuna bona et amore Imperatoris -Emanuelis et Frederici.’[133] - -The name Emanuel is found in other alchemical writings. The _De Perfecto -Magisterio_, for example, which has been reprinted by Zetzner, embodies -another work, the _Liber duodecim aquarum_ which is expressly said to be -taken from the ‘Liber Emanuelis.’ Pursuing the matter further still, we -come to the _Liber Aristotelis_ which commences, ‘Cum de sublimiori atque -precipuo.’ The author of this treatise, we find, claims not only the -_Liber duodecim aquarum_ (‘quae qualiter se habeant in libro quem XII. -aquarum vocabulo descripsimus, prudens lector intelligere poterit’), but -also, it would seem, the very one of which we are in search (‘in libro -secretorum a nobis dictum est’). Everything inclines us to the belief -that we here touch the source from which the main part of the _Liber -Luminis_ was drawn, and this conclusion is not a little strengthened when -we observe that the treatise ‘Cum de sublimiori’ is called the _Lumen -Luminum_ in the Riccardian copy.[134] - -The _Secreta_, however, was not the only source from which the _Liber -Luminis_ and the _Liber Dedali_ were drawn, and the assertion of the -preface that the former was composed of extracts from many different -philosophers is fully borne out when we examine the substance of the -books themselves. A strain of Greek influence is to be traced, for -example, in the names of Archelaus, Dedalus, Plato, and Hermes, as well -as in the use of _ciatus_ as an equivalent for the word ‘cup,’ and this -reminds us strongly of the _Summula_ with its reference to the Emperor -Manuel. It is not impossible that Scot may have borrowed much from the -Byzantine chemists of the twelfth century. With this notion agrees -the passage of the _Liber Dedali_ where Saracens are spoken of as -foreigners. On the other hand, much had evidently been taken from Arabic -sources, as is plain from the names given to several of the vessels -used in alchemy, such as the _alembic_ and _aludel_. Indeed, Unay and -Melchia, who are quoted in the _Liber Luminis_, must have been Moors, -for the corresponding passage of the _Liber Dedali_ describes them as -from ‘Lamacha of the Saracens.’ Both these texts agree in showing such -familiarity with the process of refining sulphur that one is led to -suppose the _Secreta_, their common original, may have been composed in -Sicily. The _Liber Luminis_ says of one of the alums that it is ‘brought -from Spain:’ an expression agreeing well with the notion of a Sicilian -author, who would naturally speak of Spain as a foreign land. - -Leaving, however, these questions of origin and derivation, let us -come to that of the chemical doctrine taught in the book which Michael -Scot compiled, or at least translated. The title of the _Liber Luminis -Luminum_ is a significant one, and has a real relation to the contents -of the work itself.[135] To discover the sense which it must be held to -bear we have only to turn to the passage in which, speaking of alum, the -author says: ‘sicut illuminat pannos, ita illuminat martem ut recipiat -formam lunae. Ut enim lana illuminatur ita et metalla illuminantur.’[136] -A distinction is clearly present in the writer’s mind between the -substance and the form of the metals. He probably held that there existed -but one common metallic substance, which assumed the appearance of -iron, gold, or silver, according to the form which it had received. His -employment of the title _Liber Luminis Luminum_ was meant to indicate -that the purpose of his book was that of teaching the student how metals -might best be purified and improved. Their inferiority, when of the baser -kind, he conceived as an impurity, manifesting itself in the imperfect -forms of lead, iron, tin, and copper. He believed that this being removed -or changed by art, they might be made to shine with the lustre and -indeed possess the only distinctive quality of gold and silver. That we -have rightly read the meaning of this title seems plain from a curious -spelling which may be noticed in the _Liber Dedali_. ‘Illuminantur’ there -appears as ‘aluminantur.’ The chemistry taught in these books did in fact -prescribe the use of alum as a great means of purifying and refining the -metals. - -The preface of the _Liber Luminis_ closes with a brief summary of the -chapters which compose the work itself. The first of these deals with -the different salts used in this chemistry: common salt; rock salt; -alkali; sal ammoniac; nitre and others. The second treats in like manner -of the various kinds of alum, the third describes the vitriols, and -the fourth the powders or spirits, by which we are to understand those -minerals which are capable of being sublimed or made volatile, such as -sulphur, arsenic, and mercury. Two supplementary chapters, the one on -the preparation of the salts, alums, and vitriols, and the other on -that of the remaining class of chemicals, complete the whole book. This -supplement seems genuinely such, as it is not mentioned in the general -contents, as these appear in the preface. Perhaps we do not err if we -suppose it to have embodied the result of Scot’s own experiments in -alchemy. - -It is indeed the practical nature of the alchemical doctrine taught in -the _Liber Luminis_ which strikes us most strongly when we read this -book. A large part of it is taken up with exact descriptions of the -minerals, according to their various forms and the countries from which -they were derived. The rest consists of receipts for their employment -in refining metals. Whatever we may think of the validity and use of -these processes, we cannot fail to notice that they are described in -a perfectly straightforward and simple style. Here are none of the -mysteries, the riddles and ridiculous allegories so common in chemical -works written at a later time. The truth of the matter may probably be -that, in following the doctrine here set forth, Michael Scot and the -alchemists of his time did obtain results which were then so surprising, -as to excuse a certain exaggeration in those who described them. Tests -that could touch and reveal the real nature of the metals under any -change of outward appearance were not then so well known as now. Copper -that had been made to shine like gold, or to assume the appearance of -silver, was practically gold or silver to those who had no means of -discovering that the real nature of the metal itself remained unchanged. -Thus then are to be understood the assertions of the _Liber Luminis_ -regarding transmutation. They are plainly made in all good faith, and -depend on the doctrine already mentioned, which held that the differences -between the metals were an affair of the superficial form rather than of -the underlying substance. To change the appearance of one metal to that -of another, was therefore to effect a real transmutation: the only one -conceivable by the philosophers of that time. When the _Liber Luminis_ -speaks of giving copper ‘a good colour,’ or preparing iron to ‘receive -the appearance (_formam_) of silver,’ these expressions reveal with frank -sincerity the conceptions of this alchemy and the results it endeavoured -to obtain. - -One other alchemical work attributed to the pen of Michael Scot remains -to be noticed; the _De Alchimia_, contained in a manuscript of Corpus -Christi College, Oxford.[137] Tanner in his _Bibliotheca_ has noticed -this work in the following terms: ‘Chymica quaedam ex interpretatione -Michaelis Scoti dedicata Theophilo regi Scotorum. Corpus Christi MS. -125. In eodem codice MS. fol. est haec nota “Explicit tractatus magistri -Michaelis Scoti de aelchali,” huius vero tractatus, a priore diversi, hoc -tantum fol. extat.’ This account is erroneous in several particulars. -‘Scotorum’ should be ‘Saracenorum,’ and ‘de aelchali’ is a misreading of -‘de alkimia,’ as a glance at the manuscript informs us. Nor is it the -case that we have here to deal with two distinct works. The last leaf, to -which Tanner more particularly refers (fol. 119, old numeration), shows -a hand of the fourteenth century, and forms the only remainder of the -original. The rest of the manuscript (fol. 116-118) has been supplied by -a scribe of the fifteenth century, but the whole is perfectly continuous, -as appears plainly when we notice that the first words of the original -(fol. 119 _recto_), ‘et cum siccatus,’ have also been written by the -later scribe at the bottom of page 118 _verso_. - -In spite of the highly suspicious dedication, ‘Theophilo Regi -Saracenorum,’ several reasons incline us to regard the _De Alchimia_ as, -in substance at least, a genuine work of Michael Scot. To begin with, -it clearly belongs to a very early period; for, in the opening words of -his preface, the author describes alchemy as a science, noble indeed, -but as yet neglected and contemned by the Latins (‘apud Latinos penitus -denegatam’). In the same sentence we find him referring to the _secreta -naturae_, just as Scot does in the _Liber Luminis_, and declaring his -purpose to furnish the world with a commentary on it in the work he now -attempts (‘secreta naturae intelligentibus revelare’). In the opening -paragraph of the book itself he seems to refer plainly to the _Liber -Luminis_ as a work written by him (‘notitia de salibus vel salium -prout in aliquo libro a me translato dixi’). Nor should we overlook -the distinctly ecclesiastical tone which is to be observed in the _De -Alchimia_. Part of the preface is conceived almost in the form of a -prayer, commencing thus: ‘Creator omnium rerum Deus qui cuncta ex nihilo -condidit,’ and in at least one passage, a well-known text of Scripture is -reproduced (‘et haec est res quae erigit de stercore pauperem et ipsum -regibus equiparat’). This style is a noticeable characteristic of all the -works of Michael Scot. - -On the other hand, the _De Alchimia_ shows several doubtful features -which, on the supposition that it came from Scot’s pen, can only have -been due to some interference with the text at a subsequent time. Such is -the dedication to Theophilus, King of the Saracens, which we have already -noticed, and the latter part of the preface shows a turgid passage (‘hic -est puteus Salomonis et fimi acervus, et hic est fons in quo latet anguis -cuius venenum omnia corpora interficit,’ etc.) that strongly recalls the -fancies of the later alchemy. - -The body of the work, however, is no doubt genuine, and offers matters -of considerable interest. The first of these is perhaps the distinction -drawn here between the greater and the lesser mystery (magisterium) of -alchemy. The former, it seems, was the transmutation of _Venus_ into the -_Sun_; that is, of copper into gold. The latter comprehended the fixation -of mercury and its transmutation into the _Moon_, or silver. - -We soon notice too that the author addresses himself not, as one would -at first expect, to ‘Theophilus,’ but to a certain Brother Elias (‘tibi -Fratri Helya’)—another proof, if any were needed, that the dedication -to the apocryphal King of the Saracens was due to some other and later -hand. ‘Brother Elias,’ however, was far from being a merely imaginary -personage. He was an Italian, born (for accounts vary) either at Bivillo -near Assisi, Cellullae or Ursaria near Cortona, or in Piedmont. In 1211 -he joined the Order of St. Francis, then just formed, thus becoming -one of its earliest members. His history as a Franciscan was rather -an eventful one. On the death of St. Francis in 1226 he succeeded the -Founder as General of the Order, but was deposed by the Pope in 1230 on -some suspicion that he favoured schism among his brethren. The Order -re-elected him in 1236, but he was finally removed from office by Gregory -three years later, and profited by the occasion to join himself openly to -the party of the Emperor. For this he suffered excommunication in 1244, -and was not restored to the privileges of the Church till 1253, when -he lay on his death-bed at Cortona. There is no doubt that he had the -reputation of possessing skill in alchemy, as a treatise is extant called -the _Liber Fratris Eliae de Alchimia_.[138] This renown would not tend -to his honour in religion. It seems indeed to invest with a cruel and -pointed meaning the words used by the Pope on the occasion of his first -deposition.[139] He is said to have been sent in early days on an embassy -to the Emperor of the East. Perhaps this may have been the occasion when -he first acquired a taste for those chemical studies which that nation -still pursued. Michael Scot addresses him in the _De Alchimia_ as a pupil -(‘Et ego, Magister Michael Scotus, sum operatus super solem, et docui te, -Fr. Elia, operari et tu mihi saepius retulisti te instabiliter multis -viabus operasse’), while at the same confessing that he was not above -learning some of the secrets of art from the well-known Franciscan. -This relation between two such distinguished men has not hitherto been -noticed, and is certainly a curious point in the history of the times. - -The _De Alchimia_ presents several features which distinguish it from -the _Liber Luminis_. One of these is an early passage which refers to -the correspondence between the metals and the planets, and explains -that when the latter are named we must understand that the former are -intended. Near the end of the treatise a description of the _materia -chemica_ occurs, but it would seem as if this had been written to -supplement that given in the _Liber Luminis_, for it deals, not with -salts, alums, vitriols, or volatile substances, but with the different -varieties of what the author calls ‘gummae,’ which, however, are mineral -substances;[140] and with ‘tuchia’ in all its various kinds. - -Many words and phrases, however, might be cited to show how the strain -of doctrine observable in the _Liber Luminis_ is continued with scarcely -any change in the _De Alchimia_. We have hardly read a line in the -first receipt before we meet with the expression ‘sanguinem hominis -rufi’ recalling the ‘sanguinem hominis rubei’ of the _Liber Luminis_. -The ‘pulvis bufonis’ indeed is here replaced by another ingredient -derived from the animal kingdom, the ‘sanguis bubonis’; but, reading a -little further, we find the familiar ‘urina taxi’ again recommended -as an almost universal solvent and detergent. Evidently both works -proceeded from one and the same alchemical school. The number of Arabian -chemists[141] cited in the _De Alchimia_ seems to show that if these -books came from a Greek source it was not that of ancient times, but some -Byzantine school that had borrowed much from Eastern alchemists. - -To give a substantial idea of the _De Alchimia_ let us translate one of -the formulae which it contains: ‘Medibibaz the Saracen of Africa used to -change lead into gold [in the following manner]. Take lead and melt it -thrice with caustic (‘comburenti’), red arsenic, sublimate of vitriol, -sugar of alum, and with that red tuchia of India which is found on the -shore of the Red Sea, and let the whole be again and again quenched in -the juice of the _Portulaca marina_, the wild cucumber, a solution of -sal ammoniac, and the urine of a young badger. Let all these ingredients -then, when well mixed, be set on the fire, with the addition of some -common salt, and well boiled until they be reduced to one-third of -their original bulk, when you must proceed to distil them with care. -Then take the marchasite of gold, prepared talc, roots of coral, some -carcha-root, which is an herb very like the _Portulaca marina_; alum of -cumae something red and saltish, Roman alum and vitriol, and let the -latter be made red; sugar of alum, Cyprus earth, some of the red Barbary -earth, for that gives a good colour; Cumaean earth of the red sort, -African tuchia, which is a stone of variegated colours and being melted -with copper changeth it into gold; Cumaean salt which is …; pure red -arsenic, the blood of a ruddy man, red tartar, _gumma_ of Barbary, which -is red and worketh wonders in this art; salt of Sardinia which is like …. -Let all these be beaten together in a brazen mortar, then sifted finely -and made into a paste with the above water. Dry this paste, and again -rub it fine on the marble slab. Then take the lead you have prepared as -directed above, and melt it together with the powder, adding some red -alum and some more of the various salts. This alum is found about Aleppo -(‘Alapia’), and in Armenia, and will give your metal a good colour. When -you have so done you shall see the lead changed into the finest gold, as -good as what comes from Arabia. This have I, Michael Scot, often put to -the proof and ever found it to be true.’ - -If such a receipt is valuable as indicating the chemical practice of -those days, it is no less interesting as it throws light upon the -life and occupations of Scot. He must have set up a complete chemical -laboratory at Toledo, with crucibles for the melting of metals, and -alembics for the distillation of the substances which his art required -him to mix with them. His situation was one very favourable to these -pursuits, not only because Spain was one of those countries where the -doctrine of alchemy made its greatest progress, and attracted most -powerfully the concourse of foreign adepts, but also from the facility -with which the necessary _materia chemica_ could there be procured. -The _sierras_ of that country were full of mineral wealth of all -kinds, especially quicksilver, which was one of the substances most -frequently chosen to become the subject of the transmuter’s art. In -the _Alpujarras_, a mountainous district lying under the soft climate -of Granada, grew plenty of these rare herbs employed in alchemy, as -they were also in the medicine of the Arabians. Ibn Beithar of Malaga -describes them in his botanical thesaurus, and it is said that after the -Moors had lost that fair kingdom their herbalists, even as late as our -own times, made yearly journeys from Africa to gather in these hills -the plants which ancient science taught them to value highly. But the -days of the ‘ultimo sospiro del Moro’ were yet in the far future, and -meanwhile Michael Scot in his laboratory at Toledo could easily command -all these treasures for the purposes of experiment. Nor was it in vain -that he fanned his fires, and watched the metals melt and the menstruum -distil in the process of the lesser or greater mystery. If he never saw -_Venus_ blush into the true substance of _Sol_, or _Mercury_, the fickle -and obstinate, congeal into a veritable _Luna_, his chemical practice, -and the records in which he has embodied it, mark none the less true and -significant a moment in the history of scientific progress. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -THE ASTRONOMICAL WRITINGS OF SCOT - - -The alchemy of the thirteenth century, to the progress of which Michael -Scot contributed not a little, bore a close relation to the opinions -then entertained in another branch of science: that of astronomy. We -have already noticed how chemistry, as practised in Egypt, was largely -influenced by Eastern theories regarding the stars and their power over -earthly elements. That this connection and sympathy was still a matter of -common belief at the time Scot wrote is not only probable but can readily -be established by direct evidence. The treatise ‘Cum studii solertis -indagine,’ already referred to,[142] has a curious passage which bears -directly on the point in question. We find in the preface the following -remarkable statement: ‘For the art of alchemy belongs to the deeper and -more hidden physics, and in particular to that division thereof which … -is called the lower astronomy,’ It is plain then that no chemist could -in those days be considered fully competent for the task he undertook -unless to a knowledge of the customary theories and processes of his art -he added some acquaintance with the mysteries of the heavenly spheres as -well. - -To Michael Scot, even before he came to Toledo, the science of astronomy -was already a beaten path. His progress in mathematical studies naturally -led him to this, the highest sphere in which they could be exercised. At -the court of Frederick he had made many an observation and cast many a -horoscope. In the _Liber Introductorius_ and _Liber Particularis_ he had -produced two manuals expounding in a popular way the twin sciences of -astrology and astronomy; publications which no doubt reproduced pretty -exactly the teaching he had given to the Emperor. - -In Spain he not only kept up his interest in this subject but lost -no opportunity of improving his past acquirements. He was constantly -on the watch for new astronomical works. He read them, not only as a -student eager to extend his knowledge, but as a translator anxious to -find the opportunity of adding to the resources of other scholars by the -production of some important book in a Latin dress. - -As a resident in Toledo, Scot found himself very favourably situated -for such studies. That city was now indeed to become what may be called -the classic ground of Moorish astronomy. A Spanish author would have us -believe that there presently assembled there an incredible number of -astronomers drawn, not only from all parts of Spain, but from France -as well, and especially from Paris. The king himself is said to have -presided over this congress. The works of Ptolemy, with the commentaries -of Montafan and Algazel, were translated into Latin for the use of those -scholars who did not understand Arabic. Discussions were held in the -Alcazar of Galiana upon the various theories of the heavenly bodies and -their movements. These labours, which commenced in 1218, and are said to -have lasted till 1262, resulted in a more exact series of observations -than had hitherto been made. They were published, and became generally -known as the _Tables of Toledo_.[143] - -It was in such a direction indeed that the line of true progress lay. -As alchemy rose into a real chemistry rather by the practice of the -laboratory than by the theory of the schools, so it was with regard -to astronomy. The scheme of Ptolemy with its various modifications -necessarily held the field, imperfect and erroneous as it was, till -wider and more exact observations, such as those for which the wise king -of Castile thus provided had, in the course of after ages, furnished -adequate ground for the magical and illuminative speculations of -Copernicus, Galileo, and Newton. - -Favourable, however, as Scot’s situation in Toledo undoubtedly was, much -of what we are considering lay beyond his reach, being yet in the womb of -the future. The Moorish astronomers, and he doubtless with them, felt far -from satisfied with the Ptolemaic system as expounded in the _Almagest_. -While no one as yet ventured to interfere with its fundamental conception -of the earth as the centre of the universe, every fresh observation, by -bringing into view more of the delicacy and subtlety of the heavenly -movements, made additions and modifications of that theory constantly -necessary. Hence arose a series of Arabian works on the _sphere_, each -superseding that which had preceded it, and reflecting the last results -obtained with the astrolabe. Such a line of progress could not but lead -to the time when the Ptolemaic theory no longer lent itself by any -modification to the full explanation of ascertained facts. Then and then -only arose the new astronomy of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, -which is thus seen to be vitally connected, even in its highest reach and -most splendid developments with the now forgotten theories of the Moorish -schools. - -Considering then the epoch at which he lived, and the incomplete material -which existed in his days for a true science of the heavens, Michael Scot -did all that could be reasonably expected of him. He sat at the feet of -those who were then the best authorities on this subject. He used his -opportunities at Toledo to make the last and most subtle theories of the -Moors intelligible to those less fortunate scholars whose attention these -must otherwise have escaped. - -His services to astronomy appeared in the Latin version which he made -from a treatise on the _Sphere_ lately composed by Alpetrongi. This -author’s name is said to have been, in its Arabic form, Nured-din el -Patrugi. Munk, in his _Mélanges_, tells us that the latter designation -was derived from a village called Petroches lying a little to the north -of Cordova.[144] The Latins corrupted the name in different ways, so that -among them it became _Avenalpetrandi_, _Alpetrongi_, or _Alpetragius_. -The astronomer who bore it flourished about the year 1190, and is said to -have been a renegade, and a scholar of the celebrated Ibn Tofail, the -author of the curious Sufic romance called _Hay Ibn Yokhdan_. - -In the preface to his book on the _Sphere_ Alpetrongi begs to be excused -if he has ventured to differ from the tradition of the ancients in his -theory of the heavenly movements, and especially from Ptolemy the great -master of this science. His apology reminds us that it may be well to -examine more exactly than we have yet done the various advances which had -been made up to this time by the Arabian astronomy. - -As early as the ninth century the mathematicians of that nation had -simplified the problems of the circle by discovering the way of -measurement by sine and tangent instead of by the chord. This improvement -is ascribed to Albategni who lived between the years 877 and 929. -Calculation was soon made still easier by the invention of algebra. -The year 820 is given as the age of Mohammed ben Moussa, surnamed Al -Khowaresmi, who had the honour of this important discovery. From the -surname of this mathematician the Latins afterwards formed by corruption -their common noun _Algorisma_ or _Algorithmus_, from which our word -arithmetic is derived. - -These improved methods of calculation were soon applied to astronomy. -Al Mamun, whose reign commenced in the year 813, summoned an assembly -of scholars learned in that science. They met in the great Babylonian -plain, having chosen that place as suitable for their observations, and -measured the declination of the ecliptic, which they determined to be -23° 33ʺ. About the same time the secular motion of the heavens began to -attract attention. Albategni corrected the observations of Ptolemy here, -and showed that the retrograde movement amounted to one degree, not in a -century as the Greek philosopher had said, but in a shorter period which -is variously stated as sixty-six or seventy years. Alfargan repeated -this calculation, and amended that relating to the declination of the -ecliptic, which he computed at 23° 35ʺ. - -This was the progress and these the data which led the Moorish -astronomers to abandon the earlier and simpler theories of the _sphere_ -as inconsistent with ascertained facts. They were aware of motions among -the heavenly bodies not to be explained by the mere supposition that -round the earth as a centre moved the concentric spheres on the axes of -their poles. It is true that even Ptolemy himself had felt something -of this difficulty and had endeavoured to meet it by a theory of -eccentrics and epicycles. As knowledge increased, however, this primitive -explanation was felt to be cumbrous and unsatisfactory. Aboasar[145] -and Azarchel gained fame by boldly striking out in new paths, and later -Moorish astronomers eagerly followed the lead thus given them, each -adding some modification of his own. - -Thus then we return to the preface of Alpetrongi prepared to understand -his position when he declares himself obliged to depart from previous -traditions. He proceeds to avow himself a scholar of Azarchel, but -when we examine his work we find that the theory he proposes differs -considerably even from that taught by his immediate master. It was one -which, through the labours of Michael Scot, as translator of Alpetrongi, -exercised no small influence on the study of astronomy among the Latins, -and we may well spend a moment in considering the chief features which it -presents. - -One of the most important problems which called for solution at the hands -of the Moorish astronomers was that of the recession of the heavenly -bodies, by which, when observed at sufficient intervals of time, they -were seen to fall short of the positions they might have been expected -to reach. This recession, as we have remarked already, had been very -accurately studied, and computed as exactly as the methods of the time -allowed; but a reason for so remarkable a phenomenon was yet to seek. -Alpetrongi boldly declared that the eastward motion was apparent only -and not real. He explained that the source of power lay in the _primum -mobile_ or ninth sphere; that lying outside the sphere of the fixed -stars. From hence the force producing circular motion was derived to the -eighth, and so to the inferior spheres; each handing on a part of the -impulse to that which lay beneath it. In the course of transmission, -however, the prime force became gradually exhausted. Thus, said -Alpetrongi, it happens that each sphere moves rather more slowly than the -one above it, and so the apparent recession is accounted for in a way -which shows it to be relative only and not absolute. - -Another matter which exercised the minds of those who studied the -heavens was the difference of elevation which the heavenly bodies showed -according to the seasons of summer and winter. The sun, for example, at -noonday of the summer solstice stood, they saw, at his highest point in -the heavens, while he sank to his lowest on the shortest day of winter. -Between these extremes he held gradually every intermediate position, and -as he was meanwhile supposed to be moving in a circular path round the -earth, his course came to be conceived of as a spiral alternately rising -and declining. How was this spiral motion to be explained? - -Each sphere, said Alpetrongi, has its own poles, which differ from those -of the _primum mobile_, and thus each, while following the motion of the -ninth sphere, accomplishes at the same time another revolution about its -own proper poles. From the combination of these two movements arises one -of the nature of a spiral which fully accounts for the seeming deviations -of the heavenly bodies to north or south.[146] - -Such were the contributions of this philosopher to the astronomy of -his time. They were the fruit, he assures us, of patient study of the -ancients, and specially of Aristotle and his commentators. He offered -them to his age as a distinct improvement on the cumbrous theories of -Ptolemy, and as an advance even upon that of Azarchel, whom, in the main, -he acknowledges as his master in science. Antiquated and childish as -his explanations may seem to us, we cannot help feeling that he had at -least grasped firmly some of the chief problems of the sky. He stood in -the line of that inquiry and patient progress which have issued in the -marvellous discoveries of later times. - -Scot’s version of the _Sphere_ of Alpetrongi has reached us accompanied -by the date of its composition; a distinction which belongs to only one -other among his translations, that of the _Abbreviatio Avicennae_. M. -Jourdain had the merit of being the first who drew attention to this -fortunate circumstance,[147] and he did so by quoting the colophons -of two manuscripts of the _Sphere_ discovered by him in the Paris -library.[148] One of these closes thus: ‘Praised be Jesus Christ who -liveth for ever throughout all time:[149] on the eighteenth day of -August, being Friday, at the third hour, _cum aboleolente_,[150] in -the year one thousand two hundred and fifty-five.’ The other gives the -date thus: ‘The year of the Incarnation of Christ twelve hundred and -seventeen.’ These two epochs coincide exactly, as the apparent difference -arises from the date being expressed in the first manuscript according to -the era of Spain. It is therefore doubly certain that Scot’s version of -the _Sphere_ of Alpetrongi was made in the year 1217.[151] - -In completing this translation Michael Scot anticipated by one year only -the great astronomical congress which the King of Castile presently -caused to assemble at Toledo. It may very possibly therefore have been -one of the versions prepared with a view to this great occasion and -designed for the use of the Latin astronomers who might come there. -Certain it is that the author was not less fortunate in this than in -his previous literary ventures. The text was well chosen, the time -of publication opportune, and the _Sphere_ of Alpetrongi as it came -from Scot’s hand had a wide circulation and influenced profoundly the -astronomical beliefs of the day.[152] - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -SCOT TRANSLATES AVERROËS - - -We have already noticed how the commentaries of Avicenna on Aristotle had -been translated into Latin at Toledo during the twelfth century, and how -Michael Scot had completed that work by his version of the books relating -to Natural History. Since the beginning of the thirteenth century, -however, another Arabian author of the first rank had become the object -of much curiosity in Europe. This was the famous Averroës of Cordova, -whose history might fill a volume, so full was it of romantic adventure -and literary interest.[153] He was but lately dead, having closed a long -and laborious life on the 10th of December 1198, at Morocco, where his -body was first laid to rest in the cemetery outside the gate of Tagazout. -Born at Cordova in 1126, his name was closely associated with that of -his native city, so that after three months had elapsed his corpse was -brought thither from Africa, and given honourable and final burial in the -tomb of his fathers at the cemetery of Ibn Abbas. - -Two reasons combined to raise the fame of Averroës among the Latins, and -to inspire them with a high curiosity regarding his works. He was known -to have devoted his life to the study and exposition of Aristotle; then, -as for many ages, the idol of the Christian schools. His philosophy was -further understood to embody the strangest and most daring speculations -regarding the origin of the universe and the nature of the soul. For -these he had suffered severely at the hands of the Moslem orthodox. They -had proscribed his works and compelled him to leave his employment and -pass the most precious years of his life in exile. - -These common impressions regarding Averroës were in the main correct. -His labours had appeared in three forms; a paraphrase, and a lesser and -greater commentary on the books of Aristotle, and the philosophy which -these writings contained was undoubtedly Manichæan, if not in a measure -Pantheistic. Like that of all the Arabian philosophers, to whose teaching -Averroës gave its final and most characteristic form, this doctrine was -really Greek: the Aristotelic scheme of the universe as it had been -conceived anew by Porphyry of Alexandria. At the foundation lay a mighty -Duality: that of the opposing powers of Good and Evil. With the notion -of exalting Him above the possibility of blame, God, the Centre of the -Universe, about whom all revolves, was declared to be the Absolute -and unconditional Being; while over against Him was set Matter, also -eternal, from which, in its stubborn resistance to the Divine Will, all -evil had arisen. Any direct action of Deity upon matter could not be -thought of; so the interval between them was conceived of as occupied by -several Emanations proceeding from God, among which we may notice those -of the Divine Wisdom and the Divine Power. This Wisdom was said to be -impersonal; one common to all intelligent creatures; the Light that -lighteneth every man that cometh into the world. This Power was regarded -as supreme, seated high above the spheres, and, through the _Primum -Mobile_, entering into touch with matter and deriving its force downward -from one heavenly circle to another till it reaches earth itself. - -The origin of created beings was a problem which received much attention -from Averroës. His ideas on this subject will be seen when we come -to speak of the important digression he wrote under the title of -_Quaestiones Nicolai Peripatetici_.[154] In every man he perceived the -existence of a passive intellect or reason, in relation to which the -other Heavenly Intelligence, or Divine Wisdom, presented itself to him as -the Active Reason: that in whose motions Thought was always accompanied -by Power. The one was Impersonal and Eternal, the other individual and -perishable, yet Averroës taught that a close relation subsisted between -them, and a consequent sympathy and attraction, in which the passive -intelligence strove to unite itself with the active and thus achieve -eternity and immortality.[155] - -This union was known as the _ittisal_: the supreme object of the wise -man’s desire, and in connection with it emerged for the first time a -distinction between Averroës and his predecessors. Ibn Badja, with -whom he held the closest relation, had proposed a course of moral -discipline as the best way of attaining the _ittisal_: the same ascetic -practice which Ibn Tofail so remarkably illustrated and commended in his -mystical romance _Hay Ibn Yokhdan_. Gazzali on the other hand, who was -the sceptic of these schools, boldly declared that the _ittisal_ was -only to be reached by an intellectual and spiritual confusion attained -in the _zikr_, or whirling dance of the Dervishes. It was left then for -Averroës to vindicate once more the validity of human reason, and this he -did by proclaiming that science, rightly understood, was the true way of -entering into intellectual communion with the Deity. All, however, agreed -in teaching that the soul of man was but an individual and temporary -manifestation of the Divine, from which it had proceeded, and into which -it would again be absorbed. - -It is plain that the way to this consummation proposed by Averroës had -much in common with the ancient theories of the Alexandrian Gnosis. -The Albigenses and other sects of the time, especially that called the -Brotherhood of the Holy Ghost, had already done much to familiarise -the West with these essentially Eastern speculations. A taste for such -flights of the mind had been formed, and, as soon as it became known -that a new teacher had arisen to advocate a theory of this kind among -the Moors, Christianity too was alive with curiosity to know what the -doctrine of Averroës might be. - -In these circumstances the anathema of the Church proved powerless to -restrain so strong an impulse of the human spirit. The Council of Paris -in 1209 had sounded the first note of warning and of censure. In 1215 -Robert de Courçon published a statute in that university by which the -name of _Mauritius Hispanus_, understood by Renan to mean Averroës, was -associated with those of David of Dinant and Almaric of Bena the French -Pantheists of the day, and all men were warned to have nothing to do with -their writings under pain of censure. In spite of these enactments five -years had not passed since the date of the latter proclamation, before -the commentaries of Averroës were rendered into Latin and the secrets of -his remarkable philosophy laid open to the scholastic world. - -The credit of this bold and successful enterprise belongs, it would be -hard to say in what proportions, to the Emperor Frederick II. and to -Michael Scot his faithful servant. Frederick had indeed every reason -to feel an interest in the works of Averroës. His mind was naturally -keen and of a speculative cast. He showed little inclination to subject -his curiosity to the restraints of custom or ecclesiastical authority, -and was thus at least as likely as any of the wise and noble of his -day to indulge his passion for what promised to be both original and -curious. We are to remember also that he stood in close relation with the -peculiar religious opinions already noticed, which were then so prevalent -both in south-eastern France and the adjoining parts of Spain. His -brother-in-law, who died so suddenly at Palermo, was Count of Provence, -and, whatever place the unfortunate Alphonso may have held with regard to -the heresy so common in his dominions, we may feel sure that among the -host of Provençal knights who formed his train when he came to Sicily -there must have been some at least who were adherents of the Albigensian -party. No religious opinion ever made so striking a progress among the -wealthy and noble as this, and none was ever commended in a way more -fit to win the sympathy and interest of a youthful monarch inclined to -letters and gallantry. The doctrine of the Albigenses was in fact a late -revival of the _Gnosis_ of Alexandria. It flattered the pride of those -who desired distinction even in their religion. Its representatives and -advocates were no repulsive monks or sour ascetics but men of birth and -breeding, who excelled in manly exercises, and were famous for their -success in the courts of love and in the _gay saber_. It would not have -been wonderful if Frederick himself had become an Albigensian. He is -known to have caught a taste for Provençal poetry if nothing more, and it -is certain that he remained, to the close of his life, and even beyond -it, a grateful and sympathetic figure among those who, after the great -persecution, still represented Albigensian doctrine.[156] Something of -this may have been due to the influence of his wife Constantia, whose -father, Don Pedro of Aragon, had fallen gallantly in 1213 under the walls -of Murel, during an expedition in which he led the Spanish chivalry to -aid the Counts of Toulouse and Foix the champions of the Albigensian -party. - -The probability that the Emperor had early felt an interest in Averroës -is confirmed by a curious statement of Gilles de Rome,[157] who tells us -that the sons of the Moorish philosopher received a cordial welcome from -Frederick and lived in honour at his Court. Renan indeed finds reason -to doubt the truth of this statement,[158] yet we may remember that -the chronicler could not in any case have ventured upon it unless the -Emperor’s sympathy for Averroës had been matter of common knowledge. - -As to Michael Scot we may feel sure that he was every whit as eager as -his master could be to honour the philosopher’s memory and to gain a -nearer acquaintance with his writings. The manuscript in the Laurentian -library to which we have already referred[159] speaks, it will be -remembered, of a visit paid by Scot to the city of Cordova. It is not -difficult to determine with a high degree of probability the reason -that may have led him thither. Had he lived three hundred years earlier -indeed, the fame of Cordova as a centre of learning might well have -proved a sufficient attraction to account for this journey. In the tenth -century that city shone as the seat of a great Jewish school: one of -those lately transferred to Spain from the eastern cities of Pombeditha -and Sura. The Caliph Hakim, under whose protection this change took -place, gave royal encouragement to the learned men who came to Cordova. -Thousands of students assembled in the great Mosque, and Hakim collected -for their use a magnificent library which was said to contain four -hundred thousand volumes. Al Mansour, however, who succeeded to Hakim’s -throne, fell under the influence of orthodox scruples. He burnt much -of the great library, and the rest perished at the disastrous sack of -Cordova in the following century. The ruin of the Rabbinical academies -was completed a little later by the cruel edict of Abd-el-Mumen, who -expelled the Jews from his realm. The most famous teachers of Cordova and -Lucena then betook themselves to Castile. Alphonso VII. received them -kindly and gave them liberty to settle in his capital. These events took -place before 1150, and from that date the ancient schools which had given -such fame to Cordova and Lucena became one of the chief attractions of -Toledo. - -The sole glory which Cordova still retained in the days when Scot visited -it was the memory of departed greatness, and of Averroës, whose fame -must yet have endured as a living tradition in the place of his birth -and burial. We may therefore believe that it was as a pilgrim to the -shrine of that illustrious name that the traveller came hither. As he -wandered amid the countless columns of the great Mosque, or stayed his -steps by the tomb of Ibn Abbas, he must have found a melancholy pleasure -in recalling the mighty past, when these aisles were crowded with eager -students and when, still later, the last scion of the Cordovan schools -had appeared in the person of the Master whose writings were now the -object of so much curiosity. It is quite possible that something of a -practical purpose may have combined with these sentiments to determine -the direction of Scot’s journey. Twenty years had not passed, we must -remember, since the body of Averroës was laid in its last resting-place. -What if those who directed and composed the solemn funeral procession -from Morocco to Cordova had brought with them the books which the -philosopher was engaged in completing at the time of his death? The hope -of a great literary discovery could hardly have been absent from the mind -of Michael Scot as he travelled southward to seek the white walls of the -Moorish city.[160] - -There is no reason to think that the story of the spell framed by Scot -at Cordova was literally and historically true; it seems to belong -rather to the department of his legendary fame as a necromancer. Yet, -read as a parable, this conjuration is not without interest and perhaps -importance. It professes to compel the appearance of spirits from the -nether deep, and to command an answer to any question the sage or -student might choose to ask. A slight effort of fancy will find here the -picturesque representation of Scot’s mental and physical state while at -Cordova, and especially under the stress of the illness from which we -are assured he then suffered.[161] What wonder if, in the vertigo of -fever, he felt prisoned with swimming brain in magic circles; or is it -strange that one so intent upon the doctrine of the departed Averroës -should, in the height of his delirium, have planned to force the grave -itself, and summon the dead philosopher to tell the secret of his lost -works? Something of the Greek δεινότης, something terrible, superhuman -almost, we discover in a spirit so fully roused and determined, and if -we have read rightly the mind of Scot, no wonder that he and the Emperor -were fully at one in regard to what they had to do. We have no means of -knowing which of the two first conceived the idea of translating the -works of Averroës: as master and servant they fairly share the fame of -that great enterprise. It was one which demanded, not only means, talent, -and unwearied labour, but high courage as well, considering the suspect -character of that philosophy and the censures under which it already -lay. In the event indeed this proved to be a matter highly creditable to -those who promoted it, but one which carried serious and far-reaching -consequences both for Michael Scot and for the Emperor himself in the -ecclesiastical and political sphere. - -When Scot returned to Toledo it was not with the purpose of attempting -single-handed a task for which not only time, but the co-operation of -several scholars, was evidently necessary. There is reason to think that -the Emperors commission conveyed some instruction to this effect; for, as -a matter of fact, we know that at least two other hands were associated -with Scot in the translation of Averroës. - -One of these was Gerard of Cremona, not of course the Cremonese who -died in 1187, but the younger scholar of the same name, perhaps a son -or nephew of the elder. He is distinguished as Gherardus _de Sabloneta_ -Cremonensis. The Victorine manuscript[162] supplies evidence that he -contributed to the work in which Michael Scot was now engaged. - -It is not impossible that Philip of Tripoli may have joined in the new -enterprise. His name does not indeed appear in any of the manuscripts -which contain the Latin Averroës, but we have seen that he was certainly -in Spain about this time and even at work with Gerard of Cremona.[163] -His intimate relation to Michael Scot is also beyond question, and, upon -the whole, it seems reasonable to suppose that the Emperor may have -engaged him to help in the work now going forward. - -However this may have been as regards the exact details of time and -persons, we may regard it as a matter now for the first time brought to -light and established, that in the years between 1217 and 1223 there -existed a college of translators in Toledo just such as that which had -done so much excellent work there a century before. In the new school -Frederick II. held the honourable place of patron, as Archbishop Raymon -had done in his day, while Michael Scot and Gerard of Cremona aided each -other in completing the version of Averroës as Dominicus Gundisalvus had -lent his help to form that of Avicenna. This view of the matter should -be found very interesting, not only in itself, but with regard to the -conclusions arrived at by Jourdain, whose discoveries in the literary -history of the twelfth century it so remarkably repeats and extends to -the following age. - -This correspondence between the earlier and later schools of Toledo is -even more close and exact than we have yet observed. It appears also in -the fact that a Jewish interpreter was attached to each, and rendered -important service as a member of the college. Under Don Raymon this place -was held by Johannes Avendeath, or Johannes Hispalensis as he is commonly -called, who worked along with the Archdeacon. ‘You have then,’ says -Avendeath, addressing the Archbishop, ‘the book which has been translated -from the Arabic according to your commands: I reading it word by word -into the vernacular (Spanish), and Dominic the Archdeacon rendering my -words one by one into Latin.’[164] The same division of labour seems -to have been followed in the new school which Frederick promoted. -The Emperor drew the attention of these learned men to Averroës, and -signified his desire that a version of this author should be prepared -like that which had been made from Avicenna. Michael Scot and Gerard of -Cremona were responsible, the former probably in a special sense, both -for the general conduct of the undertaking, and, in particular, for the -accuracy of the Latin. Now these scholars also, like their predecessors, -availed themselves of the help of a Jewish interpreter. This was one -Andrew Alphagirus, who seems to have taken the same part that Avendeath -had formerly done, by translating the Arabic of Averroës into current -Spanish, which Scot and his coadjutor then rendered into Latin. - -Such at least appear to be the suggestions which offer themselves -naturally to one who peruses the colophon to the copy of the _De -Animalibus ad Caesarem_ preserved in the _Bibliotheca Angelica_ of Rome. -Thus it runs: ‘Here endeth the book of Aristotle concerning animals, -according to the abbreviation of Michael Scot Alphagirus.’ The form of -expression is curious, but may be exactly matched from the versions -produced by the earlier Toledan translators: that is, if we are to -believe Bartolocci. This author, in the first volume of his _Bibliotheca -Rabbinica_, mentions a manuscript of the Fondo Urbinate in the Vatican -which, he says, contains the four books of Avicenna on Physics translated -by ‘Johannes Gundisalvi.’ This name has evidently, like that of ‘Scoti -Alphagiri,’ been formed by composition from those of the two translators, -_Johannes_ Avendeath and Dominicus _Gundisalvi_ who aided each other in -the work.[165] - -As to the personality of Alphagirus, the only ground of conjecture seems -to be that supplied by Romanus de Higuera, who, speaking of the learned -men assembled in 1218 at Toledo for the astronomical congress, mentions -that one of them was ‘el Conhesso Alfaquir’ of Toledo.[166] The place, -the date, and the similarity of name, are all in favour of our supposing -these two to be one and the same person. Nay further, as Alfaquir was -of Toledo, and did not need to be summoned thither in 1218, there is no -reason why he should not, as the ‘Alphagirus’ of 1209, have assisted -Michael Scot in producing the _De Animalibus_ for Frederick. - -It is from a remark made by Roger Bacon that we know the first name of -the Toledan interpreter to have been Andrew, and that he was a Jew. -Bacon gives us this information in no kindly spirit, but in order to -lead up to the bitter conclusion that Scot’s work was not original, -but borrowed from one whose labours and just fame he had appropriated. -‘Michael Scot,’ he says, ‘was ignorant of languages and science alike. -Almost all that has appeared in his name was taken from a certain Jew -called Andrew.’[167] - -A sufficient answer to this serious accusation may be found in what we -already know of the literary fashions of the day, and, in particular, -of the traditional methods of work pursued by the Toledan translators. -It was precisely thus that the Archdeacon Gundisalvus had used the -aid of Avendeath. A little later too, we find the same system adopted -in the translation of the Koran promoted by Peter the Venerable. That -ecclesiastic thus expresses himself in sending a copy of his book to St. -Bernard: ‘I had it translated by one skilled in both tongues; Master -Peter of Toledo; but since he was not as much at home in the Latin, and -did not know it as well as the Arabic, I appointed one to help him … -Brother Peter our Notary.’ To his Koran Peter the Venerable joined a -_Summa Brevis_ of the Christian controversy with the Mohammedans. This -work also came from the pen of Master Peter, and with regard to it he -makes the following remarks: ‘By giving elegance and order to what had -been rudely and confusedly stated by him (_i.e._ by Master Peter) he -(_i.e._ Brother Peter the Notary) has completed an epistle, or rather a -short treatise, which, as I believe, will be very useful to many.’[168] - -This correspondence throws a clear light upon the case of Michael Scot in -regard to the charge of plagiarism. Like Master Peter, he was familiar -with both the Latin and the Arabic language. His weak point, however, we -may suppose to have made itself felt with regard to the latter, which he -probably knew better in its colloquial than its literary form, and this -must have been the reason why he availed himself of the aid of a Spanish -Jew to secure the accuracy of his work. Such collaboration seems to have -produced nearly all the previous versions which came from Toledo, and it -is obvious that the honour due to the various contributors who combined -in forming these translations can only be determined by those who have -it in their power to make a careful and unprejudiced valuation of their -individual labours in each case. We may gravely doubt whether this was -what Bacon did before he sat down to pen his sharp censure on Michael -Scot. Certainly such an estimate is now out of the question. We can only -affirm the undoubted fact that the critic was wrong when he said Scot did -not know Arabic. The contrary appears, not only from the probability we -have already drawn from his Sicilian residence, but by actual testimony -of a very honourable kind.[169] Nor must we forget to notice that the -openness with which this copartnery was carried on affords a proof that -no deceit could have been thought of in the matter. Considering the -past history of the Toledan School, it must have been taken for granted -that every version which came from thence under the name of a Christian -scholar owed something to the care of his Moorish scribe. - -Even had we not been able to make such an appeal to the use and wont of -the times in vindication of Scot’s method of work, might not a little -consideration of what was natural and inevitable in such a task have -served to explain what Bacon found so objectionable? The scholars from -distant lands who came to Toledo could not, as a rule, afford to spend -much time there, and were anxious to use every moment of their stay to -the best advantage. They naturally therefore secured on their arrival the -services of a Jew or Moor for the purpose of learning Arabic. Needing a -knowledge of that tongue not so much in its colloquial as its literary -dialect, they must have been engaged from the first in the study of a -text rather than in conversing with their teachers. What then could have -been more suitable than that these scholars should begin by attacking -the very books of which they desired to furnish a Latin version? This -method had the merit of gaining two objects at once. The students learned -to read Arabic, following the text as it was translated to them by the -interpreter. Writing in Latin from his vernacular, and polishing as they -wrote, they engaged from the day of their arrival in the very work of -translation which had brought them to Spain. It is plain too that any -modification of this method which the case of Michael Scot might demand -would depend on the knowledge of Arabic he already possessed. It must -therefore have been such as left him more and not less credit in the -result of his labours than that which commonly belonged to the Christian -translators in Toledo. - -The whole matter of these versions, and of the fame belonging to Michael -Scot in connection with them, seems to receive some further light -when we compare the Toledan practice with that which distinguished -the most famous schools of painting. It would surely be a strange -freak of criticism which should deny to any of the great masters his -well-earned fame because of the ground on which it was raised, or the -numerous scholars whom it attracted to his studio. Yet we know well what -this relation between the master and his school implied in the palmy -days of pictorial art. There were apprentices who stretched canvas, -mixed colours, and pricked and pounced designs. There were pupils, to -whom, according to their talents and proficiency, varied parts of the -execution were assigned. To the master alone belonged the oversight and -responsibility of the whole. Giving a general design, were it only in a -sketch from his hand, he watched the progress of the work with jealous -eye, and caught the decisive moment to interpose by executing with -his own pencil such parts of the painting as might give a distinctive -character, a _cachet_, to the whole. Not till he was satisfied that the -desired effect had been secured might the picture leave his studio, and -who shall say that he did wrong to sign his name to works produced in -such a way? Thus, at any rate, have the highest reputations in the world -of art risen into their deserved and enduring fame. - -Now, as it is certain that the Toledan School pursued similar methods in -their literary labours, right requires that the reputation of its members -should be judged by the same canons of criticism which we apply without -hesitation to pictorial art. His own day unhesitatingly gave Scot the -chief credit in the version of Averroës without inquiring too curiously -what parts had been executed by the Cremonese, or other scholars, and -what share belonged to Andrew the Jew. It may make us the more ready -to accept this verdict and adopt it as our own when we remember the -intellectual qualities of the Emperor for whom this work was done. It is -certainly out of the question to suppose that a reputation in letters, -such as Michael Scot undoubtedly enjoyed at the court of Frederick II., -could have been gained by any but legitimate and honourable means. - -Coming to an examination then of the various versions which came from the -new Toledan School, we find that two of them expressly bear to have been -the work of Scot himself. The first of these is the treatise commencing -‘Maxima cognitio naturae et scientiae.’ It is the commentary of Averroës -on the _De Coelo et Mundo_ of Aristotle,[170] and Scot has prefaced it -by an introduction conceived as follows: ‘To thee, Stephen de Pruvino, -I, Michael Scot, specially commend this work, which I have rendered into -Latin from the sayings of Aristotle. And should Aristotle have delivered -somewhat in an incomplete form concerning the fabric of the world in -this book, thou mayest have what is wanting to complete it from that of -Alpetragius which I have likewise rendered into Latin; and, indeed, it is -one with which thou art well acquainted.’ As we know when the version of -Alpetrongi on the _Sphere_ was produced, this fortunate reference to that -previous work enables us to determine, at least approximately, that of -the _De Coelo et Mundo_, and hence of these translations of Averroës in -general. The year 1217 is the first limit, before which they cannot have -appeared, and 1223 is the last; for by that time Michael Scot had already -left Spain. Between these two dates then, and probably nearer the former -than the latter, must his labours and those of his coadjutors have been -devoted to this important work. - -Stephanus de Provino has been happily identified by M. Bourquelot with -a somewhat notable ecclesiastic of the Church of Nôtre Dame du Val de -Provins, whose name occurs in various documents dated between the years -1211 and 1233. Renan conjectures that he may be the same as a certain -Etienne de Rheims, who, it seems, was born at Provins.[171] Perhaps he is -the _Stephanus Francigena_ of Guido Bonatti.[172] Scot’s friendship with -him, to which the dedication of the _De Coelo et Mundo_ bears witness, -was probably begun in their student days at Paris. - -The second version bearing the name of Scot is that which commences with -the words: ‘Intendit per subtilitatem demonstrare;’ being the commentary -of Averroës on the _De Anima_ of Aristotle.[173] In the Victorine -manuscript this treatise offers a curious title: ‘Here beginneth the -Commentary of the Book of Aristotle the Philosopher concerning the Soul, -which Averroës commented on in _Greek_, and Michael Scot translated into -Latin.’ - -In the same manuscript the version of Averroës’s Commentary on the -various books which compose the _Parva Naturalia_ of Aristotle is -ascribed to Gerard of Cremona. Renan observes that this ascription does -not occur in any other copy, and supposes it to have been a mistake. He -seems influenced in this conclusion by the fact that Gerard of Cremona -died in 1187. It is curious to find such an eminent scholar forgetful -of the existence of a younger Cremonese; and he is not alone in this -error, for it has been repeated even of late years. Yet in 1851 Prince -Baldassare Boncompagni had distinguished well between the elder and -younger Gerard of Cremona in an excellent monograph on the subject.[174] -Even had this work not been published, the learned world had already -reason enough to suspect the truth. In a well-known passage of his -_Compendium Studii_,[175] Roger Bacon speaks of Gerard of Cremona -as a contemporary of Michael Scot, Alured of England, William the -Fleming, and Herman the German, adding that those who were still young -had nevertheless known Gerard, who was the eldest of this company of -scholars. Now the _Compendium Studii_ is commonly assigned to the year -1292, but even if we carry this passage back to 1267, when the most of -Bacon’s works were written, it still appears evidently impossible that -any one still young in that year could have seen a man who died in 1187. -Boncompagni, as we have said, explains the difficulty by acquainting -us with the younger Gerard, called _de Sabloneta_ Cremonensis. He was -undoubtedly a contemporary of Michael Scot, and the De Rossi manuscript, -already referred to,[176] shows that he was in Spain about this time. -There is therefore no reason to distrust the testimony of the Victorine -codex when it gives Gerard the honour of having translated Averroës on -the _Parva Naturalia_. In accomplishing this work he vindicated his right -to the place we have already ventured to assign him as a member of the -Toledan College. - -The manuscript collections where the _De Coelo et Mundo_, the _De Anima_, -and the _Parva Naturalia_ of Averroës are found in a Latin dress, contain -also versions of several other commentaries by the same author: those -concerning the _De Generatione et Corruptione_, the four books of the -_Meteora_, the _De Substantia Orbis_, and the _Physica_ and _Metaphysica_ -of Aristotle.[177] We may safely ascribe them to the Toledo College. They -were translated either by Michael Scot, Gerard of Cremona, or some other -scholar who worked under these masters. - -Renan, relying on the authority of Haureau,[178] has shown good -reason to believe that at least the commentaries on the _Physica_ and -_Metaphysica_ in their Latin versions came from the pen of Scot. Albertus -Magnus, in a passage of high censure, delivers himself in the following -terms: ‘Vile opinions are to be found in the book called _Quaestiones -Nicolai Peripatetici_. I have been wont to say that the author of it -was not Nicholas but Michael Scot, who in very deed knew not natural -philosophy, nor rightly understood the books of Aristotle.’[179] The -doctrine thus condemned is undoubtedly that of Averroës on the _Physica_ -and _Metaphysica_. A manuscript of the Paris library has a treatise -commencing thus: ‘Haec sunt extracta de libro Nicolai Peripatetici,’ and -it seems that a close correspondence exists between this and a certain -digression in the commentary by Averroës on the twelfth book of the -Metaphysics. This digression, says Renan, often occurs in the manuscripts -as a separate treatise called ‘Sermo de quaestionibus quas accepimus a -Nicolao et nos dicemus in his secundum nostrum posse.’ These words have -been omitted from the printed editions of the Commentaries of Averroës, -and thus the identity of this treatise with the book censured by Albertus -Magnus was not recognised till Haureau discovered it. - -The only result then of this sharp criticism is to assure us that the -versions of the _Physica_ and _Metaphysica_ must also be reckoned to the -credit of Michael Scot. For undoubtedly the opinions to which Albert -took such exception were those of Averroës, and not of the translator. -But if so, then what becomes of the censure passed upon Scot? The truth -is that if he was more original than Bacon gave him credit for, on the -other hand he escapes the force of Albert’s blame by proving to have -been less original than the latter critic had supposed. His was indeed a -hard case. He could not form versions from the Arabic but either he was -accused of plagiarism or else held up to the indignation of Christianity -as if he had been the author of the opinions he rendered into Latin. -This steady determination to find fault overreaches itself. We begin to -discover in it the bitter fruit of some _odium philosophicum_, and of -that envy which even a just reputation seldom fails to excite. - -Some curiosity may be felt with regard to the doctrine contained in -the _Quaestiones Nicolai Peripatetici_ which gave ground for such -adverse opinions. M. Renan’s _résumé_ of this treatise is clear and -sufficient,[180] and we may reproduce it here, as it will afford a useful -supplement to the account already given of the philosophy of Averroës. -‘As to the origin of the different kinds of being,’ says Averroës, -‘there are two exactly opposite opinions, as well as others occupying -an intermediate position. The one explains the world by a theory of -development, the other by creation. Those who hold the former say that -generation is nothing but the outcome and in a sense the multiplication -of being; the Agent, according to this hypothesis, doing no more than -extricate being from being and make a distinction between them,[181] so -that the Agent, thus conceived, has the function of a mere motive power. -As to those who hold the hypothesis of creation, they say that the Agent -produces being without having any recourse to pre-existent matter. This -is the view taken by our _Motecallemin_, and by the followers of the -Christian religion: for example, by Johannes Christianus (Philopon), who -asserts that the possibility of creation lies in the Agent alone.’ - -‘The intermediate views may be reduced to two only, though the first of -these admits several subdivisions which show considerable differences. -These opinions agree in affirming that generation is only a change of -substance; that all generation implies a subject; and that everything -begets in its own likeness. The first opinion asserts, however, that -the part of the Agent is to create form, and to impress it upon already -existent matter. Some of those who hold this view, as Ibn Sina,[182] make -an entire separation between matter in generation and the Agent, calling -the latter the _source of form_, while others, among whom we may notice -Themistius and perhaps Alfarabi, maintain that the Agent is in some cases -conjoined with matter, as when fire produces fire, or man begets man; and -in others separate from it, as in the generation of creeping things and -plants, _i.e._ those not produced from seed,[183] which all owe their -being to causes that are unlike themselves.’ - -‘The third theory is that of Aristotle, who holds that the Agent produces -at once both form and substance, by impressing motion on matter, and -begetting a change therein which rouses its latent powers to action. In -this way of thinking the function of the Agent is only to make active -that which already existed potentially, and to realise a union between -matter and form. Thus all creation is reduced to motion of which heat is -the principle. This heat, shed abroad in the waters and in the earth, -begets both the animals and the plants which are not produced by seed. -Nature puts forth all these both orderly and with perfection, just as if -guided by a controlling mind; though nature itself has no intelligence. -The proportions and productive power which the elements owe to the motion -of the sun and stars are what Plato called by the name of _Ideas_. -According to Aristotle the Agent cannot create forms, for in that case -something would be produced from nothing. - -‘It is, in fact, the notion that forms could be created which has led -some philosophers to suppose that forms have a substantive existence of -their own, and that there is a separate source of these. The same error -has infected all the three religions of our day,[184] leading their -divines to assert that nothing can produce something. Starting from -this principle our theologians have supposed the existence of one Agent -producing without intermediary all kinds of creatures; an Agent whose -action proceeds by an infinity of opposite and contradictory acts done -simultaneously. In this way of thinking it is not fire that burns, nor -water that moistens; all proceeds by a direct act of the Creator. Nay -more, when a man throws a stone, these teachers attribute the consequent -motion not to the man but to the universal Agent, and thus deny any true -human activity. - -‘There is even a more astounding corollary of this doctrine; for if God -can cause that which is not to enter into being, He can also reduce being -to nothing; destruction, like generation, is God’s work, and Death itself -has been created by Him. But in our way of thinking destruction is like -generation. Each created thing contains in itself its own corruption, -which is present with it potentially. In order to destroy, just as to -create, it is only necessary for the Agent to call this potentiality into -activity. We must in short maintain as co-ordinate principles both the -Agent and these potential powers. Were one of the two wanting, nothing -could exist at all, or else all being would reduce itself to action; -either of which consequences is as absurd as the other.’ - -We cannot wonder that Albertus Magnus, and all who held the Christian -faith, were alarmed by doctrine of this kind and fiercely opposed it. -The orthodox beliefs of Christians, Jews, and Mohammedans alike were -declared false by this bold writer, whom several expressions which we -have embodied in the above summary show clearly to have been Averroës, -and not Michael Scot. In one passage indeed we seem to discover what may -have suggested the widely spread fable that Frederick II., or Scot, or -some other of their company and party, had produced an atheistic work -called _De Tribus Impostoribus_. The imputation was a false one, yet most -natural were the feelings of prejudice which the publication of this -philosophy aroused against the great Emperor and Michael Scot who had -acted as his agent in the matter. - -Pursuing our investigation of the works which came from the Toledan -College we discover that these were not confined to the books of -Aristotle already noticed, but that the translators took a wider range -in their labours. The Venice manuscript of Averroës,[185] besides the -_De Coelo et Mundo_, the _De Anima_, the _Meteora_, the _De Substantia -Orbis_, the _De Generatione et Corruptione_, and the _Parva Naturalia_, -contains several other treatises that deserve attention. Two of these -were compositions of Averroës; the one a commentary on the book of -Proclus, _De Causis_, then commonly ascribed to Aristotle,[186] and the -other an independent work, as it would seem, bearing the following title: -‘Qualiter intellectus naturalis conjungitur Intelligentiae abstractae,’ -in short a treatise on the _ittisal_. The volume also contains the -Latin version of a book by the Rabbi Moses Maimonides, entitled ‘De Deo -Benedicto, quod non est Corpus, nec Virtus in Corpore.’[187] Maimonides, -like Averroës, was a native of Cordova, and hence no doubt arose the -interest that was felt in his works by the Toledan translators. - -That the Venice manuscript is to be understood as a collection of the -versions which came from that school appears plainly in the dedication -to Stephen of Provins. This is generally prefixed to the _De Coelo et -Mundo_, thus forming an introduction to the versions which follow; but -here it has been placed at the end of the volume, occurring immediately -after the short article _De Vita Aristotelis_ which closes the whole -series. We may see in this fact a certain probability that some at -least of these additional versions may have been the work of Michael -Scot himself. Nor will the five years which he spent at Toledo appear -too scant a space of time for the production of the whole body of the -Latin Averroës and something more, when we remember the ample and able -assistance he enjoyed in the prosecution of his labours as a translator. - -There is one other version of which we must speak before leaving the -subject which has engaged our attention so long. The library of St. Omer -contains a manuscript collection of the works of Aristotle in Latin -which was written during the thirteenth century.[188] The fly-leaf at -the commencement of this volume shows the same handwriting as the other -pages, and has proved upon examination to be the last relic of a work -which has unfortunately perished. What that work was may be seen from -the closing words, which are as follows: ‘Here end the _Nova Ethica_ of -Aristotle, which Master Michael Scot translated from the Greek language -into the Latin.’ This colophon opens a curious question. Are we to -consider that the scribe wrote _Greek_ when he should rather have said -_Arabic_? It was by a mistake of such a kind that the writer of the -Victorine manuscript asserted that Averroës had commented on the _De -Anima_ in _Greek_.[189] Taking it in this way the version of the _Nova -Ethica_ would fall into line with the others which Scot and Gerard of -Cremona composed at Toledo. But it deserves notice that none of the -manuscript collections usually considered to contain the work of that -school comprises among its contents the _Nova Ethica_. We know, further, -that a Latin version of the Ethics with the commentary of Averroës was -made from the Arabic by Hermannus Alemannus.[190] This work was completed -on the third of June 1240, and we can hardly suppose that it would have -been entered on if Michael Scot had already accomplished the same task -but twenty years earlier. These facts and considerations make it very -unlikely that the St. Omer fragment represents a version of the Arabic -text. - -Assuming then the literal truth of this interesting colophon, we -are confirmed in the conclusion to which an examination of the _De -Partibus Animalium_ in the Florence manuscript has already inclined -our minds.[191] Michael Scot, it must now be held, did not confine -his studies altogether to the Arabian authors, but undertook to form -translations directly from the Greek. These two versions, and especially -that of the _Nova Ethica_, open up a new and striking view of the -scholar’s literary activity. When Aquinas moved Pope Urban to order a new -translation of Aristotle from the original, William of Moerbeka and those -others who presently entered upon this work were tilling no virgin soil, -but a familiar field in which the plough of Scot at least had left deep -furrows. Even the renowned Grostête, Bishop of Lincoln, who executed a -version of the _Ethica_ from the Greek about 1250, was but following in -the path which this earlier master had opened up. Michael Scot here takes -rank with Boëthius and Jacobus de Venetiis, who were among the first to -seek these pure and original sources of Aristotelic doctrine. He appears -as one who not only completed the knowledge of his time with regard to -the Arabian philosophy by translating Averroës, but who gave some help at -least to lay the foundation of a more exact acquaintance with the works -of Aristotle by opening a direct way to the Greek text. We may even see -a sign of this remarkable position in the place of honour given, perhaps -accidentally, to Scot’s version of the _Nova Ethica_ at the opening of -the St. Omer manuscript. He stands between two ages, and lays a hand of -power upon each. - -It is hardly necessary to add that in this he shines all the more -brightly when compared with his great detractor. Roger Bacon, secure -in the consciousness of his commanding abilities, attacks with a rare -self-confidence, not Michael Scot alone, but all the scholars of his -time. Not four of them, he says, know Hebrew, Greek, and Arabic.[192] -Those who pretend to translate from these tongues are ignorant even -of Latin, not to speak of the sciences treated of in the books which -they pretend to render intelligible. Busy in penning these diatribes, -Bacon does not seem to have reflected that the best way of reproving -the imperfections of which he complained would have been to shame these -scholars to some purpose by producing better versions on his own account. -But the truth of the matter lies here, that Bacon was no linguist. This -appears plainly from the tale he tells against himself in the _Compendium -Studii_; how a hard word in Aristotle had baffled him till one day -there came some outlandish students to hear him lecture, who laughed at -his perplexity, telling him it was good Spanish for the plant called -Henbane.[193] ‘Hinc illae lachrymae’ then, and a plague on Michael Scot -and all his tribe, who know Spanish so well they will not put a plain -Latin word for the puzzled professor to understand. No wonder that to -Scot rather than to Bacon, for all his genius, that age owed the chief -part of the first translation of Aristotle and a good beginning of the -second. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -SCOT AGAIN AT COURT - - -The return of Michael Scot from Spain to the Imperial Court was doubtless -a striking moment, not only in the life of the philosopher himself, -but in the history of letters. He then appeared fresh from a great -enterprise, and bringing with him the proofs of its success in the form -of the Latin Averroës. We cannot doubt that his reception was worthy of -the occasion and of one who had served his master so faithfully. - -Frederick was now returned to his dominions in the south. He had -established his imperial rights in Germany at the cost of a campaign in -which the pretensions of Otho were successfully overcome, and, on his -return homeward in 1220, he had received the crown once more in Rome -at the hands of the supreme ecclesiastical authority. His progress was -indeed a continual scene of triumph. Arrived at Palermo, the court gave -itself up to feasting and gaiety of every kind. - -Two ancient romantic authorities[194] choose with dramatic instinct this -moment, and these gay and voluptuous surroundings, as the _mise en scène_ -amid which they show us Scot again appearing to resume the place he -had quitted more than ten years before. It is quite possible that there -may be a measure of historic truth here, as well as the art which can -seize or create an occasion, and which loves to contrast the triumph of -arms with the more peaceful honours of literary fame. Frederick, we must -remember, in a sort represented both. He was Maecenas as well as Caesar. -In welcoming Michael Scot and doing him honour at these imperial banquets -he was but crowning the success of an enterprise in which his own name -and interest were deeply engaged. - -Traces of the impression made by this highly significant incident have -been preserved in the arts of poetry and painting as well as in that of -prose romance. Dante, who wrote his _Divine Comedy_ less than a century -later than the time of Scot, has given the philosopher a place in his -poem, describing him as: - - ‘Quell’altro, che ne’ fianchi è così poco, - Michele Scotto fu.’[195] - -The commentators, with great reason, refer the epithet ‘poco’ to the -manner of Scot’s dress. It would seem that the Spaniards of those days -differed from the other European nations in their habit. They wore -a close girdle about the waist, like the _hhezum_ of the East; and -indeed they had probably taken the fashion from long familiarity with -their Moorish masters and neighbours.[196] Scot must have adopted such -a dress while at Toledo, and thus, when he returned to Palermo, the -singularity of his appearance struck the eyes of the court at once. The -impression proved a remarkably enduring one, since, even in Dante’s day, -it still persisted, offering itself, as we have seen, to the poet as -a picturesque means of presenting the famous scholar to the world, not -without a hidden reference to what was certainly one of the crowning -moments of his life. - -We may suspect indeed that the fashion of Scot’s dress was more than -simply Spanish; for the mode of Aragon at least must surely have been -too familiar at Frederick’s court to excite so much attention. The -philosopher had lived long in close company with the Moors of Toledo and -Cordova. What he wore was probably no mere fragment of Eastern fashion -but the complete costume of an Arabian sage. The flowing robes, the -close-girt waist, the pointed cap, were not unknown in Sicily where there -was still a considerable Moorish population, yet they must have sat -strangely enough upon Scot when once he declared himself for what he was: -the reverend ecclesiastic, the Master of Paris, the native of the far -north. - -There is a fresco on the south wall[197] of the Spanish Chapel in the -cloisters of Santa Maria Novella of Florence which contains a figure -answering nearly to this conjecture regarding Scot’s appearance. It -is that of a man in the prime of life, slight and dark, with a short -brown beard trimmed to a point. He wears a long close-fitting robe of a -reddish colour, noticeably narrow at the waist, with a falling girdle. On -his head is a tall red pointed cap from which the ringlets of his dark -hair escape on each side. He stands among the converts of the Dominican -preachers and bends towards the spectator with an intense expression and -action as he tears the leaves out of a heretical book[198] that rests -on his knee. It would be too much to assert that the figure we have -described was meant as a portrait of Michael Scot, yet considering the -place he holds in the _Divine Comedy_, it is not impossible that such -an idea may have crossed the artist’s mind and left these traces in his -work. Certainly no better pictorial illustration can be found, at once -of Dante’s lines, and of the somewhat equivocal reputation which began -to haunt Scot from the time of his return to court. There was indeed a -singular fitness in the Moslem dress considered as the daily wear of -one who, though a Christian and a Churchman, had just done more than -any living scholar to introduce the Moorish science and philosophy in -the West. His choice of such a fashion is evidence that Michael Scot -possessed a ready adaptability to his circumstances, and even a vein -of aesthetic and dramatic instinct which we might not otherwise have -suspected. But it is not to be forgotten that his versions of Averroës -were already condemned by the Church, and that the very manner of Scot’s -appearance when he brought them from Spain must have heightened the -suspicions of heresy which began to attach themselves to the translator -of these forbidden works. The only hope for such a man was that he -might be induced to tear his book and turn to less dangerous pursuits. -This is exactly the idea which the painter of the Spanish Chapel has -expressed, and in a form which accords so remarkably with the picturesque -description of Michael Scot by Dante.[199] - -If the philosopher did not actually take such extreme measures with the -creatures of his brain and pen, the versions he brought to Sicily were at -least suppressed in the meantime, being concealed in the imperial closet -till a more suitable opportunity should occur for their publication. This -done, their author devoted himself to pursuits less likely to attract -unfavourable notice than those in which he had been lately engaged. - -The place and duty which most naturally offered themselves to Scot were -those of the Court Astrologer. We have seen him occupied in this way -already, before he left Palermo for Spain, and there seems no reason -to doubt the tradition which says that such was indeed the standing -occupation of his life, and one which he resumed at once on his return. -To this application of celestial science the opinion of the times -attached no sinister interpretation, and Scot, finding himself the object -of suspicion on account of his late studies and achievements, must have -fallen back with a sense of security, strange as it may seem, upon the -casting of horoscopes and the forming of presages founded on the flight -of birds and the motion of animals.[200] - -It is therefore in all likelihood to this period in his life that we are -to ascribe several works on astrology and kindred subjects which bear -the name of Scot. They may have come from his pen by way of supplement -to the doctrine which he had expounded so many years before in the -_Liber Introductorius_.[201] Such are the _Astrologia_ of the Munich -Library,[202] and a curious volume preserved in the Hof-Bibliothek of -Vienna with the following title: ‘Michaelis Scoti Capitulum de iis quae -generaliter significantur in partibus duodecim Caeli, sive Domibus.’[203] -The _De Presagiis Stellarum et Elementaribus_, and the _Notitia -convinctionis Mundi terrestris cum Coelesti_, cited by the writer on Scot -in the _Encyclopedia Britannica_, belong apparently to the same class. - -We shall probably commit no error in assuming that the astrological views -of Scot at this period were substantially the same as those embodied -in his earlier writings on that subject.[204] In after ages they were -severely censured by Pico della Mirandola, who says of Scot’s doctrine -concerning the stellar images: ‘These invisible forms can be discerned -neither by the senses nor by right reason, and there is no agreement -regarding them by their inventors, who were not the Chaldeans or Indians -but only the Arabs.’ … ‘Michael Scot mentions all these (images) as -things most effectual, and with him agree many astrologers, both Arabian -and Latin. I had heard somewhat of this doctrine, and thought at first -that it was meant merely as a convenient means of mapping out the sky, -and not that these figures actually existed in the heavens.…’ ‘From the -Greeks astrology passed to the Arabs and was taught with ever-growing -assurance.…’ ‘Aboasar, a grammarian and historical writer, took this -science from the Greeks, corrupting it with countless trifling fables, -and made thereof an astrology much worse than that of Ptolemy.…’ ‘In -those days the study of mathematics, like that of philosophy in general, -made great progress in Spain under King Alphonso, a keen student in the -calculus, especially as applied to the movements of the heavenly bodies. -He had also a taste for the vain arts of the Diviner, having learned no -better; and to please him in this many of the most important treatises -of that kind, both Greek and Arabic, have been handed down to our own -day, chiefly by the labours of Johannes Hispalensis and Michael Scot, -the latter of whom was an author of no weight and full of superstition. -Albertus Magnus at first was somewhat carried away with this doctrine, -for it came with the power of novelty to his inexperienced youth, but -I rather think that his opinions suffered change in later life.’[205] -Mirandola belonged to another age than that of Scot, when purer -conceptions of astronomical science were already beginning to prevail, -but the very opinions he condemned held a real relation to that progress. -They encouraged in early times, as may be seen in the case of Alphonso -himself, a study of the heavenly motions without which no true advance -could have been made. - -A story told by the chronicler Salimbene may, if rightly understood, -show us that Michael Scot too, for all his astrological dreams, was a -clever calculator and thus stood well in the line on which true advance -in astronomy was even then proceeding. The Emperor asked him one day to -determine the distance of the _coelum_, which probably means the height -of the roof, in a certain hall of the palace where they happened to -be standing together. The calculation having been made and the result -given, Frederick took occasion to send Scot on a distant journey, -and, while he was away, the proportions of the room were slightly but -sufficiently altered. On his return the Emperor led him where they had -been before and asked that he should repeat his solution of the problem. -Scot unhesitatingly affirmed that a change had taken place; either the -floor was higher or the _coelum_ lower than before: an answer which -made all men marvel at his skill.[206] Greek science had taught the art -of measuring inaccessible distances by means of angular observations, -and this art was well understood by the Arabs. The _Optica_ of Ptolemy -were already translated into Latin from an Arabic version by Eugenio, -admiral to King Robert of Sicily during the twelfth century,[207] and -mathematical instruments were known in that kingdom whereby angles could -be taken and measured with some nicety. Scot must have possessed such -an _astrolabe_ and the skill to use it with great delicacy, if we have -rightly read the terms of the problem he solved so unhesitatingly. There -is no cause for wonder then in the fact that, where pure and legitimate -astronomy was concerned, this philosopher, who had won fame in his -student days as the mathematician of Paris, who was now widely known -as the translator of Alpetrongi, and who as a keen observer and ready -calculator was well qualified for original research, should have taken a -high place in these studies on his own account, and should have come to -be acknowledged as a master in them. Even Bacon, who blamed Michael Scot -so bitterly when language or philosophy were in question, speaks in a -different way here, calling him a ‘notable inquirer into matter, motion, -and the course of the constellations.’ - -This well-earned celebrity may have been owing in no small degree to a -mathematical and astronomical work produced by the philosopher after -his return to court. Sacrobosco, the famous English astronomer, had -just risen into notice by his treatise on the _Sphere_. This book was -not indeed very remarkable in itself, but it obtained an extraordinary -currency during the Middle Ages, and after the invention of printing as -well as before it:[208] a popularity chiefly due, we may believe, to its -suggestiveness, which caused many of the learned to enrich the _Sphere_ -of Sacrobosco with their own notes and observations. One of the first to -do so was Michael Scot. His commentary on the work of Holywood contains -several subtle inquiries and determinations regarding the source of heat, -the sphericity of the heavenly bodies, and other matters, which have been -repeated by Libri with the remark that their author must have been far in -advance of his times.[209] - -We may notice here a curious legend of Naples to which Sir Walter Scott -has drawn attention in the account he gives of his great namesake.[210] -It would seem to suggest that this age, perhaps by means of Michael -Scot, was acquainted with philosophical instruments rarer if not more -useful than the astrolabe. The romance of _Vergilius_ tells how that -hero founded ‘in the middes of the see a fayer towne, with great landes -belongynge to it; … and called it Napells. And the fandacyon of it -was of egges, and in that towne of Napells he made a tower with iiii -corners, and in the toppe he set an apell upon an yron yarde, and no -man culd pull away that apell without he brake it; and thoroughe that -yren set he a bolte, and in that bolte set he a egge. And he henge the -apell by the stauke upon a cheyne, and so hangeth it still. And when the -egge styrreth, so shoulde the towne of Napells quake; and when the egge -brake, then shulde the towne sinke,’ The reference here is of course to -the _Castel del Ovo_ at Naples, a fortress which we know to have been -built, or at least strengthened, by Frederick II. What if the rest of the -legend embalm, like a fly in amber, the tradition, strangely altered, of -some instrument set up there to measure the force of the earthquakes so -prevalent in that part of Italy? - -Such a notion is not the pure matter of conjecture it may at first sight -seem to be. Frederick was in relation with those who might well have put -him in possession of this among other secrets. When the Tartars stormed -the _Vulture’s Nest_, as it was called, in the Syrian castle of Alamout, -they found an observatory well supplied with instruments of precision, -and that of all kinds.[211] Now this place was the last refuge of the -Assassins, that strange sect who owned obedience to the Old Man of the -Mountain. Frederick II. when in the East paid these people a visit,[212] -and again at Melfi, in his own dominions, he received their ambassadors -and entertained them at a great banquet.[213] Considering then the -Emperor’s well-known curiosity in all matters of physical science, we -may feel sure he would profit by any improvements or discoveries the -observers at Alamout could communicate. If the contrivance set up at -Naples was really a _seismometer_, this would furnish a curious comment -on Bacon’s statement that Michael Scot excelled in investigating the -movements of matter.[214] - -Passing to what rests on more certain evidence, we find Scot’s fame in -those days attested by one of his most distinguished contemporaries, -and that in a way which makes him appear as an honoured master in the -science of algebra, then lately introduced from the Moorish schools. This -improvement and testimony were both of them due to a certain Leonardo -of the Bonacci family of Pisa, who was, perhaps, the first to bring the -new method of calculation to the knowledge of his countrymen. His father -had been overseer of the customs at Bougie, in Barbary,[215] on behalf -of the Pisan merchants who traded thither. Observing the superior way of -reckoning used by the Moors in that country, he sent home for his son -that the boy might be trained in this admirable way of counting. Leonardo -perfected his art in after years by travel and study in Egypt, Syria, -and Greece, as well as in Sicily and Provence. The ripe fruit of this -knowledge saw the light in 1222, when he published for the first time -his famous _Liber Abbaci_. It consisted of fifteen chapters, in which -the author declared the secret of the Indian numerals as well as the -fundamental processes of algebra.[216] - -This brief account of one who must ever hold an honourable place in the -history of mathematical science may enable us to value at its true worth -the praise which Leonardo bestowed on Michael Scot. It seems that the -first edition of the _Liber Abbaci_ was not entirely satisfactory. Scot -wrote a letter to the author which possibly contained strictures on the -work, and asked that a copy of the emended edition should be sent him. -Pisano replied by dedicating the book to his correspondent. It appeared -in 1228, and contained a prefatory letter, in which the author addresses -Scot in the highest terms of respect, calling him by that title of -_Supreme Master_ which he had won at Paris, and submitting the _Liber -Abbaci_, even in this its final form, to his further emendation. This -_laudari a laudato_ must have been most grateful to the philosopher, and -it enables us to see the standing he had among the mathematicians of his -time. One would almost be disposed to infer, from the respect Pisano -paid him, that Scot himself had composed or translated some lost work on -algebra. In another connection we shall find reason to think that this -conjecture may be well founded.[217] - -Besides the practice of astrology and his deeper researches in astronomy -and mathematics, Michael Scot devoted himself to another profession, -that of medicine. This was then a science very imperfectly understood, -yet here too, in the years that followed his return to court, Scot made -a name for himself as a physician, and contributed something to the -advancement of human knowledge in one of its most important branches. The -healing art in Europe had only just begun to emerge from that primitive -state in which savage peoples still possess it; overlaid by charms and -incantations; the peculiar department of the wise woman, the sorcerer, -and the priest. Among the Latin races the lady of the castle and the -_bella donna_ of the village still cared for rich and poor in their -various accidents and sicknesses, as indeed they continued to do for -several ages more. Only crowned heads, the wealthiest of the nobility, -or the rich merchants of the cities, began to require and employ the -services of regular physicians. These were generally Jews, sometimes -Moors;[218] and thus fashion and experience alike began to make popular -among our ancestors the superior claims of science in medicine. Such -science had undoubtedly survived from the days and in the works of -Hippocrates, Galen, and Celsus, and was now preserved in the theory and -practice of the Arabian schools. - -This point once reached, a further advance soon became inevitable. -Attention had been called to a deeper source of medical knowledge than -that generally possessed in the West. Learned men, whose tastes led -them this way, naturally sought to inform their minds by procuring -translations of the Arabic works on medicine. The just fame of Salerno, -a medical school which had been founded in the closing years of the -eleventh century by Robert Guiscard, depended on the intelligent zeal -with which this plan of research was then pursued.[219] The kingdom -of Sicily indeed occupies as important a place in the progress of the -healing art as Spain itself does with regard to the history of philosophy -and of science in general. - -Frederick II., as might have been expected, did much to encourage and -regulate these useful studies. We have already noticed the bent of -his mind towards comparative physiology, and the daring experiments he -carried out, _in corpore vili et vivo_. One of the first literary and -scientific works which he commanded, or at least accepted when it was -dedicated to him, was a compilation from three ancient authors upon a -medical subject.[220] He was then but eighteen years of age. As time -went on his interest in this science continued, and became the motive -to a liberal and enlightened policy. He regarded medicine as a matter -of national importance, and strove by wise laws to make the practice -of that profession as intelligent and useful as possible. He protected -the faculty at Salerno and created that of Naples. None might lecture -elsewhere in the Sicilies, and every physician in the kingdom must hold -testimonials from one or other of these schools, as well as a government -licence to practise. The course preliminary to qualification consisted of -three years in arts and five in medicine and surgery. As a guide to the -professors, the doctrine of Hippocrates and Galen was declared normal in -the schools; yet, lest this should become merely formal and traditional, -directions were given that the students should have practice in anatomy. -Regarding the related trade of the apothecary, the laws denounced the -adulteration of drugs. Physicians might not claim a greater fee than half -a _taren_ of gold per diem, which gave the patient a right to be visited -thrice in the day. The poor were to be attended free of charge. We have -thought it right to be particular in these details, as they throw light -on the times, and on Scot’s own practice as a physician. Considering -indeed the place he held about the Emperor’s person, and the high -estimation in which his master held him, it seems not at all improbable -that his may have been the hand which drew these wise enactments, or his -at least the suggestion which commended them to Frederick. They must in -any case have been the rules under which he carried on his work as a -doctor of medicine. - -This branch of Michael Scot’s activity relates itself easily and -naturally to what we already know of his acquirements and familiarity -with the Arabian authors. It was from the _De Medicina_ of Rases that -he borrowed so much material for his _Physionomia_. The _Abbreviatio -Avicennae_ too, which he translated for Frederick in 1210, was in no -small part a treatise on comparative anatomy and physiology, nor is it -likely that he can have missed reading the famous _canon_ of the same -author, in which Avicenna expounds a complete body of practical medicine. -We need not wonder then to find that, on Scot’s return to court, his -work on Averroës done, he added the practice of physic to his duties as -Imperial Astrologer. This new profession must have offered itself to him -as another means of securing a general forgetfulness of the questionable -direction in which his philosophical studies had lately carried him. - -He seems in fact to have won almost as much fame in medicine as he had -made for himself in the study of mathematics. Lesley says ‘he gained much -praise as a philosopher, astronomer, and physician.’ Dempster speaks -of his ‘singular skill,’ calling him ‘one of the first physicians for -learning’[221] and adding that Camperius[222] had the highest opinion -of him. An anonymous writer, _De claris Doctrina Scotis_, is even more -precise, telling us that Scot was noted for the cures he effected in -difficult cases, and that he excelled in the treatment of leprosy, gout, -and dropsy.[223] - -Some slight remains of this skill are to be found in the libraries of -Europe; for Michael Scot was a writer on the science of his art as well -as a practising physician. The chief of these relics is a considerable -work on the urine. This subject had been widely, if not deeply, studied -by the more ancient medical authorities, whose investigations appear in -the _Ketab Albaul_ of Al Kairouani,[224] and in a book to which we have -already more than once referred: the _De Urinis_ compiled for Frederick -in 1212.[225] The same title belongs to one of the treatises by Avicenna, -which has been reprinted in the present century.[226] - -The _De Urinis_ of Michael Scot seems now extant in the form of an -Italian translation alone. The exact title is as follows: ‘Della notitia -e prognosticatione dell’orine, secondo Michele Scoto, così de’ sani, -come delli infermi,’ or, more briefly, ‘El trattato de le urine secondo -Michaele Scoto.’[227] The author enumerates no less than nineteen -divisions of his subject, which he seems to have studied very exactly. -This work long remained an authority in the medical schools, as appears, -not only from the two translations we have noticed, but also in the fact -that large use was made of it in a later collection which commences thus: -‘In the name of the Lord, Amen. These are certain recipes taken from the -book of Master Michael Scot, Physician to the Emperor Frederick, and from -the works of other Doctors.’[228] - -There has also come down to us a prescription called _Pillulae Magistri -Michaelis Scoti_.[229] It enumerates about a dozen ingredients and the -scribe has added an extravagant commendation of its healing powers. -Mineral medicines were evidently not in fashion in those days; for the -recipe speaks only of simples derived from herbs of different kinds. It -is to be observed that this agrees exactly with the practice of Salerno, -as the Materia Medica of that school was chiefly drawn from the botany -of Dioscorides afterwards expounded by Ibn Beithar of Malaga, the great -Moorish authority on the healing virtues of plants. There is no reason -then to doubt the truth of the title which ascribes the prescription for -these pills to Michael Scot. It is in any case a curious relic of early -medical practice. - -It is possible that the great plague which fell upon Palermo at the time -of Frederick’s marriage may have been, in part at least, the occasion -of that interest which both the Emperor and his astrologer took in the -healing art. These epidemics, which in several of their most fatal forms -are now only known by tradition, were the dreaded scourge of the Middle -Ages; their prevalence being no doubt due to the rude and insanitary -habits of life which were then universal. We read of another infectious -sickness which attacked Frederick and his crusaders when they were on the -point of sailing from Brindisi in 1227. The season was one of terrible -heat, so great indeed that one chronicle says the rays of the sun melted -solid metal! Lying in the confinement of their galleys on an unhealthy -coast the troops suffered severely. At last rain fell, but immediately -poisonous damps arose from the steaming soil, and the plague began to -show itself. Two bishops and the Landgrave of Thuringia were among the -victims of the pestilence, and very many of the crusaders died. Frederick -himself ran considerable risk of his life. Against the advice of his -physician he had exposed himself to the sun in the course of his journey -to Brindisi. After three days with the fleet he was obliged to return -on account of the state of his health, when he at once went to the -waters at Pozzuoli, which proved a successful cure. Michael Scot must -have entered into these affairs with a large concern and responsibility -for his master’s health, and we shall think much of the importance and -consequence he enjoyed at this time when we remember that the chief -object of his care as a physician was the life of one on whom interests -that were more than European then depended. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -THE LAST DAYS OF MICHAEL SCOT - - -The various occupations in which Michael Scot engaged upon his return to -court were not without their due and, as we believe, designed effect. -The part he had taken in producing the Latin Averroës was soon forgotten -when it appeared that no immediate publication of these proscribed works -was intended by the Emperor. Scot now stood boldly before the world in no -suspicious character; distinguished only by his great learning and the -fidelity with which he discharged his offices of astrologer and physician -about the Imperial person. - -This rehabilitation of his fame opened the way to further honours and -emoluments which Frederick soon began to seek on his servant’s behalf. -Scot had never quite lost character as a churchman, and the member of a -great religious Order, though his studies had carried him far from the -somewhat narrow and beaten track of an ordinary ecclesiastical education. -Like Philip of Tripoli, he was probably in holy orders, and even held a -benefice, while, as we see from the dedication of his _De Coelo et Mundo_ -to Stephen of Provins, he was careful, even in the wildest heats of his -work on Averroës, to keep in touch with those who held high positions in -the Church. Soon after his return from Spain a resolute and repeated -attempt was made to secure for him some ecclesiastical preferment. - -Honorius III. then sat in the Chair of St. Peter. In 1223 a dispensation -was granted by the Curia allowing Michael Scot to hold a plurality. At -the same time the Pope wrote to Stephen Langton the Primate of England, -desiring that Scot should be preferred to the first suitable place which -might fall vacant in that country.[230] Honorius was then at peace with -the Emperor, and we may believe that it was in consequence of some strong -representation made by Frederick that he took such an interest in the -fortunes of this Imperial _protégé_. - -The application to Canterbury was entirely in accordance with the habits -of the time; for England was then the constant resource of the Popes when -they wished to confer a favour on any of their clergy. Many and deep -were the complaints which this practice awakened among the priesthood -of the north. A like abuse of influence appeared in Scotland as well. -Theiner reports the case of a clerk named Peter, the son of Count George -of Cabaliaca, on whose behalf the Pope wrote in 1259 to the Canons of -St. Andrews, desiring that he might be reinstated in his benefice of -Chinachim (Kennoway in Fife) which he had forfeited as an adherent of -the Empire.[231] It is only fair, however, to notice that there were -instances of the contrary practice. In 1218, for example, one Matthew, -a Scot, was recommended by Honorius to the University of Paris for the -degree of Doctor, that he might teach there in the faculty of Divinity. - -It may seem remarkable that the Pope did not address his application -in Scot’s favour to St. Andrews rather than to Canterbury. We are to -recollect, however, that in 1223, the relations between Scotland and -the See of Rome were still somewhat strained. The North had not yet -forgotten what took place in 1217, when Gualo came thither as Legate to -lay the Interdict upon Scotland. Churches were closed by this severe -sentence; the sacraments forbidden; even that of extreme unction denied -to the people; the dead were buried without service, and all marriages -were celebrated in the churchyards. When the interdict was removed -in the following year, the duty of proclaiming that remission was -intrusted to the Prior of Durham and the Dean of York, who made a solemn -progress in the Kingdom to announce the Pope’s clemency. We may feel -sure that these events were not forgotten in five years by a proud and -independent nation like the people of Scotland, and Honorius must be -thought to have judged rightly in supposing his application on Scot’s -account had a better chance of being effected by the English than by the -Scottish Primate. Nothing indeed was overlooked that might give force -to the recommendation. The Pope accompanied his request with a generous -testimony to the scholar’s ability, saying that he was distinguished, -even among learned men, for his remarkable gifts and knowledge.[232] Thus -everything seemed to promise that Michael Scot would soon enjoy a rich -English living; the _El dorado_ of the foreign clergy in those easy days -of sinecures secured by dispensations of plurality and non-residence. - -Meanwhile, however, a much more favourable occasion offered itself to the -Pope for securing the interests of Frederick’s _protégé_, and one which -dispensed with any concurrence of the English Primate in the matter. -In the same year which witnessed his application to Stephen Langton a -vacancy occurred in the Archbishopric of Cashel. The chapter of that see -proposed a candidate of their own to Honorius, probably the Bishop of -Cork, but the Pope saw his opportunity and named Michael Scot for the -vacant benefice. The obedient Chapter at once proceeded to elect him. The -consequence being to their apprehension a foregone conclusion, the Curia -issued another dispensation permitting this favourite of fortune to hold -the Archbishopric along with all his other benefices.[233] So nearly did -Scot come to the possession of a high place in the Church, and an office -which would surely have altered his fame in the ages that were to come. - -But those who thus took into their hands the shaping of the future for -Michael Scot were soon to learn that the man they had to deal with was -of another nature than their own; a very Scot in his scruples and the -conscientiousness with which he gave effect to them. Incredible as it -must then have seemed, remarkable as it would be even in our own day, -Michael Scot refused Cashel,[234] and this for a reason which showed how -high was the conception he had formed of the pastoral office. His _nolo -episcopari_ proceeded on the ground that he was ignorant of the Irish -language. He would not, it seems, be a chief pastor without the power -to teach and feed the flock committed to his care. He would not consent -to be intruded upon a people to whom he must have proved unacceptable, -nor would he, in the too common fashion of the day, commit his duties in -Ireland to a suffragan, while enjoying ample revenues and a lordly title -in Italy. - -It is somewhat startling to find a principle not unheard of in the -Scotland of our own century so clearly grasped and so conscientiously -followed by this _non-intrusionist_ countryman of ours six hundred years -ago. Yet Michael Scot did not stand alone in his sacrifice even in these -slack times, as may be seen by the case of his namesake, John Scot, who -was Bishop of Dunkeld during the pontificate of Clement III.[235] This -earlier Prelate ruled a vast diocese which included the country of Argyll -as well as the more eastern parts of central Scotland. His conscience -became uneasy under the responsibility, and, unwilling to continue the -spiritual overseer of those whom from his ignorance of their language -he could not edify, he wrote to the Pope, desiring that Argyll might be -disjoined from Dunkeld, and that Ewaldus his chaplain, who knew Erse, -might have charge of the new diocese as its Bishop. This was actually -done in 1200, and the good Bishop died in great peace two years later. -‘How can I give a comfortable account to the Judge of the world at the -last day,’ so he had written to Clement, ‘if I pretend to teach those -who cannot understand me? The revenues suffice for two Bishops, if we -are content with a competency, and are not prodigal of the patrimony of -Christ. It is better to lessen the charge and increase the number of -labourers in the Lord’s Vineyard.’ In some such terms must Michael Scot -too have declined Cashel. His case, as well as that of Dunkeld, is enough -to show that ecclesiastical corruption, though widespread, was not, even -in those days, universal. May no Cervantes of the Church ever arise in -Scotland to laugh such sacred chivalry away! - -The disappointment he nevertheless felt on this occasion may probably -have encouraged Scot in his attachment to the court and to his new duties -there as astrologer and physician, in which, as we have seen, he rose to -such acknowledged eminence. Frederick did not, however, lose sight of his -purpose to procure him preferment. The first application to Canterbury -having met with no response it was renewed four years later in 1227, by -Gregory IX., who in that year succeeded Honorius in the Chair of St. -Peter. This new Pontiff was destined to become the Emperor’s most bitter -and relentless foe, but as yet he remained on good terms with Frederick -and inclined to show him favour. He seems to have made no difficulty in -taking up the case of Michael Scot, and even added on his own account -a eulogy meant to forward the scholar’s claim; representing him as a -distinguished student, not only in Latin letters, but also of the Hebrew -and Arabic languages.[236] So far as can be seen, however, the attempt -of 1227 shared the fate of that which had been made in 1223. Canterbury -gave no signs of acquiescence, and Michael Scot, for all his distinction, -remained without the preferment which his friends so constantly sought to -obtain for him. - -There is reason to think that from this time a change took place in the -spirit of the philosopher. The natural chagrin he must have felt as it -became plain that no position he could accept would be offered to him in -the Church affected deeply his fine and sensitive nature. He soon passed -into a brooding and despondent mood, which remained unaffected by all the -praise and fame paid by the learned world as a tribute to his remarkable -talents and achievements. It is in this change of temper to a morbid -depression that we are to find the occasion and inspiring spirit of those -strange prophetical verses which bear his name and which differ so widely -from all the other productions of his pen. - -Such compositions were indeed far from being uncommon in Italy. The -reputed prophecies of the Erythræan Sibyl were extant in the form of -an epistle supposed to be addressed to the Greeks under the walls of -Troy. This curious composition is said to have been rendered into the -Greek language from the Syriac by a certain Doxopatros. His version -was one of those volumes which had reached Sicily from the library of -Manuel Comnenus Emperor of Constantinople, and was then translated into -Latin during the twelfth century by Eugenio, admiral to King Roger. A -series of poets from Giovacchino di Fiora[237] to Jacopone da Todi[238] -then chose the prophetic lyre and made it resound with dark sayings -and predictions of misfortune and ruin. Especially worthy of study in -this connection are the verses ascribed to _Merlin_, which declare the -fate of many Italian cities.[239] That Michael Scot gave his talents to -this kind of composition rests on evidence as convincing as any which -establishes the other events of his life. Pipini the chronicler says that -‘he was reputed to have the gift of prophecy, for he published verses in -which he foretold the ruin of certain Italian cities as well as other -circumstances.’[240] An earlier, indeed a contemporary, authority, Henry -Abrincensis, in a poem presented to Frederick II. in 1235 or the early -months of the following year, speaks of Michael Scot as ‘another Apollo,’ -‘a prophet of truth’ possessed of ‘hidden secrets’ and the author of -‘certain predictions regarding thee, O Caesar.’[241] - -Quotations from the prophecies of Scot were made by Villani.[242] The -lines referring to Florence may still be read in a manuscript of the -Riccardian Library in that city,[243] and in another, preserved in -Padua,[244] we find the following title: ‘Here begin certain prophecies -of Michael Scot, the most illustrious astrologer of Lord Frederick the -Emperor, which declare somewhat of the future, to wit, of certain Italian -cities.’ This shows that verses, bearing to have been composed by Scot, -were current at an early date, though the scribe of the Paduan manuscript -has forgotten to fulfil the promise he makes in his title, for that which -follows it is not the poetry of Scot but only a dull treatise on Latin -prosody. - -It is to Salimbene that we owe the preservation of these verses in their -most complete form. He must have taken much interest in them, as he is -careful to give, not only the original Latin, but an Italian translation -as well. From his pages then we shall borrow the text of these curious -lines.[245] According to Salimbene they are these: - - ‘Regis vexilla timens, fugiet velamina Brixa, - Et suos non poterit filios, propriosque, tueri. - Brixia stans fortis secundi certamine Regis, - Post Mediolani sternentur moenia gryphi. - Mediolanum territum cruore fervido necis, - Resuscitabit viso cruore mortis. - In numeris errantes erunt atque silvestres. - Deinde Vercellus veniunt Novaria Laudum. - Affuerit dies, quod aegra Papia erit, - Vastata curabitur moesta dolore flendo. - Munera quae meruit diu parata vicinis, - Pavida mandatis parebit Placentia Regis. - Oppressa resiliet, passa damnosa strage, - Cum fuerit unita in firmitate manebit. - Placentia patebit grave pondus sanguine mixtum. - Parma parens viret, totisque frondibus uret - Serpens in obliquo tumido, exitque draconi. - Parma, Regi parens, tumida percutiet illum - Vipera Draconem, Florumque virescet amoenum. - Tu ipsa Cremona patieris flammae dolorem - In fine praedito, conscia tanti mali, - Et Regis partes insimul mala verba tenebunt. - Paduae magnatum plorabunt filii necem - Duram et horrendam, datam catuloque Veronae. - Marchia succumbet, gravi servitute coacta - Ob viam Antenoris quamque secuti erunt. - Languida resurget, catulo moriente, Verona. - Mantua, vae tibi, tanto dolore plena, - Cur ne vacillas nam tui pars ruet? - Ferraria fallax, fides falsa nil tibi prodiat, - Subire te cunctis cum tua facta ruent - Peregre missura quos tua mala parant - Faventia iniet tecum, videns tentoria pacem - Corruet in festem ducto velamine pacis. - Bononia renuens ipsam vastabitur agmine circa - Sed dabit immensum, purgato agmine, censum. - Mutina fremescet sibi certando sub lima - Quae dico tepescet tandem trahetur ad ima. - Pergami deorsum excelsa moenia cadent - Rursus, et amoris ascendet stimulus arcem. - Trivisii duae partes offerent non signa salutis - Gaudia fugantes vexilla praebenda ruinae. - Roma diu titubans, longis terroribus acta - Corruet, et mundi desinet esse caput. - Fata monent, stellaeque docent, aviumque volatus, - Quod Fridericus malleus orbis erit. - Vivet Draco magnus cum immenso turbine mundi. - Fata silent, stellaeque tacent, aviumque volatus - Quod Petri navis desinet esse caput. - Reviviscet Mater: malleabit caput Draconis. - Non diu stolida florebit Florentia florum. - Corruet in feudum dissimulando vivet. - Venecia aperiet venas, percutiet undique Regem. - Infra millenos ducenos sexque decennos - Erunt sedata immensa turbina mundi - Morietur Gripho, aufugient undique pennae.’ - -It would be difficult to determine how much of the original composition -of Scot these verses preserve, and how much they owe to later hands. -We cannot be mistaken, however, in remarking their uniform tone of -melancholy and apprehension, with the burden of its constantly recurring -‘corruet,’ or in taking this as a true index to the state of the author’s -mind. - -Pipini records two other prophecies of Michael Scot which serve to -confirm this observation in a high degree.[246] The astrologer, he says, -forecast the manner of the Emperor’s death, which was to take place _ad -portas ferreas_, at certain gates of iron, in a town named after Flora. -This prediction was generally understood of Florence; the rather perhaps -that the church of Santo Stefano there was called _ad portam ferream_; -and Frederick accordingly avoided coming to that city.[247] During his -last campaign in 1250, however, he fell sick at the town of Fiorentino -or Firenzola in Apulia, and lay in a chamber of the castle. His bed -stood against a wall recently built to fill up the ancient gateway of -the tower, while within the wall there still remained the iron staples -on which the gate had been hung. Uneasy at the progress of his disease, -and hearing something of these particulars, the Emperor fell into deep -thought and then exclaimed, ‘This is the place where I shall make an end, -as it was told me. The will of God be done; for here I shall die,’ and -soon afterwards he breathed his last. - -The other prediction which the chronicler attributes to Scot relates to -the occasion of his own death. This, he said, would take place by the -blow of a stone falling on his head. His calculations were so exact as -even to furnish him with the precise weight of this instrument of fate. -Being in church one day, with head uncovered at the sacring of the Mass, -a stone, agreeing in all particulars with his prediction, was shaken from -the tower by the motion of the bellrope and wounded Scot to death. - -There is much in these tales which lies apart from the course of a sober -biography; belonging rather to that legendary and mystic fame of the -philosopher which we shall immediately proceed to consider. Something, -however, in which all these prophecies agree deserves our attention here, -and that is their sombre and menacing character. ‘Ruinam predixit,’ -says Pipini, referring to Scot’s verses on the Italian cities, and his -thoughts, whether engaged with Frederick’s fate or his own, seem at -this time to have followed the same dark and ominous course. Death and -destruction now filled all his mind, much as if he had been a Highlander -gifted with the fatal power of the _Taisch_: a seer to whom all things -looked darkly, and all men wore a shroud, longer or shorter, to mark the -time and the manner of their end. - -With Michael Scot’s account of his own fate Pipini joins another curious -matter, that of the _cervilerium_.[248] This was a plate or cap of steel -meant to be worn under the ordinary covering of the head as an additional -defence, and the chronicle says that Scot invented and wore it that he -might be safe from the danger he foresaw. Taking this together with the -prophecies, both general and personal, we can find no better explanation -than that which bids us see in the whole what indicates a case of -ecstatic melancholy such as would seem to be the sad heritage of not a -few finer natures sprung of the stock from which Michael Scot descended. -We hear the same sad note in the strange jingle he wove so long before -in the preface of his _Physionomia_: ‘Nos ibimus ibitis, ibunt. Omnia -pereunt, praeter amare Deum,’ and one would fain hope that in his -frequent fits of depression Scot may have indeed found rest in what -he thus declares to be the only abiding portion of the soul. The wild -account of his illness at Cordova, and of the dreams which then visited -him is not to be neglected in this connection. Perhaps the cloud then -first fell which in after-years returned upon him with such redoubled -gloom. Thus the traits of Scot’s youth fit well the picture we are now -constrained to form, and the whole gives promise that here at last we -may have touched upon the man himself as he was, physically, mentally, -and spiritually. A slight worn body spent with arduous study, like a -sheath which the sword has almost broken through; a soul possessed with -the sense of Divine things, yet sad, and subject to strange illusions; -a conscience morbidly awake and painfully scrupulous; a mind to which -almost every branch of knowledge was familiar, and not incapable of -striking out here and there in a path of its own: if these be not Michael -Scot, scholar in the court and courtier in the schools, then it may -safely be said that no indications exist which can ever reveal to us this -striking personality as he lived and moved in the world. - -We seem to see in him a Pascal of the thirteenth century; and this all -the more that Michael Scot resembled that great genius not only in the -mystical and superstitious side of his nature but in his devotion to -mathematical science. How piquant is the contrast between this mighty -and gifted child of the mist and the northern hills and those sunny -southern lands of grape and fig, of white cliff, marble column and -laughing summer sea, where most of his life was spent. No wonder that -those among whom Michael Scot lived found him somewhat of a mystery at -all times, and, especially in these later days of his burdened spirit, -took him for a Mage, weaving his dark sayings into regular prophecies. -The Latin races have never been famous for their power to comprehend the -northern character. How much less was it likely they should in the case -of one who seems to have presented every feature of that racial type -in its extremest form? In our own day this incapacity takes the way of -accusing as madness all that it cannot fathom of Celtic or Teutonic ways. -In the times of Scot the same impatience found a more modest expression. -He was incomprehensible, therefore he must be inspired; gifted with the -prophet’s divine and incommunicable fire. - -We may take it for granted that much of Michael Scot’s dissatisfaction -and depression upon his disappointment in seeking ecclesiastical -preferment arose from the feeling that he had made a great sacrifice in -vain. The best years of his life, and the most strenuous labours of his -mind, had been given to his version of Averroës not without the hope that -he was here laying the foundation of a great literary and philosophic -fame. Moved by a prudence, which was not altogether selfish since it -concerned the Emperor’s reputation and policy quite as much as his own, -he had submitted to necessity, and saw his translation suppressed for the -sake of avoiding offence. The sacrifice was great and doubtless keenly -felt, and when in spite of this policy he found himself still without -the position he had confidently hoped for, with what bitterness must the -reawakening of his literary ambition have been attended. Near ten years -had been lost since his return from Spain, and still Scot’s Averroës -slept, unknown to the schools, in the honourable but unprofitable -seclusion of the Imperial closet. With the death of these hopes of -preferment, however, all reason for this unfortunate reserve came to an -end so far as Scot was concerned. As soon as he had once made up his mind -to think no more of a great ecclesiastical career he was free to urge -his master with all insistence to carry out their long-cherished plan, -and secure undying fame for both by publishing the new Aristotle in the -Universities of Europe. - -Nor was there anything in the policy of the time which made Frederick -unwilling to further a project which he had all along designed. From the -moment of his elevation to the See of Rome Gregory IX. had displayed a -firm and unbending temper towards the Emperor. Frederick felt the first -instances of his harshness in 1227, when, returning sick and feeble from -the baths of Pozzuoli, he found himself excommunicated because he had not -sailed to Palestine with the Crusade. This severe sentence was renewed -in 1228. Frederick reached the Holy Land that year, but only to meet a -mutinous spirit, encouraged among the Crusaders there by the Pope’s -orders. On his return in 1229 the sharp edge of discipline was again -drawn against him, and we need not wonder if such repeated severity at -last convinced the Emperor that there was no hope of living at peace with -Rome, nor any reason to study further accommodations with one who seemed -determined to be his enemy. The moment had now come when restraints, -long submitted to for the sake of policy, being removed, Frederick might -well bethink him of his former plans so long held in reserve, and take -measures to carry out his purpose of enriching the learned world with the -prohibited books of Averroës. - -This plan not only promised to fulfil a long cherished desire and mortify -an implacable foe, it must also have presented itself in the light of -a welcome concession made to a deserving servant of the Crown. Michael -Scot had laboured long to form the works in question. His interest, as -well as every other reason, now demanded that they should lie no longer -concealed. The fame he was certain to gain by this publication would -be the best consolation, perhaps the only one now possible, for his -disappointments in the ecclesiastical career. To employ him actively in -the matter may well have appeared not only just, considering his previous -interest in it, but the best cure for a spirit sadly disordered and -depressed. We need not wonder that Frederick at last fully formed his -resolution, or that he chose Michael Scot as the means of carrying out a -publication that was now definitely determined on. - -An imperial circular announced to the learned the nature and origin -of these new versions.[249] This letter was designed to secure for -them such general interest and attention as was due to works of the -first importance. Opening with the avowal of his devotion to the -cause of letters, a confession which he supported by quoting from the -_Metaphysica_, Frederick touched upon the manifold cares of state which -the conduct of his affairs in the Empire involved. He added that he had -never allowed these to occupy his whole attention, but had still devoted -part of his time to the pursuits of learning. His mind, he said, had been -particularly attracted to the works of Aristotle with the commentaries of -the Arabian philosophers, especially those concerning mathematics, and -the books called _Sermoniales_. Finding that they were inaccessible to -Latin scholars, owing to their obscurity and the foreign tongues in which -they were written, he had commissioned learned men to translate these -works, desiring them to preserve in their versions the exact style as -well as sense of the original. The treasures thus procured he would not -keep in obscurity, but designed to publish them for the general good. He -addressed himself to the most famous schools of Christendom as the proper -means of obtaining the diffusion of this wisdom among those who were able -to profit by it. - -Which then were the universities intended by the Emperor? That of Naples -certainly in the first place, for it was his own creation.[250] Bologna, -also, we may believe, judging by the estimation in which we know him -to have held that still more ancient seat of learning.[251] Copies of -Frederick’s letter are indeed extant, which actually bear the address, -‘To the Masters and Scholars of Bologna.’ Nor can we think that he -forgot Paris, the great centre of European culture. At least one text -has preserved this the most natural of all directions:—‘To the Doctors -of the Quadrivium at Paris.’[252] Thus far then the course of Scot’s -journey on this important business is plain. In it he but reversed the -progress he had made in early years, revisiting in the contrary order the -scenes of his former studies. His own remarkable fame, the widespread -curiosity concerning the books he brought, and his official character as -Frederick’s Ambassador of Letters, must have secured him everywhere a -cordial and distinguished reception. - -There is reason to think that his travels did not end when he had reached -Paris. Tradition says he crossed the Channel and visited both England and -Scotland, where his medical skill was highly appreciated. It is indeed to -an English author that we owe the knowledge of this journey performed by -Michael Scot. The words of Roger Bacon are of capital importance here, -not only telling us of Scot’s travels, but showing the nature of the -work he carried with him in that progress, and the enthusiasm with which -these books were received. ‘In the days of Michael Scot,’ he says, ‘who, -about the year 1230, made his appearance with certain books of Aristotle -and commentaries of learned men concerning physics and mathematics, the -Aristotelian philosophy became celebrated in the Latin Schools.’[253] At -the time of which he speaks, Bacon, born in 1214, may probably have been -at Oxford pursuing his studies. It is not necessary to dwell upon the -support which this brings to the tradition of Scot’s visit to England. -We may take it as almost certain that Oxford was one of the universities -where he appeared and was made welcome. - -The tradition that he thereafter pursued his journey to Scotland rests -rather upon arguments derived from the probability of the case than from -direct evidence. Scot had been a lifetime absent from his native land, -and, finding himself so near it, a strong impulse must have urged him to -revisit the scenes of his boyhood. Nor is it easy to account for the fact -that his fame, though he spent so much of his time abroad, attained, and -yet retains, such a currency in the North, except upon the supposition -that he did actually yield to this attraction and thus once more made -himself a familiar figure in the land of his birth. - -One matter of great interest is at least certain. Scot’s death occurred -just at this time, when he was in the very height of his fame and -influence, and probably while he was still in the North. The account, so -often repeated and reprinted, which makes him live almost to the close -of the century need not occupy our attention more than a moment. Already -incredible from the time when Jourdain discovered that Scot’s version of -Alpetrongi had been produced in 1217, such a notion becomes more than -ever impossible since we have been able to carry the time of his mature -literary activity back to the year 1210. Vincent of Beauvais, writing -about 1245, talks of ‘old Michael Scot’ in such a way as to suggest that -he had by that time been long in his grave. But the convincing evidence, -though hitherto little noticed, is to be found in the poem of Henry -d’Avranches, from which we have already quoted some lines in another -connection. This author remarks regarding Michael Scot: - - ‘Thus he who questioned fate, to fate himself submitted,’ - -which shows that the time of his death must have been earlier than 1235, -the date when Abrincensis composed his poem.[254] - -The question is thus reduced to the narrow limit of five years; since -Bacon says Scot was alive and busy in his great mission in 1230. Within -this period he must have passed away, and probably his death happened -nearer the earlier than the later date; considering the tone in which -Henry d’Avranches speaks of the departed sage. He may well therefore have -died while on the borders of Scotland. This idea agrees curiously with -the fact that Italy has no tradition of his burial-place, while on the -other hand northern story points to his tomb in Melrose Abbey, Glenluce, -Holme Coltrame, or some other of the great Cistercian foundations of -that country. Satchells, who visited Burgh-under-Bowness in 1629, found -a guide named Lancelot Scot, who took him to the parish church, where -he saw the great scholar’s tomb, and found it still the object of -mysterious awe to the people there.[255] The resting-place of Michael -Scot will never now be accurately known, but there is every reason -to suppose that it lies not far from that of his birth, in the sweet -Borderland, amid the green hills and flowing streams of immemorial story. - -Here then we leave the life that has been the subject of our study, and -not without the tribute of a certain envy paid to so happy a fate as that -of Michael Scot. Like another and far greater man, whose sepulchre also -was not known among his people, Scot died in the fulness of his powers -and fame, while yet his sight was not dim, nor his natural force abated. -He was denied indeed the entry to those broad kingdoms of knowledge which -later times enjoy, but we may truly think of him as one who stood in his -own day upon a height from which something of that fair land of promise -could at least be divined, and manfully did his part in leading the -progress of the human mind onward to those more perfect attainments now -within the reach of every patient scholar. - -We may recollect in closing this inquiry that the _Abbreviatio Avicennae_ -was published in 1232 at Melfi. This treatise, though it came in the -Latin version from the hand of Scot, did not fall within the scope of the -publication made so widely in 1230; since the Emperor’s object at that -time was to acquaint the world with the commentaries of Averroës. The -manner in which the _Abbreviatio_ saw the light was somewhat remarkable. -Henry of Colonia was the scholar selected by Frederick for the work of -transcribing it from the imperial copy. A regular diploma passed the -seals authorising him to do this work, and from that writ we find that -he completed it at Melfi, on the vigil of St. Laurence in the house of -Master Volmar the imperial physician.[256] We may surely see in these -facts a further likelihood that by this time Scot was already dead. -Another holds his place as court-physician, another wields his pen, or -at least furnishes the copy from which the world at large first came to -know one of his most important and characteristic works. May we not take -it then, that in ordering this diploma to be drawn, Frederick desired to -show his concern at hearing he had lost so faithful and able a servant, -and his anxiety that no time should elapse before the publication of his -remaining works? Thus regarded, the _Abbreviatio_ was a wreath laid on -the grave; a tribute to the translator’s memory, while in itself it was a -seal set to the fame of Michael Scot as in his day the chief exponent of -the mighty Aristotle, and one who by these labours succeeded in directing -for many ages the course of study in the European Schools. - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -THE LEGEND OF MICHAEL SCOT - - -Hitherto we have taken little notice of the fame by which Michael Scot -is most widely known in literature; preferring to speak first of the -authentic facts and real employments of his life, so far as these can now -be ascertained. It would be improper, however, to close our investigation -without taking some account of that darker reputation which has so long -represented him to the world as a magician and dealer in forbidden -lore. If we have deferred so long the consideration of this matter, the -reason may be found in the fact that there seems to be no truth in such -stories. They live only in legend, and in the literature of romance, and -must therefore be held apart by a firm line from the domain of sober -historical inquiry. - -This conclusion, be it observed, is not based upon the prevailing opinion -of the present day that such arts are impossible, nor has it thence -been reached by way of the inference that because magic is impossible, -therefore Michael Scot cannot have meddled in it. Such was not at all -the view held in the thirteenth century. Then scholars as well as -the unlearned, and clergy as well as laity, believed firmly in the -possibility, nay, the reality, of what they regarded as an unwarrantable -interference with the order of nature. This belief makes it a fair -subject of discussion in regard to any one of that age whether or not -he may have practised forbidden arts. The question in Scot’s case is -a highly curious one, and, without further apology, we now proceed to -examine it in detail. - -The most famous schools of magic in those days were fixed by popular -tradition in the Spanish cities of Toledo and Salamanca, especially -the former. Magic, indeed, was generally spoken of as the _scientia -Toletana_. The _Morgante Maggiore_ of Pulci may furnish us with a fair -example of the common belief:[257] - - ‘Per quel ch’io udì gia dir, sendo in Tolleta - Dove ogni negromante si racozza.’ - -and again: - - ‘Questa città di Tolleta solea - Tenere studio di Nigromanzia. - Quivi di magica arte si legea - Pubblicamente, e di Piromancia - E molti Geomanti sempre avea - E esperimenti assai di Idromanzia.’ - -Caesar Von Heisterbach, the anecdote-monger of the century, relates more -than one diverting tale of necromantic prodigies, the scene of which -he lays at Toledo. The most remarkable of these stories tells how some -Germans came thither to learn magic.[258] Their teacher in this art -called up certain spirits, who appeared first as armed men, and then in -the form of lovely maids. One of the students was thereby allured and -carried off. The others drew their swords and threatened the master -with death, until, overcome by fear, he used his power to secure their -companion’s return. - -From the favourite locality of these legends we may infer that the magic -then in vogue was that of the Arabs, which, especially in Spain, had -now begun to supplant the ancient and primitive European superstitions. -This magic was not a mere ritual of spells, such as that of the Chaldean -monuments, but rather a complete theurgy, like the magic of Egypt; the -corruption of an ancient and elaborate religious system.[259] The Arabian -mage pretended to bow the superior powers which other men could only -worship, and boldly bade them do his will. It is hardly necessary to say -that such a system did not originally belong to the Arabs, who had been, -until the days of Mohammed, a rude and savage people. They learned it -in Syria and Egypt, where the theories of Porphyry and Iamblichus still -held sway.[260] In their hands this magic became enriched with many new -conceits, such as the nimble fancy of these children of the East knew -well how to interweave with all that they touched. The stars, they held, -were the centres of supreme influence, but had certain correspondences -with earthly things; with herbs, with stones, and even with sounds. These -were in a sort the offspring of heaven, for plants of power were precious -things put forth by the sun and moon; the minerals were condensed and -congealed by the same heavenly agency in a planetary hour, and earthly -voices, even the cries of dumb animals, were but the far echo of the -music heard in heaven, the music of the spheres. - -So far, indeed, this was but common doctrine, shared by all the -science of the time, and eminently expounded in every astrological -system. The magic founded upon it began with the notion that this -close correspondence between heaven and earth might carry an influence -able to react in an upward, contrary, and unnatural direction. Plants -and precious stones, rightly employed, might prove able to bind the -stellar powers on which all depended. Names and forms of conjuration -might control the superior spirits which the stars represented. Hence -arose a whole system of magical practice, in which, from the circle of -the sorcerer—a symbol representing on earth the motion of the upper -spheres—the vapour of mingled herbs and minerals rose to heaven above the -glowing brazier, accompanied by recited spells. It is curious to notice -that when, after several ages, this essentially Eastern and theurgic -necromancy[261] gave place to the witchcraft of the North, with its dark -demonolatry, the essential idea of the Arabian magicians still survived. -Its influence may be traced in the importance always attached in popular -belief to the _reversal_ of natural practice, as a means of securing -supernatural power and effect. Hence the bizarre details which crowd the -witch trials of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries: how hags walked -backwards, or _withershins_, that is, against the course of the sun, or -changed a prayer into a spell by muttering it in a contrary sense. - -The Arabian magic as understood in Spain during the thirteenth century is -very fully expounded in a curious work called _Picatrix_.[262] This book -explains that the fundamental idea of the art was reaction leading up to -transformation or magical change, adding that this reaction may be seen -in three different regions of being; first among the elemental spirits -themselves, next between these and matter, and, last, the reaction of one -kind of matter upon another, as in alchemy. The second of these kinds -of reaction admits the influence of earthly things upon the heavenly -spirits, and is the foundation of that kind of magic which the _Picatrix_ -proceeds to expound, in details which are often much more curious than -edifying. This book has special value as showing the intimate relation -between magic and the ordinary studies of those times. Aristotle is often -quoted in it,[263] and the position of necromancy with regard to other -branches of science is clearly defined. It is not hard to see that, -when thus understood, this art must have allied itself closely with -astronomy and astrology on the one hand, and with alchemy on the other. -In the account given by Bacon of Avicenna’s philosophy, he says that the -third great division of that author’s works, and one which had never -appeared in Latin, was that devoted to the most hidden parts of natural -philosophy.[264] The science of those days left an acknowledged place -for the occult and the mysterious among its doctrines. This place was -filled by magic, a study forbidden indeed by the Church, but generally -recognised as occupying a real though secret department among the other -sciences and arts. The tradition we so often meet with that masters of -necromancy actually taught the art of magic in Toledo, Salamanca, and -perhaps Padua, seems but a reflection in later times of what was then the -genuine belief of European scholars. - -There is thus no reason why Michael Scot should not have devoted himself -to what was the subject of actual and serious study during the times in -which he lived, and especially so in the country where his chief literary -labours were carried on. Were we to follow the mere likelihood of the -case, his interest in astronomy and alchemy would lead us to think it -very possible he might have studied an art that was so closely connected -with these. But to change such a possibility into a certainty, or even a -probability, something more convincing than any _a priori_ argument must -be found. If no actual proof of Scot’s magical practice be forthcoming we -must be content to leave the matter where we found it; in the realm of -dim and unsubstantial tradition.[265] - -The true criterion here must doubtless be sought in the evidence -furnished by contemporaries regarding the fact alleged. In the case of -Michael Scot such evidence is forthcoming, but we may say at once that it -proves upon examination to yield a distinctly negative result. His fame -in those days was such that he is mentioned by several important writers -of his own age, such as Bacon, Albertus Magnus, and Vincent of Beauvais. -None of these has a word to say of Scot’s reputation as a necromancer. -Some may urge that an argument from silence is unsatisfactory; but -does it not gain great force from the consideration that two of these -witnesses are decidedly hostile to Scot? Bacon, especially, seems to -have lost no opportunity of blackening his character. To these men -Michael Scot was a sciolist, a mere pretender to knowledge, ignorant -even of Latin; the very charlatan of the schools. He was a plagiarist -too; one who passed off the work of another man as his own; nay, darker -than all, he was a heretic, or so Albert would make him; a philosopher -who interpreted and exceeded the forbidden doctrines of Averroës. Is it -not certain that, if Scot had really practised magic in spite of the -prohibitions of the Church, we should have heard of this charge from -these active and bitter detractors? Our conclusion from their silence is -therefore neither far to seek nor hard to defend. These tales, we must -hold, were not current in the lifetime of Michael Scot, nor for many -years after. They had no foundation in fact, but were the fancies of the -following generation, and thus passed into the settled tradition which -has ever since persistently associated itself with the philosopher’s name. - -But this conclusion raises another question. How did such a tradition -arise, and what were the points of attachment to which these stories -clung? The ground for the legend of Michael Scot would seem to have been -prepared by the close connection between him and his master the Emperor -Frederick II. Every student of those times knows well the storm of -invective and the weight of calumny which fell upon that great monarch -as the consequence of his feuds with the See of Rome. He was officially -declared to be no Christian but the mystic Beast of the Apocalypse, -vomiting blasphemies. He was accused of having produced the apocryphal -work _De Tribus Impostoribus_. His private life became the subject of -grave scandal and repeated censure. Men were taught to believe that he -revelled in a harem of Saracen beauties, and was addicted to infamous -immorality, as well as to forbidden arts. These accusations were current, -not only in Frederick’s own lifetime, but long afterwards. They may be -studied at large in the Papal Epistolaries,[266] and a striking example -of their current popular form is found in the following barbarous lines -which we borrow from an obscure author[267] who used his pen in the -service of the Guelfs: - - ‘Amisit Astrologos, et Magos, et Vates, - Beelzebub et Ashtaroth proprios Penates, - Tenebrarum consulens per suos Potestates - Spreverat Ecclesiam, et mundi Magnates.’ - -When we remember that Michael Scot was the man whom Frederick loved to -consult and employ, we understand what effect this depreciation of the -master’s fame must have had on that of his servant. If the Emperor made -Beelzebub and Ashtaroth his gods, Scot must soon have been recognised as -the go-between in this infernal business. - -Such an impression would naturally be heightened by the recollection of -the years which had been spent by Michael Scot at Toledo and Cordova. We -have already noticed the dark reputation which attached to the former of -these places. It is only needful here to add that Scot’s ecclesiastical -character would by no means hinder the unfavourable inference that must -have been drawn from his lengthened residence in the chief seat of -magical study. St. Giles before his conversion, and Gerbert, afterwards -Pope Sylvester II., were commonly reported to have learned the black art -at Toledo. As to Cordova, the _Picatrix_ mentions the discovery of a -magic book in the Church there,[268] which shows that the supernatural -fame of Toledo attached itself also to this city. - -It is far from improbable that the nature of Scot’s studies in these -places may have inclined men to believe in the stories told of him as a -necromancer. He spent his time upon Arabic texts, and, with the fanatical -clergy, not to speak of the common people whom they taught, the Moors and -all their works were accursed. No one could meddle much with them save at -the cost of such accusations of diabolic dealing. Nor was it merely the -language but also the very subject of Scot’s studies that was suspicious. -Since the days of the Alexandrian school there had grown up round the -name of Aristotle a strange legend which represented him as a magician; -none other than the great sorcerer Nectanebus of Egypt, the true father, -by an infamous sleight, of Alexander of Macedon.[269] - -Nectanebus, so the tale ran, was King of Egypt, and learned in all the -magic arts of that mysterious land. When war threatened he would fill -a vessel with water and float upon it enchanted ships of clay. Thus -could he divine the success or failure of his country’s arms. One day, -however, as he was busy in this spell, the old gods appeared to guide the -craft he had designed as models of the hostile fleet. Nectanebus gave -up all for lost, shaved his head, and in the disguise of a philosopher, -fled to Pella in Macedonia, where he lived by practising the arts of -an astrologer and prophet. Olympias consulted him to know whether she -might hope to give an heir to her husband Philip, then absent from his -capital. Nectanebus bade her expect the honour of a visit from Jupiter -Ammon himself, and, dressing in the horns and hieratic robe proper to -the character he assumed, became, by her whom he seduced, the father -of Alexander the Great. The child was born amid thunder and lightning, -and was soon committed to the care of Nectanebus who became his tutor: -a clear point of connection with Aristotle, who really filled that -office. One day tutor and pupil walked on the edge of a cliff, when -the philosopher uttered a prophecy to the effect that Alexander was -fated to kill his own father. The boy, who fancied that Philip was -meant, took the words so ill that he flung his tutor over the rock, -and thus instantly fulfilled the prediction. This tale can be traced -from its appearance in the Pseudo-Callisthenes through the series of -Byzantine chroniclers—Syncellus, Glycas, John Malala, and the author of -the _Chronicon Pascale_—to the later romances where it is repeated and -amplified. The whole Middle Age believed it. Not till the fourteenth -century did a doubt of its truth appear,[270] and that it was current in -the west of Europe at the time of which we write appears plainly in the -preface to the _Secreta Secretorum_, which has the following significant -remark, ‘which Alexander is said to have had two horns.’[271] The real -meaning of the legend probably lay in a patriotic desire to vindicate for -Egypt, though subdued by Alexander, the honour of having originated the -Greek philosophy.[272] The thirteenth century, however, knew nothing -of such explanations; cherishing the tale rather on account of the wild -mystery which it breathes. No wonder then if the labours of Michael Scot -as an exponent of Aristotle gave some force to the popular idea that he -dealt in forbidden arts. - -Need we point out that the same may be said of his fame as a Master -in astrology and alchemy? We have seen how close was the relation in -which these sciences stood to the magic of the day. As to mathematics, -for which Scot was so renowned, it is to be observed that the kind of -divination called _Geomancy_, which was performed by casting figures -in a box filled with sand, was remarkably like the method of working -sums which is still practised among the Moors.[273] We may add that -the facility with which difficult problems could be solved by the new -methods of calculation borrowed from that people must have seemed little -less than supernatural to those as yet unacquainted with the secrets of -algebra. - -It seems probable indeed that at least one starting-point of Michael -Scot’s legendary and romantic fame may be looked for in the very quarter -to which we have just begun to direct our attention. There is in the -author’s possession a manuscript which promises to throw some light on -the obscurity of this matter.[274] It consists of sixteen quarto pages -written on parchment in a hand of the seventeenth century, and contains -a short preface, followed by two distinct works. One of these professes -to be an Arabic original, and the other a version of the same in Latin, -said to come from the pen of Michael Scot. The title of the work deserves -special attention. It is as follows: ‘Almuchabola Absegalim Alkakib -Albaon; _i.e._ Compendium Magia Innaturalis Nigrae.’ Now, although the -so-called _Arabic_ of the manuscript quite defies the best efforts of -scholarship to decipher it, this word almuchabola is perfectly authentic, -familiar even, being the common term in that language for what we call -algebra.[275] - -This then seems to afford an actual example of the way in which the -Moorish science of numbers might be mistaken for something magical. -When we examine the manuscript more closely the suggestion which its -title affords becomes still stronger. Here and there, amid the strange -characters of an unknown tongue,[276] are designs of a curious kind; -parallelograms enclosed in bounding lines of red, and containing erratic -figures also in red, that show luridly against the black background with -which the outlines are filled. The Latin version explains that these -are the signs of the demons whom the accompanying spells have power to -summon or dismiss. No one, however, who compares them with the graphic -statements of mathematical problems in the margin of the _Liber Abbaci_ -can fail to be struck with the resemblance.[277] The one book seems, in -regard of these figures, but a degenerate copy of the other, made by some -scribe who did not understand the matter he had in hand, and who darkened -the ground of his designs to heighten the fancied terrors of the subject. - -It would not be easy to miss the meaning of this mistake. Michael -Scot had probably written or translated a treatise on algebra. We may -remember how well such a conjecture agrees with the tone of Pisano’s -dedicatory letter to him, in which he submitted the _Liber Abbaci_ to -Scot’s revision, and acknowledged him as a supreme master in this branch -of science. It is difficult to account for this fame save by supposing -the existence of an unknown work by Michael Scot on the veritable -Almuchabola, of which this pretended treatise on magic is all that now -survives. The mistake that gave it so corrupted a form could hardly have -been made as late as the seventeenth century, when such things were well -understood. The manuscript, though dating from that time, is probably -only a copy of one much older. The preface, indeed, mentions the year -1255 as the epoch of translation, and, although Michael Scot had then -lain more than twenty years in his grave, this date would suit well as -the birth-hour of a legend which, though certainly later than Scot’s -own day, had yet made considerable progress in the popular mind before -the close of the century. This explanation of the matter receives some -indirect support from a remark of Bacon’s. ‘It is to be noticed,’ he -says, ‘that many books are taken for magical works which are in reality -nothing of the kind, but contain true and worthy wisdom.’[278] He adds -that there are several ways of concealing one’s doctrine from the vulgar, -such as the use of Hebrew, Syriac, and Arabic characters, and the _Ars -Notoria_ or shorthand. There is much reason to think it was in this -very way that Michael Scot had suffered. A mistake like that indicated -by Bacon was probably the real origin of his mysterious reputation as a -magician. - -As soon as the mistake had once been made, and the notion of Scot’s -magical powers had fairly taken possession of the popular mind, it was -greatly reinforced by the association of his name and memory with the -still living and adaptable Arthurian legend. Alain de l’Isle, who lived -as late as 1202, says that the tales proper to this romantic cycle were -so heartily believed in Brittany that any one casting doubt upon Arthur’s -return would have been stoned by the people.[279] From the Trouvères the -legend passed to the Troubadours of the south of France. When the Normans -established themselves in Sicily, these latter poets, represented, it is -said, by Pietro Vidal, and Rambaldo di Vaqueiras, carried to this new -home of their race the _materia poetica_ which had so long engaged the -best talents of France. The religious war which desolated Provence in -the beginning of the thirteenth century completed the dispersion of the -Troubadours. Many found a refuge in Italy and Sicily. They communicated -an emotional impulse which led to the formation of the Italian language -as a means of literary expression. Through them the inheritance of the -Arthurian tales was secured to the people of the South, who soon began -to localise the chief incidents of this romantic cycle in the island of -Sicily.[280] - -Gervase of Tilbury tells us that near the town of Catania lies the -burning mountain of Etna, called by the people _Mongibello_, and famed -among them as the abode of King Arthur, who, they said, had lately been -seen there. The matter fell out thus. The Bishop of Catania’s palfrey -escaped one day from his groom, and was lost. The man sought his charge -everywhere, and at last ventured to enter an opening he perceived in the -hollow part of the hill. Here he found a narrow winding path which led -to a pleasant land within Etna, and to a palace, the home of Arthur. He -entered the palace and found the King lying on a royal couch. Arthur -bade him welcome, listened to his story, and called for the steed to be -brought that the Bishop might have his own again. He further told his -visitor that, having been wounded in battle with Modred and Childeric -king of Saxony, he had come to this retreat that he might heal him of his -mortal sickness. Gervase adds that Arthur, not content with restoring the -horse, paid tithe to the Bishop as one of the dwellers in his diocese, -‘which was a wonder to all that heard it.’[281] - -Caesar von Heisterbach has the same tale in his collection, but repeats -it with some variations. In his pages the pleasant land of Avalon, with -its peaceful palace, becomes a dark abode of fire, answering more nearly -to the actual phenomena of the mountain. Arthur hence issues a dread -summons to the owner of the palfrey, who in this tale is a Canon of -Palermo, bidding him appear in that infernal region within a fortnight. -The churchman obeys by dying at the time appointed.[282] The terror -which enters into this form of the story is even heightened by Stephen -of Bourbon when he comes to repeat it.[283] On the other hand the easy, -pleasant, semi-pagan tone observed in Gervase of Tilbury lives again -in the French romance of _Florian and Florete_.[284] Here we see the -kingdom within Etna before Arthur came thither, and find it a land of -faery, where the King’s sister Morgana holds her flowery court. The -_Fata Morgana_, as she is called, is still remembered on these southern -coasts. When the mirage appears in the Straits of Messina, and houses and -castles are seen hanging in thin air, the people call them by the name of -that mysterious princess. They think that the sides of Etna have become -transparent, and that what they behold is the realm of faery with the -Fata Morgana’s palace in the midst. - -These legends show that Avalon, first dreamed of in the far North, had -by this time been carried southward to find a new locality under Etna, -and that already the mystic king, who dwelt with his court in the land -of shadows till he should again return to earth, had taken a firm hold -of the southern fancy. It was but a step more then, and one very easily -taken, when men began to see in the Princes of the Hohenstaufen, and -the chief figures of their court, the heirs of this legend in some of -its most important features. Frederick Barbarossa, for example, was -commonly said to pass the ages between death and life in a hollow hill. -The Germans identified this abode with the Kyffhauser, and expected the -Emperor’s return in the spirit of the tales told of Wodan, Frau Holda, -and Frau Venus, in their national mythology.[285] It was even reported -that a bold shepherd armed with the mysterious _key-flower_ had forced -the secret, entering these recesses of the hill and beholding Barbarossa -as in life, with his red beard growing through the marble table at which -he sat asleep. The romantic heritage next fell upon Barbarossa’s grandson -Frederick II. It was long before the adherents of the Empire who had -staked so much upon their great champion’s bold defiance of the Papacy -could bring themselves to believe that he was really dead. In 1250 his -corpse was carried in solemn procession from Fiorentino, where he died, -to Palermo, the place appointed for his burial. There he soon lay in the -ancient sarcophagus brought from Cefalù; his robe embroidered about the -hem with Cufic characters, and the sceptre and apple of empire in his -powerless hands;[286] but still the Ghibellines could not give up the -hope that one day he would wake again, and lead them to the victory they -looked for. - -This expectation was much strengthened by a prophecy then current under -the name of the Abbot Joachim. ‘There cometh an Eagle, at whose appearing -the Lion shall be destroyed: yea a young Eagle who shall make his nest in -the den of the Lion. Of the race of the Eagle shall arise another Eagle -called Frederick. He shall reign indeed, and shall stretch his wings till -they touch the ends of the earth. In his days shall the chief Pontiff and -his clergy be despoiled and dispersed.’[287] On the other side a Guelf -poet, whose name we do not know, associated Frederick II. with Arthur in -the following lines: - - ‘Cominatur impius, dolens de jacturis - Cum suo Britonibus Arturo Venturis.’[288] - -The collection called the _Cento Novelle Antiche_ reflects this myth -very plainly; for, in the strange tales then told of Frederick and his -court, we seem to see these personages already transported to a kind of -fairyland, where the laws of earthly life no longer hold good. The scene -is unmistakably laid in the Avalon of Arthur and amid his shadowy court. - -One of the most striking incidents which marked the long funeral -procession of Frederick II. through the southern provinces of Italy -was furnished by the grief of a faithful band of Saracens, who, with -dishevelled hair and cries of sorrow, accompanied the body of their -great benefactor to its last resting-place. It is probable indeed that -these people, of whom Frederick had not a few both in Sicily and in -various colonies on the mainland, may have joined very heartily with -their Christian neighbours in giving currency to the latest application -of the Arthurian legend. In all essential features it must already have -been familiar to them as a form of myth long known in the East. Even the -romance of Nectanebus already noticed had a certain historical basis. -In the fourth century before Christ a king called Nekhtneb reigned in -Egypt. He was defeated by the Persians, and fled into a distant province -of Ethiopia. Thus the ancient national dynasty of the Pharaohs came to -an end, but the people long refused to believe that their king was dead. -They consulted an oracle, which told them he would return, as a young -man, to conquer the enemies of his country. This prophecy was engraved -on the base of the royal statue and served long to sustain the national -hope. The same dreams appeared in connection with the much more recent -Mohammedan power. The _Shi’ah_ and _Sunnee_ sects of Islam held firmly -to the idea that the twelfth Imam was not really dead, but would return -to earth. This mysterious person was _El Mohdy_, the last incarnation of -the Deity, as they supposed. He was said to dwell in a cave near Bagdad, -whence he would one day reappear to oppose _Ed Dejal_, the Moslem -Antichrist, in a time of great trouble, when he would overthrow him -and his ally the _earth-beast_ in final conflict near Aleppo. Mohammed -himself was said to have retreated with Abu Bekr to a cave, where they -lay concealed behind a spider’s web, as the Scottish tale says Bruce -did before his decisive appearance and victory. The influence of these -myths may be seen even during the lifetime of Frederick II., when the -extravagant hopes of his followers led them to use language regarding -the Emperor which was applicable only to the Deity. We may see in this -an anticipation by hyperbole of the apotheosis granted him by the -Ghibellines after his death.[289] - -As for Michael Scot himself, it was a very natural progress of the -popular imagination which made him play Merlin to the Emperor’s Arthur. -That this place in the growing legend was actually his, seems probable -from the fact that, in the romance of _Maugis_ (or Merlin) _and -Vivien_,[290] the hero is made to study his art in Toledo, where Scot -had notoriously been. Mysterious caves, the refuge of slumbering heroes, -were spoken of as existing both near that city and Salamanca. It may be -that we here touch on the origin of Scot’s legendary connection with the -Eildon Hills in his own borderland. That the Scottish Avalon lay beneath -these there can be little doubt. Sir Walter Scott repeats a traditional -tale which reminds us unmistakably of those given by Gervase of Tilbury -and Caesar von Heisterbach. A countryman of Roxburghshire had sold a -horse to an old man of the hills. Payment was appointed to be made at -midnight, on Eildon, at a place called the _Lucken Howe_. When the coin, -which was of ancient and forgotten mintage, had been duly handed over, -the old man invited the other to view his dwelling. They passed within -the hill, where the stranger was surprised to see ranks of steeds ready -caparisoned: a silent cavalier in armour standing by the side of each. -‘These will wake for Shirramuir,’ said his guide. In the cave hung a -sword and a horn. ‘The sound of this horn,’ the old man told him, ‘will -break the spell of their slumber.’ The countryman caught it to his lips -and blew a blast. The horses neighed, pawed the ground, and shook their -trappings, while the knights stirred, and the place rang again with the -sound of their arms. He dropped the horn in fear, and heard a voice which -said: ‘Woe to him who does not unsheathe the sword ere he has blown the -horn.’ He was then carried back again to the hillside, and could never -more discover the entrance to that subterranean realm.[291] - -An English form of the same tale has been preserved, and is worth -notice as containing what may possibly be a reference to Michael Scot’s -prediction regarding Frederick’s death ‘at the iron gates.’ The story -says that ‘in the neighbourhood of Macclesfield, on Monk’s Heath, is -a small inn known by the designation of ‘The Iron Gates,’ the sign -representing a pair of ponderous gates of that metal opening at the -bidding of a figure enveloped in a cowl, before whom kneels another, -more resembling a modern yeoman than one of the twelfth or thirteenth -century, to which period this legend is attributed. Behind this person is -a white horse rearing, and in the background a view of Alderley Edge. The -story is thus told of the tradition to which the sign relates: - -‘A farmer from Mobberly was riding on a white horse over the heath which -skirts Alderley Edge. Of the good qualities of his steed he was justly -proud, and while stooping down to adjust its mane previously to his -offering it for sale at Macclesfield, he was surprised by the sudden -starting of the animal. On looking up he perceived a figure of more than -common height, enveloped in a cowl, and extending a staff of black wood -across his path. The figure addressed him in a commanding voice: told -him that he would seek in vain to dispose of his steed for whom a nobler -destiny was in store, and bade him meet him when the sun was set, with -his horse, at the same place. The farmer, resolving to put the truth of -this prediction to the test, hastened on to Macclesfield fair, but no -purchaser could be obtained for his horse. In vain he reduced his price -to half; many admired, but no one was willing to be the possessor of so -promising a steed. Summoning, therefore, all his courage, he determined -to brave the worst, and at sunset reached the appointed place. The monk -was punctual to his appointment. “Follow me,” said he, and led the way by -the _Golden Stone_, _Stormy Point_ to _Saddle Bole_. On their arrival at -this last-named spot, the neigh of horses seemed to arise from beneath -their feet. The stranger waved his wand, the earth opened and disclosed -a pair of ponderous iron gates. Terrified at this, the horse plunged -and threw his rider, who, kneeling at the feet of his fearful companion, -prayed earnestly for mercy. The monk bade him fear nothing, but enter -the cavern, on each side of which were horses resembling his own in -size and colour. Near these lay soldiers accoutred in ancient armour, -and in the chasms of the rock were arms and piles of gold and silver. -From one of these the enchanter took the price of the horse in ancient -coin, and on the farmer asking the meaning of these subterranean armies, -exclaimed: “These are caverned warriors preserved by the good genius of -England, until that eventful day when, distracted by intestine broils, -England shall be thrice won and lost between sunrise and sunset. Then we, -awakening from our sleep, shall rise to turn the fate of Britain. This -shall be when George, the son of George, shall reign. When the forests -of Delamare shall wave their arms over the slaughtered sons of Albion. -Then shall the eagle drink the blood of princes from the headless cross -(query, corse?). Now haste thee home, for it is not in thy time these -things shall be. A Cestrian shall speak it and be believed.” The farmer -left the cavern, the iron gates closed, and though often sought for, the -place has never again been found.’[292] - -Arthur, the King of Faery, has dropped out of these legends in the course -of their transmission to modern times, but in another story, told of the -Eildon Hills, his sister, the Fata Morgana, still lives and reigns; for -she is no doubt the _Faery Queen_ with whom Thomas Rhymer spent so many -years underground ere he returned with the gift of prophetic truth. -In the Scottish legend, which makes Michael Scot have much to do in -forming these hills to their present shape, we seem to see him occupying -his natural place in the myth as that Merlin whose art composed and -maintained the magic kingdom of Avalon, where Arthur sleeps with Morgana -till the hour of his return. - -The fertile fancy of these ages ran to the formation of other points of -likeness. Merlin had his Vivien, who betrayed him to his loss of life -and power by a spell of his own composing. So Michael was said to have -loved a beautiful woman, who, Delilah-like, left him no peace till he -told her the poison which alone had power over his charmed life: the -broth of a breme sow, of which accordingly he died, taking it confidently -from his false leman’s hand.[293] Michael too, like Merlin, had his _Book -of Might_; for the same fancy which materialised Frederick’s heretical -tendencies, and made them objective in the supposed work _De Tribus -Impostoribus_, soon did the like by those diabolical arts in which -Scot was said to have excelled. It is possible that some reference to -this may have been intended in the book which is held by the magician -in the S. Maria Novella fresco. The plan of these paintings in the -Spanish chapel at Florence was drawn out with great care by Fra Jacopo -Passavanti, a learned monk of that convent. He has left a series of -Lenten sermons, collected and enlarged by himself, and published under -the title of _Lo Specchio di vera Penitenza_.[294] The last two chapters -of this work are devoted to the reproof of magical arts; a subject -which the author would seem to have studied closely. He may have been -influenced in this direction by S. Augustine’s _De Civitate Dei_, which -he translated into Italian. More than one passage of the _Specchio_ may -be cited as illustrating the frescoes of the Spanish Chapel. He tells -us, for example, that the devil is said to be able to teach science to -his disciples in an incredibly short space of time, however rude and -ignorant they may be. For this purpose he has given them a book called -the _Ars Notoria_,[295] the same which is so severely condemned by -Aquinas. Now, as Aquinas, with open book of heavenly doctrine, is figured -in the chief position on the opposite (north) wall of the chapel, it is -no unreasonable conjecture which finds in the magician’s book on the -south wall a pictorial representation of the _Ars Notoria_ as it was -conceived by Passavanti. Elsewhere in the volume he again returns to -the subject of magical works.[296] Zoroaster, he says, first learned -the art from demons, and caused it to be written on two columns, one of -marble to survive the floods, and one of terra-cotta to resist the fire. -This diabolic teaching, thus preserved, flourished among the Egyptians, -Chaldeans, Persians, Indians, and other Oriental nations who remained -its chief exponents, ‘though perchance,’ adds Passavanti, ‘it may be -more studied among ourselves than we are ready to believe.’[297] This -passage may serve to show why the artist of the Spanish Chapel was -directed to draw his Magus in the fashion of the East, and helps us to -understand the prejudice which Michael Scot’s outlandish costume must -have raised against him. It is in any case certain that the stories of -his supernatural power became both memorable in substance and rich in -details by association with the tales of Arthur. - - - - -CHAPTER X - -THE LEGEND OF MICHAEL SCOT—CONCLUSION - - -The attachment of Michael Scot to his master, the Emperor Frederick -II., may be conceived as acting in a double sense to procure him his -mysterious fame. With the Guelfs, who bitterly opposed that great monarch -and his followers, it of course became a reason for believing him to -have practised the blackest of arts. With the Ghibellines, on the other -hand, who formed the imperial party, and saw a very Arthur in their -famous leader, it served to confirm his character as a Mage and man of -mysterious might. - -Commencing then with one of the first, and certainly the most famous -of the authors who have spoken of Scot in this romantic and legendary -style, the observation just made will enable us to understand without -much difficulty the sense of Dante’s reference to the magician. The poet -represents himself as reaching the fourth division of the eighth infernal -circle, when Virgil draws his attention to one of those who suffer there, -and says: - - ‘Michele Scotto, fù, che veramente - Delle magiche frode seppe il giuoco.’[298] - -Dante was a Ghibelline, and must therefore be supposed to have known well -the tradition of commanding supernatural power woven by his party about -the name of Scot. There is, however, a strong element of contempt and -reproof in his lines, and this must be explained by a point of view which -was peculiar to himself. The _Commedia_, and especially the _Inferno_, -where this passage occurs, is nothing if not a retrospect of the past. -In it Dante calls up the mighty dead and subjects them to review; his -principle of judgment being largely, but by no means solely, drawn from -political considerations. Even more decidedly was it moral, and thus, -while in not a few instances he displays the working of party-spirit, in -others he permits himself to part altogether with the current Ghibelline -views. - -His reference to Michael Scot, then, is undoubtedly a case of the latter -kind. As a seer whose attention was fixed on the past he was naturally -impatient of those who pretended to unfold the future. Scot, as the -author of prophetical verses, seemed to Dante a fair object for censure, -as one who had degraded the sacred art of the bard to serve the purpose -of a charlatan. He placed him with Amphiareus, with Teiresias and the -other diviners, who, because they sought to pry into the future, appeared -to the poet with their heads turned backward in punishment of their -presumption. An additional proof that this was in fact the reason for -Dante’s harsh dealing with Scot may be seen in the _Dittamondo_ of Fazio -degli Uberti. This poem, composed towards the end of the fourteenth -century, was modelled on the _Divine Comedy_, and expressly formed to -expound it. Here are the lines which correspond in the _Dittamondo_ to -those of Dante relating to Michael Scot: - - ‘In questo tempo che m’odi contare - Michele Scotto fù, che per sua arte - Sapeva Simon Mago contraffare, - E se tu leggerai nelle sue carte - Le profezie ch’ei fece, troverai - Vere venire dove sono sparte.’ - -Here the reader will observe that the prophetical writings of Scot are -distinctly mentioned, and we are not left, as by Dante, to infer, merely -from the company in which we find him, the view that was taken by the -poet of his character and fame. - -It was to reinforce this unfavourable judgment based on other grounds -that Dante adopted the legend already popular regarding Scot’s magical -studies. In doing so he gave the matter a turn which widely separated -his version of the tale from the prevailing Ghibelline stories, told -no doubt with bated breath, but told on the whole to Scot’s credit. In -thus dealing with the legend Dante made use of a distinction well known -to the Arabs, and now becoming familiar also in the West: that, namely, -which divided the art of magic into the real and the illusory; called by -Eastern magicians _Er Roóhhánee_ and _Es Seémiya_.[299] The former was -noble magic, and acted in power upon high spirits, subduing them to the -magician’s will; being either white or black according to the purpose -that was sought by their aid. The latter, on the other hand, produced no -real effects whatever on material things, but moved altogether in the -sphere of mind. At its highest it gave a mastery, which was perhaps -hypnotic, over the senses of those whom the magician sought to delude. -At its lowest it was the art of the juggler and his apes, cheating eye -and ear by tricks like those which have survived to form our modern -conjuring entertainments.[300] Here the apparatus of the higher magic -was still used, but so as to be degraded and distorted from its original -purpose. The circle now served to secure the mage, not from the assaults -of supernatural beings, but from the indiscreet approach of too curious -spectators. The brazier with its cloud of dense and stupifying smoke -served to affect the senses of the subject; the strange sound of recited -spells to impress his imagination; the magic mirror to fix his attention, -till he became the wizard’s captive and obedient to his every suggestion. -This was the art of _glamour_, as it used to be called, which, in one -sphere, seemed to change a ruinous and cobweb-hung hall into a bower of -delight; in another, made visions of distant places and future times -appear in mirrors or crystals; in yet another, provided the philtres -which provoked love, the ligatures which restrained it, and even dealt -in that accursed spell of _envoutement_ which promised to procure for -jealousy and hatred all their wicked will. - -Such then were the _magiche frode_ of which Dante accuses Scot, and it is -easy to see that the sting of the verse lies just here; in the unreality -it attributes to this magician’s art, much as if the poet had called him -in plain prose, ‘no mage, but a common juggler.’ Resenting Scot’s pose as -a prophet, and persuaded of the futility of such dreams in comparison -with the splendid and enduring certainties of his own art, Dante used -that gift with cruel force to convey a similar accusation regarding the -romantic fame of the philosopher, holding him up to the world as no -mighty master of mysterious power, but, in this too, a mere impostor. - -The anonymous Florentine, in his comment on the _Divine Comedy_, softens -the matter a little, and at the same time imports into it a confusion of -thought very difficult to unravel, when he says: ‘This art of magic may -be employed in two ways; for either magicians compose by cunning certain -bodies, all compact of air, which yet appear substantial, or else they -show things having the appearance of reality but not in truth real, and -in both these ways of working was Michael a great master.’ There is -an attempt here to vindicate for Scot a higher place than that of the -mere charlatan, but the commentator’s distinction is one not readily or -clearly to be apprehended, and we may greatly doubt if it ever entered -his author’s mind. - -The hint thus given was speedily acted upon. For to it, no doubt, we -owe the numerous tales regarding Michael Scot of which Benvenuto da -Imola and the anonymous Florentine speak. Landino gives a specimen, as -follows. During the philosopher’s residence in Bologna he used to invite -his friends to dinner, but without making any preparation for their -entertainment. When the hour struck, and the guests were seated at table, -they found it nevertheless covered with the choicest viands. Their host -would then explain that one dish came from the royal kitchen at Paris, -another from that of the English king, and so on with the rest. Jacopo -della Lana repeats the same story, but with certain variations.[301] -According to this commentator, Michael Scot always kept the best company, -living in all respects as a gentleman and cavalier. In his tricks of -the table he did not spare even his own master, but, while choosing -his boiled meat from Paris, and his roasts from London, would always -procure his _entrées_ from the King of Sicily’s provision. The anonymous -Florentine adds another tale to the same purpose, saying that his guests -once asked Scot to show them a new marvel. The month was January, yet, in -spite of the season, he caused vines with fresh shoots and ripe clusters -of grapes to appear on the table. The company were bidden each of them -to choose a bunch, but their host warned them not to put forth their -hands till he should give the sign. At the word ‘cut,’ lo, the grapes -disappeared, and the guests found themselves each with a knife in one -hand, and in the other his neighbours sleeve. Francesco da Buti adds the -significant note, ‘all this was nothing but a cheat; for they only seemed -to feast, and either did not really do so, or else took the dishes for -something quite other than they really were.’ This is enough to show that -the sense we have given to Dante’s words is one which found favour in -early times. - -Boccaccio, commencing his lectures on Dante in the Church of San Stefano -at Florence in October 1373, proceeded in them no further, unfortunately, -than the seventeenth canto of the _Inferno_, so that we are deprived -of his notes on the passage which refers to Michael Scot. In the -_Decamerone_, however, he treats the subject in a passing way; making a -citizen of Bologna speak of the magician’s residence in that town.[302] -Scot, he said, had performed many prodigies there, to the delight of -sundry gentlemen his friends, and at their request had, on his departure, -left behind him two scholars, who kept up fairly the traditions of his -art. This seems to indicate that Boccaccio had in mind the stories told -by the other commentators on Dante, and the tone of his novel supports -the conjecture that he agreed with the great poet and with Da Buti, in -regarding these prodigies as pertaining to the department of fictitious -magic. - -More interesting, perhaps, are the tales which involve Michael the -magician with the fates of his great master, Frederick II. In the -_Paradiso degli Alberti_,[303] for example, we read how, at the feast -given by the Emperor to celebrate his coronation at Rome, which had taken -place on November 22, 1220, the company were entertained by a strange -event. They were just in the act of washing their hands before sitting -down to table in the great hall at Palermo. The pages were still on foot -with ewers and basins of perfumed water and embroidered towels, when -suddenly Michael Scot appeared with a companion, both of them dressed -in Eastern robes, and offered to show the guests a marvel. The weather -was oppressively warm, so Frederick asked him to procure them a shower -of rain which might bring coolness. This the magicians accordingly -did, raising a great storm, which as suddenly vanished again at their -pleasure. Being required by the Emperor to name his reward, Scot asked -leave to choose one of the company to be the champion of himself and his -friend against certain enemies of theirs. This being freely granted, -their choice fell on Ulfo, a German baron. As it seemed to Ulfo, they -set off at once on their expedition, leaving the coasts of Sicily in two -great galleys, and with a mighty following of armed men. They sailed -through the Gulf of Lyons, and passed by the Pillars of Hercules, into -the unknown and western sea. Here they found smiling coasts, received a -welcome from the strange people, and joined themselves to the army of -the place; Ulfo taking the supreme command. Two pitched battles and a -successful siege formed the incidents of the campaign. Ulfo killed the -hostile king, married his lovely daughter, and reigned in his stead; -Michael and his companion having left to seek other adventures. Of this -marriage sons and daughters were begotten, and twenty years passed like a -dream ere the magicians returned, and invited their champion to revisit -the Sicilian court. Ulfo went back with them, but what was his amazement, -on entering the palace at Palermo, to find everything just as it had been -at the moment of their departure so long before; even the pages were -still going the rounds with water for the hands of the Emperor’s guests. -This prodigy performed, Michael and the other withdrew and were seen no -more, but Ulfo, it is said, remained ever inconsolable for the lost land -of loveliness and the joys of wedded life he had left behind for ever in -a dream not to be repeated. This tale appears also in the _Cento Novelle -Antiche_,[304] but in that collection the place of Michael Scot and his -companion is taken by ‘three masters of necromancy.’ - -In the _Pseudo Boccaccio_[305] we find another tale, referring to the -later and less happy period of the imperial fortunes. The scene is laid -in Vittoria, the armed camp which Frederick pitched so long before the -walls of rebellious Parma. The Parmigiani had made a successful sally, -forced the defences of Vittoria, and were plundering the place. A poor -shoemaker of Parma, who made one of this expedition, was lucky enough to -come upon the imperial tent itself. Entering, he found a small barrel, -which he caught up and carried back to his home. On trial it proved to -contain excellent wine, which the shoemaker and his wife drank from day -to day, till at last it occurred to them to wonder why the supply never -came to an end. They opened the barrel to see, and found within it a -small silver figure of an angel with his foot planted on a grape, also of -silver, from which flowed constantly the delicious wine they had so long -enjoyed. ‘Now, this was made by magic art,’ continues the commentator, -‘and by necromancy, and it was Thales, otherwise called Michael Scot, -who contrived it by his skill and power.’ Needless to add that, by this -indiscreet curiosity, the charm was broken, and the generous wine flowed -no longer to gladden the hearts of the shoemaker and his wife. - -We have thus traced the development of the legend as far as the close of -the fourteenth century. During the next hundred years no notable addition -seems to have been made to it, nor does it appear to have attained any -further expression of a remarkable kind in the region of pure literature. -But the fifteenth century had by no means forgotten Michael Scot, nor -the tales that embodied his mysterious fame. This, in fact, seems to -have been the period when most of the magical works attributed to the -philosopher’s pen were composed, and commended to the world under the -reputation attaching to so great a name. Such are the spell, which exists -in writing of this age, in the Laurentian Library of Florence,[306] the -_Geomantia_ of the Munich Library,[307] and, perhaps, the _Cheiromantia_. -As, however, a tract on at least one of these latter subjects is -attributed to Gerard of Cremona in the Vatican list,[308] it is possible -there may here have been only some not unnatural confusion between two -authors who were closely associated in much of the literary work they -accomplished in Spain. - -To the sixteenth century belongs the mock-heroic poem entitled _De Gestis -Baldi_, composed by the famous macaronic writer Teofilo Folengo, who -wrote under the assumed name of Merlin Coccajo. A considerable passage -in this curious production is devoted to Michael Scot, of whom the poet -speaks in the following terms: - - ‘Ecce Michaelis de incantu regula Scoti, - Qua, post sex formas, cerae fabricatur imago - Demonii Sathan Saturni facta plumbo - Cui suffimigio per serica rubra cremato - Hac, licet obsistant, coguntur amore puellae. - Ecce idem Scotus qui stando sub arboris umbra - Ante characteribus designet millibus orbem. - Quatuor inde vocat magna cum voce diablos. - Unus ab occasu properat, venit alter ab ortu, - Meridies terzum mandat, septentrio quartum. - Consecrare facit freno conforme per ipsos - Cum quo vincit equum nigrum, nulloque vedutum, - Quem, quo vult, tanquam Turchesca sagitta, cavalcat, - Sacrificatque comas eiusdem saepe cavalli. - En quoque dipingit Magus idem in littore navem - Quae vogat totum octo remis ducta per orbem. - Humanae spinae suffimigat inde medullam. - En docet ut magicis cappam sacrare susurris - Quam sacrando fremunt plorantque per aera turbae - Spiritum quoniam verbis nolendo tiramur. - Hanc quicumque gerit gradiens ubicumque locorum - Aspicitur nusquam; caveat tamen ire per altum - Solis splendorem, quia tunc sua cernitur umbra.’[309] - -Here the legend is not only considerably enriched, but it has recovered -much of its original tone. Michael Scot again appears rather as the -mighty mage than as the adroit juggler which Dante had represented him to -be. One would say Folengo had read the spell of Cordova, where a circle -similar to that described by him is actually proposed. The use of magical -images too, on which he insists, is the very art which the Arabian author -of the _Picatrix_ professes to teach. - -These then, or such as these, must have been the ‘old wives’ tales’ -spoken of by Dempster, who says that store of them passed current in his -day.[310] He was, like Michael Scot himself, a Scotsman long resident -in Italy, who taught in the universities of Pisa and Bologna at the -commencement of the seventeenth century:[311] an origin and situation -very favourable to the knowledge of these stories, both in their Italian -and Scottish form. That they had at an early period become part of the -romantic heritage of Scotland seems very certain. An anonymous author -supplies us with the Italian view of the matter when he says that the -great magician taught the Scots his art to such a degree ‘that they -will not take a step without some magical practice,’ and adds that he -introduced into Scotland the fashion of ‘white hose, and gowns with the -sleeves sewed together.’[312] - -Perhaps the best known of these Scottish tales is that which relates how -Michael Scot had a particular spirit as his familiar, and describes the -difficulty he felt in discovering new tasks for his supernatural servant. -Sir Walter Scott says that this story had made so deep an impression, -that in his day any ancient work of unknown origin was ascribed by the -country people either to Sir William Wallace, Michael Scot, or the -devil himself.[313] But, as commonly told, the legend refers to certain -outstanding features of the country which are natural and not artificial; -a fact which may possibly account for its persistence and survival in -this form and not in the others. Michael is said to have commanded his -spirit to divide Eildon Hill into three.[314] The feat was accomplished -in a single night, but, the magician’s instructions being very precise, -and the spirit finding one of the peaks he had formed greater, and -another less than the mean, accommodated the matter very skilfully -by transferring what seems like a spadeful of earth, still visible as -a distinct prominence on the sky-line of the hill. Next night brought -the need for another task, and Michael gave orders that the river Tweed -should be bound in its course by a curb of stone. The remarkable basaltic -dyke which crosses the bed of the stream near Ednam is said to have been -the result of this command. On the third night, finding his familiar -still keen for employment, Scot bade him go spin ropes of sand at the -river mouth. This task proved so difficult as to relieve the magician -from further embarrassment. It is said to be still in progress, and the -successive attempts and failures of the spirit are pointed out as every -tide casts up, or receding, uncovers, the ever-shifting sands of Berwick -bar. - -Another Scottish story, borrowed perhaps from the relations between -Michael Scot and Frederick II., and possibly suggested by the -philosopher’s journey in 1230, speaks of a high commission he once held -from the King of Scotland.[315] Some Frenchmen, it is said, had commenced -pirates, and had plundered Scottish ships. The King chose Michael as -his ambassador, sending him to Paris to demand justice and redress. -The magician, however, made none of the ordinary preparations for so -considerable a journey, but opened his _Book of Might_ and read a spell -therein; whereupon his familiar appeared in the form of a black horse, -just as Folengo describes him. In this shape the demon carried his rider -through the air with incredible speed. When the channel lay beneath -them, he asked Michael what words the old wives in Scotland muttered -ere they went to sleep. A less adroit wizard would have simply repeated -the _Paternoster_, and thus furnished the excuse sought by the demon, -who would then have hurled his rider into the sea. Michael, however, -contented himself by sternly replying; ‘What is that to thee? Mount -Diabolus, and fly;’ and, the demon being thus outwitted and compelled, -they presently arrived in Paris. Finding the French King unwilling to -hear his representations, Scot asked him to delay giving a final refusal -till he should have heard the horse stamp three times. At the first -hoof-stroke, all the bells in Paris rang. At the second, three towers in -the palace fell; and the horse had raised his foot to stamp once more, -when the King cried, ‘Hold,’ and yielded him to do as his cousin of -Scotland desired. - -A more trivial and domestic tale is that which relates how Michael met -and overcame the Witch of Falsehope.[316] He was then residing at Oakwood -Tower, and, hearing much talk of this woman’s craft, he set forth one day -to prove her. The witch was cunning, and denied that she had any skill -in the black art, but, when Scot absently laid his staff of power upon -the table, she caught it to her and used it upon him with such effect -that he became a hare; in which shape he was hotly coursed by his own -hounds. Taking refuge in a drain, he had just time to reverse the spell -and resume his own form before the hunt reached his hiding-place. Thus -Michael returned to Oakwood with a high impression of his neighbour’s -skill and malice, and fully resolved to have his revenge at the first -opportunity. This occurred next harvest, when, under pretext of sport, he -sent his servant to the witch’s house to beg some bread for the hounds. -Met with the refusal that was expected, the man acted upon his master’s -instructions by privately fixing to the door a scroll containing, amid -magical characters, the following rhyme: - - ‘Maister Michael Scot’s man - Socht breid and gat nane.’ - -Meanwhile the witch-wife had returned to her work; which was that of -boiling porridge for the shearers. As soon, however, as Scot’s man had -left the door, she began to run round the fire like one crazy, repeating -as she ran the words of the spell. In a little the harvesters returned -from the field to their dinner, but, as each passed the enchanted door, -the spell took him, and he joined the dance within. Meanwhile Michael -and his men and dogs stood not far off on the hill, whence they could -command a full view of what went on. The last to leave the field was the -goodman, who, suspecting something more than common from the attention -Scot was paying to his house, was too cautious to enter immediately, -as the rest had done. He went to the window, and through it beheld the -orgy, now become terrible, and in the midst of all his wife, half dead -from compulsion and exhaustion, dragged around the house and through the -fire by the bewitched servants. Suspecting how matters stood, he went to -Scot, who, relenting, told him how to remove the spell by entering the -house backwards, and then taking the scroll down from the door. This he -did, and the unearthly dance ceased, but it was long ere those who had -taken part in it forgot the power of the magician, or ventured again to -provoke his resentment. - -The northern tales had much to say of Michael’s _Book of Might_, -from which he learned his art, and of his burial-place, where it lay -interred with him. Dempster tells us that, in his boyhood, it used to -be said in Scotland that Scot’s magical works were still extant, but -might not be touched for fear of the powerful demons that waited on -their opening.[317] This form of the legend belongs then to the latter -part of the sixteenth century. In the beginning of the next age, and -precisely in the year 1629, occurred the traditional visit of Satchells -to Burgh-under-Bowness.[318] This author declares that one named Lancelot -Scot showed him in that place something taken from the works of the -mighty magician: - - ‘He said the book which he gave me - Was of Sir Michael Scot’s Historie; - Which Historie was never yet read through, - Nor never will, for no man dare it do. - Young scholars have pick’d out some thing - From the contents, that dare not read within. - He carried me along the castle then, - And shew’d his written Book hanging on an iron pin. - His writing pen did seem to me to be - Of harden’d metal, like steel or accumie, - The volume of it did seem so large to me - As the Book of Martyrs and Turks Historie. - Then in the church he let me see - A stone where Mr. Michael Scot did lie. - I ask’d at him how that could appear: - Mr. Michael had been dead above five hundred year? - He shew’d me none durst bury under that stone - More than he had been dead a few years agone, - For Mr. Michael’s name does terrifie each one.’ - -It will be observed that Satchells hesitates here between the title of -knighthood which had been bestowed on Scot for a century past on the -authority of Hector Boëce, and the more authentic dignity of Master which -was really his. He also antedates the philosopher’s lifetime by more than -a hundred years; so that plainly what we have in these verses is legend -and tradition rather than history. - -This is probably the latest appearance in literature of the old -stories concerning Michael Scot told in the old way. Naudè[319] and -Schmutzer[320] presently came on the scene, in the late seventeenth and -early eighteenth century, with their critical defences of Scot, all too -imperfectly informed regarding his real reputation. In our own age the -poems of Sir Walter Scott and Rossetti, while serving to show that so -great a name has not been forgotten, breathe, it is plain, an entirely -different spirit. They are but the romantic and sentimental revival of -tales that the poets and their world had already ceased to believe. - -Changed habits of thought, reaching and affecting every class of society, -make it useless now to seek in Scotland for any new developments of -the legend of Michael Scot. This is not so certainly true, however, of -the South of Europe; of Italy, Sicily, and Spain, where he was once -a familiar figure. There the slow progress of education has left the -common people still in possession of much legendary lore, and even of -the living faculty by which in past ages such tales have been formed. -To ascertain what an Italian story-teller in the present year of grace -would make of the name and fame of Michael Scot were clearly a curious -and interesting inquiry. It is one which, on actual trial, has yielded -two tales differing considerably from any hitherto published.[321] As -these are certainly the very latest additions to the legend, they deserve -a place here at the close of our collection. Freely rendered into English -they run as follows: - -‘Mengot was a notable astrologer and magician. Mengot was his true -name,[322] but he had many surnames besides; among which was that of -Scotto. This name of Scotto was given him by a princess. One night the -Prince, her husband, happened to be in a company where the talk turned -on the virtue of women, and the Prince said he would put his hand in the -fire if his wife were not faithful to him; so sure was he of her virtue. -Then spoke up another of the company, who made light of the caresses and -compliments with which women use to deceive, and told a tale for the -Prince’s warning. “There was once a man,” said he, “who thought as you -do, dear Prince; for he took his wife for a pattern of virtue, and would -have pledged, not his hand only, but his very life that she was so. It -happened, however, that he had a friend who knew of the wizard whom they -call Mengot, dwelling without the Croce Gate of Florence, and having -his house below the ground, closed by a flat stone of the field so as -to be secret. Those who would inquire of him must pass to the place and -cry ‘Mengot! Master Mengot! I seek a favour of thee, and, if thou tell -me true, I shall not stint thy reward;’ whereupon he doth straightway -appear. This then was what the friend of the too confident husband did, -for he summoned Mengot, and, in presence of all, said to him: ‘Tell me -the truth, and whether the wife of this gentleman deserves his confidence -or not.’ After some thought, the wizard replied, ‘Do you wish a true -answer, or one made to please? I should be sorry to hurt the husband’s -feelings.’ When all desired to have the truth, Mengot told them that -the lady in question had gone to a place in the Via Calzaiuoli where -disguises were arranged, and that she would be found next day dressed as -a servant in the course of carrying on a vulgar intrigue in the Ghetto. -Now all this was verified; for the wizard told them even the very house -in the Via delle Ceste where she would be found with her lover, and it -proved to be exactly as he had said.” When this tale was done, all who -heard it cried that Mengot should be summoned again, to see whether the -Princess were faithful or not. So they called him, as had been done in -the other case, but with the same result; for here also the Prince’s -confidence had been misplaced, and that in a high degree. Then said the -Princess, between rage and shame, “Hast thou scotched me this time; but -next time I will scotch thee.”[323] She straightway sought a witch, said -to be more powerful than Mengot himself, and, telling what had happened, -promised her gold by handfuls if she would revenge her on the wizard. The -woman told her to be easy, for she would arrange the matter. She paid -Mengot a visit as if to take his advice, and, stealing his magic rod, -struck the ground three times, whereupon Mengot was turned into a hare, -and fled from his habitation. Having foreseen, however, by his art that -such danger might arise, Mengot had prepared a pool of enchanted water at -his door. Into this he now leaped, and by its virtue was able to resume -his proper form. The first thing he did was to seek the magic rod, and, -finding it still in his house, he struck the witch on the head. She -became a skinless[324] cat, and in that form haunted the guilty Princess -for her sins; while Mengot was ever afterwards distinguished by the name -of Scot.’ - -The second tale is to this effect: - -‘Michael Scotti the wizard was a mighty master of witchcraft. There came -to him one day a young lady, richly dressed, and wearing a thick veil. -She told him that she wished to become a witch that she might cast a -spell upon the child of a man who had forsaken her for another woman, -now his wife; for she said that to bewitch this child would be the best -revenge she could have. Michael was willing to content her; but we must -here remark that wizards and witches gain their power, either at birth -or as a legacy from some dying person who has the gift. In either of -these cases, when the wizard or witch takes the form of an animal, both -body and soul are present wherever the form may appear. If, on the other -hand, any one becomes a witch of her own desire, as in the case before -us, her spirit may move and act under such a form, but her body lies all -the while where she left it. But to our tale. - -‘Michael accordingly took his Magic Book, and the skin of a cat, and -kindling some hempen fibre[325] in an earthen pot, he commenced to read -his spells, which had such effect that the spirit of the young lady -entered into the skin of the cat. In the form of that animal she then -went about her business, while her body remained still in the chair -where she was sitting. At her return the wizard read again in his book, -whereupon the spirit of the new-made witch returned to her body as -before. Michael gave her a book of this kind, and the skin he had used, -and every night she turned herself into a witch, and became so wicked as -to cast ill upon many children, and even on an infant brother of her own. - -‘Thus the sorceress was hardly entered on her power ere she brought about -the death of her rival’s child, and killed many others, but an end was -presently put to these ill-doings. Her brother, whom she had bewitched -out of jealousy, wasted away, and the parents were in despair, as none of -the physicians whom they consulted could understand the case. One morning -the child told them he had suffered much during the night from a cat, -which leaped upon his bed, howled, and played the most frightful antics. -They then began to suspect witchcraft, and resolved that the household -should watch during the next night. On the stroke of twelve a cat was -seen coming out of their daughter’s room. One of the servants gave chase, -and another went into the room, fearing that the young lady had also been -bewitched, and saw her lying on the bed as cold as marble. The cry arose -that she was killed. The parents, mad with grief, made after the cat to -destroy it, but with leaps and bounds, it kept them busy all night as -if they had been huntsmen chasing a hare, and all in vain. As the bells -began to sound for matins the cat ran into the young lady’s room, and -the mother, beating her brow, exclaimed: “she who has bewitched my son -is none other than his sister.” Rushing into the room they found her, -no longer like a dead body, but all panting from the night-long chase. -Her mother searched all the corners, and finding the book and earthen -pot, bade throw them into the Arno. They then besought their daughter to -undo the mischief she had wrought upon her brother, and so many more, -and to promise she would never do the like again; but to nothing of this -would she consent. Then they threw her out of window in fear and to the -breaking of her bones. The servants came and took her up; laying her on -her bed again; telling her to heal her brother. Not even in the last -moments of life, however, would she repent. She could not die till Mengot -had read for her a spell of loosing, and on him therefore she still lay -crying. The servants told this to her parents, who bade put horses to -the carriage and fetch the wizard, who was presently with them. First -he commanded her to cure her brother, and then he read for her in his -Magic Book that she might be loosed, and so she died. But when the skin -and earthen pot were cast away, they sank straight underground. Thus the -witch, who still came back every night to get the skin, and take the form -of a cat, found all her magic art in vain; for Michael Scotti had taken -her power away.’ - -‘Desinit in piscem mulier formosa superne!’ To such vain and trivial -conclusions has a reputation, justly renowned in its own day, been -reduced in ours. Michael Scot, now become a _troglodyte_, lifts his head -timidly and occasionally from a den in the Florence fields; he who, while -alive, filled Europe with his fame, and, by his _Averroës_, ruled the -schools of Padua as late as the seventeenth century. If a remedy is still -to be had for this, the fruit of Guelphic rancour, it must be found in -the direction we have sought to keep throughout these pages: that of a -serious and impartial study of Scot’s life, and of those labours of his -in philosophy and science which are so really, though remotely, connected -with the intellectual attainments of our own times. - - - - -APPENDIX - - - - -APPENDIX I - - -✠ Experimentum Michaelis Scoti nigromantici.[326] - -Si volueris per daemones haberi scientem, qui in forma magistri ad te -veniet cum tibi placuerit, expedit tibi primo habere quandam cameram -fulgentem et nitidam, in qua nunquam mulier non conversetur, nec vir ante -inchoationem triginta diebus, computato itaque tempore taliter quod xxxj -die fit luna crescens[327] –o– ☿ eius hora, castus per septimanam, rasus -totus, ac etiam lotus, necnon vestimentis albis indutus. Solus in ortu -solis, in quo, et ipsa hora ☿ habeas quoddam vas in quo sit lignum -aloes camphora et cipressum cum igne, ex quibus fiat fumus, et primo te -totum suffumiga, scilicet primo faciem, deinde alia, postea etiam totam -cameram. Quo facto, habeas oleum bacharum et totum te unge a capite -usque ad pedes, hoc facto, volve te primo versus 🜚 ortum, et sic dic, -flexis genibus: O admirabilis et ineffabilis et incomprehensibilis, Qui -omnia ex nihilo formasti, apud quem nihil impossibile est, te deprecor -cum humilitate vehementi ut mihi, famulo tuo tali, tribuas gratiam -cognoscendi potentiam tuam, Qui vivis et regnas cum Deo Patre per omnia -saecula saeculorum, Amen. Praesta quaesumus mihi tutellam angeli tui, -qui me custodiat, protegat, atque defendat, et adjuvet ad huius operis -consummationem, et faciat me potentem contra omnes spiritus ut vincam -etiam dominer eis, et ipsi adversus me terrendi vel laedendi nullam -habeant potestatem, Amen, [here follow verses 25-28 of Psalm 119.] -Similiter versus occasum, meridiem, et septentrionem, et debes scire -quod, quando vertis te, debes te totum expoliare nudum, deinde dicere has -orationes: quo facto, debes te induere dicendo hunc psalmum, [Psalm 76: -1-.] usque _quomodo cogitatio hominis_, etc. quo dicto, et inducto, dic -tu haec verba [Psalm 37: 30.] Quibus dictis habeas unum frustrum panni -albi de lana, quae nunquam fuerit in usu, et habeas quandam columbam -albam totam vel –o– cuiuscumque coloris sit, et trunca eius collum, et -collige eius sanguinem in vase vitreo, et de dicta columba sive –ͨoͦ–ͬ -sanguinando dictum cor in 1º. o. Fac cum dicto corde cruentato, in dicto -panno, circulum, ut apparet inferius, quo facto, intra circulum cum ense -in manu: qui ensis debet esse lucidissimus, cum quo ense avis caput debet -truncari ut dictum est, et ipsum tenendo per cuspidem, aspiciendo versus -orientem, dic sic: O misericordissime Deus, Creator omnium, et omnium -scientiarum Largitor, Qui vis magis peccatorem vivere, ut ad penitentiam -valeat pervenire, quam ipsum mori sordidum in peccatis, Te deprecor toto -mentis affectu ut cogas et liges istos tres demones, videlicet Appolyin, -Maraloch, Berich, ut debeant per virtutem et potentiam tuam mihi obedire, -servire, et parere, sine aliquo fraude, malignatione vel furore, in -omnibus quae praecipio: Qui vivis et regnas in unitate Spiritus Sancti, -Amen. Debet haec enim oratio dici novies versus orientem, deinde debes -dicere, Appolyin, Maraloch, Berich, Ego talis vos exorcizo et conjuro -ex parte Dei Omnipotentis Qui vos vestra elatione jussit antra subire -profundi, ut debeatis mittere quendam spiritum peritum dogmate omnium -scientiarum, qui mihi sit benivolus, fidelis, et placidus ad docendum -omnem scientiam quam voluero, veniens in formam magistri ut nullam -formidinem percipere valeam, fiat, fiat, fiat. Item conjuro vos per -Patrem et Filium et Spiritum Sanctum ut per haec sancta nomina quorum -virtute ligamen, scilicet Dober, Uriel, Sabaoth, Semonyi, Adonayi, -Tetragramaton, Albumayzi, Loch, Morech, Sadabyin, Rodeber, Donnel, -Parabyiel, Alatuel, Nominam, et Ysober, quatenus vos tres reges maximi -et mihi socii, mihi petenti, unum de subditis vestris mittere laboretis, -qui sit magister omnium scientiarum et artium, veniens in forma humana, -placibilis aplaudens mihi et erudens me cum amore ita et taliter quod in -termino xxxta dierum talem scientiam valeam adipisci, promittens post -sumptionem scientiae dare libi licentiam recedendi, ut hoc etiam totiens -dici debet. Hac oratione vero dicta, ensem depone et involve in dicto -panno, et facto vasiculo, cuba super ipso ut aliquantulum dormias. Post -sompnum vero surge et induas te: quia facto vasiculo homo se spoliat -et intrat cubiculum ponendo dictum vasiculum super capite. Est autem -sciendum quod dictis his conjurationibus somnus acculit virtute divina, -in somno autem apparebunt tibi tres maximi reges, cum famulis innumeris -militibus peditibus, inter quos est etiam quidam magister apparens, cui -ipsi tres reges jubent ad te ipsum venire paratam. Videbis enim tres -reges fulgentes mira pulcritudine, qui tibi in dicto sompno viva voce -loquentur dicentes, Ecce tibi Domini quod multotiens postulasti, et -dicent illi magistro, Sit iste tuus discipulus quem docere tibi jubemus -omnem scientiam sive artem quam audire voluerit. Doce illum taliter et -erudi ut in termino xxx dierum in qualem scientiam voluerit, ut summus -inter alios habeatur:[328] et ipsum audies et videbis eum respondere, -dictum mei libentissime faciam quicquid vultis. His dictis reges abibunt -et magister solus remanebit, qui tibi dicet, Surge, ecce tuus magister. -His vero dictis, excitaberis statim et aperies occulos et videbis quendam -magistrum optime indutum, qui tibi dicet, Da mihi ensem quem sub capite -tenes. Tu vero dices Ecce discipulus vester paratus est facere quicquid -vultis; tamen debes habere pugillarem et scribere omnia quae tibi dicet. -Primo debes quaerere, O magister, quod est nomen vestrum: ipse dicet, et -tu scribes; secundo, de quo ordine, et similiter scribe: his scriptis, -dabis ensem, quo habito, ipse recedet dicens, Expecta me donec veniam: -tu nihil dices. Magister vero recedet et secum portabit ensem, post -cuius recessu tu solves pannum, ut apparet inferius,[329] etiam scribes -in dicto circulo nomen eius scriptum per te, et scribi debet etiam cum -supradicto, O, quo scripto involve dictum pannum et bene reconde: his -factis debes prandere solo pane et pura aqua, et illa die non egredi -cameram et cum pransus fueris accipe pannum et intra circulum versus -Appolyim et dic sic, O rex Appolyim magne potens et venerabilis ego -famulus tuus in te credens, et omnino confidens, quia tu es fortior, et -valens per incomprehensibilem majestatem tuam, ut famulus et subditus -tuus talis, magister meus, debeat ad me venire quam citius fieri potest, -per virtutem et potentiam tuam quae est magna et maxima in saecula -saeculorum, Amen. et similiter dicere versus Maraloth, mutando nomen, et -versus Berith similiter, his dictis accipe de dicto sanguine et scribe in -circulo nomen tuum cum supradicto corde ut hic apparet inferius. Deinde -scribe cum dicto corde in angulis panni illa nomina ut hic apparent. Si -autem sanguis unius avis non tibi sufficeret, potes interficere quot -tibi placent: quibus omnibus factis, sedebis per totum diem in circulo -aspiciens ipsum, nihil loquendo; cum vero sero fuerit, plica dictum -pannum spoliato, et intra cubiculum ponendo ipsum sub capite tuo, et -cum posueris dici sit plana voce, O Appolyin, Maraloch, Berich, Sathan, -Belyal, Belzebuch, Lucifer, supplico vobis ut precipiatis magistro -meo, nominando eius nomen, ut ipse debeat venire solus ante eras ad me, -et docere me talem scientiam sine aliqua alia fallacia, per Illum Qui -venturus est judicare vivos et mortuos et saeculum per ignem, Amen. Cave -igitur et praecave ne signum ✠ facias, propter magnum periculum. In -sompno scies quia videbis magistrum tota nocte loqui tecum, interrogans -a te qualem scientiam vis adiscere, et tu dices, talem. Itaque ut dictus -est tota nocte cum eo loqueris. Cum itaque excitatus fueris in ipsa -nocte, surge et accende candelam, et accipe dictum pannum et dissolve, -et sede in eo, scilicet in circulo, ubi nomen tuum scriptum est, ad tuum -commodum, et voca nomen magistri tui, sic dicens, O talis de talis (sic) -ordine, in magistrum meum datum per majores reges tuos, te deprecor -ut venies in forma benigna ad docendum me in tali scientia, quia sim -probīor omnibus mortalibus docens ipsam cum magno gaudio, sine aliquo -labore, ac omni tedio derelicto. Veni igitur ex tuorum parte majoris -qui regnat per infinita saecula saeculorum, Amen, fiat, fiat, fiat. His -itaque dictis, ter aspicias versus occidentem, videbis magistrum venire -cum multis discipulis, quem rogabis ut omnes abire jubeat, et statim -recedent: quo facto, ipse magister dicet quam scientiam audire desideras; -tu dices talem, et tunc incipies, memento enim quia tantum adiscens -memoriae commodabis et omnem scientiam quam habere volueris adisces in -termino xxx dierum. Et quando ipsum de camera abire volueris, plica -pannum et reconde, et statim recedet: et quando ipsum venire volueris, -aperi pannum, et subito ibidem apparebit continuando lectiones. Post -vero terminum xxx dierum, doctus optime in illa scientia evades, et -fac tibi dare ensem tuum, et dic ut vadat, et cum pace recedat. Debes -iterum dicere cum pro alia ipsum invocabis habenda scientia, quod tibi -dicet ad tuum libitum esse paratum. Finis capituli scientiae. Explicit -nicromantiae experimentum illustrissimi doctoris Domini Magistri -Michaelis Scoti, qui summus inter alios nominatur Magister, qui fuit -Scotus, et servus praeclarissimo Domino suo Domino Philipo Regis Ceciliae -coronato; quod destinavit sibi dum esset aegrotus in civitate Cordubae, -etc. Finis - - - - -APPENDIX II - - -Fondo Vaticano 4428, ms. perg. in fol. saec. xiii. cum min. - - p. 1 recto. ‘Incipit Logica Avicennae. Studiosam animam meam - ad appetitum translationis lib. avicennae quem asschiphe i. - sufficientiam nuncupavit invitare cupiens, et quaedam capitula - … in latinum eloquium ex arabico transmutare.’ Then follows - a column and a half commencing: ‘Dixit abunbeidi filius ab,’ - (? avicennae) which seems to give an account of the manner in - which he was wont to compose. At the middle of col. 2 begins a - new paragraph:—‘Dixit princeps abualy alhysenni filius abdillei - filius sciue’ noted in the margin as: ‘Vita avicennae.’ This - closes at the middle of the first col. of p. 1, verso. - - p. 8 recto. A footnote says ‘translatus ab auendbuch de libro - avicennae de logico.’ - - p. 9 recto. ‘Incipit collectio secundi libri sufficientiae a - principiis ph’ici prologus. Dixit princeps Avicenna. Postquam - expedivimus nos auxilio dei.’ A short prologue follows extending - to three-quarters of a col. Then follows the treatise: ‘Iam nosti - ex tractatu.’ It closes on p. 20 _recto_ with the words ‘per se - notae sunt. Explicit liber phisicorum avicennae Amen.’ - - p. 20 verso. ‘Incipit liber Avicennae de celo et mundo, seu - collectiones expositionum ab antiquis graecis in librum - Aristotelis. Expositiones autem istae in quatuordecim continentur - capitulis. Per unum quod corpus perficiens.’ This tract closes on - - p. 27 recto. with the words ‘completum xv capitulum, et ideo - completione completus est liber totus, et laus sit creatori - nostro et largitori … et sic pax et salus omni animae modestae et - benignae. Amen. - - p. 27 verso. ‘Incipit particula prima Methaᶜᵉ avicennae cap. - 1. de inquisitione … ad hoc ut ostendatur ipsam esse de numero - scientiarum liberalium. Avicenna de philosophia prima, sive - scientia prima divina. Postquam autem auxilio Dei explevimus - tractatum scientiarum logicalium et naturalium et doctrinalium, - convenientius est accedere ad cogitationem intentionum - spiritualium.’ - - p. 78 recto. The Metaphysica end here with the words:—‘quia - ipse est rex terreni mundi, et vicarius dei in illo. Completus - est liber. Laudetur deus super omnia … quem transtulit diaconus - gundissalui archidyaco’ tholeti de arabico in latinum.’ - - p. 78 verso. ‘Incipit liber primus Avicennae de anima et - dicitur sextus de naturalibus. Reverentissimo tholetanae sedis - archiepiscopo et yspaniarum primati Johannes Avendaut israelita - philosophus gratiam et vitae futuris obsequium.’ … ‘Incipiunt - capitula totius libri. Liber iste dividitur in partes.’ … - ‘Ordinatio librorum Avicennae. Iam explevimus in primo libro.’ … - - p. 79 recto. ‘Capitulum 1. Dicemus ergo …’ The De Anima closes on - - p. 114 verso. with these words: ‘sicut postea scies cum loquitur - de animalibus. Explicit sextus naturalium Avicennae. Deo gratias - et nunc et semper Amen. Qui scripsit hunc librum Dominus - benedicat illum. Ffinito libro sit laus et gloria Christo. - Incipit sermo de generatione lapidum Avicennae. Terra pura non - fit lapis quia continuationem non facit.’ The second chapter is: - ‘De generatione montium’ and the third ‘De generatione corporum - mineralium.’ In the latter chapter occurs the curious passage: - ‘Sciant autem artifices alkimiae … et salem amoniacum’ which we - have translated on p. 74. - - p. 115 recto. The short tract on minerals closes at the foot - of this page with the words: ‘exhibere res quaedam extraneae. - Explicit vere.’ - - p. 115 verso. is blank. - - p. 116 recto. ‘De animalibus Avicennae. Frederice, romanorum - imperator, domine mundi, suscipe devote hunc librum michaelis - scoti ut sit gratia capiti tuo et torques collo tuo. Incipit - abbreviatio avicennae super librum animalium aristotelis. Et - animalia quaedam communicant in membris, sicut equus et homo.’ - The treatise closes on - - p. 158 recto, in the usual way: ‘sed de dentium utilitatibus jam - scis ex alio loco. Completus est liber avicennae de animalibus - scriptus per magistrum henricum coloniensem ad exemplar magnifici - imperatoris domini frederici apud meffiam civitatem Apuliae ubi - dominus imperator eidem magistro hunc librum permissum comodavit - anno domini mº ccº xxxijº in vigilio beati laurentii in domo - magistri volmari medici imperialis liber iste inceptus est et - expletus cum adiutorio iesu christi qui vivit.… - - Frenata penna, finito nunc avicenna - Libro Caesario gloria summa Deo - Dextera scriptoris careat gravitate doloris.’ - - In the second col. of this page commences the arabo-latin - glossary (_see_ facsimile):— - - ‘Ex libro animalium aristotelis domini imperatoris in margine.’ - ‘Passer dicitur pscipsci,’ - ‘Rumbus. sciathi.’ - ‘Delfinis, delfinus.’ - … - ‘Fehed. leopardus.’ - … - ‘Ex libro secundo.’ - … - ‘Ex tertio libro.’ - … - ‘Glosa magistri al.’ ‘Explicit anno domini mº ccº x.’ - … - -Fondo Vaticano 2089 ms. in fol. perg. finiss. saec. xiii. The first -265 pages of this volume contain the _De Causis_ (pp. 1-5) and the -following commentaries by Averroës: _De coelo et mundo_ (pp. 6-195); -_De generatione et corruptione_ (pp. 195-254); on the fourth book of -the _Meteora_ (pp. 254-260); _De substantia orbis_, (pp. 260-265). Then -follow the commentaries by Avicenna in this order:— - - p. 266 recto. ‘Titulus, Collectio secunda libri sufficientiae - avicennae principis philosophi. Prologus. Dixit princeps, - Postquam expedivimus nos auxilio dei ab eo quod opus fuit.’ … - ‘Liber primus de quaestionibus et principiis naturalium Capitulum - de affligenda via qua pervenitur ad scientiam naturalium per - principia eorum. Iam scisti ex tractatu.’ - - p. 282 verso. ‘et consummate certo fine cessabit interrogatione. - Completus est primus tractatus de naturalibus cum auxilio Dei et - gratia. Incipit tractatus secundus de motu et de quiete et de - consimilibus. Capitulum de motu. Postquam perfecimus librum de - principiis.’ - - p. 306 verso. ‘cuius tempus non habet (?) esse initium. Completa - est pars secunda de collectione naturalium. Et ei qui dedit - intelligere gratiae sint infinitae. Pars tertia de hiis quae - habent naturalia ex hoc quod habent quantitatem. Prologus de - qualitate tractandi precipue in hoc libro. Naturalia sunt - corpora.’ - - p. 307 recto. ‘et haec propositiones per se notae sunt. Explicit - liber sufficientiae avicennae. Prologus in sextum naturalium - Avicennae. Reverentissimo toletanae sedis archiepiscopo et - yspanorum primati auendeueth israelita philosophus gratiam et - vitae futuris obsequium.… Quapropter, domine, jussum vestrum - de transferendo librum avicenae (cod. 4428 p. 78 verso reads - _aristotelis_) philosophi de anima effectui mancipare curavi - ut vestro munere et meo (4428 _nostro_) labore latinis fieret - certum quod hactenus extitit incognitum scilicet an sit anima, - et quid et qualis sit, secundum essentiam rationibus verissimis - comprobatum. Haberis (4428 _habes_) ergo librum vobis precipiente - (4428 _percipientibus_) et me (4428 omits _me_) singula verba - vulgariter proferente et dominico archidiacono singula in latinum - convertente ex arabico translatum quo quidquid aristotelis dixit - in libro suo de anima et de sensu et sensato et de intellecto et - intellectu ab auctore libri scias esse collectum. Unde postquam - deo volente hunc habes. In hoc illos tres plenissime vos habere - non dubiteris.’ - - p. 307 verso. ‘Incipit sextus de naturalibus auicenae translatus - a magistro Girardo cremonensi de arabico in latinum in toleto. - Iam explevimus in primo libro.’ … ‘Capitulum in quo affirmatur - esse anima et diffinitur secundum quod est anima. Dicemus igitur - quia quod primum.’ - - p. 315 verso. ‘Expleta est pars prima sexti libri de collectione - naturalium. Incipit pars secunda eius. Capitulum de certificando - virtutes quae sunt propriae animae vegetabilis. Incipiemus nunc - notificare sigillatim.’ - - p. 322 recto. ‘Completa est pars secunda sexti libri de - collectione naturalium. Deo sit gratia. Incipit pars eius tertia - de visu. Debemus loqui de visu.’ - - p. 335 recto. ‘non habet sensum communem ullo modo. Completa est - pars tertia sexti libri de naturalibus, Deo sint gratiae. Incipit - iiij vj libri de naturalibus. Capitulum in quo est verbum commune - de sensibilibus interioribus quos habent animalia. Sensus autem - qui est communis.’ - - p. 344 verso. ‘et hic est finis eius quod transtulit Auohaueth - ex capitulis illius libri ad hunc locum huius libri de anima. - Completa est quarta pars sexti libri de naturalibus auxilio Dei. - Incipit pars quinta libri eiusdem. Capitulum de proprietatibus - actionum et passionum hominis, et de assignatione contemplationis - et actionis. Quoniam jam explevimus tractatum de virtutibus - sensibilibus.’ - - p. 356 verso. ‘quorum quaedam attrahunt materiam et quaedam - expellunt sicut postea scies cum loquitur de animalibus. - Completus est liber de anima qui est sextus liber collectionis - secundae de naturalibus. Et ei qui dedit intelligere sint gratiae - infinitae. Post hunc sequitur liber septimus de vegetabilibus et - viijº de animalibus qui et finis scientiae naturalis. Post ipsum - autem sequitur collectio tercia de disciplinalibus in quatuor - libris, seu arismetica, geometria, musica, astrologia, et post - hunc sequitur liber de causa causarum.’ Then follows an index to - the chapters of the _De Anima_ which ends the whole codex on p. - 357 recto. - -I have thought it well to give this complete account of these two -remarkable manuscripts not only because they show the exact place held -by the _De animalibus_ in the body of commentaries written by Avicenna, -but also on account of the view they give of the translations made by -the early Toledan school. In this respect they serve in some measure -to correct and extend the conclusions of Jourdain. It is evident, for -instance, that Avendeath did not finish translating the _De Anima_, but -only proceeded in it as far as the end of the fourth part. - - - - -APPENDIX III - - - I have thought it best to print these parallel texts with - as close adherence to the manuscript as is consistent with - intelligibility, and they therefore appear in these pages with - all the mistakes of the copyist. - - [I have re-arranged the paragraphs of this treatise so as to - fall opposite the corresponding parts of the Liber Luminis, but - have numbered them according to their original order so that by - following the numbers the book can be read in its own proper - form.] - - Transcriber’s Note: The author’s decision described in the above - paragraph is impossible to replicate in this e-text, which does - not have opposite pages! So the Liber Luminis is here presented - in full first, followed by the full text of the Liber Dedali - Philosophi (with the paragraphs in the author’s chosen order). - Use of the HTML version may allow for a better comparison. - - -LIBER LUMINIS LUMINUM - -Riccardian Library, Florence, L. III. 13, 119, p. 35 verso, middle of 2nd -col. - -Incipit liber luminis luminum translatus a magistro michahele scotto -philosopho. - -Cum rimarer et inquirerem secreta nature ex libris antiquorum -philosophorum qui tractaverunt de natura salium alluminum et omnium -corporum et spirituum minere pertinentium nullum inveni qui completam -dixisset doctrinam. Quedam tamen utilia extraxi et ea secretis nature -adiunxi procedo (?) quidem brevitati et addendo quae utilia sunt in -hac arte que alkimia nuncupatur. In quo talia continentur Invencio (? -Intencio) causa intentionis et utilitas. Invencio (? Intencio) eius est -tractare de transformatione metallorum secundum quod hermes dixit parum -enim desint marti quod non fiat luna non desint aliud nisi quod non -fiat tanta decoctio in eo sicut luna. Et notum est quod sicut 7 sunt -metalla ita 7 sunt planete et quodlibet metallum habet suum planetam. -Dixerunt ergo philosophi quod aurum est filius solis Argentum filius lune -Aes filius veneris Argentum vivum filius mercurii stagnum filius jovis -Plumbum filius Saturni Ferrum filius martis. Causa intentionis est ut -ex tali mutatione nobiliora fient metalla. Utilitas quod habita notitia -huius libri qui lumen luminum appellatur transfigurari possit mars in -lunam et venus in solem et constringere omnes spiritus volantes. Quorum -quaedam sunt subtilia et quaedam volativa. Volant enim sicut sulphur et -arsenicum et ex illis est etiam argentum vivum. Sed primo de salibus -loquamur 2º de alluminibus 3º de atramentis, 4º de pulveribus. Salium -autem sunt diversorum specierum scilicet Masse Alcali Rubeum Armoniacum -Nitrum salsum Agrum Allebrot albo et communis. - - -PRIMO DE SALE COMMUNI. - -Sal autem commune convenientior est omnibus salibus scilicet marti. Dixit -philosophus quod [si] quisquis ipsum prius ipsius separationem acceperit -et quater per atramenta transire fecerit postea cum ana sui ydragor -sublimati in aquam redire fecerit ac coagulati quod es [sic pro “aes”] -cum ipso mirabiliter dealbabit et isto fit sal tostum quod tali modo fit. -℞ ex eo libram. 1. et pone in patellam ferream et combure sufficienter et -iste est sal tostus. - -Sal masse ponit qualiter sal in massam naturaliter redactus ut gemma -Alexandrinus ungarricus Sardonicus et hermoni (?). - -Sal autem alkali est nobilior omnibus salibus excepto sali alebrot facit -autem coagulare alios sales. Iste autem sal fit de herba salsifera que -juxta mare complicatis foliis invenitur, sive de allumine gattivo quod -extrahitur de supradicta herba. Salem autem alkali prius ipsius meram -separationem si quis ter per atramenta transire fecerit et eodem modo de -communi masse armoniaco egerit ipsius quoque in unum redactis iterum per -atramenta transire fecerit ac cum ana sui ydragor in aquam redire fecerit -et coagulaverit quod convertet martem in lunam et constringet omnes -spiritus volantes. - -Iste autem sal inter reliquos sales retinet naturam vetetabilitatis et -minere. - - -DE SALE RUBEO - -Dictis de salibus et eorum virtutibus sequitur de sale rubeo sive Indico. -Dicitur autem Indicum eo quod apportatur de India est enim durissime -odorifere nature rubedine quadam cum citrinitate participans. Habet autem -fortem virtutem super venerem rubificandam et dando ei colorem bonum. -Verum est quod hoc non facit per se solum sed cum tercia parte sui salis -alebrot rubei et virtute pulveris talparum[332] et camfore et masticis -et virtutis omnia simul terantur et cum urina taxy vel gāgelis usque -7 distemperetur et cum hoc pulvere venerem tinges martemque in lunam -transmutat. - - -DE ARMONIACO - -Sal autem armoniacum est magne virtutis quoniam ex fumositate eq. ā (_sic -pro_ fimositate equorum) fit est autem multiplex naturale et fictitium. -Naturale aliud album aliud rubeum. Album longus est super quem lamina -velociter currit. Rubeum rotundum est et sale alebrot rubeo affiliatur -velociter enim currit sine fumi emissione super laminam. Primus in lunam -secundus in solem cum ana sui pulveris talparum super omnia metalla per -optime laborat. Ficticium etiam secundum predictos modos diversificatur -ad optinendam supradictam virtutem. - - -DE SALE NITRO SALSO - -Sal nitrum est multiplex. Est enim nitrum qui est pulvis niger. Est etiam -sal nitrum allexandrinum et Indicum sive rubeum salsum isti similiter in -massa lata reducti funditur et findere facit. - -Est etiam nitrum salsum de isto due sunt maneries folliatum ut talcum. -Alter depillatur ut allumen de pluma in eo autem est salsedo cum -punctuositate et magnus philosophus [dicit] quod si quis acceperit ex eo -ʒ · 1 · et tantundem pulvis talparum et exsiccaverit cum urina tassi sive -gāgelis convertet martem in lunam et constringet omnes spiritus volantes. -Item tolle de predicto pulvere ʒ · 1 · et 5 et callaminare et trita simul -et incorpora cum urina tassi vel gāgellis usque 9 cum isto pulvere super -omnia metalla in solem obrigō laborare possis. - -℞ Sossile rubificate ʒ · 1 · gutte rubee ʒ · 1 · et 5 pulvis talparum ʒ -· 1 · et parum nitri salsi ac simul trita et incorpora cum aceto et pone -cum aceto et pone super m. [mercurium] et habebis solem obrigō. - - -DE SALE AGRO - -De sale agro in quo est virtus magna quam pauci sciunt et sapientes -constringunt cum eo m. mundant cum eo corpora (?) et albificant ea -sufficienti albedine et reddit ea clara et lucida. Et iste a quibusdam -philosophis alibrot appellatur licet in veritate non sit idem et diversus -quod sit frigidus et siccus quamvis videatur hoc esse contra naturam et -de proprietate eius est constringere m. et omnes spiritus volantes et -quanto magis studueris in eo tunc invenies eius albedinem ultra quam -aliquis possit excogitare quia cum eo albificantur corpora et non cum -alio deus novit. Et dixit magnus philosophus cum moriebatur filio suo O -fili mi secretum tuum habeas in corde tuo nec dices alicui nec filio tuo -nisi cum amplius non poteris retinere. - -Desiderio desideraverunt philosophi sapientes scire veritatem huius -salis. Sed pauci eam sciverunt et qui eam noverunt non dixerunt in libris -suis veritatem eius secundum quod viderunt. Illinant enim martem et -clarificat a superfluitatibus terreis et facit quod mars transmutatur in -lunam hoc modo ℞ ex eo libra 1. gutte rubee que inveniuntur in allumine -de pluma l · 1. pulvis talparum l · 1. sal armoniaci alkali arborum -separatorum ʒ · 6. trita omnia simul nonies et impastina et exsicca cum -urina illuminata. - -Postea soliatī suttus et supras es in pecia madescam pone et cola et -cave ne discooperias ante quam fundatur quoniam perderis opus tuum. Sed -quum liquatum fuerit deice super ipsum parum ydragor resolutum in aqua -et coagula vel parum lapidis alcotar preparati sed melius est ydragon -cum parum de predicto sale balneato cum aqua et deice in aqua et habebis -bonam lunam. - -℞ sal atincar libra 1. gutte rubee et pulvis talparum ana l. 1. ydragor ʒ -· 1 · trita simul et impastrina cum urina soliata sel’ postea fac redire -in aquam et coagula. De isto pulvere si posueris super m. bulliendo -pulverem cum aqua dulci habebis de m. nobilem lunam. - - -DE SALE ALEBROT[333] - -Sal allebrot album sali acro assimilatur in colore et longitudine -fixionis autem et unctuositatis est fb’e locoque ipsius poni potest. -Separatio autem eius ut asserant sapientes secundum hunc modum. ℞ ex eo -l. i. vel gutte albe vel azuree que inveniuntur in allumine de pluma ʒ -· 1 · sanguis hominis rubei ʒ · 3 · talchi mortificati ʒ · 1 · et 5 et -parum sulphuris albi omnia simul trita et inpastina cum sanguine et sale -et desicca ad solem. Et cum volueris operare utere eo spargendo super -m. igne super accenso retinebit enim eum nec sinet volare et quantitas -m. l. 5, et non plus et non moveatur ab igne usque ad magnum tempus -postea in aquam proiciatur poterit enim optime malleari. Item accipe v. -buffones[334] et pone eos in aliquo vase unde non valeant exire postea -accipe suci affodillorum vel ermodatilorum et eleboris albi extracti -cum aceto quia aliter non poterit extrahi l · 2 · et pone in vase ubi -sunt buffones et dimitte eos bibere per 9 dies vel quousque bene sint -inflati tunc eos pone infra (sic) duas scutellas ad comburendum et cave -ne spitare (sic) possint ne fumus exeat tunc pulverisa et ℞ de dicto -pulvere ʒ · 1 · salis alebrot ʒ · 1 · et 5 salis armoniaci et salis -alkali ana ʒ · 5 · omnia simul trita et in pastina et deinde exsicca -usque nonies cum urina tassi vel gāgellis cum pulvere isto poteris facere -mirabilia pulvis iste constringit m. et mutat ipsum in lunam purissimam -et perfectam clarificat martem et mundificat eum a superfluitatibus -terreis et feculentis et facit quod mars transmutatur in lunam mutatione -perfecta. Si acceperis de pulvere isto ʒ · 1 · et 1 eris et miscueris -cum eo secundum quod docet in igne ubi fuerit spiritus gaudebis super -operationem eius quoniam exaltavit illum super omnes sales. Loco autem -ipsius potest poni sal acrum. Item et afronitrum. Item et salsedo -muidorum (?) dummodo per atramenta transeant. Item et salacrum dummodo -per atramenta transeat ter. Dum vero sales hēb’ ad hoc separatos ad -meron. Sal alkali Semen communis. Armoniacum allm̄s jam simul fac in -aquam redire et duplum aquam quam spiritus deice et super marmor pone et -congela et ista est p’a (? pura) ceraton propter quod vos omnes erratis -credentes vos habere secundam nec primam habetis. Postea pone inter duas -scutellas vel in vase vitreo quod melius est et claude os eius et dicoque -per dimedium diem tunc extrahe et ablue salem et invenies ipsum in -speciem ceruse sed et fixe sb’e (? sublimate) non timens ignem. Separatur -enim hoc in calcinationem ut ubicumque spiritus calcinatus intromiseris -sine dubio ex m. bonum opus habebis. Dealbat enim spiritus. Calcinat -martem ad modum mercurii nec ultra vestigia albedinis amittit excepto sub -experimento veneris. Sed si in aquam reduxeris et postmodo teraveris sub -experimento noveris. Sed si in aquam reduxeris et postmodo teraveris sub -experimento perfectissime durabit. Incalcinatio eorum in sole unde potest -fieri ut Archelaus docuit. Ac tum unde potest fieri in aqua atramenti -rubificati ac per se in aqua solutiones calcinationes melius est in vase -vitreo quam in alio. - -Explicit prima pars et Incipit secunda de alluminibus. Et primo de -allumine Jammeno. - -Allumen Jammeni triplex vocatur. Jammenum de pluma Scagloli. Aportatur -autem de Spania. - -Est autem frigide nature et sicce hoc bonitatis in se continens ut -si jungatur cum re rubea facit ruborem acquirere in ea sicut alba -albedine augmentare facit in ipsa. Sicut illuminat pannos ita illuminat -martem ut recipiat formam lune ut enim lana illuminatur ita et metalla -illuminantur.[335] Et quante magis mars fuerit illuminatus et depuratus -a superfluitalibus a (? et) feculenciis terreis tanto efficiatur ex eo -melior operatis. Illuminatur autem sic. Accipe urinam puerilem et per -7 dies in vase vitreo esse permitte vase obturato postea per alios 7 -dies in vase transmuta distillando per nitrum semper sel’ postea bulli -ipsum usque ad terciam sui partem et dispuma et distilla per filtrum -bis vel ter postea pondera ipsum si est libra 1, adde ʒ · 11 · et 5 -salis armoniaci separati ab atramento et ʒ · 8 · alluminis jammeni et -bulli insimul et permitte requiescere clarum solummodo accipiendo et -feculentum abjiciendo et in ista urina es calefactum et intus extinctum -et per alios 9 dies in ipsam stare permitte et est optime illuminatus. -Omnia etiam metalla in hac aqua taliter illuminare possis et abiliora -erunt ad recipienda colorem. Dixerunt enim vnay et melchia philosophi -quod ubi mars fuerit taliter illuminatus non convertetur perfecte in -lunam. Consentiendum est eis quia philosophi fuerunt. Oro enim quod talis -illuminatio metallorum valet et utilis est omni creature Dei. - - -DE ALLUMINE RUBEO - -Allumen rubeum apportatur de buzea (? Bugia) depillatur autem ut -allumen de pluma. Istud autem a quibusdam philosophis allebrot rubeum -appellatur eius proprietas est cum ana sui auripigmenti sublimatum rubei -m. in solem transmutare. Quidam autem de philosophis scilicet Seno et -Rogiel accipiebant de isto allumine rubeo et ja. et gut. et de roco sal -armoniaci semine amborum arsenicorum sulphuris Tartari talci Cinabrii -omnium ana ponebant super m. et ex ipso extrahebunt lunam pretiosam. - - -DE ALLUMINE ET MAROCCO - -Allumen de maroc est pulvis subrufus acetositatem parvam in se continens -est autem mundificative et depurative nature. - - -DE ALLUMINE ZUCHARINO - -Allumen zucharinum est albissime nature acetositatem mordacem in se -continens locoque alluminis jameni post poni (? potest poni). - - -DE ROCCO - -Allumen de rocco est in massa redactus acetositatem subtilem in se -continens cum isto et pinguedine colcotar et melle sophisticatur borax. - - -DE ALLUMINE ROMANO - -Allumen romanum borbaci (? boraci) assimilatur acetositatem minimam in -se continens de minera atramenti sive alluminis Jameni extrahitur cuius -proprietas est per se solvere vel cum ana sui sulphuris albificati m. ad -naturam lune transformare. - -Explicit secunda pars. Incipit tertia, - - -DE ATRAMENTIS - -Ratio autem atramentorum est secundum hunc modum. Atramentorum autem -sunt multe species Colcotar Calcadis vitriolum nigrum capernum viridis -Cuperose.[336] - -Ex colcotar et calcadis secundum Platonem extrahuntur lapides rubei vel -trahentes ad rubedinem qui loco salis indici possunt poni. - -Vitriolum nigrum apportatur de Francia et idcirco dicitur terra -francigena cum isto mulieres vulvam constringunt ut virgines appareant -non est autem magne utilitatis in ista arte. Est autem utilis ad -sublimandum ydragor cum vis facere sal naticum. Cipernum est crocei -coloris mollitiem in se continens requiritur autem multum in arte ista -secundum Archelaum. Viride dicitur vitriolum romanum loco etiam caperni -potest poni sed nobilior est eo ut Hermes philosophus testatur in libro -alluminum.[337] Atramentum nunquam pro alio ponitur. Sed cuperosum est -album subazurii coloris fitque de superfluitate martis cum de minera -extrahitur que quidem etiam locoalluminis romani recipiunt licet in -veritate non sit idem. Explicit tertia pars. - - -INCIPIT QUARTA DE SPIRITIBUS - -Sunt quidam spiritus qui ad ignem in fumum convertuntur et converti -faciunt alias res, Sulphur et Arsenicum et ex illis est argentum vivum. -De sulphure flavo. De sulphure croceo. De sulphure rubeo. De sulphure -albo. De arsenico croceo. De arsenico rubeo. Sulphuris quatuor sunt -species scilicet croceum flavum rubeum et album. Croceum est magis -depuratum et istud dicitur cannellatum quoniam in canellis terreis ad -hec factis deicitur. Rubeum aportatur de India et valet a quibusdam sal -indicum dicitur licet in veritate non sit cuius proprietas est venerem -cum ana sui ydragor sublimati in obrizō solem transmutare. - -Album portatur de hyspania de insula quadam que belle appellatur.[338] -Recipitur etiam pro nitro salso sed non equiperatur ei quoniam ille -funditur et fundere facit. Istud vero fugit ab igne. Arsenici tres sunt -species scilicet croceum rubeum et album. Croceum cum teritur lucens -apparet ut aurum foliatum quasi ut talcum. Rubeum non ita folliatur immo -est in massam reductum minorem in se ignitatem continens quam primum. -Album est aliquantulum crocei subalbique coloris et minoris igneitatis -est quam reliqua duo. Istud de Turciae partibus apportatur reliqua vero -duo de Armenia. Explicit quarta pars. - - -INCIPIT QUINTA DE PREPARATIONE ALLUMINUM - -In preparatione allumini sufficit ut solvatur in aqua vel in urina -distillata et coletur per pannum et coaguletur. - -In atramentis sufficit ut fundatur in ciato (? scyatho) super carbones -et buliat quousque humiditas evaporet. Preparatio boracis est ut in -testa super ignem modicum ponatur nam statim inflatur et siccatur cumque -stringi ceperit tollatur nam infrigidata faciliter pulverisatur. Tunc -pulverizata a massa cum modica porcine (? portione) asungia (? axungiae) -donec sit sicut terra et teratur et amassetur cum ea media pars salis -petrae et hoc totum sicut terra amassetur et erit tibi cerotum pretiosum -corpora et spiritus terans. Sic autem boracis partem 1 · salis petrae -partem 1 · ceruse partem 1 · ana de tribus addideris et miscueris ea -fortiter cum eius oleo vel simpliciter capillorum vel ovorum donec sit -sicut massa cere et massam illam bene siccaveris. Pro certo scias quod -ceroneum istud ferrum et cristallum et quocumque volueris lapides calces -ignis huius violentia remollit et resolvit in resolutione liquida omnia -ingrediens et penetrans et ignea virtute dissolvens. Ceraton fit de -oleis vel aquis rectificatis · 6 · per alembich. Fit autem spiritum ut -aggerentur utrumque partes in eis ex multis fiat unum scilicet corpus -fiat dissolubile hoc autem ex ceratione olei vel aque. Quia spiritus -corpore vel corpus spiritibus ingredi non potest nisi oleo vel aqua -duce videlicet cum quo ceratur. Ut enim temperatura ferrum affirmat sic -cerato spiritus in corpore nec sine ceratione potest aliquod corpus plene -rectificare. Agnoscitur autem res cerata hiis signis. Res cerata sine -ulla fumi emissione velociter super laminam currit ignitam quod incerata -minime agit. Fit autem ceracio cum oleo vel aqua rectificata hoc modo. -℞ rem quam cirari debet et pone in vase argenteo aureo vel stagneo et -desuper pone de oleo preparata (sic) donec fundatur ut sagimen. Dum ita -videris velociter ab igne remove et infrigidari permitte. Eo infrigidato -prova ipsum super laminam et sic resolvitur super ipsam sicut cera -ceratum est et si non reduc eam ad crucibulum et fac sicut predixi donec -sic contingat. - - -QUOMODO MEDICINE DEBENT SOLVI - -Solutio cuiuslibet rei fit super lapidem vel in viscere (?) sub fimo -seu in aqua tepida fumi resolvis melius aprobo fit ea de cā resolutio -ut spiritus vel res in lapidibus possit coagulari nam spiritibus crudis -nisi sint in lapidem constricti volueris operari non augmentum sed -decrementum volueris incurrere nisi forte essent incalcinati vel cerati -hanc scientiam (?) firmiter teneas. - -℞ calcis testarum ovorum libre 5 · arsenici sublimati ʒ · 3 · Ag’ omnia -fac redire in aquam cum alembich et super marmor productam confice -quousque in similitudinem lactis redigas laminas eris x in hac aqua -extingue vel intringa et cola sic enim ipsum durum et album in speciem -meron te invenisse letaberis. M. cum sossile et nitro salso ana in aqua -resolutis ac coagulatis es ad naturam lune reduxi.[339] ℞ vitrioli romani -libra 1 · salis nitri libra 1 · salis armoniaci ʒ · 3 · hec omnia comisce -in unum terendo et pone in curcubita cum alembico et quod distillaverit -serva et pone cum m. crudo ita quod in ʒ aque fundatur super mediam -libram m. in una ampulla et pone in cineribus bene clausam et da lentum -ignem per unam diem et postea invenies m. in aquam purissimam. ℞ m. -congelatum cum odore saturni partes 3 de allumine jameno partes 2 de -corticibus ovorum ʒ · 1 · et tere per diem 1 · et inbibe cum aceto -fortissimo et ita fac 7 vicibus et solve et solvetur in aquam clarissimam -et optimam pro lavandis dissolvens etiam omnia corpora calcinata in -aquam. Hermes ergo alu (minis) ʒ · 3 · ydragor sublimati et ʒ sossile -separate accipi (_sic_) et in aqua reduxi totamque in lapidem congelavi -et cum isto es ad naturam lune reduxi. Ydragor et piron ana sublimatis -fac redire in aquam et coagula confectio ista ex stagno lunam procreat. -Pastor Saturnus dominus est yndorum et omnis voluntas populorum in illo -est sicut ergo mollificatur acrem cerusam veneris et tantundem salis -armoniaci et fac in viscere (?) redire aquam similiter in hac aqua -Saturnum 7 · extingue et sic enim de facili colatur et purum in speciem -aneron te invenisse letaberis. Recipe sulphurem vivum et ipsum cum leni -igne funde et extingue in lixivio facto de calce viva et cineribus. - - -LIBER DEDALI PHILOSOPHI - -Riccardian Library, Florence, L. III. 13, 119, p. 195 verso and p. 196, -recto. - - Aristotle in the _De Anima_ (i. 3) says that there was a legend - of Daedalus which represented him as having given motion to a - Venus of wood by filling it with mercury. This may have suggested - the adoption of his name to the author who wrote this alchemical - treatise. - -1. De natura salium et quot sunt. Sales autem sunt diversarum specierum -est enim sal commune sal masse sal gemme sal rubeum sal nitrum sal alkali -sal armoniacum sal elebrot album. - -8. Sal gema aportatur de Hispania. Sal autem commune convenientior est -omnibus creaturis. Utuntur enim ex eo in condimentis mundat enim corpora -et reddit ea clara propter hoc dedit eum omnipotens Deus in cognitionem -ut per eum omnia corpora conservarentur in sanitate bona. Dedit enim -bestiis cognoscere eum nedum hominibus. Condiuntur enim omnia animalia -cum eo et dolcan̄tur (? deliciantur) pecudes in eo. Et scias si sal -iste accipiatur in quantitate una et ponatur in sartagine et comburatur -combustione forti quod iste sal appellatur tostus. Et cum inveneris in -arte ista sal tostum accipias ex isto secundum quod volueris. Verum -est quod non inveni ipsum congruum in hac arte nisi raro. Eius tamen -receptō est valde utilis in talem quia fingitur cum aliis salibus ad -purificationem martis in lunam et est peroptimus. - -7. Sal autem alkali est nobilior omnibus salibus excepto sale tabor vel -alebrot. Facit enim coagulare alias sales et iste sal alcali fit de herba -quadam in partibus baldrach coagulat vitrum et facit ipsum clarum atque -currentem (?) mundat corpora albificat a superfluitatibus terreis ultra -modum. Sal autem alkali si adjungatur cum sale masse et terantur simul -et ponantur cum x partibus aque dulcis et dimittantur bulire usque ad -consumptionem quarti partis et ponatur in vase virtreo ut clarificetur -et cum clarificatum fuerit suaviter coletur et quod purum erit in aliquo -vase mittatur et quod tenerum est abiciatur et dimittatur usque quo -coagulatum fuerit et non operabis cum eo nisi tritum dissolutus quoniam -operacio eius esset inutilis et si admisceris cum eo aliquantulum -salis armoniaci vel boeci vel alebrot erit operacio eius fortior et -convenientior omnibus operationibus. Dixit enim Abymelech quod sal alkali -erit nobilior omnibus salibus et convenientior in omnibus operationibus -excepto sali tabor vel alebrot. Preterea quod fit ex vegetabilibus unde -retinet naturam minere et vegitabilitatis. Unde solvit vitrum et facit -ipsum coagulari et clarificat ipsum clarificatione bona. - -4. De sale indico rubeo. Sal autem rubeum apportatur de India et id circo -vocatur sal indicum. Habet enim fortem virtutem super venere rubificando -ipsum et dando ei colorem bonum. Verum est quod hoc non facit per se -sed cum adjutorio videlicet cum duabus partibus istius et 3 bus salis -alebrot dissolvendo totum simul et addendo etiam huic terram armenie -rubeam masticem et camforam ad quantitatem ʒ · 11, et salis armoniaci -ʒ · 111. ista omnia simul misceantur et cum urina tapsi distemperentur -et iterum exsiccentur hoc 7 in omnibus fiat. Pulvis iste stringit -spiritus volantes albificat corpora et reddit clara et lucida et mutat -martem in lunam mutatione perfecta et bona. Addit enim in tm̄ (? talem) -rubificationem veneri quod mutat venus in solem. - -5. Aliud quod est utile mulieribus multum et maxime dominabus. Accipe -etiam de sale indico ʒ. 11. diligenter teratur et distemperatur cum urina -pueri virginis et sit urina libra· 1· et ponatur in vase terreo in quo -ponuntur rose et cum fit aqua rosa et supponatur alembicho et accendatur -ignis sub eo et non multum fortis et cum videris fumum ascendere in cufa -superius tunc facias ignem levem et quod inde exierit collige et in -ampulla vitri reconde. Talis enim aqua vero ultra modum in pannis faciei -et betiginibus adalbat sēd pigines destruit omnem maculam et si posueris -in calaminas eris erit albior ad recipiendum colorem quam scis. - -14. Sal autem armoniacum est magne virtutis quoniam de stercoribus -animalium scilicet camelorum pecudum et asinorum fit in hunc modum. -In quibusdam partibus terre sarracenorum non habentes ligna etiam ex -paupertate lignorum calefaciunt balneum cum stercoribus predictorum -animalium et ille fumus resolutus ab eis condensatur in balnea et -accipitur illa talis condensatio et teritur et bulitur cum urina puerorum -tam diu quod coagulari incipit et post modum projicitur in peraside et -colatur. Cum isto enim sale fit azurum optimum et fit in hunc modum. -Accipe de sale armoniaco et tere ipsum diligenter et distempera cum -urina pueri virginis ponendo ipsum in vase vitreo et sepiliendo ipsum in -letamine pecudum per dies 3. Post modo habeas plagellas factas de argento -et pone eas cum filo legatas ita quod non tangas urinam et lamine sint -abrase et dimittantur per diem et noctem. Et cum autem fuerint denigrate -iterum abradantur et iterum sepiliatur et quod habebis in laminibus a -prima vice in antea erit azurum optimum et quanto plus durabunt tanto -melius erit. Verum est quod alio modo fit azurum quia invenitur quedam -vena terre juxta venam argenti illa terra optime teritur et distemperatur -cum aqua calida et ponitur super linteum positum super aliquo vase et -colatur subtiliter et quod grassum et feculentum cadit in vase proice -quando autem fuerit purum vel juxta illud exsiccabitur et recondetur. -Si autem non fuerit bene purum terantur adhuc bene et ponantur in aqua -calida et accipiatur · pix · cera et masticis et dissolvatur et ducatur -ita cum manu per vas ubi est azurum et depurabit eum a superfluitatibus -terreis et si vena fuerit bona azurium erit bonum. Si mala azurium erit -malum. - -9. Sal nitri est plurium specierum. Una species est salis nitri que -apportatur de Alexandria et ille est vere sal nitrum cum illo vero -lavant mulieres sarracenorum pannos lineos et faciunt eos albissimos -ut nix, lavant etiam facies earum et corpora sua in balneis. Destruit -enim pannum faciei lentiginis et albicat optima albedine. Non extendo -sermonem meum in laudes eius quia non est magne utilitatis in hac arte -nec etiam recipitur in ea quod sciatur. Alia species salis nitri que -vere nitrum salsum appellatur et de eo sunt due maneries. Una quarum -foliatur et altera filatur et depilatur sicut caro porcina macra et in -ea est salsedo cum ponticitate. Dico enim tibi per Deum omnipotentem -quod in eo est tanta virtus et utilitas quod pauci fuerunt de sapientes -(sic) qui eam potuissent cognoscere quoniam in eo est secretum nature -quod nullus stolidus et insipiens potest cognoscere. Sed qui sapiens est -et discretus extractabit multum circa eum. Ille forte inveniet de quo -cor suum gaudebit. Dixit enim hermes filius Gelbeo cum exaltatus fuerit -sal nitrum salsum et acrum si in vinctum fuerit cum sale alcali erit -operacio eius nobilior et magis utilis. Et dixit magnus philosophus qui -multum doctus fuit in talibus quod si acceperis ex eo aliquem quantitatem -et triveris eum fortiter et postea miscueris cum eo urinam tapsi et -exsiccaveris ipsum et tuttueris eum fortiter usque septies et accipies -tantum de pulvere cullaxe i. [e.] illius animalis que talpa vocatur -quantum fuit pulvis salis nitri convertetur mars in lunam et venus in -solem et constringet omnes spiritus volantes. Constringitur enim argentum -vivum cum isto et non cum alio Deus scit et novit. - -10. Pulvis autem culaxe debet fieri secundum hunc modum. Accipiantur enim -ex eis 4 vel 6 secundum quod poteris invenire quia sub terra morantur et -pones eas in testa terrea et luta ipsam luto sapientie ita quod fumus non -exeat aliquo modo pone eam in furno bene calido et dimitte a mano usque -ad sero vel a sero usque ad mane postea extrahe et pulveriza subtiliter -et reconde et cum opus fuerit operare cum ea et scias firmiter quod -pulvis iste valet plus quam aurum et est utilis et multum conveniens -multis operacionibus et habeas eum valde carum quia pauci fuerunt de -sapientibus qui bene cognoscerent virtutem eius nisi magnus philosophus -qui dixit in libris suis et est in eo id quod deest et ego temptavi et -operacionem eius inveni maximam efficaciam in eo. Sed ponebam in duplo de -pulvere nitri salsi. - -2. Et postea est sal acrum et in eo est virtus maxima quam pauci -sciunt invenitur enim in hispania et sapientes constringunt cum eo -mercurium. Clarificat enim corpora munda et albificat ea albedine -sufficienti. Mutat enim martem in lunam et defendit eum a superaciis et -a superfluitatibus terreis et dat ei colorem bonum et clarum. Et iste a -quibusdam philosophis sal alebrot vocatur et de quod scit et sint (?) -generalius videatur hoc esse contra naturam et de proprietate eius est -retinere omnes spiritus volantes et quanto magis studueris in eo tanto -magis inveneris eius altitudinem ultra quod possit excogitari quia cum eo -aluminantur (sic) vel albificantur corpora et non cum alio Deus novit. Et -dixit magnus philosophus cum moriebatur O fili mi secretum tuum habeas in -sinu tuo nec dicas filio tuo nisi cum eum amplius non poteris retinere -quoniam in eo invenies secreta nature quam desiderio desideraverunt -sapientes sed pauci intraverunt in eum et qui intraverunt operationem -eius non dixerunt in suis libris secundum (? scilicet) quod viderant. - -11. Aliud ad preparacionem martis. Accipe de sale alcali ʒ· x. et de sale -armoniaco ʒ· 2. et tere subtiliter et distempera cum urina zāzel et cum -casus ad libram 1. pone in aliquo vase terreo vitreato et luta cum luto -sapientie et pone in furno mediocriter calido et dimitte a mane usque ad -sero vel converso. postea extrahe de vase illo si coagulatum fuerit. Si -non iterum ponatur in furno super vase optime lutato et cum coagulatum -fuerit teras ipsum et misce cum 3 libris aque dulcis et dimitte residere -in vase vitreo et quod clarum fuerit repone ipsam aquam (?) et quod -feculentum fuerit t’i eum ejice. Postea accipe laminas factas ex marte -factas tot quot possunt submergi in aqua ista et dimitte ibi per ix dies. -Decimo autem die pone ad ignem et dimitte bulire per magnum tempus. Et -ipsis laminibus extractis et exsiccatis in igne debes accipere pannum -lineum novum et balneare ipsum aliquantulum et stringe intra manus et -debes ponere laminas in panno isto p’ns pulvere supradicto asperso et -ponendo laminas et spargendo pulverem usque ad finem et involvendo eas -in tali panno. Accipe fortiter exstringendo et pone ipsum pannum cum -laminibus in vase qui dicitur alludel ponendo ipsum in fornace et super -sufflando cum manticello ac bonum ignem faciendo donec sit solutum. -Et caveas quod non discooperiatur donec bene dissolutum fuerit quia -amitteres operacionem tuam. Eciam non peneteas in prolongacione ignis -quoniam si ignis prolongatur aliquantulum magis ultra quam tibi videatur -erit operacio tua multum melior. Sed ex abreviatione possit operacio tua -destrui et in idem revertens quod prius fuerat. Stude autem inquantum -potes ut videas sine discopercione magno ignis nec is quod est cruciolo -albē (? albescere) videatur. Sed discooperiendo plane et si dissolutum -fuerit ipsum prioce in aqua ut refrigescat. Et cum frigidum fuerit -accipies in manu tua. Dico enim in veritate quod tu gaudebis de eo quia -habebis lunam pretiosissimam in omni operacione. - -12. Alia operacio que fit cum pulvere isto, Accipe m. et pone ipsum in -luteollo in quo artifices infundunt argentum ad quantitatem quam vis -et super pone de pulvere supradicto super m. cum tribus qº teis aq̃. -miscendo cum digito leviter et pone ad ignem in furnello et suprapone -carbones accensos in luteollo et fiat ignis mediocriter nec nimis magnus -nec nimis parvus et non discooperiatur usque ad magnum tempus et postmodo -proiciatur in aqua et habebis quod utile est et habebis illud bonum quod -omnes sapientes desideraverunt. - -13. Aliud similiter de pulvere isto adhuc expertum. Accipe ʒ · 1. de -supradicto pulvere et pone ʒ · 5. ematicis in ʒ · 5. talci merabilis et -diligenter teras et accipe ʒ · x. veneris et pone in panno lineo faciendo -laminas de venere et spargendo pulverem super pannum et super laminas -et sit pannus madefactus et stringendo totum simul et ponendo ipsum in -luteollo in igne et cooperiendo ipsum carbonibus faciendo ignem nec -nimis fortem nec nimis levem usque quo dissolutum fuerit et cum fuerit -dissolutum proice ipsum in aquam. Habebis enim nobilem operacionem ad -quam pauci devenerunt. - -3. Operacio allebrot ut asserunt sapientes est secundum hunc modum. -Accipe ex eo secundum quantitatem quam vis s. ʒ · 5 · et tere diligenter -postea habeas sanguinem alicuius hominis rubei ad quantitatem ʒ · 3 -· et comisce cum eo et degutta. Aut accipe ʒ · 5 · de talco parum -sulfuris albi et tere omnia diligenter et incorpora cum sanguine et -sale et dimitte siccari in furno vel ad solem, et cum exsiccatum fuerit -teratur id totum in mortario lapideo subtiliter et cum opus fuerit utere -eo spargendo super m. igne super accenso et sufflando cum manticello -retinebit enim eum et non sinet eum volare. Sit quantitas m. librae 5 -et non plus et non removeatur ab igne usque ad magnum tempus postea in -aqua proiiciatur poterit hec enim optime malleari. Accipe decem bufones -tenentes venenum et fiant vive et ponantur in aliquo vase unde non -valeant exire. Postea accipe anfodillos recentes et eleborum album in -bona quantitate extrahe inde succum cum eis quantum pones (sic), pone -succum in vase illo in quo sunt rane et dimitte eas bibere per ix dies. -Tunc accipe eas et pone in olla rudi et luta eam luto sapientie et pone -ipsam in furno ita ut animalia comburantur combustione sufficienti et -extrahe inde ea et tere diligenter et cum opus fuerit de illo pulvere -accipe ʒ · 1 · de sale alebrot ʒ · 1 · de sale alcali ʒ · 5 · de sale -armoniaco tantundem et teras diligenter permiscendo cum ea urinam tassi -et iterum exsicca et tere et hoc nonies fiat et de illo pulvere poteris -facere mirabilia. Pulvis iste constringit m. mutat jovem in lunam et -albificat martem clarificat eum et dat ei colorem bonum et clarum et -mundat eum a superfluitatibus terreis et facit quod mars transmutatur in -lunam. Mirabilis enim in suo effectu. Si vero accipies de pulvere isto ad -quantitatem ʒ · 1 · et miscueris cum ere secundum quod docet et in igne -fuerit. Sapientia et sit quantitas eris ʒ · viiij. gaudebis. Sal rubeum -gummum rubeum terram armenie gerssam vel gerussam et pulverem bufonis -equaliter et operati sunt valde in suis operibus. Habuerunt enim talem -scientiam quam pauci noverunt et benedixit eam Deus omnipotens qui causa -prima fuit omnium rerum. Dico tibi firmiter quod cum istis rebus omnia -necessaria possunt acquiri. Idcirco tacuerunt onēs et verterunt se ad -salem armoniacum nec dixerunt de eo quicquam aperte. - -16. Racio autem alluminum est secundum hunc modum. Est enim allumen -salsum et alumen de rocha et alumen de bolkar et alumen jameni et alumen -scaiole et alumen de pluma. Sed nota quod alumen de pluma jameni sissi -idem sunt secundum quod ego credo quia inveni in libris philosophi quod -eadem est virtus jameni cum virtute de pluma et sissi et est eius virtus -modo albatione et retinet colorem cum conjungitur. Si vero conjungitur -cum re alba facit ipsam albam et si conjungitur cum re rubea facit -rubedinem acquiri in ea. Sed quidam dicunt quod sint idem in genere sed -diversi in specie. Et quod alia est species aluminis jameni alia scissi -et alia de pluma. Dicotamen tibi in veritate quod una et eadem est -operatio etsi diversificantur in omnibus. Et scias ipsum esse frigidum et -siccum tamen nec dissolvitur ab igne nisi misceretur cum rebus humidis -et cum illis dissolvitur et sicut illuminat pannos ita illuminat martem -ut recipiat forma lune. Et quanto magis mars fuerit illuminatus et magis -depuratus a superfluitatibus terreis et feculentis tanto efficitur -ex eo melior operatio. Illuminat autem secundum quod ego dixi tibi -multociens faciendo laminas ex marte et accipiendo etiam alumen de pluma -ad quantitatem quam vis scilicet si mars fuerit ʒ · ix · aluminis debes -accipere ʒ · 2 · et tere subtiliter et misce cum ʒ · 1 · salis armoniaci -triti subtiliter et debes ponere libra 1, urina (sic) pueri virginis -secundum quod ego dixi tibi multocies et bulire omnia simul in vase -vitreato. Postea dimitte residere et cola quod clarum est accipe et quod -feculentum proice et pone laminas illas in aqua illa et dimitte ita stare -per 8 dies postmodo extrahi eas et exsicca et operare cum (sic) sicut -scis et habebis nobilem operacionem si bene scivisti ea que processerunt. -Non habeas hoc vile quia istud est secretum maximum et non obliviscaris -pannum faū et pulverem ex nitro salso acro. Aliter enim non valeat -operatio tua. - -6. Dixerunt cuidam (_sic_) philosophi quod aqua ista preparat martem -ut recipiat formam lune et consentiendum est eis. Scito enimvero quod -preparatio eius est optima ad recipiendum formam bonam que est utilis -omni creature. - -17. Alumen autem de rocha non durat in igne sed siccatur et facit sicut -borax de petra ex isto sophisticatur borax cum pinguedine calchatam et -melle. Unde cum ponitur super ignem funditur alumen sicut et illud. De -isto autem alumine nichil ad nos quoniam nullam facit utilitatem in arte -ista et idcirco non curamus multum de eo loqui. - -18. Aliud experimentum quod extractum fuit de libris quorundam -philosophorum. Habeatur pro maximo secreto scilicet haninan camescia[330] -qui summi fuerunt in arte alchimie et fuerunt de lamacha sarracenorum -qui dixerunt ita nisi mars fuerit expoliatus a superfluitatibus suis -non convertetur perfecte in lunam. Purgatur enim cum aqua virginum et -aluminum secundum quod tu scivisti superius si tu intellexisti quod -narratum est. Sed concordati sunt isti philosophi in hoc cum dixerunt. -Si quis acceperit ʒ · 3· de nitro salso et adiunxeris ʒ · 2· de sale -alkali et ʒ · 1· de sale armoniaco ista simul terantur et cum urina pueri -virginis distemperantur ad quantitatem ʒ · viiii et de urina animalis -qui tapsus dicitur ʒ · viiij. et ponatur totum in vase vitreato et sit -vas lutatum luto sapientie circumcirca ita quod fumus non possit inde -exire et accendatur ignis levis sub eo et dimittantur bulire valde plane -a mane usque ad terciam vel a tercia usque ad nonam. Postea accipiatur -et ponatur in letamine pecudum et dimittatur ix dies. Postea accipiatur -et discooperiatur. Si coagulatum fuerit bene erit sin autem non fuerit -adhuc coagulatum in vase lutato reverteris adhuc in letamine pecudum et -dimittatur ibi per 6 dies erit coagulatum si Deus voluerit. Tunc accipies -vas et extrahes totum id de vase et teras illum diligenter trituratione -bona. Postmodo accipe de pulvere isto ʒ · 1· et talem camphore et ʒ · -1· lapidis armenie et unam terre rubee et tantundem de alumine jameni -et terantur omnia ista simul et cum opus fuerit accipe de pulvere isto. -1· de laminibus sublimatis ʒ · ix· accipiendo pannum lineum grossum et -balneando ipsum cum aqua parum exprimendo ipsum et supra aspergendo -istam pulverem. Postea spargendo eodem modo pulverem supradictum super -laminas preparatas ponendo iterum laminas et pulverem desuper usque ad -complementum. Et scire debes quod in fine debes plus ponere pulverem et -stringendo istas laminas in panno isto fortiter ponendo eas in luteolo -et postea in igne faciendo ignem circumcirca et sufflando fortiter cum -manticello donec bene dissolutum fuerit. Tempore autem dissolutionis -potest esse in duabus horis si bene meditaberis et in usu habueris -omnia bene habeantur usu. Et scias quod tu debes magis ponere modum in -dissolutione quam in alio quia per te ipsum debes dissolvere et videre -quantum tempus habes dissolutionis et secundum quod tu videris in hora -secundum hoc poteris comprehendere dissolutionem eius cum pulvere et -aliquantulum plus ut non decipiaris quia si aliquantulum plus fuerit in -igne quam tibi videatur erit operatio tua melior. Sed si nondum esset -dissolutum tu discoperiens amitteres tuam operationem. - -19. Aliud secretum in quo concordati sunt omnes sapientes qui aliquid -cognoverunt de arte ista.[331] Et est secundum hunc modum. Accipe -libra 1· sanguinis alicujus hominis rubei et sanguinem xi talparum et -sex bufones ranam magnam habentem venenum et accipe libra· 11· succi -anfodillorum et libra· 1· succi elebori albi extracti cum aceto quia -aliter extrahi non potest. Ista ponantur omnia in una olla. Postmodo -habeatur alia olla in duplo maior ea vel in triplo ita quod parva possit -stare in ea et distet ab alia per x digitos et plus et ponatur parva bene -lutata cum rebus supradictis in olla magna et ponantur carbones inter -ollam magnam et parvam et accendatur ignis circumcirca et dimittantur -ita semper faciendo ignem per dies duos postea extrahe ab olla et -discoperi eam et videbis pulverem nigrum. Postea accipe pellem ericii -et comburatur fortiter et tere omnia trituratione forte videbis quasi -argentum et miscebis talem de alio pulvere cum isto et habebis urinam -tapsi et distemperabis cum ea istem pulverem ponendo ipsum ad solem per -3 dies et totidem noctes ad rorem et miscendo ipsum semper quousque -desiccatum fuerit. Postea accipe de sale nitro acro quartam partem et -terciam de sale alcali et tantundem de sale allap et alluminis de pluma -tantundem omnia terantur simul et usui serventur. Dico enim tibi et juro -quod si tu scis legere librum istum et intelligere accipere sublimare -mundificare constringere ignem facere et componere res secundum quod -debent componi in veritate tu habebis lunam perfectam et solem perfectum -ita quod cor tuum gaudebit in ea. Sed huic arti necessarium est studium -vehemens ut scias et sic forte poteris scire artem istam. Ego quidem -multum studui in ea atque sudavi an̄quā invenirem artem istam et id quod -volebam et non potui pervenire ad hoc nisi cum magno studio et labore -exercitando artem usque quod inveni in ea que volui. Et ita dico tibi -fili h’mē ut non sis piger in probacione huius artis quia tibi dico -veritatem. Si tu probaveris artem istam invenies in ea omne bonum quod -erit utile omnibus hominibus. - -15. Racio alluminum et de diversis ipsorum generibus. Racio autem -alluminis et atramentorum secundum hunc modum. Atramentorum vero x sunt -species scilicet Colcotar Calcandis Vitriolus et viride es. Ideo enim -tinguntur et denigrantur. Calcari est nobilius et magnopere valet in -operatione alchimie. Purificantur enim corpora ex eo mundificantur a -superfluitatibus terreis ut meliorem recipiant formam et nobiliorem. Et -fit secundum hunc modum. Accipe Calcatar libra 1 · et dissolve ipsa cum -urina pueri virginis. Et quare dico cum urina pueri virginis quia est -magis mundificata et penetrativa est et inveni quod maximus philosophus -laudavit multum in suis operationibus et debet esse ad quantitatem trium -librarum et facias eam bulire in vase vitreato usque ad consumationem -tertie partis: Postea dimitte residere et quod clarum fuerit collige et -quod feculentum et terreum proice. In ista enim aqua apponantur lamine -martis et dimittatur usque ad ix dies postea extrahe et operentur et fit -cum eis luna secundum modum in igne quo modo tu pluries intellexisti. -Calcandis utitur in veneris et non est eius utilitas multum in hac arte. -Sed inveniuntur in eo lapides rubei qui valent multum in operatione -alchimie mutando corpora planetarum. Secundum quod enim audivisti in -libris cuiusdam philosophi ex calcadis vel calcatar extrahuntur lapides -rubei vel tendentes ad rubedinem qui valent multum ad mutacionem -metallorum naturalium transformando ea secundum quod oportet et dando ei -colorem optimum. Et ego credo quod isti lapides sint de specie alluminis -et si hoc esset non esset mirum si poterint perficere solem et dare -ei colorem bonum. Unde sicut luna illuminatur ita metalla illuminari -possunt. Verum est quod ista scientia scribi non potest nisi cum maximo -studio et labore. Sed in quo tu magis debes studere est in igne et -sublimationibus pulveribus et mundificare metalla secundum quod tu -scivisti et intexisti superius. - - -CAPITULUM DE SPIRITIBUS VOLANTIBUS - -20. Sunt autem quidam spiritus qui recedunt ab igne et in fumum -convertuntur et faciunt convertere alias res sicut est sulphur arsenicum -ex illis est argentum vivum. Sulphuris tres sunt species. Est enim -sulphur croceum flavum et est album. Flavum autem est sicut extrahitur -de vena et tunc non est purum. Purificatur enim sic quia ponitur tritum -in patella ferrea et dissolvitur ab igne et cum dissolutum est tollatur -et iterum ponatur in patella super ignem ut eo dissoluto ponitur in -canellis factis de ferre (sic) et istud sulfur dicitur canelatum et est -valde purum a superfluitatibus. Operatur autem aliquid de eo in arte -al-chimie sed illud est valde purum. Verum est quia preparat artem (? -martem) et dat ei colorem lune. Quidam autem accipiunt laminas eris et -ponunt eas in igne et cum sunt bene rubee extinguunt eas in sulfure bene -trito miscendo fortiter cum aliquo ligno. Postmodo accipiunt laminas -illas et ponunt in igne et dimittunt purificari et cum volunt operari -accipiunt et componunt eas secundum quod scis et intellexisti superius. -Et quidam ponunt etiam de eo parum cum pulvere supradicto quando apponunt -martem in panno et bene accidit eis quia sapienter agunt. - -Album enim sulfur invenitur in hispania et portatur de insula que -heble appellatur. Accipitur etiam pro nitro salso sed non equiparatur -ei quoniam igne fugit sicut spiritus, ille autem stat et non solvitur -ab igne sed funditur et tu audisti satis de eo in superioribus. Nec -loquar de eo tibi amplius. Arsenici autem due sunt species. Una est -crocei coloris et alia est rubei coloris. Croceum autem multum valet -quia mulieres utuntur eo faciendo depilatorium et preparando facies -earum a pilis. Quidam de sophistis accipiunt ʒ · 1· auri limati, libra -1· auripigmenti et terent ipsum fortiter et balneant ipsum cum urina et -ponunt totum simul in sacculo corei et stringunt ipsum et dimittunt ita -stare usque ad mensem et videtur aurum. De rubeo arsenico fit realgar. -Ista sufficiant. Et sic est finis huius libri. Explicit liber dedali in -arte alchimie. - - - - -APPENDIX IV - - -Text in the author’s possession.—Ms. in 4to perg. saec. xvi. vel. xvii., -red, black, and green ink. - -Interpretacio et Instruccio pro Discipulis seu Amatoribus Artis Magice -pro iis scilicet ad quorum manus post obitum meum libellus iste fortuito -aliquando perventurus est. - -Parvi licet Compendii libellus iste sit, magni tamen momenti esse eundem -experieris. Nam scias velim, Curiose Lector, opus hoc in Arabica lingua -conscriptum esse cuius ego per multos quidem annos possessor virtutis -in eiusdem ob linguae insciciam ignarus semper permanseram; donec -tandem auxilio Rabbi cuiusdam extraneam hanc linguam optime callentis -ad genuinum verborum sensum, rerumque contentarum noticiam pervenissem. -Quae autem exinde expertus et adeptus sum et tu experiri adipiscique -poteris si vir constans et intrepidus sis moreve prescripto processeris. -Ast cum spiritibus astutissimis et humano generi infensissimis tibi -agendum est: Quare cum previa sane mentis deliberacione et cautela maxima -procedas necesse est. Quod si vero rem rite tractaveris grandia et -mirabilia perpetrare poteris. Reliqua te opus ipsum satis docebit. Unum -hoc ultimatim te enixe adhortamus ut libellum istum optime custodias, ne -in manus curiose juventutis seu ignorancium hominum incidat. Siquidem -per eius lecturam, nisi more prescripto fiat, funestissime tragedie -orirentur. Quare ipse autor in prima pagina admonet ut in silencio -legatur. Nemo igitur quiscumque sit absque circulo clara et alto voce -insertas Spirituum citaciones legere presumat nisi miserrimum sui -detrimentum et interitum preceps ruere velit. Quapropter quicquid agis -prudenter agas et respice Finem. Vale. Michael Scotus Prage in Bohemia -pridie Id. Febr. Anno mcclv. - - Sequitur interpretacio tocius operis. - Aspice Inspice pervolve alta sed - legere voce omnino cave. - -Almuchabola Absegalim Alkakib Albaon _i.e._ Compendium Magie Innaturalis -Nigre, continens Citaciones et Vincula diversorum Spirituum. - -Primum et maxime necessarium requisitum in experimentis Magicis -Composicio Circuli est. Nam sine eo nemo a malis Spiritibus tutus foret. -Quare Magister ex pelle caprina _i.e._ charta virginea faciat Circulum -in latitudine novem pedum ad quem cum sanguine Columbe scribi debent -nomina que videntur in figura pag. iij. (this refers to the other -quire containing the Arabic original which alone has illustrations). -Quodsi vero illum forcius munire cupis poteris pro lubitu addere plura -ex sanctissimis Dei Nominibus Hebraicis v.g. Elohim Adonai Zebaoth -Agla Jehovah, item nomina iiij Evangelistarum et iiij Archangelorum et -adhuc alia que ex rituali Ecclesiastico sive aliis libris sat colligas. -Secundo habeatur baculus qui abscindatur Corilo in quem inscindi et -cum sanguine columbe inscribi debent verba et nomina in figura pag. -iij indicata. Tereio fiat Mitra pariter ex pelle capre Alba posterior -Nigra et scribantur m. ad illam cum sanguine columbe nomina que habet -figura pag. iiij. Quarto Magister habeat habitum nigrum longum usque -ad pedes super habitum vero Scapulare sive pentaculum factum ex ante -dicta charta virginea et iterum cum sanguine columbe scribantur ad illud -nomina, uti monstrat figura pag. iv. Proinde omnia hec predicta requisita -debent preparari in novilunio in diebus Mercurii et Veneris horisque -hisce Planetis propriis. Que autem sint hore Planetarum ex libris -Astrologorum satis aliunde patet. Quinto formetur Sigillum sive titulus -characteristicus illius Spiritus quem citare intendis: debet autem scribi -cum sanguine corvi nigerini ad pellem capre nigre factam et appendatur ad -baculum quoque abscissum corilo erigaturque ad margines circuli uti docet -figura pag. v. Sexto Magister sive debet esse solus sive si velint esse -plures sit numerus semper impar. Septimo requiritur locus securus absitus -et solitudinarius quod si in domo fiat operacio habeat cubile aptum -versus Orientem et relinquatur sive porta sive fenestra aperta; nec sint -plures in domo persone quam que ad operacionem pertinent; quare semper -melius et securius est ut experimenta fiant sub celo, in eremis, silvis, -pratisque desertis nullorumque hominum conspectui et auditu obnoxiis. -Octavo experimenta fiant in diebus Mercurii sive Veneris sive in prima -hora noctis sive in sexta post solis occasum; de die autem debent fieri -in ipsissimis horis Planetarum Veneris seu Mercurii. Nono Magister ante -Operacionem bene deliberet quale negocium tractare velit cum spiritibus -ne medio experimenti fiat confusio seu perturbacio. Magistrum itaque -oportet esse virum gravem animosum, qui in lingua et pronunciacione non -paciatur defectum. Socii omnes nec verbum loquantur sed solus Magister -cum spiritibus tractare audeat. Hiis omnibus denique bene preparatis et -ordinatis Magister adhibeat fumigia ex sequentibus speciebus: - - ℞: Semen papaveris nigri - Herba Cicuta - Coriandrum - Apium et crocus et hec in equali pondere. - -Decimo si Magister rem habet quam Spiritus adimplere resisterent, -accipiat baculum et cum eo feriat eorum Sigilla, sed si nimium pertinaces -forent, appropinquet ea ad carbones cum quibus fumigatum est, faciat -quasi assare et successive ardescere velit et statim eos obedientes -habebit. - -Circulum cum Sociis ingressurus dicat: - -Harim Kasistacos Enet miram Baal Alisa mamutai arista Kappi Megiarath -Sagisiya Suratbakar. - -Sequuntur Citaciones Nomina et Sigilla Spirituum qui per hoc opus -advocari et citari possunt. - -Sigillum primi Principis vid. pag. viij. - - -CITACIO PRIMI ALMUCHABZAR - -Asib Hecon Anthios Rarapafta Kylim Almuchabzar alge Zorionoso Amilech -Amias Segir Almetubele Halimasten Rarapafta Kylim O Almuchabzar horet -Kylim. - - -CITACIO SECUNDA PRIMI PRINCIPIS - -Aritepas Oulyri Hecon asib alperiga O Almuchabzar! Rabet Almetubele -Syrath alecla icarim alderez Aldemel met cadir Measdi Algir aleclar Ryia -sothus Alchantum ioradio Ealusi Amilkamar Alenzod: - - -CITACIO TERCIA ALMUCHABZAR - -Albantum alenzod Almuchabzar! Hecon asip Amilcamar alperiga algir -filastaros aleclar Syrath asyngarum berumistas legistas Ruppa sastaraya -aronthas Baracasti hemla Omisyrath abdilbak Amilkamar alcubel taris Algir -alasaff megastar Magin horet Karapatta Kylim O! Almuchabzar. - -Quam primum apparent Spiritus in forma humana visibili Magister eos -interroget utrum isti sint qui ab eo fuerunt citati? et si spiritus hoc -iureiurando cum iureiurando (sic) cum imposicione manuum super baculum -[qui ex circulo iis porrigi debet] confirmaverint; salutet eos et sistat -modo subsequenti in fine pag. xv. et pag. xxxv. Hunc Principem vero modo -sequenti: - -Alkumkazar medidosta Asaristatos falusi algir abdilbak = karis helotim -latintos O Almuchabzar! milasarintha iubarath mimas Amka Solit karytos -Faribai aliasi miron kylim arastaton tyrantus Almuchabzar. - -His dictis Spiritus ipsum interrogabunt quare fuerint vocati? etc. -Magister illis negocium proponat et si adimpleverint dimittat illos prout -sequitur in fine pag. xv. et pag. xxx istum vero specialiter sic: - -Sarmistaros labyratha Asanta bartha Megimaia karapatta horet kylim O -Almuchabzar! - -SIGILLUM ACHUNCHAB vid. pag. xi. - - Citacio. - -Asip hecon anthios karapatta kylim Achunchab Perificanthus alasaff haram -astarladip Megastar hagiasesta parit hemla pantustata amagarim kalip -kisolastar aleclar elgir altemel alperiga Horet kylim O Achunchab! - -SIGILLUM AGHIZIKKE vid. pag. xii. - - Citacio. - -Hamagit hecon asip Kampatta kylim Aghizikke sisalmaz alenzod alcubel -algir sarmistaros alasat Abdilbak Guscharasch heam diadrasas dalasai -Betaran herik iulem Megastar Helib istam horet kylim O Aghizikke! - -SIGILLUM BALTUZARAZ vid. pag. xiii. - - Citacio. - -Megaras Galim asip hecon kylim Baltuzaraz negyrus haleai amith aresatos -gimastas permasai alar aluhazi Hacub salataya almetubeli algir Abilbak -mirastatos Alenzod medagasti O Baltuzaras kylim horet. - -Sequuntur alia adhuc sigilla aliquorum Spirituum qui per subsequentem -coniuracionem advocantur. Sigilla vide pag. xiiij. Nomina eorum numeres -secundum ordinem sigillorum a manu dextra ad sinistram suntque sequentia: - -KAPULIPH, SUHUB; GALHABARI ET ALMISCHAK. - - Citacio. - -Mabgatusta berenata sarmistaros gorisgatba Helotim latintos aciton -Axagiatum amka iaribai artas gilgarkipka Selingarasch alberalabon -gimistas Kateraptas amogiorith miagastos Diadrasi Radistar dalasa -hagaigia Belzop hecon asip Karapatta kylim O Suhub Galhabari O Almischak -Kapuliph antios guschorasch Alcubel alenzod algir Rabet almetubele -Abdilbak mirastatos alasaff algir megastar ioradip faluli zorionoso -alget kapkar imat Abdilbaim eralim fiascar albirastos perifiantus -Berapkukagapharam Abdilbaim erasin Zakarip Aresatos Talmasten Karapatta -kylim horet kylim. - -INSTICIO SIVE CONSISTENCIA SPIRITUUM. - -Harim kelit Amogar Bail namutai aristakappi Megiarath agualim Segirit -beranabtar Cesastus megarustat amargim Bargastaton ioratkar Karistacao -Alim Miron anasterisatos horet kylim. - -VALEDICCIO SPIRITUUM. - -Bedarit labyratha Asonta barda Meles kalas hemastar Bemtsstaras Bedarit -Enet elmisistar Almiranthus. - -Quando Magister cum Sociis egreditur circulo dicat hec sequentia verba -vide pag. xvi. - -Begarsten alengip Harim Gantalsa stai Becekym Dingiltas Mecarkayrup -Hermagastus aganton Badaky Gragaim Bemdastoras Argint. - - -FINIS. - - - - -APPENDIX V - - -Regesta Vaticana, Tom. xii., fol. 136 vo., epist. 170. - -… archiepiscopo Cantuariensi sancte Romane ecclesie cardinali. De -provisione dilecti filii magistri Michaelis Scoti, cuius eminentis -sciencie titulus de ipso testimonium perhibet, quod inter litteratos -alios dono vigeat sciencie singulari patris intimo cogitantes affectu, -pro eo tibi, quod inter ceteros per orbem sciencia preditos eminenti -litteratura et profundioris prerogativa doctrine coruscas, fiducialiter -affectione plena dirigimus scripta nostra, firmam spem fiduciamque -tenentes, quod probos clericos diligas et delecteris in illis ac per hoc -ad providendum tante sciencie clerico promptus et facilis inveniri debeas -per te (137ro.) ipsum. Quocirca fraternitati tue per apostolica scripta -mandamus, quatinus tam liberaliter quam libenter predicto magistro infra -provinciam tuam auctoritate nostra provideas in beneficio quod recipiente -congruat et deceat providentem, ita quod ex hoc devocionem et diligenciam -tuam in Domino commendare possimus et nos illud habeamus acceptum qui -nollemus omnino quod dictus magister, qui maioribus dignus esset, gracie -nostre, que reputatur ei debitum, frustraretur effectu, contradictores -autem per censuras ecclesiasticas appellacione remota compescas. Dat. -Lateran. xvii Kal. februar. anno octavo. - -This extract, which has not hitherto been fully printed in any of the -authorities (Pressutti, _Regesta Honorii Pape III._ vol. ii. pp. 194, -258; Bliss, _Calendar of Entries in the Papal Registers_, vol. i. pp. 94, -97) has reached me from the Vatican just before going to press. I owe -it to the kindness of Monsignor Ehrle, the Prefect of the Bibliotheca -Apostolica, and am glad to reproduce it here, not only because of the -light it throws on the events mentioned in Chapter viii., but as a -testimony to the opinion then held of Scot’s attainments in science. -Incidentally too, it places beyond question the fact mentioned on p. -14, namely, that he was in holy orders. With regard to the title of -‘Master,’ here repeated, I may add that this would seem to have been -equivalent among the Regulars to that of ‘Doctor’ among the secular -clergy; so that there is a further probability that Scot belonged to one -of the monastic orders. Should any one still doubt that the ‘M. Scotus’ -whom Honorius named for Cashel is the same person as Michael Scot, this -extract may help to resolve the matter. Honorius evidently held Michael -in the highest esteem, and it will be difficult to find another M. Scotus -so likely to have been preferred by him in the very same year. - - - - -FOOTNOTES - - -[1] _De Michaele Scoto Veneficii injuste damnato_, Lipsiae, 1739. - -[2] Some account of Scottish grammar-schools in the twelfth century will -be found in Sir James Dalrymple’s _Collections_, pp. 226, 255 (Advocates’ -Library, Edinburgh); also in Chalmers’s _Caledonia_, vol. i. p. 76. - -[3] _Compendium Studii_, vol. i. p. 471, ed. Master of the Rolls. London, -Longmans, 1859. - -[4] Boncompagni _Vita di Gherardo Cremonense_, Roma, 1851, and the _De -Astronomia Tractatus_ x. of Guido Bonatti, printed at Bâle, 1550. - -[5] _Historia Ecclesiastica_, xii. 494. - -[6] In the last edition of Chambers’s Encyclopædia, _sub nomine_. - -[7] See _infra_, ch. vii. - -[8] Leland’s work was published in 1549. - -[9] _Comento alla Divina Commedia, Inf._, canto xx. Bologna, Fanfani, -1866-74. - -[10] The _Scotorum Historia_ of Boëce in which this statement appears was -published at Paris in 1526. - -[11] Between 1260 and 1280. See Cartulary of Dunfermline. - -[12] Exchequer Rolls. - -[13] See _infra_, p. 55. - -[14] Bulaeus _Historia Univ. Paris._, vol. iii. pp. 701, 702. - -[15] Sir James Dalrymple’s _Collections_, pp. 226, 255. There was also a -school at Dryburgh, where Sibbald says Sacrobosco studied, but had Scot -entered here he would hardly have been distinguished in later years as a -man in close relation with another order—the Cistercian. - -[16] Not excepting the north. ‘Morebatur eo tempore (_c._ 1180) apud -Oxenfordiam studiorum causa clericus quidam Stephanus nomine de -Eboracensi regione oriundus,’ _Acta Sanctorum_, Oct. 29, p. 579. At the -exodus in 1209, no less than three thousand students are said to have -left Oxford. - -[17] _Opus Majus_, ed. Jebbi, pp. 36, 37. The words are ‘Tempore -Michaelis Scoti, qui, annis 1230 transactis, apparuit, deferens librorum -Aristotelis partes aliquas,’ etc. See _infra_, ch. viii. - -[18] See Anderson, _Scottish Nation_, _sub nomine_. - -[19] _Lay of the Last Minstrel_, Note Y. See _infra_, ch. x. - -[20] See _infra_, p. 18. - -[21] Romance of _Elinando_. - -[22] He probably joined the Cistercian Order. - -[23] _Compendium Studii_, p. 425. - -[24] In the printed edition of Dempster, the reference is ‘lib. 3 -sententiarum, quaest. iii.,’ but I have not been able to verify it. - -[25] _Hist. Litt. de la France_, vol. ix. p. 65. - -[26] _Opus Majus_, p. 84. - -[27] _Elinando._ - -[28] _Decamerone_, viii. 9. - -[29] See _infra_, chap. x. - -[30] The MS. of Scot’s _Physionomia_ in the Vatican Library (_Fondo della -Regina di Svezia_ 1151, saec. xvi?) has joined to it some extravagant -lines in praise of the Parisian schools, where the writer compares them -to Paradise. There is no reason to suppose Scot wrote these verses, but -they fully support the statement made in the text. - -[31] Pl. lxxxix. _sup._ cod. 38. See Appendix, No. 1. - -[32] See p. 244 of the MS. - -[33] _Domini Magistri._ - -[34] _Philipo._ - -[35] _Coronato._ - -[36] _Destinavit sibi._ - -[37] See Ducange, _sub voce_. - -[38] Huillard-Bréholles, _Hist. Dip. Frid. II._, vol. i. pp. 44, 68, 242, -255. - -[39] No. 354. - -[40] See _infra_, p. 37. - -[41] L’Anonimo Fiorentino, _Comento alla Divina Commedia_. Bologna, -Fanfani, 1866-74. - -[42] See especially the preface to the _Physionomia_. - -[43] Smith’s _Dictionary of Christian Antiquities_, _sub voce_ ‘Magister.’ - -[44] From August 1200 to January 1208. See Amari, _Storia dei Musulmani -di Sicilia_. - -[45] See the _Hist. Dip. Frid._, _passim_. - -[46] Amari. - -[47] See _infra_, pp. 26, 59, and ch. vi. - -[48] _Compendium Studii_, p. 434. - -[49] See the preface to the _Secreta_. - -[50] Amari. See _infra_, p. 83. - -[51] Bibl. Bodl. MSS. Canon Misc. 555; cod. memb. in 4to ff. 97, saec. -xiv. ineunt., with a portrait of Michael Scot in one of the initials. -The preface opens thus:—‘Cum ars astronomie sit grandis sermonibus -philosophorum.’ The book begins:—‘Cronica Grece Latine dicitur series -ut temporis temporum sicut dominorum,’ and closes thus:—‘De expositione -fundamenti terrae volentes his finere secundum librum quem incepimus -in nomine Dei, Cui ex parte nostra sit semper grandis laus et gloria, -benedictio et triumphus in omnibus per infinita saecula saeculorum Amen.’ -Other MSS. of the _Astronomia_ are found at Milan, Bibl. Ambros. L. 92, -_sup. cum figuris_; and at Munich, see Halm and Meyer’s _Catalogue_, vol. -ii. part i. p. 156, No. 1242, saec. xviii. - -[52] ‘Quasi vulgariter.’ - -[53] Bodl. MS. 266, chart. in fol. saec. xv. 218 leaves; Bibl. Nat. -Paris, Nouv. acq. 1401; the Escorial has another MS. of this work on -paper, in writing of the fourteenth century. The _Liber Introductorius_ -commences thus: ‘Quicumque vult esse bonus astrologus’—an expression -which betrays the churchman in Scot. It closes with these words: -‘finitur tractatus de notitia pronosticorum.’ Extracts from the _Liber -Introductorius_ are found in the MS. Fondo Vaticano 4087, p. 38, ro. -and vo., MS. in fol. chart. saec. xvi., and in the Bibl. del Seminario -Vescovile, Padua, MS. 48, in fol. chart. saec. xiv.; also Bibl. Ambros, -Milan, MS. I. 90. - -[54] The Paris MS. reads ‘in Astronomia,’ a good example of the confusion -mentioned above. - -[55] ‘Leviter.’ - -[56] This is a mistake common to both the MSS. Innocent IV. did not begin -to reign till 1243, when Scot was long in his grave. Innocent III., -who was Pope from 1198-1216, is the person meant. He was guardian to -Frederick II. during his minority. - -[57] According to the line: ‘Lingua, Tropus, Ratio, Numerus, Tonus, -Angulus, Astra,’ in which the Trivium and Quadrivium were succinctly and -memorably expressed. - -[58] His mother was nearly fifty years old at his birth. - -[59] See the description of this palace in the poem by Peter of Eboli. - -[60] Zurita says that Sancia, the Queen Dowager of Aragon, claimed the -crown of Sicily for her son Fernando, in case there were no heir of -Frederick II. by Constance. - -[61] See on this whole subject three most learned and satisfactory works -by Prof. R. Foerster of Breslau—_De Arist. quae feruntur physiognomonicis -recensendis_, Kiliae, 1882; _De trans. lat. physiognomonicorum_, Kiliae, -1884; and especially his _Scriptores Graeci Physiognomonici_, Teubner, -1894. - -[62] A _Physionomia_ ascribed to Al Mansour himself was commented on by -Jacopo da Samminiato. It is preserved in the Bibl. Naz. of Florence, MS. -xx. 55. - -[63] See Book II. chap. xxvi. _et seq._ - -[64] B. J. II., 8. § 6. See also the Church Histories of Neander (i. 61, -83) and Kurtz (i. 65). - -[65] The word Ἀβράξας read numerically gives the total of 365 = the -number of days in which the sun completes his circle through the twelve -signs. In this way it is equivalent to _Mithras_. These gems often bear -the figure of a cock = the sun-bird, not without reference to Æsculapius. -They were worn to recover or preserve health. - -[66] This reminds one of the somewhat similar introduction to the alchemy -of Crates, which speaks of a youth called Rissoures, the scion of a -family of adepts, who made love to a maid-servant of Ephestelios, chief -diviner in the Temple of Serapis at Alexandria, thus inducing her to -steal the book and fly with him. The tradition of discovery is common -to both legends, but the Crates has a colour of worldly passion and the -Sirr-el-Asrar a shade of ascetic practice which agrees admirably with -what we know of the Therapeutae. _Crates_ is probably Democritus. The -Arabic version was due to Khalid ben Yezid, and bears the title of _Kenz -el Konouz_, or treasure of treasures. It is found in MS. 440 of Leyden. -In a later chapter we shall recur to this subject with the view of -showing that alchemy as well as physiognomy owed much to the Therapeutic -philosophy. - -[67] The printed copy—in fol. Venice, Bernardinus de Vitalibus, s. a. but -probably 1501—reads ‘romanam,’ which would be neo-Greek or Romaic. - -[68] See on this whole subject the excellent remarks of Foerster in his -treatise _De Aristotelis quae feruntur Secretis Secretorum_, Kiliae, -1888, pp. 22-25. - -[69] Wright’s _Cat. of the Syriac MSS._, Nos. 250 and 366. - -[70] _Recherches_, pp. 117, 118. - -[71] _Op. cit._ pp. 26, 27. - -[72] Viz., P. xiii. sin. cod. 6; P. xxx. cod. 29; and P. lxxxix. _sup._ -cod. 76. There is also one at Paris, Fonds de Sorbonne, 955. - -[73] See the MS. of the Laurentian Library, p. lxxxviii. cod. 24. - -[74] By transposition ‘G. de Valentia vere civitatis,’ etc. (Bibl. Naz. -Flor. xxv. 10, 632); by corruption ‘vere de violentia’ (Barberini MS.), -or ‘grosso pontifici’ (Fondo Vaticano, 5047). This bishop has not yet -been identified. - -[75] MSS. of the _Secreta Secretorum_ are found in Florence, Bibl. Naz., -xxv. 10, 632, chart. saec. xv.; Bibl. Laur. (S. Crucis) xv. sin. 9; Rome, -Fondo Vaticano, 5047; Oxford, Bibl. Bod. Can. Misc., 562; Troyes and St. -Omer, _v._ Cat. MSS. des Depart., vol. ii. pp. 517, 518, and iii. 295; -Berne, v. Sinner’s Cat., vol. iii. p. 525. It is interesting to note that -the title of this last MS. is _Physionomia_, just as the _Physionomia_ -of Scot is called _De Secretis_ in the editions of 1584 and 1598. This -confirms the relation between his work and that of Philippus Clericus. -MSS. of the Italian version of the _Secreta Secretorum_ are found at -Florence, Bibl. Riccard., Q. I. xxii. 1297; R. I. xx. 2224; L. I. xxxiv. -108. The first of these is dated 1450. In the Bibl. Naz., Florence, -there is another, and a similar one of the _Physionomia Aristotelis_. -In the Chigi Library of Rome there is a MS., chart. saec. xvii., with -the curious title: ‘Migel franzas, auctor obscurioris nominis, ad -_Physionomiam_ Aristotelis Commentarium.’ It is numbered E. vi. 205, and -consists of 326 pages. The _Secreta Secretorum_ with the _De Mineralibus_ -was printed at Venice (? 1501), by Bernardinus de Vitalibus, and a new -version by G. Manente, comprehending the _Morals_ and the _Physionomia_ -as well as the _Secreta_, issued from the same place in 1538. It was -printed in 4to by Tacuino da Trino. - -[76] MSS. of the _Physionomia_: Oxford, Bibl. Bod. MSS. Canon. Misc. -555 (with the _Liber Particularis_) saec. xiv.; Milan, Bibl. Ambros. L -92 _sup._ (with the _Liber Particularis_); Padua, Bibl. Anton. xxiii. -616, chart. saec. xvii; Vatican, Fondo della Regina 1151 perhaps saec. -xvi. Printed editions: 1477 perhaps double; 1485 Louvain and Leipsic; -1499 s. l. and five or six others of this century in 4to, s. l. et a.; -1508 Cologne, Venice, and Paris, the last in 8vo; 1514 Venice 8vo; 1515 -s. l.; 1519 Venice 8vo; 1584 Lyons 24mo along with the _Abbreviatio -Avicennae_ and the _De animalibus ad Caesarem_ under the general title -of _De Secretis Naturae_; 1598 Lyons, _De Secretis Naturae_ cum tractatu -_De Secretis Mulierum_ Alberti Magni; 1615 Frankfort 8vo; 1655 and 1660 -Amsterdam 12mo. Editions of the Italian version appeared at Venice in -1533, 8vo, and 1537. During the sixteenth century an edition of the Latin -text in 8vo appeared from the press of Pietro Gaudoul without date. - -[77] _Histoire Littéraire de la France._ The list given above will show -that this statement rather falls short of the truth than exceeds it. - -[78] See Ticknor’s _History of Spanish Literature_, p. 395. - -[79] _Recherches sur l’âge et l’origine des trad. latines d’Aristote_, -Paris, 1843, chap. iii. passim. - -[80] The bones of Aristotle were said to lie in the Mosque of Palermo, -where they were highly reverenced. See _Charles III. of Naples_, by St. -Clair Baddeley, London, 1894, p. 122. - -[81] _Notices et extraits des Mss._, vol. vi. p. 412. - -[82] _Die Uebersetz. Arabischer Werke_, Göttingen, 1877, p. 99. - -[83] See Lane’s _Modern Egyptians_, vol. i. p. 197 note. - -[84] We should remember, however, the Emperor’s instructions to his -translators: ‘verborum fideliter servata virginitate.’ See his circular -of 1230 to the Universities.—Jourdain, _Recherches_, p. 133. - -[85] _De Animalibus ad Caesarem_, chap. ix. - -[86] Bibl. Laur. Pl. xiii. sin. cod. 9 in fol. perg. This MS. was written -in 1266. - -[87] Fifteenth Century s. l. et a. in fol. pp. 54. There are also Venice -editions of 1493 and 1509. - -[88] Fondo Vaticano 4428 in fol. perg. saec. xiii. See a complete -inventory of this MS. in Appendix II. - -[89] See Roger Bacon, _Opus Majus_, p. 37. - -[90] P. 158 _recto_, the last line of the third column. - -[91] _Recherches_, p. 133. - -[92] See _ante_, p. 10. - -[93] There is an evident reference to Prov. i. 9 in these words which -accords well with Scot’s usual style. - -[94] Printed, but very incompletely, at Augsburg in 1596 in 8vo. - -[95] _Hist. Dip. Frid. II._ vol. iv. pt. i. pp. 381, 382. - -[96] Can this have been _Cologna_, a village about four miles north of -Salerno? - -[97] Fondo Vaticano 4428. - -[98] The words are: ‘Ex libro animalium Aristotelis Domini Imperatoris in -margine’ (p. 158 _recto_): see facsimile at p. 55. - -[99] Bibl. Chisiana E viii. 251, at p. 41 bottom margin. - -[100] P. 158, _recto_ col. 1. - -[101] p. 164. - -[102] Pl. xiii. sin. cod. 9. Other MSS. of the _Abbreviatio Avicennae_ -are these: Fondo Vaticano 7096; Fondo Regina di Svezia 1151; Bibl. -Burgensis 8557 in 8vo memb. saec. xiii. vel xiv.; Bibl. Pommersfeld, -saec. xiv.; Paris, Anc. Fonds 6443; Venice, Bibl. St. Marc. 171 memb. -saec. xiv. (the same library has another MS. in 4to memb. saec. xiv., -see the Catalogue by Valentinelli, vol. v. p. 58). Bologna, Bibl. Univ. -1340 in fol. chart. saec. xiv. doubtful; Oxford, Bodl. MSS. Canon. Misc. -562 saec. xiv. et xv.; Merton Coll. MS. 277 saec. xiv.; All Souls MS. 72 -saec. xiv. - -[103] _Recherches_, p. 133. - -[104] P. 13, _recto et verso_, in the undated fifteenth century edition -of the _Abbreviatio_. - -[105] _Ibid._ pp. 33 _verso_, 34 _recto_. - -[106] See _ante_, p. 32. - -[107] _La Chimie au Moyen Age_, Paris, 1893. One cannot praise too highly -the interest and value of this monumental work. I am greatly indebted to -it for many of the facts and conclusions here repeated. - -[108] The _Mappae Clavicula_ (Key to Painting) belongs to the tenth -century; the _Compositiones ad Tingenda_ is of the age of Charlemagne. -A MS. of the eighth century (not the ninth as Berthelot says) is extant -at Lucca (Bibl. Capit. Can. I. L.). Muratori has printed it in his -_Antiquitates Italicae_, ii. 364-87. It contains receipts for the colours -used in making _tesserae_ for mosaic, for dyeing skins, cloth, bone, horn -and wood; for making parchment; for various processes such as gold and -silver beating and drawing, and the gilding of iron; for chrysography and -the gilding of leather; ‘quomodo eramen in colore auri transmutetur,’ -‘operatio Cinnaberim,’ a perfume for the hands called _lulakin_, and for -certain amalgams of gold and silver called _glutina_. - -[109] See Chwolson, _Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus_. The Egyptians -extended this correspondence to the members of the human body. - -[110] Σπουδάζουσιν ἐκτόπως περὶ τὰ τῶν παλαιῶν συγγράμματα, μάλιστα τὰ -πρὸς ὠφέλειαν ψυχῆς καὶ σώματος ἐκλέγοντες. Ἔνθεν αὑτοῖς πρὸς θεράπειαν -παθῶν ῥίζαι τε ἀλεξητήριοι καὶ λιθῶν ἰδιότητες ἐνερευνῶνται.—_Bell. -Jud._, ii. 8. § 6. - -[111] _Roma, Vincentio Accolti_, 1587. My copy is the one presented by -the author to the great Aldrovandus of Bologna, with whom he seems to -have been on intimate terms. - -[112] See the Paris MS. 6514, pp. 133-35. - -[113] Of Pannopolis, a chemist of the fourth century. - -[114] 6514. - -[115] Fondo Vaticano, 4428, p. 114. This treatise is the same as the _De -mineralibus_ published along with the _De Secretis_ at Venice (? 1501) by -Bernardinus de Vitalibus. - -[116] Speciale MS. No. vi. See the work by Sac. I. Carini, _Sulle Scienze -Occulte nel Medio Evo_, Palermo, 1872. ‘Kalid Rex’ was Khaled ben Yezid -ibn Moauia, and ‘Morienus’ was Mar Jannos, his Syrian master. - -[117] _Gayangos_, i. 8. Eighty thousand books are said to have been -burned in the squares of Granada alone. - -[118] In the editions of 1622 and 1659, Argentorati. It has been -stated that the _Quaestio Curiosa_ is a chapter taken from the _Liber -Introductorius_ of Michael Scot. The alternative title of that work, -_Judicia Quaestionum_ would seem to favour this idea, and may in fact -have suggested it. But an examination of the _Liber Introductorius_ (MS. -Bodl. 266), which I have caused to be made, proves that the statement -referred to is without foundation. It was advanced in a paper read before -the Scottish Society of Antiquaries by Mr. John Small, and printed in -their _Proceedings_, vol. xi. p. 179. - -[119] See the note to p. 75 _supra_. - -[120] _Inf._ iv. 131. - -[121] In the _Theatrum_ of Zetzner there is a tract: ‘Aristoteles de -perfecto Magisterio,’ and the Bibl. Naz. of Florence has a MS., ‘De -Tribus Verbis,’ ascribed to the same author. - -[122] Sic pro _indagine_, v. cod. xvi. 142 of the Bibl. Naz. Florence, -where this treatise is given to _Alfidius_, _i.e._ Al Kindi. In it -occur the significant words: ‘est (alchimia) de illa parte physice quae -_Metheora_ nuncupatur.’ - -[123] No. 6514. - -[124] ‘Penitus denegatam,’ see _infra_, p. 89. - -[125] It is remarkable in this connection that ‘Transubstantiation’ was -finally imposed on the faithful by the Lateran council of 1215. The term -had not been previously used in theology. This was the very epoch of -Michael Scot and of the introduction of alchemy in the West. - -[126] MS. Ricc. L. iii. 13. 119, p. 35vo. - -[127] ‘In quo talia continentur, Intencio, Causa Intencionis et -Utilitas,’ etc. - -[128] See Appendix, No. III. - -[129] Pp. 192vo.-195vo. - -[130] The Paris MS. 6514 has these words: ‘Magister Galienus scriptor qui -utitur in Episcopatu est alkimista et scit albificare eramen ita quod est -album ut argentum commune.’ - -[131] Pp. 190ro.-192vo. - -[132] Pp. 185vo.-190ro. - -[133] Manuel Comnenus reigned as Emperor of the East from 1143 to 1180, -while Frederick I. was Emperor of the West from 1152 to 1190. This would -seem to indicate the twelfth century as the time when these works of the -Pseudo Archelaus were produced. It is curious to notice that Manuel was -the Emperor who suffered defeat by sea at the hands of George of Antioch -the Sicilian admiral (Gibbon, chap. lvi.) This brave seaman was the same -who founded the library of the Martorana in Palermo (see above, p. 25), -and enriched it with the literary spoils of his conquests. It is highly -probable that it was in this way the scholars of Sicily became acquainted -with the Byzantine alchemy. - -[134] MS. Ricc. L. iii. 13. 119. pp. 19vo.-29ro. - -[135] Titles resembling this are not uncommon in the literature of -alchemy. Thus the Paris MS. 6514 has two treatises, both called _Lumen -Luminum_ and both ascribed to Rases. The latter of these, the _Liber -Lumen Luminum et perfecti Magisterii_, is that which has been printed -by Zetzner in the _Theatrum Chemicum_, under the name of Aristotle. It -contains, as we have already observed, the _Liber XII. aquarum_ and other -material derived from the _Liber Emanuelis_. The former treatise bearing -the name of the _Liber Lumen Luminum_ in the Paris MS. (pp. 113-120) -is remarkable on account of the words with which it closes: ‘explicit -liber autoris invidiosi,’ which Berthelot notes, but does not attempt -to explain. The _Mappa_ of the Pseudo-Archelaus mentions the ‘Liber -invidiosus’ (‘quia liber iste invidiosus est ab omnibus hominibus’), -but what may be the true reading of the matter is found in the _Liber -Dyabesi_ or book of the distillation of the land-tortoise (MS. Ricc. p. -4ro.) where these words occur: ‘Omnia ista pondera fuerunt occulta a -philosophis, et dederunt nobis alia pondera … quia fuerunt invidiosi,’ -_i.e._ unwilling to make public the secrets of their art. In later days -the title _Lumen Luminum_ is found in use by Raymond Lull and his school. - -[136] _Liber Luminis Luminum_, ii. 1. - -[137] Corpus Christi MS. cxxv. pp. 116-119. - -[138] In MS. Ricc. L. iii. 13, 119, No. 37. - -[139] See on the whole subject the _Annales Minorum_ of Wadding, -especially vol. i. p. 109. In vol. ii. p. 242, we find the reproof -addressed by the Pope to Fra Elias. The words referred to above are -these: ‘mutari color optimus auri ex quo caput (_i.e._ Franciscus) erat -compactum.’ - -[140] For example, ‘quaedam gumma quae invenitur in alumine de pluma, et -ista gumma est rubea, et gumma quae invenitur in alumine rubeo et ista -gumma est preciosa et bona valde.’ The word becomes intelligible when -read as ‘gemma.’ - -[141] Such as ‘Yader saracenus,’ ‘Arbaranus,’ ‘Theodosius saracenus,’ -‘Medibibaz,’ and ‘Magister Jacobus Judaeus.’ The name of the place -‘halaph’ which is probably Aleppo, and of the herb ‘carcha’ point in the -same direction. - -[142] Bibl. Naz. Flor. MS. xvi. 142, see _supra_, p. 79. - -[143] Romanus de Higuera, a very doubtful authority. - -[144] This village gave name to another Moorish writer, Abu Gafar Ahmed -ben Abd-el-Rahman ben Mohammed, also surnamed el Bitraugi. He died in -1147 and his fame survives as that of the author of an encyclopedia of -science. - -[145] For the unfavourable judgment of Mirandola on this astronomer, see -_infra_, p. 143. - -[146] See the excellent account in Munk. - -[147] _Recherches_, p. 133. - -[148] These are _Ancien Fonds_ 7399 and _Fonds de Sorbonne_ 1820. - -[149] ‘Qui vivit in aeternum per tempora.’ - -[150] There is a copy in the Barberini library (ix. 25 in fol. chart. -saec. xv.) which reads ‘cum abuteo len̄ite.’ Another at Paris, MSS. -lat. 1665 (olim Sorbonicus) has ‘c. Abuteo Levite.’ It would be rash to -conjecture the sense of this curious phrase. It is evidently a sign of -time, and perhaps astrological. - -[151] The Barberini MS. (ix. 25) gives 1221 as the date of the version, -but the consensus of the other copies shows this to be a mistake. Almost -all the MSS. mention that the work was done at Toledo. - -[152] See the references made to this work of Scot by Albertus Magnus and -Vincent of Beauvais. - -[153] For the life and opinions of Averroës, see the excellent monograph -_Averroës et l’Averroïsme_, which Renan published at Paris in 1866. I -have drawn largely upon it in composing this chapter. - -[154] See _infra_, p. 128. Nicolas Damascenus was born B.C. 64. - -[155] This was purely Alexandrian doctrine: ‘enseñaron Plotino, Porfirio -y Iamblico, que, en la union extatica, el alma y Dios se hacen uno, -quedando el alma como aniquilada por el _golpe intuitivo_.’ Pelayo, -_Heterodoxos Españoles_, vol. ii. p. 522. - -[156] Albertus Stadensis speaks of a heretical sect which appeared at -Halle in 1248. They abused the clergy, the monastic orders and the Pope, -but their preachers exhorted them to pray for the Emperor Frederick and -his son Conrad, _qui perfecti et justi sunt_. Among the Albigenses and -Cathari generally the word _perfecti_ was used in a technical sense to -indicate those who had been received into complete fellowship as opposed -to the _credentes_ who were still on probation. As applied therefore -to the Emperor and his son it would seem to indicate at least certain -leanings to these opinions on Frederick’s part. This might explain the -action he certainly took in trying to detach the Sicilian clergy from -the see of Rome and to set up a national or imperial church in which he -pretended to the earthly headship. - -[157] _Opera_, p. 102. - -[158] _Averroës_, pp. 28, 254, 291. - -[159] See _ante_, p. 18. - -[160] This inquiry was afterwards interpreted to Scot’s disadvantage and -in a way that heightened his necromantic fame. See _infra_, ch. ix. - -[161] See Appendix, No. I. Averroës had maintained in opposition to Galen -that the best of all climates was that of the fifth terrestrial region: -that in which Cordova was situated.—_Colliget_, ii. 22. Michael Scot can -hardly have shared this opinion. - -[162] St. Victor, 171. - -[163] De Rossi MS. 354. See _ante_, p. 20. - -[164] See preface to the _De Anima_ of Avicenna, MSS. Fondo Vaticano -4428, p. 78vo, and 2089, p. 307ro. Jourdain has reprinted this preface in -his _Recherches_, p. 449, from the MSS. Fonds de Sorbonne 1793 and Ancien -Fonds 6443. - -[165] Bibl. Rabb. i. p. 7. ‘Eiusdem Avicennae Physicorum lib. iv., -Magistro Johanne Gunsalui et Salomone interpretibus, No. 449,’ _i.e._ of -the Fondo Urbinate. - -[166] Bibl. Española, ii. pp. 643-4. ‘Conhesso’ may be a mistake for -_converso_. There is reason to think that Andrew had embraced the -Christian faith. - -[167] ‘Michael Scotus, ignarus quidem et verborum et rerum, fere omnia -quae sub nomine ejus prodierunt, ab Andrea quodam Judaeo mutuatus -est.’—_Opus Majus._ In his _Compendium Studii_, a much later work, Bacon -repeats the accusation in a milder form: ‘Michael Scotus ascripsit sibi -translationes multas. Sed certum est quod Andreas quidam Judaeus plus -laboravit in his.’ It has been conjectured that Andrew was a convert to -Christianity, _v._ Renan, who cites the preface to Jebb’s edition of the -_Opus Tertium_ of Bacon. It is curious at any rate that the name given -him was that of Scotland’s patron saint. - -[168] Bibl. Max. Vett. Patrum, Lugduni, 1677, vol. xxii. p. 1030. - -[169] The letter, namely, of Pope Gregory IX. - -[170] Paris, Fonds de Sorbonne 924, 950; St. Victor, 171; Navarre, 75; -Venice, St. Mark, vi. 54; Fondo Vaticano, 2184, 2089, p. 6ro. - -[171] See ‘Proviniana’ in the _Feuille de Provins_ for 7 Février 1852; -also the _Hist. Litt. de la France_, xvii. 232; the Bibl. Imp. Colb. -_Suite du Reg. Princ. Campan, III._ 50ro. and 199vo.; and the letters of -Gregory IX., anni v. 9 kal. Maii (1231 or 1232), anni vii. kal. Feb., and -3 kal. Martii in the collection of Laporte du Theil. - -[172] See _ante_, p. 6. - -[173] Paris, Sorbonne, 932, 943; St. Victor, 171; Ancien Fonds, 6504; -Venice, St. Mark, vi. 54. - -[174] _Vita di Gherardo Cremonense_, Roma, 1851. The distinction -between the elder and younger Gerard had been noticed by Flavio Biondo -(1388-1463); by Zaccharia Lilio (_obiit_ _c._ 1522) and by Giulio -Faroldo in the sixteenth century. I have found the same accuracy in the -_Risorgimento d’Italia_ of the Abate Saverio Bettinelli, which appeared -at Bassano in 1786 (vol. i. p. 81). Only foreigners, therefore, seem to -have overlooked it. - -[175] _Compendium Studii_, p. 471. - -[176] No. 354; see _ante_, pp. 20, 116. - -[177] See the list of MSS. already given, p. 123. - -[178] _De la Philosophie Scolastique_, i. 470. - -[179] _Opera_, ii. 140. - -[180] _Averroës_, p. 108. - -[181] See _Metaphysica_, xii. 334. - -[182] Avicenna. See _Destruction of Destruction_, iii. 350. - -[183] The doctrine of spontaneous generation, common among the Arabian -Philosophers, and specially taught by Ibn Tofail. - -[184] This is a notable saying which may well have given rise to the -legend of a book _De Tribus Impostoribus_. It was certainly one of the -_foeda dicta_ blamed by Albertus Magnus. - -[185] St. Mark, vi. 54 _memb. saec._ xiv. The _De Substantia Orbis_ is -said to have been completed by Averroës in Morocco in 1178. - -[186] Also Fondo Vaticano, 2089, p. 1, with commentary by Alfarabius. - -[187] This title recalls a passage in the _De Anima_ of Averroës -as reproduced by Pendasius: ‘Si intellectus esset numeratus ad -numerum individuorum, esset aliquod hoc (_i.e._ aliquod particulare) -determinatum, _corpus aut virtus in corpore_. Si hoc esset, esset quid -intellectum potentia.’ - -[188] No. 620. See _Cat. Gen. des Bibl. des Dep._ vol. iii. Paris, 1855. - -[189] See _ante_, p. 125. - -[190] Colophon to cod. lxxix. 18 of the Laurentian Library. - -[191] See _ante_, p. 59. - -[192] _Opus Tertium_, Master of the Rolls ed. p. 91. - -[193] _Compendium Studii_, p. 467. The _De Plantis_ is found at p. 83 of -MS. Fondo Vaticano 4087. - -[194] Namely the novel called _Il Paradiso degli Alberti_ (Bologna, -Wesseloffsky, 1867, vol. ii. pp. 180-217), and No. xx. of the _Cento -Novelle Antiche_ (Testo Borghiniano). - -[195] _Inferno_, xx. 115, 116. - -[196] The _faja_ still worn in Spain is a direct survival of this custom. - -[197] According to ecclesiastical reckoning; the direction of the altar -being taken as eastward. The frontispiece reproduces part of this fresco. - -[198] See _infra_, chap. ix. - -[199] The fact that Averroës himself is painted on the opposite wall -holding in his hand the _Great Commentary_ seems highly to increase -the probability that the figure here described was meant for Michael -Scot, the recognised interpreter of that forbidden philosophy. Averroës -occupies a similar position in Orgagna’s fresco in the Campo Santo of -Pisa. - -[200] Scot reckoned twelve signs in augury answering to the twelve -celestial houses. Six came from the right hand: Fernova, fervetus, -confert, amponenth, scimasarnova, scimasarvetus; and six from the left: -Confernova, confervetus, viaram, harenan, scassarnova, scassarvetus. See -the _Physionomia_, chap. lvi. - -[201] Unless indeed these, or some of them, should prove to be merely -detached fragments of the _Liber Introductorius_ itself, like those at -Milan, Padua, and Rome. See _ante_, p. 27. - -[202] No. 1091. It is perhaps the same as the _Astrologorum Dogmata_, -which appears in the lists of Bale and Pitz. - -[203] No. 3124. Incipit: ‘Primum signum duodecim signorum.’ Explicit: -‘principio motus earum.’ - -[204] As a characteristic specimen, we may take the chapter of the _Liber -Introductorius_ on the moon as it is given in the Roman MS. (Fondo -Vaticano 4087, p. 38ro.). It commences thus: ‘Luna terris vicinior est -omnibus planetis.’ Some passages are curious, as when Scot says that the -moon has her light from the sun and he again receives his ‘a summo coelo -in quo Trinitas residet.’ The heathen, he adds, used to call the moon -Diana, and the sister of the sun, whom they named Apollo. Her proper -figure is that of a virgin with a torch in either hand whereof the flames -are triple to signify the Trinity, that ‘true light which lighteneth -every man that cometh into the world’ (S. John i. 9). ‘Virgil saith of -her “tria Virginis ora Dianae,” that is heavenly, earthly, and infernal. -Her power causes hunters to profit more by night than by day, and the -owl and night-hawk sleep all day that they may follow their prey by -night. Such creatures of the night are hated by the rest and hate them -in return. The wolf hates the sheep, and birds the owl. This last is of -use in fowling when they use a night-hawk. Builders, too, know that wood -must be felled in the wane of the moon or it will warp.’ It ends thus: -‘Explicit Liber quem edidit micael scotus de signis et ymaginibus celi, -qui scriptum (sic) et exemplatum fuit per me baltasaram condam (quondam) -Domini Dominici in mcccxx de mense Aprilis Deo gratias Amen.’ - -[205] _Opera Omnia_, Bale, 1527. _In Astrologiam_, lib. viii. chap. vi. -and lib. xii. chap. vii. - -[206] In No. 1 of the _Cento Novelle Antiche_ Frederick answers the -ambassadors of Prester John by saying that the best thing in the world -‘si è misura.’ This may possibly refer to his passion for mathematics. - -[207] MSS. of this work are in Paris, Ancien Fonds, 7310; Milan, -Ambrosiana, T. 100; Florence, Bibl. Naz. xi. D. 64, II. ii. 35, and Rome, -Fondo Vaticano, 2975. - -[208] See _Narducci’s Catalogue_ of the Boncompagni MSS., Rome, 1862. - -[209] _Histoire des Sciences Mathématiques._ - -[210] _Lay of the Last Minstrel_, Author’s Edition, Note 3 I. - -[211] Lenormant, _Quest. Hist._ vol. ii. pp. 144, 145. - -[212] _Cento Novelle Antiche_, No. C. - -[213] 22 July 1232. See ‘Ann. Colon. Max.’ in Pertz, _Scriptores Rei -Germanicae_, xvii. 843. - -[214] ‘Physicorum motuum.’ The passage will be found in the _De Utilitate -Linguarum_. - -[215] This city was founded in 1067-68 by En-Nacer ben Alennas ibn -Hammad, who made it his capital. - -[216] MSS. of the _Liber Abbaci_ are to be found in Florence, Bibl. -Naz. i. 2616, iii. 25, and xi. 21. The first of these has been exactly -reprinted by Boncompagni at Rome, 1857. Other MSS. are in the Boncompagni -library, see _Narducci’s Catalogue_, Nos. 176 and 255. The most important -work on the whole subject is ‘Della Vita e delle Opere di Leonardo -Pisano,’ by Boncompagni, Rome, 1852. - -[217] See _infra_, chap. ix. - -[218] The University Library of Genoa has an interesting MS. (F. vii. -10), written in Arabic by an African hand. It belonged, A. H. 483, to -Judah ben Jaygh ben Israel, servant of Abu Abdallah Algani Billah, a -Moor of Malaga. It contains medical works by Johannes ben Mesue, Rases, -Alkindi, Geber, and others. - -[219] For an account of the school of Salerno, see Sprengel, _Versuch -einer pragmatischen Geschichte der Artzneykunde_; Carmoly, _Histoire des -Médecins Juifs_, Bruxelles, 1844; and De Renai, _Collectio Salernitana_, -Naples, 1852. - -[220] The _De Urinis_. See _ante_, p. 20. - -[221] _Historia Ecclesiastica_, xii. 495. Dempster professed at Pisa and -Bologna between the years 1616 and 1625. - -[222] This was Symphorien Champier, physician to Henry II. of France. - -[223] See the Sibbald Collections, Advocates’ Library, Edinburgh. - -[224] See D’Herbelot. This author was a Jew. - -[225] See _ante_, pp. 20, 151. Further investigation might show that it -was Michael Scot himself who undertook this work for the Emperor. In -that case it would probably be the original from which the two Italian -versions mentioned above were made. Nor is it unlikely he should have -devoted himself to medicine as early as 1212 considering the nature of -the work by Avicenna on which we know he was engaged in 1210. - -[226] In Ideler’s _Physici et Medici Graeci Minores_, Berlin, 1842, vol. -ii. - -[227] Florence, Bibl. Naz. xv. 27, cod. chart. saec. xv.; Naples, Bibl. -Naz. cod. chart. saec. xv. from the Minieri Riccio collection. - -[228] Vatican, Fondo della Regina di Svezia, 1159, p. 149. This treatise -closes thus: ‘et istud sufficit tempore presenti facto urinarum. Finis -urinarum Magistri Michaelis Scoti. Incipit Practica Magistri R. de Parma -Medecinarum.’ - -[229] British Museum, add. MSS. 24,068. This is a volume in 8vo -containing a medical collection. It belonged in 1422 to Heinrich Zenner -and afterwards to Magister Wenceslaus Brock. No. 22, at fol. 97vo, is -as follows: ‘Pillulae Magistri Michaelis Scoti, quae fere competunt -omnibus egritudinibus, et non possit scribi earum bonitas, unde nolo eas -amplius laudare etc. Recipe Aloe epatice optimum, uncias iii., brionie, -mirobolonorum indorum, reb. belliricorum, emblicorum, citrinorum, -masticiis, dyagridii, azari, rosarum, Reubarbari an. unciam i. Confice -cum succo caulium vel absynthii. Dosis sit vii. vel v. Et iste competunt -convenienti et ydonea dieta observata. Et valent iste pillulae contra -omnem dolorem capitis, ex quacumque causa, vel ex quocumque humore -procedat, purgant mire omnes humores, Leticiam generant, mentem acuunt, -visum reddunt et reparant, auditum restituunt, Juventutem conservant, -Scotomiam et vertiginem reparant, canes (? canities) retardant, memoriam -conservant, Emigraneam depellunt, oculos illuminant, aciem reparant, et -in puerilem etatem reducunt. Et si aliquis humorum est impedimenti in -gingivis et dentibus, medifica[n]t et in soliditatem conservant, arterias -de flemate purgant, Epiglotum et uvam (? uvulam) cum voce clarificant, -appetivam virtutem confortant, Stomachum epar et splenem coadjuvant. -Sonitum aurium et surditatem tollunt, causas febrium omnino extingunt et -auferunt, ascarides vermes necant, omnibus etatibus et temporibus tam -masculino quam feminino sexui conveniunt.’ In the Laurentian Library, -xii. 27. p. 48, I find a similar prescription which may have been given -either by Michael Scot or Master Volmar who succeeded him as court -physician. It is as follows: ‘Pulvis Domini Fred. Imperatoris, valens -contra omnium humorum exceptionem et precipue contra fleumaticum et -melanconicum, ex quibus diuturnae infirmitates capitis et stomachi -habent [?] provenire. Valet quippe contra defectum visus et stomachi -debilitatem cibaria sumpta digeri et membris incorporari facit, valet -contra stomachi ventositatem Scotomiam ante oculos inducentem, restaurat -memoriam quocumque humore perditum, verum (?) dolorem ex frigiditate -provenientem mitigat. Recipe: Carium, petrosillini anisi, marati, -sexmontani, Bethonice, Cymini, calamite, pulegii, ysopi, spicenardi, -piperis, sal gemme, rute, centrumgalli, herbae regiae, heufragie, -olibani, mastici, croci, mirabolanorum, omnium, et plus de citrinis, an. -ʒ 1. et utaris omni tempore indifferenter. Addenda sunt ista; Cynamomi, -Schināti, maiorane, folii balsamite, mzimi, (?) cardamomi, galenge, -regulitie, an. ʒ 1. pulverizza, et utaris indifferenter.’ The MS. is in a -hand of the thirteenth century. The Myrobalans, long discarded from the -Pharmacopœia, were the dried fruits of various species of Phyllanthus and -Terminalia which grow in India. They are still used in native practice, -especially in the preparation of the _Bit laban_, a remedy in rheumatic -gout prepared by calcining these seeds with the fossil muriate of soda. -See _Asiatic Researches_, xi. pp. 174, 181, 192. The bellirica and -emblica are other species of the same plant, the Terminalia. See Bauhin’s -_Historia Plantarum_, 1613. The Dyagridium or Dacridium is an alternative -name for scammony. Azarum, the same as asarum, the Aristolochia. Maratum -or Marathrum an old name for fennel. Reb. is probably the Robes of the -early chemical authors = a vinegar, here impregnated with the active -principle of the fruits prescribed. Cyminum = cumin. Calamita = mint. -Pulegium = pennyroyal, another of the mints. Salgemma = rock-salt. We -shall become familiar with this term in perusing the _Liber Luminis_ of -Michael Scot. Centrumgallus, according to Du Cange, the common garden -cockscomb. Herbia regia, the Ocymum citrinum or citron basil. Olibanum, -frankincense. Galengha, the root of a species of Alpinia. Regulitia, -liquorice. I have been greatly helped in identifying several of these -forgotten simples by the kindness of Mr. J. M. Shaw, sub-librarian to the -Royal College of Physicians, Edinburgh. - -[230] Year viii. of his Pontificate, namely Jan. 16, 1223. See the -interesting article by Milman in the _Miscellany of the Philobiblon -Society_, vol. i. 1854. He refers to the papers of Mr. W. R. Hamilton in -the British Museum, and especially to vol. ii. pp. 214, 228, 246. - -[231] _Monumenta_, _sub anno_ 1259, Feb. 12. - -[232] ‘Quod inter literatos vigeat dono scientiae singulari.’ - -[233] Theiner, _Monumenta_, p. 23, _ad annum_ viii. Hon. III. _i.e._ 1223. - -[234] Declinature noted June 20, 1223. - -[235] Milman’s _Church History_, vol. iv. p. 17. - -[236] ‘Nec contentus littera tantum erudire Latina, ut in ea melius -formaretur, Hebraice et Arabice insudavit laudabiliter et profecit, et -sic doctus in singulis grata diversorum varietate nitescit.’—Hamilton -MSS. in British Museum, vol iii. p. 57. - -[237] He was a Calabrian abbot, who died in 1202. - -[238] This author died in 1306. - -[239] See Muratori ‘Rerum Italicarum Scriptores,’ viii. (1726) ad calcem -_Mem. Potest Reg._ - -[240] Muratori, _Op. cit._ ix. 669 B. - -[241] - - ‘Quaedam de Te presagia, Cesar, - A Michaele Scoto me percepisse recordor. - Qui fuit astrorum scrutator, qui fuit Augur, - Qui fuit Ariolus, et qui fuit alter Apollo.’ - -Poem of Henri d’Avranches in ‘Forschungen zur Deutschen Geschichte,’ -xviii. (1878), p. 486. - -[242] Vol. x. p. 105. See also the same vol., pp. 101 and 148. - -[243] L. ii. xvii. 338, p. 183vo. - -[244] Bibl. Univ. No. 1557, p. 43. This MS. is of the fifteenth century. - -[245] ‘Chronica F. Salimbene,’ Parma 1857, pp. 176-177. - -[246] Muratori, _Op. cit._ ix. 660 B. - -[247] Similar deceitful prophecies are not uncommon in mediæval story. -Walter Map in the _De Nugis Curialium_ tells how Silvester II. was -assured by his familiar spirit that he would not die till he had said -Mass at Jerusalem. The prediction was fulfilled, however, when the Pope -did so at the altar called ‘in Gerusalemme’ in one of the Roman Churches, -and soon thereafter expired. - -[248] Muratori, _Op. cit._ ix. pp. 128 B, 670; and xiv. p. 1095. Other -forms of this word are _cerebrerium_, _celeberium_ or _cerobotarium_. It -is of course derived from _cerebrum_, and the English equivalent would be -_brainpiece_. - -[249] See the _Epistolarium_ of Petrus de Vineis. Jourdain reprints this -letter with a French translation in his _Recherches_, pp. 156-162. - -[250] In 1224. - -[251] Frederick sought at Bologna for scholars to fill the chairs in -Naples. - -[252] Martenne, ‘Vett. scriptt. et Monumenta,’ ii. 1220. - -[253] _Opus Majus_, pp. 30, 37, ed. Jebbi. ‘Tempore Michaelis Scoti, qui, -annis 1230 transactis, apparuit, deferens librorum Aristotelis partes -aliquas de naturalibus et mathematicis, cum expositoribus sapientibus, -magnificata est Aristotelis philosophia apud Latinos.’ - -[254] - - ‘Veridicus Vates Michael, haec pauca locutus, - Plura locuturus obmutuit, et, sua mundo - Non paciens archana plebescere, jussit - Eius ut in tenues prodiret hanelitus auras. - Sic acusator fatorum fata subivit.’ - -_Op. cit._ verse 80 _et seq._ - -[255] ‘History of the Rt. Hon. Name of Scot,’ in _Lay of the Last -Minstrel_, Note W. - -[256] The diploma is dated at Melfi on the 9th of August 1232. The -colophon to the copy then made of the _Abbreviatio Avicennae_ is as -follows: ‘Completus est liber Avicenne de animalibus, scriptus per -Magistrum Henricum Coloniensem, ad exemplar magnifici Imperatoris nostri -Domini Frederici, apud Meffiam civitatem Apulie, ubi Dominus Imperator -eidem Magistro hunc librum premissum commodavit, anno Domini MCCXXXII, in -Vigilia Beati Laurentii, in domo Magistri Volmari medici Imperatoris.’ -See Huillard-Bréholles, _Hist. Diplom. Frid._ II., vol. iv. part i. pp. -381-2. - -[257] See this poem, canto xxv. oct. 42 and 259. Consult also Soldan, -_Magia Antica_, and _Storia dei Processi di Stregheria_, and _Conrad de -Marburg_. - -[258] _Illustrium Miraculorum_, v. 4. See also i. 33 for another tale of -the same kind. - -[259] See Lenormant, _La Magie Chaldéenne_. - -[260] See Wright’s Cat. of the Syriac MSS. in the British Museum. -Iamblicus occurs in cod. dccxxix. - -[261] I use this word in the general sense then given to it, which seems -to indicate how little the Greek language was understood in those days. - -[262] Said to be written by Norbar the Arab, who compiled it from -many sources in the twelfth century. It consists of four books: I. De -Coelo, II. De figuris Coeli, III. De proprietatibus Planetarum, IV. De -proprietatibus Spirituum; and was translated into Latin by command of -Alfonso X. (1252-84). Two MSS. of this version exist in the Bib. Naz. of -Florence, xx. 20 and 21. Arpenius gives some account of it in his ‘De -prodigiosis Naturae,’ Hamburg, 1717, p. 106. It is to be hoped it may -never be translated into any modern language. - -[263] As the author of the _De Coelo et Mundo_, the treatise most nearly -bordering on this magical doctrine. - -[264] ‘In quo exposuit secretiora Naturae.’—_Opus Majus_, p. 37. - -[265] That the Arabian magic was familiar to Scot, there can, however, -be no manner of doubt. Take, for instance, the following passage from -the _Liber Introductorius_ (MS. Bodl. 266, p. 113): ‘Puteus, qui alio -nomine sacrarius, navigantibus per contrarium eo quod sequitur caudam -scorpionis inter astra, et dicitur poetice quod Dii prius fecerunt in eo -con[junctio]nem et sacrificium, cum esset locus secretus intrinsecus, -et locus plenus spiritibus multe sapientie, a quorum astuciis pauci -evadunt, et ipsi sunt fortiores ceteris ad opera conjuratorum de -omni dum con[junctio]ne removentur obedientes vate (?) et[iam] ante -pyromancie. Illos libentius convocant contra ceteros, et sibi reperiunt -in agendo valentiores, set ipsi sunt multis penis ignis afflicti, et -ex hac de causa nigromantici requirunt studiose Puteum intueri, sive -stellas Sacrarii, ut eorum auxilio plenius operentur optata. Et dicitur -a multis quod de illo exeunt lapides et sagipte tonitruale, opere -spirituum inferorum. Cum non sit ymago celi, habet stellas pervisibiles -quatuor, dispositio quarum sic certificatur: in superfitie flammarum -exeuntium sunt duo, et duo parum sub ore puthealis, et hec est forma -in celo aspectus sui.’ Over against this we find the application, as -follows: Natus in hoc signo erit gratiosus habere experimenta et scire -incantationes, constringere spiritus et mirabilia facere, et mulieres -convincere artis ingeniosus erit, quietus, sagax, et plus pauper quam -dives, et uti metallis, et alchemesta, et nigromanticus et erit homo -quietus, ingeniosus, sagax, secretus, debilis, pauidus, timidus, etc.’ -The superstition of which Mirandola accuses Scot is very evident here, -but it is no less plain that the author’s purpose was astrological and -not magical. - -[266] See especially the circular letter of Gregory IX., anno 1239. - -[267] Albert Beham, _Regist. Epistol._ p. 128. - -[268] Book iv. chap. ix. ‘De imaginibus quae virtutes faciunt mirabiles, -et fuerunt inventae in libro qui fuit inventus in Ecclesia de Cordib.’ - -[269] Nectanebus, sometimes spelt Neptanebus, is perhaps the ‘Naptium’ -of the _Picatrix_ (iii. 8). See also on this curious subject the -_Pancrates_ of Lucian, the verses of Adalberone or Ascelin (A.D. 1006) in -the _Recueil des Hist. des Gaules_ (Bouquet x. 67), the English romance -of _Alisaundre_ (Early English Text Soc. 1867) and the _Alexander_ of -Juan Lorenzo Segura de Astorga. In this last poem, which belongs to the -thirteenth century, the hero’s arms are said to have been forged by the -fairies. There is an article on ‘Nectanebo’ by D. G. Hogarth in the -_Eng. Hist. Review_, Jan. 1896. The same mystic fame attached itself to -Pythagoras. - -[270] In the poem of Albéric de Besançon. - -[271] St. Chrysostom (A.D. 398) speaks of the custom of using brass coins -of Alexander as amulets. - -[272] It is a curious fact that under the historic Nekhtneb (362-45 B.C.) -the Greek philosophers Eudoxus and Chrysippus spent eleven years in Egypt -to learn the astronomical secrets of the priests. - -[273] A _Geomancy_, said to be the work of Scot, is preserved in the -Munich Library, No. 489 in 4to, saec. xvi. See the _Thousand Nights_ for -instances of the prevalence of this art. - -[274] This MS. reached me from Germany. It is unbound and contained in an -envelope made from the leaf of an old choir-book covered with manuscript -music. This cover is secured by three large seals bearing the arms of -Dunkelsphuhl, to which family it seems to have belonged. The preface is -dated at Prague. It is possible the MS. may have had something to do with -the magical studies of Dr. John Dee, who spent some time in Prague at the -beginning of the seventeenth century. See Appendix IV. - -[275] Leonardo Pisano uses this word in the _Liber Abbaci_. See p. -187vo of the Florence MS. Bibl. Naz. i. 2616, where the following -passage occurs: ‘Secundum modum algebrae et almuchabalae, scilicet ad -proportionem et restaurationem.’ In an ancient list of works by Gerard -of Cremona (? the younger) found in the Vatican (No. 2392) we have -this title: ‘Liber alcoarismi de iebra et almucabala tractatus.’ See -Boncompagni’s _Life of Gerard_, Rome 1851. Works on almuchabola are found -also under the names of Al Deinouri, Al Sarakhsi, Al Khouaresmi, Khamel -Schagia ben Aslam, and Al Thoussi. See D’Herbelot. - -[276] They show a distinct likeness to the Magreb or West African writing. - -[277] This resemblance should be studied in the remarkably beautiful MS. -of the _Liber Abbaci_, numbered xi. 21 in the Bibl. Naz. Florence. - -[278] _Epistola de Secretis_, ed. Master of the Rolls, Longmans, 1859, -pp. 531, 544. - -[279] _Explanatio in Prophetias Merlini_, iii. 26. - -[280] See the interesting work by Graf, _Miti, Leggendi e Superstizioni -del Medio Evo_, Torino, Loescher, 1893. - -[281] ‘Otia Imperialia’ in Leibnitz _Scriptores Rerum Brunsvicensium_, i. -921. - -[282] _Illustrium Miraculorum_, xii. 12. The next tale, in chap. xiii., -relates how some men, wandering by chance on Etna, heard a voice cry from -under the hill ‘Prepare the fires.’ This was heard by them a second time, -and then the cry was ‘Prepare a great fire,’ upon which other voices -asked for whom this should be done, and the answer came back that it was -for the Duke of Thuringia, a friend and trusty servant of these lower -powers. This the hearers made faith of in a writing given to the Emperor -Frederick, and it presently appeared that Bertolph of Thuringia, a noted -tyrant, heretic and persecutor of the Church, had died at the very day -and hour when these voices were heard on Etna. - -[283] See _Anecdotes Historiques_, by Lecoy de la Marche, Paris, 1877, p. -32. - -[284] This romance was published by the Roxburghe Club, London, 1873. - -[285] See Grimm’s _Deutsche Mythologie_. - -[286] The sarcophagus was opened in 1781 and all was found as described -above. The body of the great Emperor was in good preservation and with it -were remains of Peter II. of Aragon, and Duke William, son of Frederick -II. of Aragon. - -[287] German prophecies of the same kind are given by Grimm, _op. cit._ - -[288] See Pertz _Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum_, xviii. 796. - -[289] For example, he is called: Dei ‘coöperator, et Vicarius constitutus -in terris’; ‘the cornerstone of the Church,’ etc. See Huillard-Bréholles -_Vie et correspondance de Pierre de la Vigne_, Paris, Plon, 1864. - -[290] See also another romance called _L’Histoire de Maugis d’Aygremont_. - -[291] See also Leyden’s _Scenes of Infancy_, pt. ii. - -[292] Timbs’s _Abbeys, Castles, and Ancient Halls of England and Wales_: -London, Warne, vol. iii. p. 126. - -[293] _Lay of the Last Minstrel_, Note Y. - -[294] I quote from the edition of Florence, 1580. - -[295] P. 343. See _ante_, pp. 140, 192, and Renan’s _Averroës_, p. 314. - -[296] P. 375. - -[297] I cannot leave this interesting though obscure author without -noticing the undoubted reference he makes in his _Specchio_ to the -Gipsies. ‘Certain people,’ he says (p. 351), ‘have a superstition -regarding lucky and unlucky days, which have been pointed out to them -by those who call themselves Egyptians.’ We have hitherto supposed that -1422 was the time when Gipsies first appeared in the West. That year is -cited by Muratori in his _Dissertazioni_ as the date of a document which -speaks of the coming of Andrew, who called himself Duke of Egypt, and all -his tribe. Passavanti, however, wrote about 1350, so that the epoch of -migration must be carried back at least a century. - -[298] _Inferno_, xx. 116, 117. - -[299] Lane’s _Modern Egyptians_, 1837, vol. i. p. 360. For a tract on _Es -Seémiya_, by the Shaik Ali Al Tarabulsio (of Tripoli), who composed it in -1219, see Asseman, Cat. Bibl. Pal. Med. p. 362. - -[300] See the _De Secretis_ of Bacon for a curious account of these -tricks as practised in his day. - -[301] _Inferno di Dante col Comento di Jacopo della Lana_, Bologna, 1866, -vol. i. p. 351. - -[302] In the ninth novel of the eighth day. - -[303] _Wesseloffsky_, Bologna, 1867, vol. ii. pp. 180-217. - -[304] No. xx. - -[305] _Chiose sopra Dante_, published by Lord Vernon; Florence, 1846, pp. -162-163. - -[306] Pl. lxxxix. sup. cod. 38. - -[307] No. 489. - -[308] Fondo Vaticano 2392, p. 97vo. and 98ro. See Boncompagni, _Della -vita e delle opere de Gherardo Cremonese_; Roma, 1851, p. 7. - -[309] _Maccheronea_, xviii. - -[310] ‘Innumerabiles fabulae aniles circumferuntur, et jam nunc hodie.’ -_Hist. Eccl._ p. 494. - -[311] _Obiit_ 1625. - -[312] ‘Chiose anonime alla prima Cantica della _Divina Commedia_’; -Torino, Salmi, 1865, p. 114. - -[313] _Lay of the Last Minstrel_, Note W. - -[314] _Ibid._ Note Z. - -[315] _Lay of the Last Minstrel_, Note Y. - -[316] _Lay of the Last Minstrel_, Note Y. - -[317] ‘Et, ut puto, in Scotia libri ipsius dicebantur, me puero, extare, -sed sine horrore quodam non posse attingi ob malorum daemonum praestigias -quae, illis apertis, fiebant.’—_Hist. Eccl._ p. 495. - -[318] _Lay of the Last Minstrel_, Note W. - -[319] _Apologie des Grands Hommes accusez de Magie_, Paris, 1669. - -[320] _De Michaele Scoto, Veneficii injuste damnato_, 1739. - -[321] My readers owe these tales to the kindness of Mr. C. G. Leland, -who procured them for me from an old Florentine woman. She is familiar -to Mr. Leland’s friends as ‘Maddalena,’ and is the depository of that -traditional lore on which he has so happily drawn in his _Legends of -Florence_. Her stories are interesting if only as an example of folklore -up to date, and of the way in which an Italian mind deals with the legend -of Michael Scot, while some points they offer are certainly original and -highly curious. - -[322] This may be a variant of ‘Maugis’ or Merlin. In the romance of -_Maugis d’Aygremont_ we find the following passage: ‘Il n’y avoit -meilleur maistre que lui … et l’appelloit-on Maistre Maugis.’ On the -other hand Mengot is a genuine early Teutonic name. ‘Et hic liber finitus -est per manus Mengoti Itelbrot, Anno domini mºcccºlxxxv.’ is the colophon -to a manuscript of the _Almagest_ of Ptolemy in the Vatican, Fondo -Palatino, 1365, p. 206ro. - -[323] ‘M’hai _scottato_ me, ma ora _scotto_ te.’ This play on words is -the turning-point of the tale. - -[324] ‘Scorticata.’ It may be that a play on words is intended here also. - -[325] This is no doubt the _benj_ or _bhang_ of the Arabs and Indians -which still furnishes them with a potent narcotic. - -[326] Laurentian Library, P. lxxxix, sup. cod. 38, p. 409 (old number -256) verso. - -[327] Here and elsewhere in this text are astrological signs which cannot -be reproduced in print. - -Transcriber’s Note: By comparison with a copy of Scot’s manuscript -(Florence, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, MS Plut. 89 sup. 038, ff. -409v-413r), the correct astrological signs have here been added. - -[328] _Cf._ with the expression in the colophon ‘qui summus inter alios -nominatur magister.’ - -[329] The manuscript shows a drawing of a magic circle here. It has the -names of demons alternately with those of the cardinal points. - -[330] These are names of philosophers probably the same as the ‘vnay -et melchia’ of the _Luminis Luminum_, the rather that the phrase ‘non -convertitur perfecte in lunam’ occurs in both passages. I do not know how -to explain the fact that two paragraphs of the _Liber Dedali_ correspond -so closely with one in the _Liber Luminis_. - -[331] There is probably a reference here to the disputes which divided -the different alchemical schools. - -[332] The nature of this powder of moles is explained a little further on -in the Liber Dedali, par. 10. - -[333] A double chloride of ammonium and mercury, represented by the -formula _2NH₄Cl. HgCl₂, H₂O_. - -[334] The use of matters derived from the animal kingdom, carbonised -toads or moles, may be illustrated from the Liber Dyabesi (Ricc. ms. -l. iii. 13, 119, p. 4 recto) which treats of what had been ‘ab omni -Latinitate intemptatum’ viz. the distillation of a white land-tortoise -(v. p. 7 verso). Pliny remarks that goat’s blood sharpens and hardens -iron tools and polishes steel better than any file. - -[335] This passage is highly significant, and furnishes a key to the -title of the treatise. - -[336] The doctrine of the vitriols is here substantially the same as in -the great work of Ibn Beithar of Malaga. - -[337] There is a well-known tract _De aluminibus et salibus_ ascribed to -Rases in the Paris MS. (6514 p. 128); it also occurs in the Speciale MS. - -[338] This phrase is found in the _De aluminibus et salibus_ of Rases -(Paris ms. 6514 p. 128) who calls the place ‘Elebla.’ Vincent of Beauvais -ascribes the saying to Geber. - -[339] The use of the first person singular here agrees with the notion -that in this part of the _Liber Luminis_ we have the record of the -author’s own experiments. See _ante_, p. 87. - - - - -INDEX - - - _Abbreviatio Avicennae_, 53-59, 66, 152, 177, 178. - - Abd-el-Mumen, 112. - - Aboasar, 101, 143. - - Abraxas gems, 132. - - Abrincensis, Henry, 164, 176. - - Achinas, 31. - - Alain de l’Isle, 195. - - Alamout, Castle of, 147. - - Albategni, 100. - - Albertus Magnus, 78, 127, 143, 185. - - Albigenses, 109, 111. - - Albigensian Crusade, 111, 112, 193. - - Alchemy, 65-95. - - ⸺ Disputes concerning, 73, 259. - - Alexander the Great, 32, 33. - - ⸺ Legend of, 187-189. - - Alexandria, 32, 69. - - Alfarabi, 129. - - Al Faquir, 49, 118. - - Alfargan, 101. - - Algebra and Magic, 100, 190-192. - - Al Khowaresmi, 100. - - Al Kindi, 71, 73, 74, 79. - - _Almagest_, 98. - - Al Mamun, 100. - - Al Mansour, 112. - - Almuchabola, 190, 192, 270. - - Alpetrongi, 99-105, 124. - - Alphagirus or Al Faquir, 49, 118. - - Alphonso of Castile, 112, 143. - - Ambassador, Scot as an, 169-175, 218. - - Andrew, Scot’s interpreter, 119. - - Anonymous Florentine, The, 8, 210, 211. - - _Apologie des Grands Hommes_, 222. - - Aquinas, S. Thomas, 204. - - Arabic known to Scot, 24. - - Arabs, their influence, 42-45. - - ‘Archelaus,’ Alchemy of, 82, 83. - - Archimedes, 67. - - Aristotle, 33, 46, 47, 107, 129. - - ⸺ Legend of, 187-189. - - _Ars Aurifera_, 77. - - Ars Notoria, 192, 195, 204. - - Arthurian Legend, The, 195-205. - - _Assephae, Liber_, 54, 235, 237. - - _Astrologia_ of Scot, 141. - - _Astrologorum Dogmata_ of Scot, 142. - - Astrology and Magic, 184, 189. - - Astrology taught by Scot, 141, 142. - - _Astronomia_ of Scot, 26, 27, 28, 40. - - Astronomy of the Arabs, 96-105. - - Avalon, 194-205. - - Avendeath, John, 35, 46, 53, 117-119, 235-239. - - Averroës, vii, 106-110, 140, 185. - - Avicenna, 46, 47, 53, 54, 73, 74, 106, 129, 183, 235-239. - - Azarchel, 101, 103. - - - Bacon, Roger, 5, 12, 13, 14, 16, 118, 126, 135, 136, 145, 174, 175, - 183, 185, 192, 195. - - Baconthorpe, John, 15. - - Baldi, Bernardino, vii-ix. - - Balwearie, Scotts of, 9. - - Bartholomew of Messina, 38. - - Benefice sought for Scot, 157-163. - - Benvenuto da Imola, 210. - - Berwick, Bar of, 218. - - _Bibliotheca_ of Manget, 77. - - Birth of Scot, when, 10; where, 7-10. - - Boccaccio, 16, 211, 212. - - Boece, Hector, 222. - - Bologna, 16, 173, 174, 210. - - Bonacci, Leonardo, 148, 149. - - Bonatti, Guido, 6, 124. - - Book of Might, Scot’s, 203, 218, 221. - - Burgh-under-Bowness, 221. - - Byzantine Alchemy, 83. - - - Camperius, 153. - - Canterbury, Archbishop of, 158. - - _Capitulum_ of Scot, 142. - - Cashel, Archbishopric, 160, 161. - - Castrensis, Robert, 75, 80. - - Catskin, the bewitched, 225-227. - - _Cento Novelle Antiche_, 197, 214. - - Cervilerium, The, 168. - - Character of Scot, 168, 169. - - _Cheiromantia_, The, 215. - - Circular Letter of Frederick II., 173. - - _Compositiones ad Tingenda_, 67. - - Constantia, Queen, 19. - - ⸺ Empress, 29, 111. - - Cordova, 106, 112-114, 132. - - ⸺ Magic at, 19, 114, 115, 169, 215, 216, 231-234. - - Courçon, Robert de, 110. - - Crates _or_ Democritus, The Alchemy of, 33. - - _Cronica dei Matematici_, viii, ix. - - Crusades, 30, 156, 171, 172. - - - Da Buti, Francesco, 211. - - Dante and his Commentators, ix, 16, 138, 206-211. - - D’Avranches, Henry, 164, 176. - - _De Alchimia_ of Scot, 88-94. - - _De Aluminibus_, 262, 264. - - _De Anima_, 125, 236. - - _De Animalibus Avicennae_, 236, 237. - - _De Animalibus ad Caesarem_, 48-53, 117. - - Death of Scot, 175-178. - - _Decamerone_, 212. - - _De Causis_, 132, 237. - - _De Coelo et Mundo_, 123, 235, 237. - - _De Deo Benedicto_, 132. - - Dee, Dr. John, 190. - - _De Generatione_, 126, 237. - - _De Generatione Lapidum_, 236. - - _De Gestis Baldi_, 215, 216. - - _De Mineralibus_, 73, 78, 79. - - Democritus, 72. - - Dempster, 6, 15, 152, 153, 216, 217, 221. - - _De Partibus Animalium_, 59, 60, 134. - - _De Presagiis_ of Scot, 142. - - _De Secretis_, of Bacon, 209. - - Despondency of Scot, 163-170. - - _De Substantia Orbis_, 126, 237. - - _De Tribus Impostoribus_, 130, 131, 186, 203. - - _De Urinis_, 20, 153. - - Dioscorides, 155. - - _Dittamondo_, The, 207, 208. - - Doxopatros, 163. - - Dress of Scot, 138-140. - - Dryburgh School, 11. - - Dunkeld, See of, 161, 162. - - Durham, 8, 11, 12. - - - Education of Scot, 11-16. - - Eildon Hills, The, 10, 199, 200, 217. - - Elias, Fra, 90-92. - - El Mohdy, 198, 199. - - Emanuel, Alchemy of, 83-85. - - ⸺ Comnenus, 163. - - Erythræan Sibyl, the, 163. - - Es-Seémiya, 208-209. - - Essenes, 32. - - Étienne de Rheims, 124. - - Etna haunted, 194, 195. - - Eugenio, Admiral, 145, 164. - - - Falsehope, Witch of, 219-221. - - Familiar Spirit, Scot’s, 217, 218. - - Fata Morgana, The, 195, 202, 203. - - Fazio degli Uberti, 207. - - Florentine tales of Scot, 222-227. - - _Florian and Florete_, 195. - - Folengo, Teofilo, 215, 218. - - Frederick I., 30, 196. - - ⸺ II., 18, 19, 20, 22, 29, 56, 57, 110-112, 116, 131, 137, 138, 144, - 147, 150, 151, 167, 171-174, 186, 196-198, 212, 214, 218. - - Fresco at Florence, 139, 140, 203. - - - Galienus, 83. - - Gazzali, 109. - - Geber, 72, 264. - - Geomancy, 190. - - _Geomantia_, The, 215. - - George of Antioch, 25, 83. - - Gerard of Cremona, 20, 46, 191, 215, 238. - - ⸺ Sabloneta, 115, 125, 126. - - Gervase of Tilbury, 194, 195. - - Giovacchino di Fiora, 164. - - Gipsies, The, 204, 205. - - Glamour, what, 208, 209. - - Grammar Schools of Scotland, 4, 11. - - Grave of Scot, where, 177. - - Greek, Scot’s knowledge of, 24, 38, 133-135. - - Gregory IX., 162, 163, 171, 172. - - Gundisalvus, Dominicus, 46, 53, 117-119, 236, 238. - - Guy, Bishop of Tripoli, 37. - - - Hakim, Caliph, 112. - - Heisterbach, Cæsar von, 180, 195. - - Hemp used in Magic, 225. - - Henry of Colonia, 57, 177. - - Hermannus Alemannus, 5, 134. - - Hispalensis, Johannes, 34, 36, 143. - - Hispanus, Johannes, 35, 36. - - _History of Animals_, Aristotle’s, 38, 43-63. - - - Ibn-Badja, 108. - - Ibn-Beithar, 95, 155, 260. - - Ibn-el-Bitriq, 34-36. - - Ibn-Moauia, 72-75. - - Ibn-Tofail, 100, 109. - - Images, Magic of, 216. - - Ittisal, The, 108, 109, 132. - - - Jacopo della Lana, 211. - - Jacopone da Todi, 164. - - Joachim, Abbot, 197. - - Josephus, 32, 70. - - - Kitab Alchefâ, The, 54, 235. - - Kyffhauser, The, 196. - - - Landino, 210. - - Legend of Scot, 179-227. - - Leonardo Pisano, 190, 192. - - Lesley, 152. - - _Liber Abbaci_, 148, 149, 190, 192. - - _Liber Dedali_, 82, 84-86, 241-265. - - _Liber duodecim Aquarum_, 84-85. - - _Liber Dyabesi_, 85, 252. - - _Liber Introductorius_, of Scot, 27, 28, 40, 77, 97, 141, 142, 184. - - _Liber Invidiosus_, 85. - - _Liber Lumen Luminum_, 85. - - _Liber Luminis Luminum_, of Scot, 81-89, 240-268. - - _Liber Particularis_, of Scot, 27, 28, 40, 97. - - _Logica_, The, 235. - - Lucken Howe, The, 200. - - Lydgate’s version of the _Secreta_, 38. - - - Maddalena’s Tales, 223-227. - - Magic, Arabian, 181-184. - - ⸺ Book ascribed to Scot, 191, 192, 270-274. - - ⸺ not impossible, 179. - - ⸺ power, how obtained, 224, 225. - - ⸺ Schools of, 180, 184. - - ⸺ Scot familiar with, 184. - - ⸺ Tales of, 180. - - Magician, Was Scot a, 184. - - ⸺ Why Scot called a, 185-193. - - Magisterium, what, 90. - - _Magisterium_ of Scot, 79, 80. - - Magna Grecia, 24. - - Maimonides, 132. - - Manuel Comnenus, 83. - - _Mappae Clavicula_, 67, 68. - - Mar Iannos, 72, 75. - - Martorana, Library of the, 25, 83. - - Master, Scot’s title of, 14, 19, 22, 23, 233. - - Mathematician, Michael the, 13, 26. - - Mathematics, Scot’s studies in, 26. - - Maugis, 223. - - _Maugis and Vivien_, 199. - - Mauritius Hispanus, 110. - - Medicine, 66, 149-156. - - Mengot, Master, 223-227. - - Merlin, 164, 199, 223. - - Merlin Coccajo, 215. - - _Metaphysica_, The, 126, 127, 235. - - _Meteora_, The, 36, 71, 73, 79, 126, 237. - - Mirandola, Pico della, 142, 143. - - Mohammed, 199. - - Monk’s Heath, tale of, 200-202. - - Moorish Libraries, 76. - - Morgana, The Fata, 195, 202, 203. - - - Naples, A Legend of, 146, 147. - - Nationality of Scot, 5, 7. - - Natural History, The Arabian, 60-63. - - Naudé, x, 222. - - Nectanebus, 187-189, 198. - - Nicolas Peripateticus, 108. - - _Notitia Convinctionis_ of Scot, 142. - - _Nova Ethica_, 133. - - - Oakwood Tower, 10, 219. - - Old Man of the Mountain, 147. - - _Optica_ of Ptolemy, 145. - - Oxford, 12, 175. - - - Palermo, 23, 25, 29, 30, 40, 41. - - _Paradiso degli Alberti_, 212. - - Paris, 13-15, 17, 174. - - ⸺ Council of, 109. - - ⸺ Tale of, 218, 219. - - Parma, Tale of, 214. - - _Parva Naturalia_, The, 125. - - Pascal compared with Scot, 169. - - Passavanti, Fra Jacopo, 203, 204. - - Patronage, Abuse of, 158. - - Pendasius, 132. - - Peter the Notary, 119. - - ⸺ of Toledo, 119. - - ⸺ the Venerable, 119. - - Philemon _or_ Polemon, 31. - - Philip of Salerno, 37. - - ⸺ of Tripoli, 36, 37, 116, 157. - - Philippus Clericus, 19, 21, 36. - - Philopon, Johannes, 129. - - _Physica_, The, 126, 127. - - _Physionomia_ of Aristotle, 38. - - ⸺ of Scot, 30-40, 51, 52. - - _Picatrix_, The, 183, 187, 216. - - _Pillulae_ of Scot, 154, 155. - - Plague, The, 40, 41, 156. - - Plato, 130. - - Pliny, 252. - - Porphyry, 107. - - Proclus, 132. - - Prophecies of Scot, 163-168. - - ‘Province of Scotland,’ what, 8. - - _Pseudo Boccaccio_, The, 214. - - Ptolemy, 97-99, 101, 103, 143, 145. - - Publication of Scot’s Works, 169-175, 177, 178. - - _Pulvis Dom. Fred._, 154, 155. - - - Quadrivium, The, 28. - - Quattrami, Fra Evangelista, 71. - - _Quaestio Curiosa_, The, 77, 78. - - _Quaestiones Nicolai Peripatetici_, 108, 127-132. - - - Rases, 32, 65, 73, 74, 79, 80, 152, 262, 264. - - Raymon, Archbishop of Toledo, 45, 46, 53, 117. - - Rossetti, 222. - - Roxburgh School, 11. - - - Sacrobosco, Johannes, 11, 145. - - Salerno, Philip of, 19, 20, 21, 23, 37. - - ⸺ School of, 150. - - Salimbene, his tale, 144. - - Saracens, The, 30, 198. - - Satchells, 176, 221, 222. - - Schmutzer, x, 222. - - Scot, Bishop of Dunkeld, 161, 162. - - Scotland dislikes Rome, 159. - - ⸺ in the twelfth century, 1-5. - - ⸺ Magic in, 217. - - Scott, Sir Walter, 222. - - Scottish Grammar Schools, 4, 11. - - Scotus Erigena, 4, 7. - - _Secreta Naturæ_, 82-84, 89. - - _Secreta Secretorum_, 20, 25, 37. - - Seismometer, a, 147. - - Sergius of Resaina, 72. - - Sicily, Arthurian, 194. - - ⸺ Court of, 18, 40, 137. - - ⸺ Languages spoken in, 24, 25, 194. - - Signatures, Doctrine of, 31. - - _Sirr-el-asrar_, The, 32-38. - - Spain, Scot visits, 41. - - _Specchio di Penitenza_, 203, 204. - - _Sphera_, 98, 99. - - ⸺ of Sacrobosco, ix, 145. - - Stephen of Bourbon, 195. - - ⸺ of Provins, 123, 124. - - Suppression of Scot’s _Averroës_, 141, 157. - - - Tarasia, Queen of Spain, 35, 36. - - ‘Thales,’ Scot called, 214. - - _Theatrum Chemicum_, 77, 79. - - Themistius, 129. - - Theological studies and style of Scot, 14, 15, 50, 56, 89. - - Therapeutæ, The, 32, 33, 70. - - Thuringia, Bertolph of, 195. - - Tibbun, Samuel, 36. - - Toledo, 63, 64. - - ⸺ Schools of, 35, 45, 46, 54, 106, 115-123. - - ⸺ Astronomy at, 97, 98, 104. - - ⸺ Magic at, 187. - - Transformation a ruling idea, 80, 81. - - Tripoli, Bishop of, 37. - - ⸺ Philip of, 20, 21, 36, 37. - - Troubadours, The, 195, 196. - - Trouvères, The, 195. - - Tweed, The River, 218. - - - Urine, Works on the, 20, 153. - - - _Vergilius_, Romance of, 146. - - Vincent of Beauvais, 176, 185, 264. - - Vivien, 203. - - Volmar, Master, 178. - - - Witchcraft, 182. - - - Zosimus, 72. - - -FINIS. - - - - -ERRATA - - -Page 55, line 11. _For_ ‘mºcºcºx,’ _read_ ‘mºccºx.’ - -Page 81, note 1. _For_ ‘The term had not been previously used in -theology,’ _read_ ‘The term seems not to have been previously used in -pure theology.’ - - - - -ARCHITECTURAL, ARCHÆOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL WORKS - -RECENTLY PUBLISHED BY DAVID DOUGLAS - - * * * * * - - _Five Volumes Royal 8vo, 42s. net each volume, with about - 500 Illustrations in each volume._ - - THE - CASTELLATED AND DOMESTIC - ARCHITECTURE - OF SCOTLAND - FROM THE TWELFTH TO THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY - - BY - DAVID MACGIBBON AND THOMAS ROSS - ARCHITECTS - - [Illustration] - -“One of the most important and complete books on Scottish architecture -that has ever been compiled. 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Folio, 31s. 6d. - -“We need not enlarge on the few inconsequential speculations which rigid -archæologists may find in the present volume. We desire rather to commend -it to their careful study, fully assured that not only they, but also the -general reader, will be edified by its perusal.”—_Scotsman._ - - * * * * * - -Patrick Dudgeon. - -A Short Introduction to the Origin of Surnames. By PATRICK DUDGEON, -Cargen. Small 4to, 3s. 6d. - - EDINBURGH: DAVID DOUGLAS - - * * * * * - - _One Volume Demy 8vo, price 14s._ - - EARLY TRAVELLERS - IN SCOTLAND - - 1295-1689 - - EDITED BY - P. HUME BROWN - AUTHOR OF ‘THE LIFE OF GEORGE BUCHANAN’ - - [Illustration] - - EDINBURGH: - DAVID DOUGLAS, 10 CASTLE STREET. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of An Enquiry into The Life and Legend of -Michael Scot, by J. 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