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diff --git a/old/54929-0.txt b/old/54929-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index e8c1a74..0000000 --- a/old/54929-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,7499 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Christopher Columbus, by Charles Kendall Adams - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Christopher Columbus - His Life and His Work - -Author: Charles Kendall Adams - -Release Date: June 18, 2017 [EBook #54929] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS *** - - - - -Produced by Larry B. Harrison, Charlie Howard, and the -Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net -(This file was produced from images generously made -available by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - -Transcriber’s Note: Italics are indicated by _underscores_, boldface by -=equals signs=. - - - - -CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS - -His Life and His Work - -[Illustration: THE LOTTO PORTRAIT OF COLUMBUS.] - - - - - “MAKERS OF AMERICA” - - - CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS - - His Life and His Work - - - BY - CHARLES KENDALL ADAMS, LL.D. - - PRESIDENT OF CORNELL UNIVERSITY - - - NEW YORK - DODD, MEAD AND COMPANY - 1892 - - - - - _Copyright, 1892_, - BY DODD, MEAD AND CO. - _All rights reserved._ - - - University Press: - JOHN WILSON AND SON, CAMBRIDGE. - - - - - TO - - J. J. HAGERMAN, - - _Nobleman and Friend_, - - THIS VOLUME IS AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATED - - BY THE AUTHOR. - - - - -PREFACE. - - -In this little volume I have made an attempt to present in popular form -the results of the latest researches in regard to the life and work of -Columbus. - -While constant use has been made of the original authorities, it has -been my effort to interpret the conflicting statements with which -these sources abound, in the spirit of modern criticism. The principal -authorities used have been the Letters and the Journal of Columbus, -the History of the Admiral purporting to be by his son Fernando, the -histories of the time by Las Casas, Bernaldez, Oviedo, Peter Martyr, -and Herrera, and the invaluable collection of documents by Navarrete. -Of the greatest importance are the writings of Columbus and Las Casas. - -As will appear in the course of the volume, the writings of the Admiral -abound in passages that are contradictory or irreconcilable. In the -interpretation of conflicting statements, assistance has been received -from the numerous writings of Henry Harrisse. The researches of this -acute critic in the manuscript records, as well as in the published -writings of Italy and Spain, make his works indispensable to a correct -understanding of the age of Columbus. - -I have not, however, been able to adopt without reservation his views -in regard to the work attributed to the son of the Admiral. The -force of Harrisse’s reasoning is unquestionable; but, as it seems to -me, there is internal evidence that the author of the book, whether -Fernando or not, had unusual opportunities for knowledge in regard to -the matters about which he wrote. While, therefore, I have used the -work with great caution, I have not felt justified in rejecting it as -altogether spurious. - -The reader will not go far in the perusal of this volume without -perceiving that I have endeavoured to emancipate myself from the -thraldom of that uncritical admiration in which it has been fashionable -to hold the Discoverer, ever since Washington Irving threw over the -subject the romantic and bewitching charm of his literary skill. Irving -revealed the spirit with which he wrote when he decried what he was -pleased to call “that pernicious erudition which busies itself with -undermining the pedestals of our national monuments.” Irving’s was -not the spirit of modern scholarship. We should seek the truth at -whatever hazard. While directed by this motive in the course of all my -investigations into the life and work of Columbus, I have tried, on the -one hand, to avoid the common error of bringing him to the bar of the -present age for trial, and, on the other, not to shrink from judging -him in accordance with those canons of justice which are applicable -alike to all time. - - C. K. A. - - CORNELL UNIVERSITY, - March 10, 1892. - - - - -TABLE OF CONTENTS. - - - PAGES - - CHAPTER I. EARLY YEARS. [1446-1484] 1-33 - - Genoa, 1.--Place of Birth, 2.--Time of Birth, 4.--Family, 6. - --Early Studies, 7.--Early Maritime Experience, 9.--Piratical - Expeditions, 10.--Voyage to Africa, 11.--Voyage to Iceland, 12.-- - Experience as Bookseller and Mapmaker, 14.--Removal to Portugal, 16. - --Marriage, 17.--Children, 19.--Commercial Speculation, 21.-- - Extent of his Experience, 21.--Theory of the Sphericity of the Earth, - 23.--Progress of the Idea, 25.--Cardinal d’Ailly’s _Imago Mundi_, - 27.--Causes of Delay, 27.--Discoveries by the Norsemen, 28.-- - Toscanelli’s Letters, 29.--General Approaches to the Discovery, 32. - - - CHAPTER II. ATTEMPTS TO SECURE ASSISTANCE. [1484-1492] 34-73 - - Necessity of Assistance, 34.--Improbability that he applied to Genoa - and Venice, 35.--Applications to Portugal, England, and France, - 36.--Attitude of Portugal, 37.--Departure of Columbus for Spain, - 41.--Course after reaching Spain, 43.--Condition of Spain, 44. - --Inquisition, 44.--Plague, 45.--Debasement of the Coin, 45. - --War against the Moors, 46.--Support of Columbus, 47.--First - Encouragement, 48.--Audience at Salamanca, 49.--Nature of the - Discussion, 52.--Friendliness of Deza, 53.--Result, 53.--Delays, - 53.--Occupations of the Court, 54.--Thought of going elsewhere, - 55.--Summons to a New Conference, 56.--Stipends of Money, 57.-- - Visit to Portugal, 57.--Visit to Medina Celi, 58.--Opinions of - Scientific Men, 60.--Disgust of Columbus, 61.--Visit to La Rabida, - 62.--Service of Perez, 63.--Favourable Inclination of the Court, - 64.--Inadmissible Terms demanded, 65.--Story of the Jewels, 67.-- - Successful Representations, 67.--Columbus secures his Commission, 68. - --Misfortune of these Extraordinary Powers, 70.--Survey of Sources of - Assistance, 72. - - - CHAPTER III. THE FIRST VOYAGE. [Aug. 3, 1492--March 15, 1493] 74-128 - - Crew for the First Voyage, 74.--The Vessels, 76.--Setting sail, 77. - --Columbus’s Diary and Letters, 77.--Repairs of the “Pinta,” 79.-- - Traditions of the Islanders, 80.--On the Voyage, 82.--Report of - Land, 84.--Indications, 84.--Probable Truth concerning a Mutinous - Spirit, 85.--Columbus reports a Light, 86.--Discovery of Land, - October 12, 87.--The Place of Landing, 88.--Cronau’s Investigations, - 89.--Riding Rocks, 91.--The People, 92.--Explorations, 93.-- - Cuba, 94.--San Domingo, 94.--Shipwreck, 95.--La Navidad, 96. - --Spirit of the Natives, 97.--Sail for Home, 98.--Spirit of - the Discoverer, 98.--Quest for Gold, 99.--Slender Foundation of - Promises, 100.--Attitude of Columbus toward his Crew and toward the - Natives, 100.--Testimony of Las Casas, 104.--Final Departure, 105. - --The Caribs, 106.--Salt-pits, 107.--Return of the “Pinta,” 107. - --Last of the Bahamas, 108.--Furious Storms, 108.--Precautions, - 109.--Pilgrimages promised, 110.--The Azores, 110.--Lisbon, 111. - --Couriers sent to announce Discoveries, 111.--Claims of Portugal, - 112.--Treaty of 1479, 112.--Treatment by the King of Portugal, - 114.--Reaches Palos, March 15, 1493, 115.--Arrival of the “Pinta,” - 115.--Sad end of Pinzon, 116.--Reception of Columbus at Barcelona, - 118.--Renewal of Authority, 120.--Unwarranted Promises, 121.-- - Resolves to retake Jerusalem, 121.--Hostility of Old Nobility, 121. - --Announcement to the Pope, 122.--Bull of Demarcation, 123.-- - Preparation for a Second Voyage, 124.--Policy of Confiscation, 125.-- - Diplomatic Controversy with Portugal, 126.--Triumph of Spain, 128.-- - Removal of Line of Demarcation, 128. - - - CHAPTER IV. THE SECOND VOYAGE. [Sept. 25, 1493-June 11, 1496] 129-170 - - Character of the Crew, 129.--The Grand Canary, 130.--The Caribbees, - 130.--Warlike Character of the Natives, 131.--Sailing for La - Navidad, 133.--Gloomy Forebodings, 135.--Total Loss of the Colony, - 135.--Causes of the Disaster, 136.--The Domain of Caonabo, 137.-- - Final Conflict, 138.--Visit to the Admiral’s Ship by the Cacique, 138. - --Treachery, 139.--Founding of Isabella, 140.--Defective Character - of the Colonists, 140.--Illness of Columbus, 141.--General Purpose, - 141.--The Expedition of Ojeda, 141.--Report of Columbus, 142.-- - Dishonest Contractors, 143.--Proposal of Columbus concerning Slaves, - 144.--Mining Hopes, 147.--Peculiarities of the Natives, 148.-- - Prevailing Distresses, 151.--Columbus visits Cuba, 152.--Oath of - Sailors, 154.--Other Discoveries, 155.--Illness of the Admiral, 155. - --Margarite, 156.--General Condition of the Colony, 158.--Capture - of Caonabo, 158.--Enforcement of Tribute, 160.--Repartimientos, 161. - --Desperate Situation, 162.--Mutiny, 164.--Father Boyle, 165.-- - The Adelantado, 165.--Investigation of Agnado, 167.--Decision of the - Admiral to return, 169. - - - CHAPTER V. THE THIRD VOYAGE. [May 30, 1498-October 1500] 171-204 - - Arrival Home, 171.--Reception by the Monarchs, 172.--Delay in - fitting out the Third Expedition, 174.--Sailing of the Fleet, 177. - --Discovery of the Mainland, 178.--Geographical Delusions, 180.-- - Condition of Affairs at San Domingo, 183.--Bartholomew’s Expedition to - Xaragua, 185.--Desperate Situation, 187.--Roldan’s Revolt, 188.-- - Temporary Agreement, 191.--Return of Ojeda, 193.--Cargo of Slaves, - 194.--Charges against Columbus, 199.--Arrival of Bobadilla, 200.-- - Bobadilla assumes Authority, 201.--Charges against Columbus, 202.-- - Arrest of Columbus, 203.--Columbus sent Home in Chains, 204. - - - CHAPTER VI. THE FOURTH VOYAGE. [May 9, 1502-Nov. 7, 1504] 205-234 - - Reception by the Public, 205.--Attitude of the Monarchs, 206.-- - Speech of the Queen, 207.--The Letter of Columbus, 210.--Character - of the Settlers, 211.--Gradual Opening of the Islands to other - Navigators, 212.--General Maritime Activity, 213.--Policy of - Ferdinand, 215.--Appointment of Ovando, 215.--Character of the - Fourth Crew, 216.--The Crusade, 218.--Activity of the Portuguese, - 218.--Sets sail on Fourth Voyage, 219.--Tries to land at San - Domingo, 220.--Successive Storms, 221.--Desires of the Admiral, 223. - --Reaches the Mainland, 225.--At Darien, 226.--Gold of Varagua, - 226.--Attacked by Natives, 227.--Failure to found a Colony, 227. - --Two Vessels reach Jamaica, 228.--Wreck of the Vessels, 229.-- - Starvation impending, 229.--Letter to the King, 230.--Departure of - Mendez, 231.--Strategy of Columbus, 232.--Attitude of Ovando, 233. - --A Year of Delays, 234.--Return to San Domingo and Spain, 234. - - - CHAPTER VII. LAST DAYS.--DEATH, CHARACTER. [1504-1506] 235-257 - - Columbus at Seville, 235.--His Letters, 236.--His Complaints, 237. - --Americus Vespucius, 237.--Columbus’s Last Will, 238.--Death, at - Valladolid, 239.--Uncertainty as to Place of Burial, 239.--Removal - to Seville, 239.--Removal to San Domingo, 239.--Controversy as to - Place of the Remains at present, 240.--Tradition, 240.--Removal - in 1796, 241.--Discoveries in 1877, 241.--The Inscriptions, 242. - --The Casket Plate, 242.--Formal Inspection, 244.--Charge of - Forgery, 245.--Basis of the Charge, 246.--Investigations of Cronau - in 1891, 246.--Conclusion reached, 247.--Personal Appearance of - the Admiral, 248.--The Portraits, 249.--The Lotto Portrait, 250. - --Final Estimate of Columbus’s Character, 251.--His Attitude toward - the Moral Ideas of his Age, 252.--His Attitude toward Slavery, 253. - --His Beginning of the Spanish Policy, 254.--His Powers and his - Responsibilities, 255.--His Purposes, 256.--Results, 257. - - - INDEX 259 - - - - -CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -EARLY YEARS. - - -At the northwest corner of the Italian peninsula the coast-line, as it -approaches the French border, bends around to the west in such a way as -to form a kind of rounded angle, which, according to the fertile fancy -of the Greeks, resembles the human knee. It was probably in recognition -of this geographical peculiarity that the hamlet established at this -point received some centuries before the Christian era the name which -has since been evolved into Genoa. The situation is not only one of -the most picturesque in Europe, but it is peculiarly adapted to the -development of a small maritime city. For many miles it is the only -point at which Nature has afforded a good opportunity for a harbor. -Its geographical relations with the region of the Alps and the plains -of northern Italy seem to have designated it as the natural point -where a common desire for gain should bring into profitable relations -the trading propensities of the people along the shores of the -Mediterranean. During nearly two thousand years the situation was made -all the more favourable by the ease with which it might be defended; -for the range of mountains, which encircles it at a distance of only -a few miles, made it easy for the inhabitants to protect themselves -against the assaults of their enemies. - -The favouring conditions thus afforded gave to Genoa early in the -Christian era a commercial prestige of some importance. The turbulence -of the Middle Ages made rapidity of growth quite impossible; but in the -time of the Crusades this picturesque city received a large share of -that impulse which gave so much life to Venice and the other maritime -towns of Italy. Like other cities of its kind, it was filled with -seafaring men. It is easy to believe that the boys who grew up in Genoa -during the centuries of the Crusades and immediately after, had their -imaginations and memories filled to overflowing with accounts of such -wonderful adventures as those which, about that time, found expression -in the writings of Marco Polo and John de Mandeville. The tales of -seafaring adventurers always have a wonderful attraction for boys; and -we can well imagine that the yarns spun by the returning sailors of -the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries had an altogether peculiar and -exceptional fascination. - -It was probably in this city of Genoa that Christopher Columbus was -born. It is certain that his parents lived there at the middle of the -fifteenth century. Whether his father had been in Genoa very many years -is doubtful; for there is one bit of record that seems to indicate -his moving into the city at some time between 1448 and 1451. That -the ancestors of the family had lived in that vicinity ever since -the twelfth or thirteenth century may be regarded as certain. But -beyond this fact very little rests upon strict historical evidence. -This uncertainty, springing as it does from the fact that the name -Columbus appears very often in the records of northern Italy during the -century before the birth of Christopher, has brought into controversy -a multitude of importunate claimants. If a kind of selfish pride was -indicated by the fact that-- - - “Seven cities claimed the Homer dead, - In which the living Homer begged his bread,”-- - -the same characteristic of human nature was shown in northern Italy -in more than twofold measure; for no less than sixteen Italian towns -have tried to lift themselves into greater importance by setting up a -claim to the distinction of having been the birthplace of the Great -Discoverer. But these several claims have not succeeded in producing -any conclusive evidence. The question is still in some doubt. At -least twice in his writings Columbus speaks of himself as having been -born at Genoa; and he was generally recognized as a Genoese by his -contemporaries. But his parents seem to have been somewhat migratory in -their habits. The records show that the father of Christopher was the -owner of some property in several of the towns along the foot of the -Alps. Besides his other estates, which for the most part came from his -wife, he had a house in one of the suburbs of the city of Genoa, and -also one in the city itself. Within a few years the Marquis Marcello -Staglieno, a learned Genoese antiquary, has established the fact that -No. 37 Vico Dritto Ponticello in Genoa was owned by Dominico Columbus, -the father of Christopher, during the early years of Christopher’s -life. But it has not yet been shown by any documentary evidence that -he ever lived there. The ownership of this house, and of one in the -suburbs, establishes a very strong probability that in one of them -Christopher Columbus was born. It cannot be said, however, that the -exact spot has been determined with certainty; and in view of the -conflicting evidence, Genoa is to be regarded as the place of his birth -only in that broad sense which would include a considerable number of -the surrounding dependencies. Bernaldez, Peter Martyr, Oviedo, and Las -Casas speak of his birthplace as being, not the city, but the province -of Genoa. - -The original authorities, moreover, are as conflicting in regard to -time as in regard to place. The most definite statement we have is that -of Bernaldez, the contemporary and friend as well as the historian -of the discoverer. Columbus at one time was an inmate of the house -of Bernaldez, and hence it would seem that the historian had good -opportunities for ascertaining the truth. But the information he -gives in regard to the date of Columbus’s birth is only inferential, -and is far from satisfactory. He says that the Admiral died in 1506, -“at the age of seventy, a little more or a little less.” This is the -statement which has led Humboldt, Navarrete, and Irving, as well as -other careful writers, to believe that the date of his birth should be -fixed at 1436. But the acceptance of this date is involved in serious -difficulties. The discoverer, it is true, nowhere tells us his exact -age; but frequently in his writings he not only mentions the number -of years he had followed the sea, but he says he began his nautical -career at the age of fourteen. These several statements, put together, -point very definitely and consistently to a date nearly or quite ten -years later than that indicated by Bernaldez. It cannot be claimed -that the statements of Columbus are so exact as to be absolutely free -from doubt; but in the absence of any record of his birth, they are at -least entitled to careful consideration. In a letter written in 1503 -the Admiral says that he was thirty-eight when he entered the service -of Spain. As he first went to Spain in 1484 or 1485, we are obliged to -infer that the service he referred to began either in that year or at -a later period. This would indicate that he was born in 1446 or later. -In 1501, moreover, he wrote that it was forty years since at the age -of fourteen he entered upon a seafaring life. This, too, would point -to about 1447 as the date of his birth. These, and other statements of -a similar nature, are at least enough to justify the inquiry whether -the error is probably with Columbus or with Bernaldez. In the case of -the historian, the very phrase “seventy, a little more or a little -less,” carries with it an implication of uncertainty. It seemed to -imply that the author judged of the age of Columbus simply from his -appearance. Now, there is abundant evidence that the superabounding -anxieties and perplexities of his career had the natural effect of -making him prematurely old. We have the statement of his son that his -hair was gray at the age of thirty; and it is easy to believe that the -perplexing vicissitudes of his career deepened and intensified the -evidences of age with unnatural rapidity. If, as we have so often and -so justly heard, it is anxiety and perplexity that bring on premature -age and decay, surely Columbus of all men must have been old long -before he reached the goal of threescore and ten. In view of all these -facts, it is probable that the conjecture of Bernaldez was incorrect, -though very naturally so, and that the date indicated by the figures -of Columbus himself is the one that is entitled to most credence. But -all we can say on the subject is that Christopher Columbus was probably -born in or about the year 1446. Harrisse, who has scrutinized all the -evidence with characteristic acumen, has reached the conclusion that -Columbus was born between the 25th of March, 1446, and the 20th of -March, 1447. - -He was the eldest son of Dominico Columbus and Susannah Fontanarossa, -his wife. The other children were Bartholomew and Giacomo, or, as the -Spanish call it, Diego, and a sister, of whom nothing of importance -is known. The kith and kin of the family for some generations devoted -themselves to the humble vocation of wool-combers. The property of the -family, of which at the time Columbus was born there was barely enough -for a modest competency, appears to have come chiefly from the mother. -That the father was a man of exceptional energy, is evinced by the -vigour with which he undertook and carried on the various enterprises -with which he was connected. In his business, however, he was only -moderately prosperous; and so the family was obliged to content itself -with a small income. - -The early life of Columbus is still quite thickly enshrouded with -uncertainty. His education included a reading knowledge of Latin, but -his training could have been neither comprehensive nor thorough. Many -of the historians, resting upon the statement of Fernando Columbus, -assert that he spent a year in the study of cosmogony at the University -of Pavia. But the statement is inherently improbable, and rests -upon evidence that is altogether inadequate. His father was not in -condition to send him to the university without inconvenience. It was -the custom of those times for the son to be trained for the vocation -of the father. Such a training the young Christopher had, and a formal -knowledge of geography, or cosmogony, as the study was then more -generally called, would not have added much to his chances of business -success. If he went to the university at all, he must have concluded -his studies before he was fourteen. Pavia at the time afforded no -special advantages for the prosecution of this study,--indeed, it -cannot now be discovered that it possessed any advantages whatever. -On the contrary, that celebrated university was devoted with singular -exclusiveness to the teaching of philosophy, law, and medicine. There -is no evidence in the records of the university that Columbus was -ever there. The explorer himself, though he often refers to his early -studies, nowhere intimates that he was ever at the university. It was -not till more than fifty years after the death of Columbus that his son -made the statement on which all subsequent assertions on the subject -rest for authority. That the explorer was ever at the university is -overwhelmingly improbable. - -We know, however, from the best of evidence that he early became -interested in geographical studies. His father’s business does not seem -to have been very prosperous,--at least, we find him about this time -selling out his little property in Genoa and establishing himself at -Savona. Meantime, the youthful Christopher found himself yielding to -the strong current which in those years carried so many of the Genoese -into a life of maritime adventure. If our conjecture in regard to -the time of his birth is correct, it was about 1460 when he took his -first voyage. From that initiative experience for about ten years, -that is to say until 1470, we have only glimpses here and there of the -events of his life. Nor can we regard the details of this experience -as important, except as they throw light upon the development of his -intelligence and character. Fortunately for this purpose evidence -is not altogether wanting. Bits of information have been picked up -here and there, which, though it is impossible to weave them very -confidently into a connected whole, still show, in a general way, the -nature of the training he received during those important years. -If we condense into a useful form all that is positively known of -his life during the ten years from the time he was fourteen until he -was twenty-four, we shall perhaps conclude that there are only three -results that are worthy of note. - -The first is the fact that he had considerable maritime experience -of a very turbulent nature. There is some reason to believe that he -accompanied the unsuccessful expedition of John of Anjou against Naples -in 1459. However this may have been, it is certain that he joined -several of the expeditions of the celebrated corsairs bearing the same -family name of Columbus. Modern eulogists of the great discoverer -have hesitated to write the ugly word which indicates the nature of -the business in which these much-dreaded fleets were engaged; but -the state papers of the time uniformly refer to the elder of these -commanders as “the Pirate Columbus.” To the younger they also refer in -no more complimentary terms. Fernando Columbus is authority for the -statement that his father accompanied the celebrated expedition that -fought the great battle off Cape St. Vincent. But the statement is a -curious illustration of the necessity of accepting the assurances of -this historian with extreme caution. He says that it was by escaping -from the wreck of the fleet that his father came for the first time to -his new home in Portugal. Now, we know that the battle alluded to did -not take place until 1485, the year after Columbus left Portugal and -went to Spain; and as he was otherwise occupied ever after he reached -Spanish soil, it is not possible that the young navigator was even with -the fleet during the engagement. We know, moreover, that he moved to -Lisbon before 1473. - -But the evidence is conclusive that the Admiral had accompanied the -piratical fleets on several former expeditions. The records of Venice -show that a decree was passed against the elder pirate Columbus, -July 20, 1469, and another against the younger on the 17th of March, -1470. Although these fulminations did not put an end to this peculiar -warfare, they are of interest in this connnection as showing the school -in which Columbus received a considerable part of his early nautical -training and experience. - -There may be some doubt as to how much importance should be attached -to the circumstantial statement of Fernando in regard to his father’s -connection with these celebrated freebooters. The narrative certainly -contains some irreconcilable contradictions; but although Fernando may -have been mistaken in the details, he can hardly have been mistaken -in the fact that his father accompanied several of these expeditions. -A matter of that kind could hardly fail to have been talked about in -the presence of the children. The boys may have received erroneous -impressions in reference to details. As time went on, it was naturally -easy for events with which the father was definitely connected to -become confused with those with which he had nothing whatever to do. -But the great fact of his connection with the fleet, of his experience -on the piratical ships, can hardly have been an invention of the son. -There were two pirates by the name of Columbus,--the younger being, -according to one authority, the son, according to another, the nephew -of the elder. Fernando gives us to understand distinctly that his -father was engaged in the service of both. He moreover considers this -so much a matter of pride that he endeavours to establish the fact -of a relationship between the two families. The nature of the school -in which the young Columbus received a part of his training may be -inferred by the fact that the younger of the corsairs in the course of -a few years captured as many as eighty fleets,--a part of them in the -Mediterranean, and a part in the open sea. During a large portion of -the latter half of the fifteenth century, these daring corsairs were -the dread of every fleet against whom they were employed. - -There is also evidence of another schooling of a somewhat similar -nature. During the fifteenth century the Portuguese were engaged in -the slave-trade on the coast of Africa; and we are told that Columbus -sailed several times with them to the coast of Guinea as if he had been -one of them. - -It must have been during this period also that the events occurred -which Columbus described in a letter written to one of the Spanish -monarchs in 1495. He says,-- - - “King René (whom God has taken to himself) sent me to Tunis to - capture the galley ‘Fernandina.’ Arriving at the island of San - Pedro in Sardinia, I learned that there were two ships and a - caracca with the galley, which so alarmed the crew that they - resolved to proceed no farther, but to go to Marseilles for - another vessel and a larger crew. Upon which, being unable to - force their inclinations, I apparently yielded to their wish, - and, having first changed the points of the compass, spread all - sail (for it was evening), and at daybreak we were within the - cape of Carthagena, when all believed for a certainty that we - were nearing Marseilles.” - -This incident shows that the schooling had given him a full competency -of intrepidity. It also shows that the ethics of the school had had -the natural effect of relieving him of all unnecessary scruples of -conscience. - -Another voyage of a very different nature was probably made at a little -later period. Unfortunately we are indebted for our knowledge of it -entirely to Fernando. This is the celebrated voyage to the north, of -which so much has been made in setting up the claim that Columbus was -indebted for his idea of America to information obtained in Iceland. -It would be a great satisfaction to know just what occurred in the -course of that voyage; but this now seems impossible. The only record -we have of the event is that contained in a letter of Columbus quoted -by Fernando. The letter is not now known to be in existence; but the -event alluded to seems to have taken place in the year 1477, about four -or five years after Columbus went to Lisbon, and seven years before he -went to Spain. - -Columbus is quoted as saying that he “sailed one hundred leagues -beyond the island of Tile, the south part of which was distant from -the equinoctial line seventy-three leagues, and not sixty-three, as -some have asserted; neither does it lie within the line which includes -the west of that referred to by Ptolemy, but is much more westerly. -To this island, which is as large as England, the English, especially -from Bristol, came with their merchandise. At the time he was there, -the sea was not frozen, but the tides were so great as to rise and fall -twenty-six fathoms.” - -Nothing more is known of this voyage than is contained in this letter; -but notwithstanding the gross inaccuracies of the statement, it seems -sufficient ground for believing that Columbus visited Iceland, or at -least went beyond it. The size of the island indicates that it could -have been no other. Whether he landed there, and if so, whether he -obtained from the natives any knowledge of the continent lying far to -the west and southwest, must, perhaps, forever be a matter of mere -conjecture. It is, however, hardly probable that in the year 1477 -Columbus would go to Iceland without making inquiries in regard to -lands lying beyond. The Icelanders had long been the great explorers of -the north. As we shall presently see, Columbus had already received the -famous letter of Toscanelli, in which the practicability of reaching -Asia by sailing due west was fully set forth; and we know in other -ways that the mind of Columbus was already fully imbued with the idea -of the westward voyage of discovery. It is certain, moreover, that the -Icelanders could have given him considerable valuable information. The -voyages that had been made by the Norwegians from time to time during -the eleventh and twelfth centuries must have been known at least by the -more intelligent of the people of Iceland. It seems highly improbable, -moreover, that Columbus, already thirsting for more geographical -knowledge, would visit such an island without availing himself of every -opportunity of securing further information. - -But on the other hand, we must not exaggerate the importance of this -conjecture. There is no evidence whatever that he even landed. In all -of the writings of Columbus there is nowhere any hint of any knowledge -gained from these sources; and this very important truth should not -be lost sight of in the weighing of probabilities. In view of all the -facts, it seems hardly possible that Columbus can have gained from this -expedition anything more than at best a somewhat vague confirmation of -the ideas and purposes that had already taken definite shape in his -mind. - -Another fact worthy of note during these earlier years was his -vocation during the intervals between his voyages. He seems to have -interlarded his more or less piratical expeditions on the sea with -the gentle experiences of a bookseller and map-maker on the land. The -art of printing had but recently been invented, and few books had -been issued from the press; but there was some trade in books for all -that. There is abundant evidence that this youthful enthusiast, at the -period of his life between fifteen and twenty-four, availed himself -of whatever knowledge came in his way in regard to the subject that -was beginning to fill and monopolize his mind. During the fifteenth -century, as hereafter we shall have occasion to see, a large number of -books on geography became generally known. Many of the classics, after -lying dormant for a thousand years, sprang suddenly into life; and it -is quite within the scope of a reasonable historical imagination to -conjecture that, even during his years at Genoa, many of the leisure -hours of what could hardly have been a very absorbing vocation as -a bookseller were spent in gaining such knowledge as was possible -concerning the shape and size of the earth. It would be out of place -in this connection to consider details; it is enough to know that even -in his earliest writings on the subject, he alluded freely to the -geographical writers whose works he had read. - -At some time between 1470 and 1473, Columbus changed his abode from -Genoa to Lisbon. There were two facts that made this transfer of his -activities both natural and beneficial. The first was that during the -early part of the fifteenth century Portugal had placed herself far in -advance of other nations, by her maritime expeditions and achievements. -Prince Henry, with a courage and enterprise that have secured for him -imperishable renown, had pushed out the boundaries of geographical -knowledge, and had awakened an enthusiastic zeal for further -discoveries. The fleets of Portugal had made themselves at length -familiar with the west coast of Africa; and the bugbear of a tropical -sea whose slimy depths were supposed to make navigation impossible, -had been dispelled. The interest of every geographical explorer had -been aroused and excited. Lisbon was the centre of this new ferment. - -The second consideration of importance was the fact that Bartholomew, a -younger brother of Columbus, had established himself at the Portuguese -capital as a maker and publisher of maps and charts. For the products -of this handicraft there had been created an active demand. Nothing was -more natural, then, than that this young enthusiast, in whom there were -already welling up all kinds of maritime ambitions, should remove to -that centre of geographical knowledge and interest, and ally himself -with his brother in so congenial and promising a vocation. - -It was during the years between 1473 and 1484 that a large part of the -maritime experiences of Columbus already adverted to took place. The -most of them, perhaps all of them, occurred after Columbus established -himself at Lisbon. But unfortunately, there is no contemporaneous -evidence to show the course of his life. In the records of the time we -find his name here and there in connection with such events as those we -have already mentioned; but, as yet, it is impossible to weave these -scattered statements into a connected narrative that will bear the test -of critical examination. We are obliged, therefore, to be content with -mere glimpses of individual events and experiences. - -If we have judged correctly as to the year of the Admiral’s birth, he -was about twenty-six or seven when he took up his abode in Lisbon. -Not long after this change of residence, but in what year we cannot -ascertain, an event took place which must have had an important -influence, not only on his private life, but also on the development -of his maritime plans. It was at about this time that he was married; -but when, under what circumstances, and with whom, are questions which, -notwithstanding all that has been written on the subject, cannot now -be confidently determined. Following the statement of Fernando, it has -been customary for historians to say that Columbus married the daughter -of an old navigator of Porto Santo, Perestrello by name, to whom Prince -Henry had given the governorship of the island in recognition of -explorations and discoveries on the coast of Africa. But like so many -other of the statements of Fernando, this turns out on examination to -be extremely improbable. Harrisse is entitled to the credit of having -traced the history of the Perestrello family, and of having found -the names of the daughters, and even of their husbands. Not only is -the name Columbus lacking in these lists, but it contains no one of -the three sisters of Columbus’s wife. This, it is true, is negative -evidence only, but it is quite enough to shake our confidence in the -statement of Fernando. Of positive evidence there is none whatever. -The first mention of his having been married at all occurs in a letter -presently to be quoted; and the second was in the clause of his will -providing for the saying of masses for his soul and for the souls of -his father, mother, and wife. This document bears date of Aug. 25, -1505, and contains no mention of his wife’s name. A name first appears -eighteen years later, in the will of Diego, who calls himself the son -of Christopher Columbus and his wife Donna Philippa Moñiz. Elsewhere in -the same will he refers to himself as the son of Felipa Muñiz, the wife -of Columbus, whose ashes repose in the monastery of Carmen at Lisbon. -It is possible that Moñiz, or Muñiz, was not the father’s name; but the -giving of the maiden name alone in such a connection was not usual at -that time, and therefore, in the absence of other evidence, it would -seem improbable that the name given was the surname of the father. It -was not until nearly fifty years later that the narrative of Fernando -first mentions the name of Perestrello. Las Casas and other later -writers have done nothing but copy the statement of Fernando, without -further investigation. The matter would be of trifling significance -but for the fact that later historians have magnified this supposed -marriage into a matter of considerable professional importance. Las -Casas tells us that he had learned from Diego Columbus that the Admiral -and his wife lived for some time with the widow of Perestrello at -Porto Santo, and that “all the papers, charts, journals, and maritime -instruments” of the old navigators were placed at his disposal. But all -the evidence of this fact now obtainable consists simply of repetitions -of this statement. The most careful search of all the records has -failed to discover a scrap of testimony that Columbus ever lived at -Porto Santo or on any of the other islands off the coast of Africa. -Harrisse has devoted more than thirty octavo pages to a very critical -examination of all the evidence on the marriage of Columbus; but he -is unable to reach any other positive conclusion than that very many -of the early statements in regard to the matter cannot possibly be -correct. As the result of his investigations, he inclines to the belief -that the story of the Admiral’s living at Porto Santo and profiting -by the maritime possessions and experiences of Perestrello must be -abandoned. Beyond the fact that the Admiral’s wife bore the name of -Philippa Moñiz, nothing on the subject can be regarded as absolutely -known. It seems probable that Columbus was not married till after 1474; -but the exact date cannot be established. - -As we shall not have occasion to refer to Columbus’s married life -again, one fact more should here be noted. Fernando asserts that his -father left Portugal in 1484 on account of the grief he experienced at -the death of his wife. That the statement was incorrect, is shown by a -letter, still in existence, in the handwriting of the Admiral himself. -This letter, which was written to Donna Juanna de la Torre, a noble -lady at the Spanish court, for the purpose of presenting his cause and -arguing it with the evident expectation that his plea would reach the -attention of the sovereigns, finally uses these words:-- - - “I beg you to take into consideration all I have written, and how - I came from afar to serve these princes,--_abandoning wife and - children, whom for this reason I never afterward saw_.” - -This lamentable recital, written sixteen years after Columbus left -Portugal for Spain, and at least nine years after he presented himself -with his son Diego at La Rabida, leaves upon our minds the inevitable -inference that when he fled from Portugal in 1484, he left behind him -a wife and at least two children. Of his legitimate offspring, his -heir and successor Diego is the only one of whom any record has been -preserved. As we shall hereafter have occasion to note, Columbus left -Portugal, not only in poverty, but under circumstances which made it -imprudent for him to return. We are obliged to infer that his wife and -children were left in indigence. Neither in the numerous writings of -Columbus nor in any of the records of the time is there any allusion to -the death of the wife or of the children. No letter that passed between -husband and wife has ever been found. It remains only to add, on the -subject of his conjugal life, that Fernando, the historian, was the -natural son of Columbus by a Spanish woman, Beatriz Enriquez by name, -and was born on the 15th of August, 1488. - -Of the current life of Columbus at Lisbon we know very little. He seems -to have been a skilful draughtsman and map-maker,--at least, in one -of his letters to the Spanish king he says that God had endowed him -with “ingenuity and manual skill in designing spheres and inscribing -upon them in the proper places cities, rivers and mountains, isles and -ports.” Las Casas and Lopez de Gomera both assure us that Columbus made -use of his skill as a means of livelihood. - -There is also evidence that he was engaged to some extent in commercial -enterprise or speculation. In his will he ordered considerable sums -paid to the heirs of certain noble and rich Genoese established in -Lisbon in 1482,--giving specific direction that they should not be -informed from whom the money came. We know that he left Portugal -secretly, and that the king, when inviting him to return, assured him -immunity from civil and criminal prosecution. It has been plausibly -conjectured that in the course of his commercial transactions he had -incurred debts to his rich countrymen which he had never paid, and -that at the last moment his conscience demanded absolution from these -obligations. - -Though the occasion of such debts is purely hypothetical, it is not -difficult to conjecture how they may have occurred. In the fifteenth -century the commercial enterprise and opportunities of Lisbon attracted -thither a large number of wealthy Florentine and Genoese merchants. We -are informed that they were engaged in various commercial ventures; and -nothing could be more natural than that they should be ready to avail -themselves of the maritime skill of their young countryman. In the -journal of Columbus, under the date of Dec. 21, 1492, he wrote:-- - - “I have navigated the sea during twenty-three years, without - noteworthy interruption; I have seen all the Levant and the - Ponent; what is called the Northern Way,--that is England; and I - have sailed to Guinea.” - -As there is no other evidence that he went to England, it is probable -that the allusion here is to that northern voyage, which, as we have -already seen, had had the seas about Iceland as its destination. Though -it is not easy to conjecture how the phrase, “twenty-three years -without noteworthy interruption,” is to be reconciled with what we -elsewhere learn of the years just before 1492, yet it is not difficult -to understand how all the voyages referred to may have been made -during that period. Before the discovery of the Cape of Good Hope by -Bartholomew Diaz in December of 1487, the remotest navigable sea was -not far away. To visit the North, the West, or the South was not an -enterprise of long duration; and the mariner who had explored the Black -Sea, the Mediterranean, the Atlantic from the equator to Iceland and -the Baltic, might well claim to be familiar with all the seas that were -navigable to a European. - -Such were the most important of the experiences, which, so far as we -can now know, gave form and fibre to the character of Columbus. If the -years were full of turbulent experiences, it is evident that they were -also years full of absorbing thought. - -Soon after Columbus reached Lisbon, even if not before, he became -possessed with the great idea that important discoveries could be made -by sailing due west. Was the idea original with him? Was such a notion -entertained by others? These questions, on which so much of the credit -of Columbus depends, can only be answered after we take at least a -brief survey of the geographical knowledge of the time. - -It will perhaps never be known who first propounded the theory of the -sphericity of the earth; but we are certain that it was systematically -taught by the Pythagoreans of southern Italy in the sixth century -before Christ. With the writings of Pythagoras, Plato was familiar, -and perhaps it was from this bold western speculator that the great -Athenian philosopher received the impression that finally ripened into -an unquestioning belief. Pythagoras believed the earth to be a sphere, -and his views and theories are set forth in two of Plato’s works. - -But it was the great successor of Plato who was to have the credit of -giving these views systematic form. In a treatise “On the Heavens” -Aristotle gave a formal summary of the grounds leading to a belief in -the earth’s sphericity. - -Greece bequeathed this doctrine to Rome, where it was specifically -taught by Pliny and Hyginus, and was referred to with seeming approval -by Cicero and Ovid. From the literature of Rome it passed into many of -the school-books of the Middle Ages. - -The Greeks and Romans were fertile as speculators, but as navigators -they really did very little. Not until the last days of the Republic -did the existence of lands beyond the sea become generally known. -It was in the time of Sulla that Sertorius brought back the curious -story that, when on an expedition to Bætica, he fell in with certain -sailors, who declared that they had just returned from the Atlantic -islands, which they described as distant ten thousand stadia, or -about twelve hundred and fifty miles, from Africa, and as having a -wonderful flora and a still more wonderful climate. It was not until -a few years later that the Canaries became known as the Fortunate -Islands. Notwithstanding all that had been done by the Tyrians and -Carthaginians, Pliny refers to the Pillars of Hercules as the limit of -navigation. - -No systematic effort to extend the boundaries of geographical knowledge -can be attributed to the Romans. There was no international competition -in trade, for the reason that Rome had come to be self-reliant, and, -in theory at least, to possess everything that was of value. Interest -therefore was purely speculative. There was no compass; there were none -but small ships. - -Added to this, it must be said that there was a general and vivid -horror of the western ocean. Pindar declared that no one, however -brave, could pass beyond Gades; “for only a god,” he said, “might -voyage in those waters.” - -The views of the Romans were set forth in somewhat systematic form by -Strabo and Pomponius Mela. The work of Mela, written during the first -half of the first century, had considerable influence throughout the -Middle Ages. The first edition was printed in 1471 at Milan, and this -was followed by editions at Venice in 1478 and 1482. - -Of far greater importance were the writings of Ptolemy. Near the end -of the second century he not only brought together in systematic form -the ideas of those who had gone before him, but he elaborated and set -forth a system of his own. His work thus became a great source of -geographical information throughout the twelve centuries that were -to follow. The book, however, scarcely had any popular significance -before the fifteenth century; for until that time it was locked up -within the mysteries of the Greek language. But in 1409, a version in -Latin disseminated his views throughout Europe. - -In one respect the theories of Ptolemy were exceptionally important -in their bearing upon the western discoveries. It was his belief that -the further extension of geographical knowledge was to be obtained by -pushing the lines of investigation toward the west rather than toward -the north or toward the south. It is of significance in the life of -Columbus that the first edition of Ptolemy was printed in 1475, and -that several other editions were issued from the press before 1492. -It is also of interest to note that the views promulgated by the -Alexandrian geographer were essentially the views held and advocated by -Columbus. - -The theologians generally rejected the idea of sphericity. There were, -however, some very notable exceptions. The doctrine was positively -taught by Saint Isadore of Seville, and was somewhat elaborately -set forth by the Venerable Bede. Of still more importance was the -unquestioning acceptance of this doctrine by that great protagonist -of the faith, Saint Thomas Aquinas. Albertus Magnus, Roger Bacon, and -Dante seem also, in a more or less definite form, to have accepted the -same doctrine. - -In any account, however brief, of the early years of Columbus, a -statement should also be made concerning some of the explorers who had -performed an important part in pushing out the boundaries of knowledge. - -One of the most remarkable of these was John de Mandeville. It is very -properly the fashion to regard this audacious romancer as one of the -most unscrupulous of all explorers. It is certain that he did not see -a quarter or perhaps even a tenth part of the things which he affects -to describe. But in spite of all these characteristics, there is one -passage in the book that can hardly fail to have made a deep impression -on the mind of Columbus. In this remarkable passage the author relates, -in the quaint language of the time, how he himself came to the -conclusion that the earth was a sphere. His words are,-- - - “In the north the south lodestar is not seen; and in the south, - the north is not seen.... By which say you certainly that men may - environ all the earth, as well under as above, and turn again to - his country, and always find men as well as in this country.... - For ye witten well that they that turn toward the antarctic, - be straight feet against feet of them that dwell under the - transmontayne, as well as we and they that dwell under us be feet - against feet.” - -Of still more importance in shaping directly or indirectly the opinions -of Columbus was the great work of Marco Polo. This Venetian traveller, -after spending many years in China and Japan, and having the best of -opportunities for observation, published the great work on which his -reputation as a traveller and writer is founded. He not only described -with considerable minuteness the countries which he visited, but he -pictured, though with gross exaggerations, the great wealth of many -of the eastern cities. Columbus supposed that these regions, still in -the hands of infidels, could be reached by sailing westward across the -Atlantic. - -But there was another book that had more influence upon Columbus than -all the others; and this was the “Imago Mundi” of Cardinal d’Ailly. -It was a kind of encyclopædia of geographical knowledge, in which the -author had endeavoured to bring together all the prevailing views in -regard to the form of the earth. In the copy of this remarkable book, -still preserved in the Columbian Library at Seville, there are still to -be seen numerous marginal annotations by Columbus himself. These notes -make us absolutely certain that the navigator studied very carefully -and early became familiar with the beliefs of all the geographical -writers of antiquity and of the Middle Ages. - -It is natural to ask the question why, if the earth was known to be -spherical, and if the compass was already in existence, voyages of -discovery were so long delayed? If one looks at the geographical works -of the time, one sees everywhere taught the notion that the unknown -regions were peopled with monsters ready to devour any who approached. -One of the pictures in the Nuremberg Chronicle, for illustration, -represents the Atlantic as filled with monsters so huge as to be -able and ready to lift any ship easily upon its back and dash it to -destruction. The Arabs believed and taught that in the torrid zone the -moisture was so much sucked up by the heat of the sun that the residue -was impervious to the passage of ships. Popular credulity everywhere -seemed to gain the mastery over science. The early Anglo-Saxon scholars -believed that the earth was a globe; but in spite of all their -teaching, we find in an early Anglo-Saxon tract, intended to convey -abstruse information in the form of a dialogue, the following question -and answer:-- - - “_Question_: Tell me, my son, why the sun is so red in the - evening? - - “_Answer_: Because it looketh down upon hell.” - -It must be conceded that this doctrine was sufficiently discouraging to -western navigation. - -It should not, however, be forgotten that while views concerning -the sphericity of the earth were gradually making their impression, -geographical knowledge was extending itself through the efforts of -explorers. The boldest adventurers were gradually pressing their way -into the far north. The inhabitants of Iceland--perhaps from their -geographical isolation--were especially adventurous. Within the present -century the evidence has been made complete that America was visited -and explored in the eleventh century, and that accounts of these -explorations in detail became a part of the national literature. But -Iceland was so isolated from the rest of Europe that these explorations -seem to have made no impression, even if they were at all known. The -first allusion to the discovery of America by the Scandinavians ever -printed was that of Adam von Bremen, in his work issued from the -press at Copenhagen in 1579. Although the work had been in manuscript -for centuries, there is no evidence that these explorations made any -impression upon the literature or knowledge of the time. If Columbus -visited Iceland, it is probable that he became acquainted with the -traditions of these western voyages. It is of course possible that -he obtained positive information from the stories that may have been -current among the seafaring men of Iceland in the fifteenth century. -But the matter is left in doubt by the fact that no such knowledge -was ever revealed by Columbus after his return; and it hardly seems -probable that he would have kept such an item of information locked up -in his own brain at a time when he was trying to bring every argument -to bear upon the Portuguese and Spanish courts. - -While these numerous intellectual purveyors were bringing to the mind -of Columbus their varied stores of information, an event occurred which -must have had a powerful influence in shaping and intensifying his -purpose. - -In the year 1474 there was living at Florence the venerable astronomer -and geographer Toscanelli. This eminent savant, now seventy-eight years -of age, after having enjoyed the honours of connection with nearly all -the learned societies of that day, had been greatly interested in the -recently published book of Marco Polo. From the account given by this -Venetian traveller, Toscanelli had arrived at certain interesting -views in regard to the size of the earth. He had satisfied himself that -the open water between western Europe and eastern Asia could be crossed -in a voyage of not more than three thousand miles. The letters of -Toscanelli have been preserved, and they form a most interesting part -of the history of this period. We cannot quote from them at any length, -but the importance of the correspondence is sufficient to justify a -concise statement of the particular significance of the letters. - -In the first place, in one of the letters, dated in 1474, Toscanelli -says that he had already written to the king of Portugal, urging upon -him the practicability of reaching Japan and China by sailing directly -west. He had accompanied this statement, moreover, with a map showing -what, in his opinion, would be found in the course of the proposed -voyage. Unfortunately, the original map of Toscanelli, so far as we -know, has not been preserved. Copies of it, which we may presume to -be substantially accurate, however, enable us to form a sufficient -impression as to the general nature of his geographical views. He had -no conception of another continent. On the contrary, he believed that -the eastern part of Asia, excepting as it was fringed with Cipango -(Japan) and other islands, presented its broad and hospitable front to -any navigator bold enough to sail two or three thousand miles directly -west from Portugal or Spain. These beliefs are important, because they -are the identical ones afterward held by Columbus, not only at the time -of his first voyage, but also even until the day of his death. - -Another fact indicated in the Toscanelli letters is the desire -expressed by Columbus, showing clearly that as early as 1474, three -years before the reputed visit to Iceland, he had formed a definite -purpose, if possible, to visit and explore the unknown regions of the -east by sailing west. - -Another peculiarity of Toscanelli’s letters relates to the wealth of -the countries to be explored. On this point he not only refers to Marco -Polo, but also speaks of the descriptions given by an ambassador in the -time of Pope Eugenius IV. He says: “I was a great deal in his company, -and he gave me descriptions of the munificence of his king, and of the -immense rivers in that territory, which contained, as he stated, two -hundred cities with marble bridges upon the banks of a single stream.” -“The city of Quinsay,” Toscanelli continues, “is thirty-five leagues in -circuit, and it contains ten large marble bridges, built upon immense -columns of singular magnificence.” Of Cipango, he says: “This island -possesses such an abundance of precious stones and metals that the -temples and royal palaces are covered with plates of gold.” - -We have now seen--briefly, it is true, but perhaps with sufficient -fulness--how Columbus in various ways had received his education. If -called upon to sum up the impressions that he had gained in the course -of his experience at Genoa and Lisbon before 1484, the result would -be something like the following: First, he acquired a very definite -and positive belief in the sphericity of the earth. Secondly, through -Toscanelli, Cardinal d’Ailly, and others, he had likewise received an -equally definite and positive impression that the size of the earth -was much less than it actually is. His belief was that Japan would be -reached by sailing west a distance not greater than the distance which -actually intervenes between Portugal and the eastern coasts of America. -In the third place, these beliefs were confirmed by certain vague -reports of sailors that had been driven to the far west, and by such -articles as had been thrown by the waters upon the islands lying west -of Portugal and northern Africa. - -What may be called the approaches to the discovery of America were, in -their general characteristics, not unlike those which have generally -preceded other great discoveries and inventions. Seldom in the history -of the human race has the conception and the consummation of a great -discovery been the product of a single brain. The final achievement -is ordinarily only the culminating act of the more logical mind and -the more dauntless courage. Such was the case with Columbus. The -more one becomes familiar with the thought and the enterprise of the -fifteenth century, the more clearly one sees how impossible it would -have been for America to have long remained undiscovered, even if -there had been no Columbus. We shall hereafter see how a Portuguese -fleet, in the year 1500, when sailing for Good Hope, and with no -thought of a western continent, was driven by storms to the coast of -Brazil. But none of these facts should detract from the credit of -Columbus. The great man of such a time is the one who shows that he -knows the law of development, and, bringing all possible knowledge to -his service, works, with a lofty courage and an unflagging persistency -and enthusiasm, for the object of his devotion in accordance with the -strict laws of historical sequence. Such was the method of Columbus. -Others, perhaps, were as familiar with all the geographical facts and -theories with which he had so long been storing his mind; others even -saw as clearly the conclusions to which these facts and theories so -distinctly pointed: but he alone, of all the men of his generation, -was possessed with the lofty enthusiasm, the ardent prescience, the -unhasting and unresting courage, that were the harbingers of glorious -success. - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -ATTEMPTS TO SECURE ASSISTANCE. - - -An enterprise so vast and hazardous as that proposed by Columbus was -not likely to receive adequate assistance from any private benefactor. -Though the Portuguese had long been considered daring navigators, no -one of them had yet undertaken an expedition in any way comparable in -point of novelty and boldness with that now proposed. The explorers -of Prince Henry had skirted along the coasts of Africa, following out -lines of discovery that had already been somewhat plainly marked out. -But what Columbus now proposed was the bolder course of cutting loose -from old traditions and methods, and sailing directly west into an -unknown space. Capital was even more conservative and timid in the -fifteenth century than it is at the present time; and therefore great -expeditions were much more dependent upon governmental assistance. It -was not singular, therefore, that Columbus found himself obliged to -seek for governmental support and protection. - -But in this, as in so many other details in the life of Columbus, it is -impossible at the present time to be confident that we have ascertained -the exact truth. Many of the early accounts are conflicting; and not a -few of the prevailing impressions are founded on evidence that will not -bear the test of critical examination. For example, nearly all of the -historians assert that Columbus made application for assistance to the -governments of Genoa and Venice. - -The only authority for belief that the Admiral applied to Genoa is a -statement of Ramusio, who affirms that he received his information from -Peter Martyr. In the course of the narrative he says that when the -application was rejected, Columbus, at the age of forty, determined to -go to Portugal. Unfortunately, to our acceptance of this circumstantial -statement there are several very serious obstacles. In the first place, -no authority for such an assertion can be found in all the writings -of Peter Martyr. Again, the archives of Genoa have been thoroughly -explored in vain for any evidence of such an application. But most -important of all, the assertion, if true, would prove that Columbus was -born as early as 1430. We should also be obliged to infer that two of -his children by the same mother differed in age by at least thirty-six -years. The impression that Columbus made application for assistance to -Genoa may therefore safely be dismissed as apocryphal. - -The evidence in regard to an application to Venice, though less -positive in its nature, is also inconclusive. The Venetian historian -Carlo Antonio Marin, whose history of Venetian commerce was not -published till the year 1800, was the first to give currency to the -story. His authority is this. He says that Francesco Pesaro said to -him some ten or twelve years before,--that is, about 1780,--that in -making some researches in the archives of the Council of Ten, he had -seen and read a letter of Columbus making application to the Venetian -Government for assistance. But although diligent search has since been -made at two different times throughout the archives for the years -between 1470 and 1492, no trace of such a letter has ever been found. -It is possible that this important document may have been destroyed -when, just before the preliminaries of Leoben, in May, 1797, a mob -invaded the hall of the Council of Ten and dispersed such of the papers -as could be found. But until some further evidence comes to light, it -must be considered doubtful whether application to Venice was ever made. - -In regard to applications to Portugal, England, and France, the -evidence is less incomplete, though here, too, we meet with not a few -conflicting statements. - -In one of his letters to the Spanish sovereigns Columbus says: “For -twenty-seven years I had been trying to get recognition, but at the -end of that period all my projects were turned to ridicule.... But -notwithstanding this fact,” he continues, “I pressed on with zeal, and -responded to France, Portugal, and England that I reserved for the -king and queen those countries and those domains.” Elsewhere he says: -“In order to serve your Highnesses, I listened to neither England -nor Portugal nor France, whose princes wrote me letters which your -Highnesses can see in the hands of Dr. Villalono.” - -There is another bit of evidence on this subject that is not less -interesting. On the 19th of March, 1493, Duke of Medina Celi wrote to -Cardinal de Mendoza asking that he might be permitted to send vessels -every year to trade in America, and urging as a reason for this special -favor the fact that he had prevented Columbus from going to the service -of France and had held him to the service of Spain, at a time when he -had opportunities for going elsewhere. - -But as if to prevent us from being too confident that we have arrived -at the exact truth, Columbus in another of his letters gives us a -statement which, if it stood alone, would seem to prove that John II. -not only made no offer, but stubbornly refused all assistance. He -says: “The king of Portugal refused with blindness to second me in my -projects of maritime discovery, for God closed his eyes, ears, and all -his senses, so that in fourteen years I was not able to make him listen -to what I advanced.” - -From this it would seem to be certain that the offer of Portugal -alluded to in the letter above quoted was not made earlier than 1487, -fully two years after Columbus had arrived in Spain. - -That Columbus’s application was made as early as 1474, the Toscanelli -correspondence is sufficient proof. But the moment was not auspicious. -John II., who was then reigning, appears to have had no aversion to -giving aid to such an enterprise; but he was involved in expensive -wars, and any additional drafts upon the treasury would have met with -exceptional difficulty. - -But there was another reason that ought not to be overlooked. The -recent maritime history of Portugal had given the Government a very -natural feeling of self-reliance. The extraordinary efforts and -successes of Prince Henry had borne fruit. Portugal had not only -raised up a large number of skilful explorers, but had attracted to -Lisbon all the great navigators of the time. Diego Cam and Behaim -had gone beyond the Congo. Affonso de Aviero had visited the kingdom -of Benin, and Pedro de Covilham had advanced to Calicut by way of -the Red Sea. Affonso de Pavia had reached Abyssinia, and Bartholomew -Diaz was at the point of doubling the Cape of Good Hope. Thus a vast -number of expeditions had been sent out, not only to the coasts of -Africa, but also to the open sea. In 1513 De Mafra testified that -the king of Portugal had sent out two exploring expeditions that had -returned without results. In view of all these facts the refusal of the -Portuguese monarch might easily be explained on the ground of anterior -engagements to his own subjects. - -But notwithstanding the assurances of Columbus himself, it is certain -that there was no absolute refusal. On the contrary, there is positive -proof that the king took the matter into most careful consideration. -He not only listened with attention to the scheme, but, if we may -believe the testimony of Fernando, gave a qualified promise of support. -Columbus accepted an invitation of the monarch to unfold his hypothesis -in reference to the extent of Asia, the splendors of the region -described by Marco Polo, the shortness of the distance across the -Atlantic, and the entire practicability of reaching the East Indies by -a directly westward course. - -Of this interview we have two accounts, one written by the -Admiral’s son Fernando, and the other by De Barros, the Portuguese -historiographer. According to Fernando, his father supported the -prosecution of the plan by such excellent reasons that the king did -not hesitate to give his consent. But when Columbus, being a man of -lofty and noble ideals, demanded honorable titles and rewards, the -king found the matter quite beyond the means then at his disposal. De -Barros, on the other hand, assures us that the seeming acquiescence of -the king was simply his manner of answering what he regarded as the -unreasonable importunities of Columbus. He considered the navigator -as a vainglorious man, fond of displaying his abilities and given to -fantastic notions, such as those respecting the island of Cipango. -According to this same authority, it was but another way of getting rid -of Columbus that the king referred the whole subject to a committee of -the Council for Geographical Affairs. - -It is said that councils of war never fight, and that advisory boards -regard the promoters of new schemes as their natural enemies. The -committee to whom the king referred the proposal of Columbus was made -up of two Jewish physicians and a bishop. Although the physicians, -Roderigo and Joseph, were reputed as the most able cosmographers of -the realm, they had not much hesitation in deciding that the project -was extravagant and visionary. With this judgment the ecclesiastical -member of the council seems to have agreed. - -The king, however, as if unwilling to lose any valuable opportunity, -does not appear to have been satisfied with this answer. As the story -goes, he convoked his royal council, and asked their advice whether to -adopt this new route, or to pursue that which had already been opened. - -Von Concelos, the historian of King John II., has given a graphic -account of the discussion held before this council. The Bishop of -Ceuta, the same important dignitary that had been a member of the -committee of three, opposed this scheme in a cool and deliberate -speech. The opposite side was presented by Dom Pedro de Meneses with so -much eloquence and power that the impression he made quite surpassed -that of the colder reasonings of the bishop. What followed was -apparently prompted by a consciousness that the advocates of the scheme -were likely to be successful. The bishop now proposed a very unworthy -scheme. He asked that Columbus might be kept in suspense while a vessel -should be secretly despatched by the king to discover whether there was -any foundation for his theory. The king appears not to have been above -the adoption of so base a proposition. Columbus was required to furnish -for the consideration of the council a plan of his proposed voyage, -together with the charts and maps with which he intended to guide his -course. A small vessel was despatched, ostensibly to the Cape de Verde -islands, but with private instructions to proceed on the route pointed -out by Columbus. The officer had no heart in the enterprise, and it was -a complete failure. Sailing westward for several days, they encountered -storms, and the sailors, losing their courage, returned to ridicule the -project as impossible. - -When these facts came to be known, they produced a very natural -impression on the mind of Columbus. Disgusted with the treatment he had -received from the Portuguese, he quitted Lisbon for Spain at a date -which cannot be determined with precision, but probably in the latter -part of the year 1484 or in the early part of 1485. His departure -had to be secret, lest he should be detained either by the king or -his creditors. Color is given to the supposition that he was under -grave charges of some kind by the fact that King John, when, some -years later, inviting him to return to Portugal, deemed it necessary -to insure him “against arrest on account of any process, civil or -criminal, that might be pending against him.” - -Now, in considering all these accounts, it is not difficult to imagine -that in his efforts to promote his great schemes, Columbus had been -kept in poverty. But the reasons for his leaving in secret, and even -his movements on leaving Portugal, are involved in uncertainty. - -It has also very often been held by modern historians that Columbus, -immediately after entering Spain, found his way to the monastery of -La Rabida, near Palos. The authority for this belief, moreover, is -nothing less than a circumstantial account given by Fernando. But the -assertion has been proved to be incorrect. In the trial of 1513, in -which Diego Columbus attempted to establish certain claims against the -Government, two witnesses gave sworn testimony in regard to the meeting -at La Rabida. This testimony is still to be seen in the records of -the trial; and the details of the evidence make it almost absolutely -certain that the visit of Columbus to that famous monastery was not -when he first entered Spain in 1484 or 1485, but as late as September -or October of 1491. - -Of another interesting effort, however, we have more positive -information. It was probably before leaving Portugal that he despatched -his brother Bartholomew to make application to the king of England. -But whatever the date of the application, it was not successful. -Whether the presentation of the case was made orally or in writing can -perhaps never be determined. It is known that he was in England for a -considerable period; but no trace of the application itself has ever -been found in the English authorities of the time. After remaining -in England probably until 1488, Bartholomew went to France, where he -remained until 1494. Though it seems probable that he received some -encouragement at the French court, even the probability rests upon no -documentary evidence except the assertion of Columbus, already quoted. -That hopes were held out, may perhaps be inferred from the fact that -when, almost at the last moment, Columbus turned his back upon the -Spanish court, he decided to go to France. - -As to the course pursued by Columbus after he reached Spain, there -is also some uncertainty. This is owing to the impossibility of -reconciling some of the statements of Fernando with many of the other -statements found in the contemporaneous records. If the narrative of -the son in regard to the course of the father is followed, the student -will find himself in a labyrinth of difficulties. Fernando would have -us believe that immediately after entering Spain his father went to the -court of Medina Celi, and a little later had his famous experience at -the monastery of La Rabida. But it is impossible to reconcile such a -statement with the subsequent current of events. We know, as we shall -presently see, that Columbus was two years in the house of the Duke -of Medina Celi, and that at the end of that period he took a letter -of introduction and commendation to Cardinal Mendoza at the court of -Ferdinand and Isabella. We know also that the visit to La Rabida was -the cause of a letter being written which induced Columbus to take -that journey to the court, which resulted in the ultimate adoption -of his cause. The letter of Medina, moreover, assured the monarch -that Columbus was on the point of taking his enterprise to the court -of France. This assertion appears to be altogether incompatible with -the supposition that the abode of Columbus with Medina Celi was in -the early part of his residence in Spain. Not to present a tedious -array of irreconcilable details, it is perhaps enough to say that -if the statement of Fernando is once rejected, the way is, for the -most part, easy and clear. If we once adopt the supposition that the -abode with Medina Celi began in 1489, and that the visit to La Rabida -was in September or October of 1491, we shall rest on the authority -of Las Casas, and shall find that the difficulties in the way of -accounting for the movements of Columbus are chiefly removed. Against -this supposition, moreover, there is no evidence except the statement -of Fernando, published not less than eighty years after the events it -purports to describe. - -With this explanation let us endeavour to point out the course of -Columbus in the light of the original evidence. - -Before we can understand the course that was taken, we must glance at -the general condition of Spain. - -The modern Inquisition was established in Castile by royal decree in -September of 1480. It proceeded with so much energy that in the course -of the following year, it is estimated that no less than two thousand -persons were burned at the stake. The queen appears to have had some -scruples in regard to this wholesale slaughter; but these were allayed -by Pope Sixtus the Fourth, who encouraged her by an audacious reference -to the example of Christ, who, he said, established his kingdom by the -destruction of idolatry. This teaching was effective. In the autumn -of 1483 the terrible Torquemada was appointed Inquisitor-General, and -clothed with full powers to reorganize the Holy Office and exterminate -heresy. From that time until the end of this inquisitor’s term of -office, according to the estimation of Llorente, the annual number -of persons condemned to torture was more than six thousand, and in -the course of the whole period more than ten thousand were burned -alive. The success of the Inquisition in Castile was so satisfactory -that Ferdinand resolved to introduce it into Aragon. Notwithstanding -a remonstrance of the Cortes, the _auto-da-fé_, with all its horrors, -was set up at Saragossa in the month of May, 1485. The Aragonese, -despairing of any other way of protecting themselves, resolved upon an -appalling act of violence. Arbues, the most odious of the inquisitors, -was attacked by a band of conspirators and assassinated on his knees -before the great altar of the cathedral, in a manner that reminds us -of the death of Thomas à Becket at Canterbury. The whole kingdom was -consequently thrown into turmoil. - -But there were other causes of anxiety. This very year the prevalence -of the plague added to the general solicitude. In some of the southern -districts of the kingdom the ravages of the pestilence showed not -only the appalling condition of the people, but also the necessity of -governmental assistance. In several of the cities as many as eight or -ten thousand of the inhabitants were swept away. In Seville alone the -number that perished this very year was no less than fifteen thousand. - -Just at this juncture, moreover, the coin of the realm was adulterated, -and a fatal shock was given to commercial credit. The people very -generally refused to receive the debased money in payment of debts. -Prices of ordinary articles rose to such a height as to be above -the reach of the poorer classes of the community. Great destitution -prevailed, and the resources of the Government were put to the severest -strain. Even if there had been no other tax upon the treasures of -the king and queen, the time would not have been propitious for an -application like that of Columbus. - -But there was another and a still more important reason. For more -than three years the terrible war against the Moors had been taxing -the resources of the united armies of Ferdinand and Isabella. When -the Genoese navigator entered Spain, the court was making active -preparations for a vigorous continuation of that titanic struggle. The -rival kings of Granada had formed a coalition that now called for the -most prompt and vigorous action. The headquarters of the king and queen -were established at Cordova, where the active operations in the field -could be most easily and successfully directed; and all the resources -of Castile and Aragon were called into requisition to meet these -emergencies in the famous contest of the Cross against the Crescent. - -No one can fairly judge either of the generosity or of the justice -of the monarchs in dealing with Columbus, without taking into -consideration all these prior obligations. At the very moment when this -enterprising navigator applied for assistance, there must have arisen -to the minds of Ferdinand and Isabella a vivid consciousness of the -ominous ferment caused by the work of the Inquisition; of the suffering -occasioned by the plague; of the starvation that everywhere appealed -for help in consequence of the debasement of the currency and the rise -in prices; and, finally, of the all-absorbing necessity of bringing -every resource of the country to bear upon the ending of this terrible -war against Granada. Nor can it be forgotten that the war was still -to make its demands upon the country for six years. In view of all -the facts, it is difficult to imagine a concurrence of circumstances -more unfavorable to the application. The monarchs could not have been -justly blamed if they had summarily declared that a granting of the -application was impossible. And yet, that they were unwilling to reject -the application outright, the course of events abundantly shows. - -Columbus, in a letter dated the 14th of January, 1493, says that seven -years the twentieth of that month had rolled away since he entered the -service of the Spanish monarchs. This exact statement, corroborated -in substance as it is by others, would seem to fix the date of his -entering the Spanish service as the 20th of January, 1486. What the -nature of this service was, cannot now be determined. Nor do we know -whether from this time he received pecuniary support. The first record -of such assistance, indeed the first authentic documentary evidence -of his being in Spain, occurs in an entry in the books of the royal -treasurer for the 5th of May, 1487. Under this date is found the -following entry: “To-day paid three thousand maravedis [about twenty -dollars] to Christopher Columbus, stranger, who is here employed in -certain things for their Highnesses, under the direction of Alphonso -de Quintanilla, by order of the bishop.” In one of his letters to -Ferdinand, Columbus says: “As soon as your Highness had knowledge of -my desire [to visit the Indies], you protected me and honored me with -favors.” - -While there is nothing in these assertions to indicate the exact date -when Columbus began to receive pecuniary assistance, we are justified -in the inference that it was in January of 1486. - -There is no evidence, however, that Columbus presented himself at the -Spanish capital before the following spring. Surely the times must have -seemed to him inauspicious. The monarchs had established themselves at -Cordova as the most convenient place for the headquarters of the army. -Early in the year, the king marched off to lay siege to the Moorish -city of Illora, while Isabella remained at Cordova to forward the -necessary troops and supplies. A little later we find both monarchs, -in person, carrying on the siege of Moclin. Scarcely had they returned -to Cordova, however, when they were obliged to set out for Galicia to -suppress the rebellion of the Count of Lemos. - -During this summer of military turmoil, Columbus remained at Cordova -vainly waiting for an opportunity to present his cause. Fortunately -he was not without some encouragement; for he had gained the favor of -Alonzo de Quintanilla, whose guest he became, and through whom he made -the acquaintance of Geraldini, the preceptor of the younger children of -Ferdinand and Isabella. - -When the monarchs repaired to the northern town of Salamanca for the -winter, Columbus also went thither with his friends Quintanilla and -Geraldini. Here it was that the cause of the explorer first had a -formal hearing. - -At this audience it is not probable that Queen Isabella was present; -at least, the only part of the discussion taken by the monarchs seems -to have been that of the king. It is said that Columbus unfolded his -scheme with entire self-possession. He appears to have been neither -dazzled nor daunted; for in a letter to the sovereign, in 1501, he -declares that on this occasion “he felt himself kindled as with a fire -from on high, and considered himself as an agent chosen by Heaven to -accomplish a grand design.” - -But so important a matter as that now urged upon the sovereigns was not -to be entered upon lightly or in haste. However willing the king may -have been to be the promoter of discoveries far more important than -those which had shed glory upon Portugal, he was too cool and shrewd -a man to decide a matter hastily which involved so many scientific -principles. Of the details of what followed we have no authentic -account. After more than a hundred years had passed away, and the glory -of the discovery had come in some measure to be appreciated, the claim -was set up that a congress or junta of learned men was called together, -and that the whole subject was submitted to their consideration. The -account, however, is accompanied with many suspicious circumstances. -The historian Remesal was a Dominican monk and a member of the -monastery of St. Stephen at Salamanca, where, it is said, the junta -was held. In his narrative he claims that the ecclesiastical members, -for the most part monks of St. Stephen, listened with approval to -the presentation of the case, while those who might be called the -scientific members strenuously opposed it. This statement, which is -the basis of Irving’s account, is not only inherently improbable, but -is supported by no contemporaneous evidence whatever. The absence of -such evidence, moreover, is enough to condemn the whole story. The -records of the monastery, which are supposed to be complete, contain -no reference to any such meeting. Las Casas, himself a Dominican, -would have been sure to introduce the account into his narrative if it -had rested upon any basis of fact. He makes no allusion to any such -meeting, and we are forced to conclude that the story was fabricated -for ecclesiastical purposes. But although no such formal meeting was -ever held, there is evidence that Ferdinand obtained, in an informal -way, the opinions of some of the most learned men of the time. - -The city of Salamanca, where this order was issued, seemed in every way -favourable for such a hearing; for at this ancient capital was situated -one of the most renowned universities of Spain. It is difficult to -suppose that the professors of that venerable institution were not -familiar with the latest theories in regard to the sphericity of the -earth; but notwithstanding this fact, Columbus had to confront, not -only the prudent conservatism of learning, but also the obstinate -conservatism of the Church. The faculties were made up partly of -ecclesiastics, and partly of others who soon became fully imbued -with the ecclesiastical spirit. It was at a time when there was -no more thought of tolerating heresy than there was of tolerating -arson. The Inquisition, as we have just seen, had recently been -established. In both the king and the queen an ardent religious zeal -was united with great political and military skill, as well as great -personal popularity. Heresy was the most dangerous of crimes, and -the strictest adherence to traditional doctrines was encouraged by -all the considerations of loyalty, of interest, and of prudence. To -the dark colours in which heresy was painted by the Church in the -fifteenth century, a still deeper hue was now added by the horrors -of the Moorish wars. It is therefore easy to explain why the people -of Spain surpassed the people of other countries in the fervour of -religious intolerance. Columbus was obliged to plead the cause of his -departure from traditional methods in an atmosphere charged with all -these predispositions, prejudices, and motives. By the vulgar crowd the -navigator had persistently been scoffed at as a visionary; but with -something of the hopeful enthusiasm of an adventurer, he had steadily -maintained the belief that it was only necessary to meet a body of -enlightened men to insure their conversion to his cause. - -But his hopefulness was destined to be disabused. We can well believe -that his project appeared in a somewhat unfavourable light before the -learned men of the day. To them he was simply an obscure navigator, -and a foreigner at that, depending upon nothing more than the force -of the reasons he might be able to present. Some of them, no doubt, -looked upon him simply as an adventurer, while others were disposed to -manifest their impatience at any doctrinal innovation. The predominance -of opinion seemed to intrench itself in the belief that after so many -cosmographers and navigators had been studying and exploring the globe -for centuries, it was simply an absurd presumption to suppose that any -new discoveries of importance were now to be made. - -The discussion, almost at the very first, was taken out of the -domain of science. Instead of attempting to present astronomical and -geographical objections to the proposed voyage, the objectors assailed -the scheme with citations from the Bible and from the Fathers of the -Church. The book of Genesis, the Psalms of David, the Prophets, and -the Gospels were all put upon the witness-stand and made to testify -to the impossibility of success. Saint Chrysostom, Saint Augustine, -Lactantius, Saint Jerome, Saint Gregory, and a host of others, were -cited as confirmatory witnesses. Philosophical and mathematical -demonstrations received no consideration. The simple proposition of -Columbus that the earth was spherical was met with texts of Scripture -in a manner that was worthy of Father Jasper. - -These various presentations, however, were by no means in vain; -for there was far from unanimity of opinion. There were a few who -admitted that Saint Thomas Aquinas and Saint Isadore might be right -in believing the earth to be globular in form; though even these were -inclined to deny that circumnavigation was possible. It is a pleasure -to note, however, that there was one conspicuous exception to the -general current of opposition and resistance. Whether dating from this -period we do not know, but it is certain that an early interest was -taken in the cause by Diego de Deza, a learned friar of the order of -St. Dominic, who afterward became archbishop of Seville, one of the -highest ecclesiastical dignitaries of the realm. Deza appears to have -risen quite above the limitations of mere ecclesiastical lore; for he -not only took a generous interest in the cause of the explorer, but he -seconded and encouraged his efforts with all the means at his command. -Perhaps it was by his efforts that so deep an impression was made on -the most learned men of the conference. However this may have been, the -ignorant and the prejudiced remained obstinate in their opposition, and -so the season at Salamanca passed away without bringing the monarchs to -any decision. - -After the winter of 1486-87, there occurred a long and painful period -of delays. In the following spring the court departed from Salamanca -and went to Cordova to prepare for the memorable campaign against -Malaga. Columbus accompanied the expedition in the vain hope that there -would be an opportunity for a further hearing. At one time when the -Spanish armies were encamped on the hills and plains surrounding the -beleaguered city, Columbus was summoned to court; but amid the din -of a terrible contest there was no place for a calm consideration of -the great maritime project. The summer was full of incident and peril. -At one time the king was surprised and nearly cut off by the craft of -the old Moorish monarch; at another a Moorish fanatic attempted to -assassinate both king and queen, only to be cut to pieces after he had -wounded the prince of Portugal and the Marchioness de Moya, supposing -them to be Ferdinand and Isabella. - -But it is easy to imagine that this seemingly untoward event -contributed to help on the cause of Columbus. The Marchioness de Moya -had warmly espoused his cause, and the attempt upon her life can hardly -have failed to appeal to the interest of Queen Isabella. - -Malaga surrendered in August, and the king and queen almost immediately -returned to Cordova. The pestilence, however, very soon made that old -city an unsafe abode. For a while the court was in what might be called -the turmoil of migration. At one time it was in Valladolid, at another -in Saragossa, at another in Medina de Campo. But during all this period -its ardent business was the pressing forward of the Spanish armies into -the Moorish territories. As every reader of Irving knows, the ground -was stubbornly contested, inch by inch. Columbus remained for the most -part with the army; but he sought in vain for the quiet necessary for a -dispassionate hearing. - -It could hardly have been otherwise. Ferdinand and Isabella have -often been reproached with needless delays in the matter of rendering -the required assistance; but such a reproach cannot be justified. The -custom of the time sanctioned, even if it did not require, that the -court should accompany the military camp. The Government was not only -at the head of the army, but it was actually and continuously in the -field. All other questions were absorbed by the military interests -of the moment; and it would have been singular indeed, if, in such -a situation, the resources of the treasury had been called upon to -subsidize an expedition that as yet had been unable to secure the -approval of the learned men who had been asked to consider its merits. -It would be difficult to show that the course taken by the monarchs -was not both wise and natural. The period of the war was a fit time in -which to ascertain the merits of the proposal; and if after the contest -should be brought to an end, the reports should be found favorable, the -expedition could be fitted out with such assistance as might comport -with the condition of the treasury and the necessities of the case. - -But, on the other hand, it was not singular that Columbus was at this -time wearied and discouraged by the delays. The end of the war was -still involved in great uncertainty, and there was no assurance that -even at the return of peace his proposals would receive the royal -approval and support. It was not unnatural, then, that he began to -think of applying elsewhere for assistance. In the spring of 1488 he -wrote to the king of Portugal, asking permission to return to that -country. The reply, received on the 20th of March, not only extended -the desired invitation, but also gave him the significant assurance -of protection against any suits of a criminal or civil nature that -might be pending against him. About the same time he seems also to -have received a letter from Henry VII. of England, inviting him to -that country, and holding out certain vague promises of encouragement. -Though this letter was doubtless the fruit of the efforts made by his -brother Bartholomew, there is no evidence that Columbus ever thought -favourably of accepting the invitation. Why it was that he delayed -going to Portugal until late in the autumn cannot be determined with -certainty. It is, however, not difficult to conjecture. Harrisse has -found in the treasury-books memoranda of small amounts of money paid -to Columbus from time to time during his stay in the vicinity of the -Spanish court. Ferdinand and Isabella were sufficiently interested in -the project to be unwilling that he should carry his proposition to -another monarch. At least, they were anxious that he should not commit -himself elsewhere until they should have had opportunity to examine -into the project with care; and then, at the close of the war, if it -seemed best, they would give him the needed support. Accordingly, -elaborate preparations for a new hearing were at once made. No less -than three royal orders were issued,--one summoning Columbus to a -council of learned men at Seville; one directing the city authorities -to provide lodgings for the navigator, as for an officer of the -government; another commanding the magistrates of the cities along the -way to furnish accommodations for him and for his attendants. - -These orders were all carried out; but the conference was postponed, -and finally interrupted by the opening of the campaign for the summer. -The annals of Seville contain a statement that in this campaign -Columbus was found fighting and “giving proofs of the distinguishing -valor which accompanied his wisdom and his lofty desires.” What we -positively know of the course of events may be summed up as follows. -On the 3d of July, 1487, he received the second stipend in money. At -the end of the following August we find him at the siege of Malaga. -In the winter of 1487-88 he was at Cordova, when his relations with -Beatriz Enriquez resulted in the birth of his son Fernando on the 15th -of August, 1488. On the 16th of June of this year Columbus received -the third allowance of money. Early in the spring he had asked for -permission to return to Portugal, and the letter granting his request -bears date of the 20th of March. The journey was not undertaken, -however, until after the birth of his son. When he went, and how long -he remained in Portugal, are uncertain; for the only positive proof -that he took the journey at all is a memorandum in his own handwriting, -dated at Lisbon in December of 1488. It is, however, interesting to -note that this memorandum, made in his copy of Cardinal d’Ailly’s -“Imago Mundi,” calls attention to the return of Diaz from his voyage to -the Cape of Good Hope. It is, however, definitely ascertained that he -returned in the spring of 1489; for on the 12th of May of that year an -order was issued to all the authorities of the cities through which he -passed, to furnish him all needed support and assistance at the royal -expense. - -The fact that this is the last time that Columbus figures in the -order-books of the treasury has led Harrisse to infer that the -navigator saw no immediate chance of success, and so for a time -abstained from the further pressing of his suit. - -We are thus brought to the autumn of 1489, when Columbus, seeing -little reason for hope, but still not so discouraged as to abandon -his cause, formed an acquaintance which proved to be of incalculable -value. How the acquaintance came about, we have no means of knowing. -The authorities are so at variance with one another on the subject -that there has been much difference of opinion as to the time when the -acquaintance was formed. Irving and the larger number of modern writers -have supposed that the events which resulted from this connection -occurred soon after Columbus entered Spain. Harrisse, however, has -pointed out with great acumen the difficulties in the way of accepting -this supposition, and has established at least an overwhelming -probability that the residence of the navigator with the Duke of Medina -Celi extended from the early months of 1490 to the end of 1491. - -At the beginning of the fifteenth century Spain was still very largely -made up of principalities that were practically independent. Two of -these were possessed and governed by the Dukes of Medina Sidonia -and Medina Celi. In the wars against Naples, as well as in the long -struggle against the Moors, these noblemen fitted out expeditions -and conducted campaigns with something like regal independence and -magnitude. They lived in royal splendour, and dispensed a royal -hospitality. As their vast states lay along the sea-coast at the -southwest of Spain, where they had ships and ports, as well as hosts of -retainers, it is not singular that this enterprising refugee from the -Spanish camp found his way into their domains. - -With Medina Sidonia, Columbus seems to have had no special success, -though the nobleman is reported to have given him many interviews. The -very splendour of the project may have thrown over it such a colouring -of improbability as to raise a feeling of distrust. To the hard-headed -old hero of so many campaigns, the proposal was simply the undertaking -of an Italian visionary. - -But upon Medina Celi the navigator made a more favourable impression. -Unfortunately, we are dependent for information almost solely upon the -statements of the duke. But the narrative has the air of probability. -He says that he entertained Columbus for two years at his house. At one -time he had gone so far as to set apart and fit out several of his own -ships for the purposes of an expedition; but it suddenly occurred to -him that an enterprise of such magnitude and importance should go forth -under no less sanction than that of the sovereign power. Finding that -Columbus in his disappointment had decided to turn next to the king of -France, the duke determined to write to Queen Isabella and recommend -him strongly to her favourable consideration. Among other things, he -wrote that the glory of such an enterprise, if successful, should be -kept by the monarchs of Spain. Of the kind favour of the duke there can -be no question; for the letter of introduction carried by Columbus is -still preserved. This important document not only commends the bearer -to favourable consideration, but it also asks that in case the favour -should be granted, the duke himself might have the privilege of a share -in the enterprise, and that the expedition might be fitted out at his -own port of St. Marie, as a recompense for having waived his privilege -in favour of the grant. - -During the next year and a half the prospect seemed in no way more -propitious. Columbus, even though he now had the support of Medina -Celi, must have been reduced to something like desperation. The court -was making preparations for a final campaign against Granada, with a -full determination never to raise the siege until the Spanish flag -should float above the last Moorish citadel. Columbus knew that when -once the campaign should be entered upon, it would be vain to expect -any attention to his cause. Accordingly, he pressed for an immediate -answer. The sovereigns called upon the queen’s confessor, Talavera, to -obtain the opinions of the scientific men and to report their decision. -This order was complied with; but after due consideration, a majority -decided that the proposed scheme was vain and impossible. - -This answer would seem to have been, for the time at least, conclusive; -but the men consulted were by no means unanimous. On the contrary, -several of the learned members strenuously exerted themselves in favour -of the enterprise. Of these the most earnest and influential was the -friar Diego de Deza, who, owing to his influential position as tutor of -Prince John, had ready access to the royal ear. The matter, therefore, -was not peremptorily dismissed. The monarchs, instead of rejecting the -application outright, ordered Talavera to inform Columbus that the -expense of the war and the cares attending it made it impossible to -undertake any new enterprise; but that when peace should be assured, -the sovereigns would have leisure and inclination to reconsider the -whole question. - -Disheartened and indignant at what he considered nothing more than a -courtly method of evading and dismissing his suit, Columbus resolved -immediately to turn his back upon the Spanish court. For six years -he had now pleaded his cause, apparently in vain. Hoping for nothing -further, he determined to seek the patronage of the king of France. - -It is interesting to note that, taking his boy Diego with him, he -made his way to that very seaport town upon which a little later he -was to bestow an undying fame by embarking from it on his memorable -expedition. Notwithstanding the fact that Medina Celi had given him a -home, he must have been reduced to extreme poverty. He seems not only -to have travelled on foot, but also to have been under the necessity -of begging even for a crust of bread. - -Just before he was to reach the port at Palos, Columbus stopped at the -gate of the convent of Santa Maria de la Rabida to ask for food and -water for himself and his little boy. It happened that the prior of -the convent was Juan Parez de Marchena, a friar who had once been the -confessor of Queen Isabella. He appears to have had some geographical -knowledge; for he at once interested himself in the conversation of -Columbus, and was greatly impressed with the grandeur of his views. -On hearing that the navigator was to abandon Spain and turn to the -court of France, his patriotism was aroused. He not only urged the -hospitality of the convent upon the traveller until further advice -could be taken, but within a few days he enlisted two or three persons -of influence for his cause. One of these was Garcia Fernandez, a -physician; another was Martin Alonzo Pinzon, an experienced navigator -of Palos. Pinzon, on hearing what was proposed, was so fully convinced -of the feasibility of the plan that he offered to bear the expense of -the new application, and, if successful, to assist the expedition with -his purse and his person. - -But it was to the prior of the convent that Columbus was to be most -indebted. The result of their several interviews was the determination -that the queen’s old confessor should make one further appeal. With -this end in view, a courier was despatched with a letter. It was -successful. After a wearisome journey of fourteen days, the messenger -returned with a note summoning Perez to the royal court, then encamped -about Granada. At midnight of the same day the prior mounted his mule -and set out on his mission of persuasion. - -On arriving at the camp, Perez was received with a welcome that gave -him great freedom. As the queen’s old confessor, he had immediate -access to the royal presence, and he pleaded the project of the -navigator with fervid enthusiasm. He defended the scientific principles -on which it was founded; he urged the unquestionable capacity of -Columbus to carry out the undertaking; he pictured not only the -advantages that must come from success, but also the glory that would -accrue to the Government under whose patronage success should be -achieved. - -The queen listened with attention. It is interesting to note that -the cause was warmly seconded by the queen’s favourite, the same -Marchioness de Moya whose life had been imperilled by the dagger of the -Moorish fanatic. A decision was reached without much delay. The queen -not only requested that Columbus might be sent to her, but she gave the -messengers a purse to bear the necessary expenses, and to enable the -maritime suitor to travel and present himself with decency and comfort. - -The successful friar at once returned to the convent, and reported the -result of his mission to his waiting friends. Without delay, Columbus -exchanged his garb for one suited to the atmosphere of the court, and -set out for the royal presence. - -In his journal, as quoted by Las Casas, Columbus tells us that he -arrived at Granada in time to see the end of that memorable war. After -a struggle of nearly eight hundred years, the Crescent had at length -succumbed to the Cross, and the banners of Spain were planted on the -highest tower of the Alhambra. The jubilee that followed had all the -characteristics of Spanish magnificence. But in these festivities -Columbus probably took only the part of an observer. By one of the -Spanish historians he is represented as “melancholy and dejected in the -midst of general rejoicings.” - -As soon as the festivities were over, his cause had a hearing. Fernando -de Talavera, now elevated to the archbishopric of Granada, was -appointed to carry on the negotiations. At the very outset, however, -difficulties arose that seemed to be insuperable. Columbus would listen -to none but princely conditions. He made the stupendous mistake of -demanding that he should be admiral and viceroy over all the countries -he might discover. As pecuniary compensation, he also asked for a tenth -of all gains either by trade or conquest. - -It can hardly be considered singular that the courtiers were indignant -at what they regarded as his extravagant requirements. Though Columbus -had seen much and hard service at sea, his experience hitherto had -not been of a nature to reveal any extraordinary ability. For six -years he had been simply a wandering suppliant for royal favour. -What he now demanded was to be put into the very highest rank in the -realm. As admiral and viceroy he would stand next to the sovereigns -on land, as well as on sea. What he asked as compensation, though it -would stimulate every temptation to abuse, was not of so unreasonable -a nature. But to promote this obscure navigator, and a foreigner at -that, over all the veterans who had for perhaps half a century been -faithfully earning recognition, seemed very naturally to the archbishop -preposterous indeed. One of the courtiers observed with a sneer that -it was a shrewd arrangement that he proposed, whereby in any event -he would have the honor of the command and the rank, while he had -nothing whatever to lose in case of failure. Though Columbus, doubtless -remembering the offer of Pinzon, offered to furnish one eighth of the -cost, on condition of having one eighth of the profits, his terms were -pronounced inadmissible. The commission represented to the queen that, -even in case of success, the demands would be exorbitant, while in case -of failure, as evidence of extraordinary credulity, they would subject -the Crown to ridicule. - -More than all this, the terms demanded were of such a nature as to stir -the jealousy and hostility of all the less fortunate naval commanders. -Columbus has been represented by Irving and many of the other -biographers as having shown in these demands a loftiness of spirit and -a firmness of purpose that are worthy of the highest commendation. But -when one looks at the far-reaching consequences of the terms insisted -upon, one can hardly fail to see in them the source of very much of the -unhappiness and opposition that followed him throughout his career. -The strenuousness of his terms, by throwing wide open the door to every -form of abuse, detracted from his happiness and diminished his claim to -greatness. - -But Columbus would listen to nothing less than all these conditions. -More moderate terms were offered, and such as now seem in every way to -have been honourable and advantageous. But all was in vain. He would -not cede a single point in his demands. The negotiations accordingly -had to be broken off. He determined to abandon the court of Spain -forever rather than detract one iota from the dignity of the great -enterprise he had in view. We are told that, taking leave of his -friends, he mounted his mule and sallied forth from Santa Fé, intending -immediately to present his cause at the court of France. - -But no sooner had he gone than the friends who had ardently supported -him were filled with something like consternation. They determined to -make one last appeal directly to the queen. The agents of this movement -were the royal treasurer, Luis de Santangel, and Alonzo de Quintanilla. -Santangel was the one who presented the cause. On two points he placed -special stress, and he urged them with great power and eloquence. The -first may be condensed into the phrase that while the loss would, in -any event, be but trifling, the gain, in case of success, would be -incalculable. In the second place he urged that if the enterprise were -not undertaken by Spain, it would doubtless be taken up by one of the -rival nations and carried to triumphant success. He then appealed -to what the queen was in the habit of doing for the glory of God, -the exaltation of the Church, and the extension of her own power and -dominion. Here, it was urged, was an opportunity to surpass them all. -He called attention to the offer of Columbus to bear an eighth of the -expense, and advised her that the requisites for the enterprise would -not exceed three thousand crowns. The Marchioness de Moya was present, -and added her eloquence to that of Santangel. - -These representations had the desired effect, and the queen resolved -on the spot to undertake the enterprise. The story, so often repeated, -that the queen pledged her jewels for the necessary expense, rests -upon no contemporaneous evidence, and has recently been shown to be -extremely improbable. It was not necessary, for Santangel declared that -he was ready to supply the money out of the treasury of Aragon. The -adoption of the cause by the queen was complete and unconditional. - -It was in the narrow pass at the foot of Mount Elvira, a few miles from -Granada, that the swift messenger of this good news overtook Columbus -on his dejected retreat. No very fertile fancy is required to imagine -with some confidence the emotions of the explorer as he listened to the -story of the queen’s new decision. Turning the rein, he hastened his -jaded mule with all possible speed to the royal court at Santa Fé. - -For reasons which it is not easy to understand, there were still -considerable delays before the requisite papers received their final -signature. Whether there were disagreements still to be adjusted -cannot now be known. Columbus returned to the court early in February, -but it was not until the 17th of April that the stipulations had been -duly made out and signed. - -In form the papers were the work of the royal secretary, but they -received the assent and signature of both monarchs. The principal -commission is of so much importance that it is here given in full:-- - - 1. First, your Highnesses, in virtue of your dominion over - the said seas, shall constitute from this time forth the said - Don Christopher Columbus your admiral in all the islands and - territories which he may discover or acquire in the said seas, - this power to continue in him during his life, and at his death - to descend to his heirs and successors from one to another - perpetually, with all the dignities and prerogatives appertaining - to the said office, and according to the manner in which this - dignity has been held by Don Alonzo Henriquez, your High Admiral - of Castile, and by the other admirals in their several districts. - - 2. Furthermore, your Highnesses shall constitute the said Don - Christopher Columbus your viceroy and governor-general in all the - said islands and territories to be discovered in the said seas; - and for the government of each place three persons shall be named - by him, out of which number your Highnesses shall select one to - hold the office in question. - - 3. Furthermore, in the acquisition by trade, discovery, or any - other method, of all goods, merchandise, pearls, precious stones, - gold, silver, spices, and all other articles, within the limits - of the said admiralty, the tenth part of their value shall be the - property of the said Don Christopher Columbus, after deducting - the amount expended in obtaining them, and the other nine tenths - shall be the property of your Highnesses. - - 4. Furthermore, if any controversy or law-suit should arise in - these territories relating to the goods which he may obtain - there, or relating to any goods which others may obtain by trade - in the same places, the jurisdiction in the said cases shall, - by virtue of his office of admiral, pertain to him alone or - his deputy, provided the said prerogative belong to the office - of admiral, according as that dignity has been held by the - above-mentioned Admiral Don Alonzo Henriquez, and the others - of that rank in their several districts, and provided the said - regulation be just. - - 5. Furthermore, in the fitting out of any fleets for the purpose - of trade in the said territories, the said Don Christopher - Columbus shall on every such occasion be allowed the privilege - of furnishing one eighth of the expenses of the expedition, and - shall at such times receive an eighth part of the profits arising - therefrom. - -In the formal commission we find these words: - - “We therefore by this commission confer on you the office - of admiral, viceroy, and governor, to be held in hereditary - possession forever, with all the privileges and salaries - pertaining thereto.” - -Surely these were extraordinary powers. From any unjust exercise of -supreme authority in the lands Columbus might discover, there was to be -no appeal. The authority was limited, moreover, by neither custom nor -method. In the matter of governorships he was to have the sole right -of nomination, and in all questions of dispute in regard to his own -interest in goods obtained either by himself or by anybody else, he or -his deputy was to have sole jurisdiction. - -The temptation to exercise these powers for the oppression of -a barbarous people would seem, even under the most favourable -circumstances, to be quite as much as human nature could bear. But the -circumstances were not favourable. The danger was in the fact that a -high pecuniary premium was put upon the abuse of authority. - -The promise of a tenth of all that the Admiral might acquire by -trade, discovery, “or any other method,” was a powerful stimulant -to cruelty and cupidity. Unfortunately, the age was one when every -people that did not avow Christianity was regarded as legitimate -spoil for the Christian invader. This fact took away the last feeble -guarantee of public opinion. In estimating the character of Columbus -we must remember that he was subjected to the temptations of unlimited -authority, of immeasurable opportunity, and of exemption from all -accountability, either to the Government or to public opinion. His -place in history must ultimately be determined by the manner in which -it shall be shown that he administered this trust. - -The fact should not be overlooked that there was always a powerful -religious motive in all the plans of Columbus. One of his purposes -in seeking to reach eastern Asia by sailing westward was an opening -of the way for the conversion of the people to Christianity. His -writings abound in expressions of this desire. In all his plans for -his expedition he made prominent his wish to gain the means necessary -for the conquest of the Holy Land. In his nature and his faith there -was much of the religious zeal of the mediæval Crusader, united -with a tendency to indulge in the fervid religious rhetoric of the -seventeenth-century Puritan. Columbus hoped, by these explorations in -the west, to acquire the means of succeeding in that enterprise of -bringing Jerusalem back into the control of Christianity, which for -three centuries had baffled the efforts of all Christendom. - -During the six long years of Columbus’s waiting in Spain, the relations -of Ferdinand and Isabella to the projects of Columbus were such as -to merit our high commendation. We have seen that immediately after -his cause was presented to the sovereigns for consideration, it was -referred to the most learned men in the vicinity of the court. It is -difficult to conjecture how any disposition of the question could, -at that time, have been more appropriate. Whenever the subject was -presented anew, a similar reference of the subject was made. From no -one of these references was there received a favourable report. But -when the war had been brought to a close, and when, in consequence, -there was opportunity for a personal examination of the matter, the -whole subject was taken into sympathetic consideration. The romantic -and religious elements of the project appealed strongly to Isabella. -Ferdinand acted with characteristic caution. The needed money appears -to have been taken from the chest of the king, but only on condition -that in due time it should be restored, if need be, from the chest of -the queen. Thus it may be said that the husband loaned the trifling -subsidy necessary for the enterprise, on the security of his wife. -This arrangement suited both monarchs, and therefore both signed the -commissions of the Admiral. - -If we were asked for the names of those who rendered the highest -service to Columbus during this trying period, the answer would not be -easy. In the immediate vicinity of the court Alfonso de Quintanilla -was the first to espouse his cause with ardour, and he remained an -unswerving advocate. Among those to whom the cause was submitted for -advice, the ecclesiastic, Diego de Deza, is entitled to the credit of -having been the first and the most faithful of supporters. The Duke of -Medina Celi gave to the navigator the support which detained him at a -moment when he seemed to be on the point of abandoning Spain forever. -The friar of La Rabida, Juan Parez de Marchena, the old confessor of -the queen, made a successful effort to renew the suit after all hope -had been abandoned. And finally, when the demands of Columbus seemed -preposterous for their magnitude, the united efforts of Santangel, the -Marchioness de Moya, Quintanilla, and Talavera succeeded in bringing -the queen up to the point of a favourable decision. To all of these -advocates no small quota of the credit for success is due. But in -distributing this credit there must be no forgetting or obscuring -of the work of Columbus himself. We have seen that the advocacy of -the navigator was full of inconsistencies and extravagances. He was -a foreigner, and one that looked very much like an adventurer. The -time and the circumstances seemed the most inopportune. All these -facts argued strongly against his cause. But in spite of them all, -his knowledge, his courage, his faith, his tact, and his persistency -were enough to hold a band of powerful advocates firmly to his great -cause, and, in the end, bring it to success. Whatever abatements from -an unreasonable glorification of Columbus modern research may feel -compelled to make, these are great qualities, which the progress of -time can never efface or obscure. - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -THE FIRST VOYAGE. - - -The commission of Columbus bore date of April 30, 1492. On the same day -was signed a royal requisition on the inhabitants of the town of Palos, -requiring them to furnish at their own expense two caravels for the -expedition. This singular proceeding was in consequence of some offence -which the town had given the king and queen, for which the people had -been condemned to render the service of two vessels for the period of -twelve months, whenever the royal pleasure should call for them. The -vessels moreover were to be armed at the expense of the town. Within -ten days from the sight of the letter the authorities were required -to have the two vessels in complete readiness for the enterprise. The -royal treasury was also further relieved by the fact that they were -required to furnish the money for the wages of the crew during a period -of four months. - -Another royal order bearing the same date was of greater importance in -its influence on the character of the expedition. All the magistrates -in the realm were informed that “every person belonging to the crews -of the fleet of said Christopher Columbus” were “exempt from all -hindrance or incommodity either in their persons or goods;” and that -they were “privileged from arrest or detention on account of any -offence or crime which may have been committed by them up to the date -of this instrument, and during the time they may be on the voyage, and -for two months after their return to their homes.” - -This remarkable order must have been inspired by the fear that the -requisite crews for the vessels could not readily be obtained. The -special inducements held out to the criminal classes appealed to every -debtor, to every defaulter, and to every criminal. Here was immunity -from the pursuit of justice. Such an order could hardly have failed -to have a powerful influence on the character of the crew. The fleet -became a refuge for runaway criminals and debtors; and accordingly it -was not singular that sailors of respectability were slow to enlist. -Popular opinion at Palos was violently opposed to the expedition. -Though the town was required to furnish two caravels within ten days -after receiving the royal order, weeks passed before the necessary -vessels could be procured. A third ship was provided for out of the -funds furnished for the expedition. Every shipowner refused to lend -his vessel for the enterprise. Another royal order had to be issued, -authorizing Columbus to press the ships and men into the service. -Meanwhile the mariners of Palos held aloof, partly in the belief that -the proposed expedition was simply the work of a monomaniac, and partly -from the fact that the ships had been made a refuge for criminals. -But Juan Parez, the friar whose influence had already made itself so -powerfully felt, was active in persuading men to embark. The Pinzons, -who, it will be remembered, had offered to defray one eighth of the -expense, now came forward to aid the enterprise with their money and -their personal service. Agreeing to take command of two of the vessels, -their wealth and their influence gave a new impulse to the undertaking. -But enlistments went forward very slowly; and even after men had been -enrolled, the least cause of dissatisfaction induced them to desert. -In the putting of the ships in order, the work was so badly done as to -justify the suspicion that a deliberate effort was put forth to make -them unseaworthy. - -Though the sovereigns had supposed that ten days would be time enough -to put the fleet in readiness for the voyage, it was with the utmost -difficulty that the work was accomplished in ten weeks. Columbus -had chosen small vessels of less than a hundred tons’ burden each, -believing that they would be better adapted for service along the coast -and in the rivers. It has been estimated that even the longest of them -was only sixty-five feet in length, and not more than twenty feet in -breadth. The “Santa Maria,” commanded by the Admiral himself, was the -only one that was decked midships. The others, the “Pinta” and the -“Nina,” were built high in the prow and stern, that they might the more -easily mount the waves, and were covered only at the ends. The “Pinta” -was commanded by Columbus’s old friend Martin Alonzo Pinzon, while his -brother, Vincente Yañez Pinzon, was captain of the “Nina.” On all -the ships there were a hundred and twenty souls, ninety of them being -mariners. - -Harrisse has computed the sum provided for the expedition at 1,640,000 -maravedis, or about $3640. Of this amount Santangel, as the agent of -the monarchs, furnished 1,140,000 maravedis, while Columbus, aided -by the Pinzons, provided the remaining five hundred thousand. The -fleet’s contingent contained a notary for drawing up necessary papers, -and a historiographer to put the story in formal order. There was an -interpreter learned in all Asiatic tongues, and a metallurgist to -examine the ores. Though the fleet was equipped with a physician and a -surgeon, it does not appear that it had a priest. The squadron was at -length ready to put to sea. We are told that on the last days before -sailing, everybody in Palos was impressed with the solemnity of the -undertaking. Officers and crew united in going to the church in the -most formal manner and confessing themselves, and after partaking of -the sacrament, in committing themselves to the special guidance and -protection of Heaven. It was an hour before sunrise, on Friday, the 3d -of August, when the ships were cut from their moorings and entered upon -their perilous adventure. - -Fortunately we are not without Columbus’s own account of this voyage. -The Admiral kept a diary, which, though it is not now known to be in -existence, was carefully epitomized by Las Casas, and the abstract, -very largely in Columbus’s own words, is preserved. There are also -still in existence the two letters of Columbus by means of which -the great discovery was formally announced to the world. It is to -these three priceless documents that we are chiefly indebted for our -knowledge of the voyage. In the introduction to the diary Columbus -says: “I determined to keep an account of the voyage, and to write -down punctually everything we performed or saw from day to day.” He -also adds: “Moreover, besides describing every night the occurrences -of the day, and every day those of the preceding night, I intend to -draw up a nautical chart which shall contain the several parts of the -ocean and land in their proper situations; and also to compose a book -to represent the whole by pictures, with latitudes and longitudes, on -all which accounts it behooves me to abstain from sleep and make many -efforts in navigation, which things will demand much labour.” - -The contemplated geographical work was never written; but the purpose -of the navigator is of interest, as it creates a presumption in favor -of carefulness in the preparation of the diary. - -The general course of the fleet was in a southwesterly direction, -the purpose being to touch at the Canary Islands. This intention was -fortunate; for on Monday, the fourth day out, the rudder of the “Pinta” -become loose, and threatened to make a continuance of the voyage -with this vessel impossible. The Admiral suspected that the accident -happened with the connivance of disaffected members of the crew. Many -of the men had shown an uncompromising opposition to the expedition -before setting out, and there could be no doubt that any accident that -would interrupt the voyage would be most welcome. The “Pinta,” however, -was in command of Martin Alonzo Pinzon, an officer of capacity and -courage, to whose faith in the enterprise Columbus had already been -largely indebted while fitting out the fleet and securing the crew. The -skill and vigour of the commander caused the rudder to be put in place; -but it was again unshipped on the following day, and it was necessary -to put into port for repairs. - -Owing to delays occasioned by the condition of the “Pinta,” it was not -until the 12th of August that the little fleet reached port in one -of the Canary Islands. Here it was found that the condition of the -disabled caravel was worse than had been supposed. Besides having her -rudder out of order, she was leaky, and the form of her sails seemed -not to be adapted to the perils of an Atlantic voyage. Columbus tried -to find another vessel for which he could effect an exchange; however, -he was not successful, and so it was found necessary to delay the -voyage until the little ship could be put into seaworthy condition. The -rudder was made secure, the form of the sails was changed, and every -practicable precaution was taken to prevent leakage. But it was not -until the 6th of September--more than a month from the day of leaving -the port at Palos--that the fleet was once more ready to sail. - -During the stay at the Canaries two or three interesting things -happened. Columbus reports that they “saw a great eruption of flames -from the Peak of Teneriffe, which is a lofty mountain.” But more -important to the matter in hand were the several reports he heard in -regard to the existence of land in the west. The Admiral says he “was -assured by many respectable Spaniards inhabiting the island of Ferro -that they every year saw land to the west of the Canaries,” and also -that “others of Gomera affirmed the same with the like assurances.” -He also makes note of the fact that when he was “in Portugal in 1484 -there came a person to the king from the island of Madeira soliciting -a vessel to go in quest of land, which he affirmed he saw every year, -and always of the same appearance.” Still further he says that “he -remembers the same was said by the inhabitants of the Azores, and -described as in a similar direction, and of the same shape and size.” - -This interesting delusion, which is supposed to have had its origin in -certain meteoric appearances, had taken a firm hold of the credulity -of the people. The country which they imagined they saw in the west -bore the name of the isle of Brandon, in commemoration of Saint -Brandon, a Benedictine monk of the sixth century, who, it was believed, -spent seven years in the region to which his name was finally given. -Belief in the existence of land not very far west of the Canary group -was current in the fifteenth century, and several expeditions were -undertaken, by order of the king of Portugal, for the discovery of this -mystical continent. As yet, however, the repeated failures of these -efforts had not convinced the inhabitants of the islands west of Africa -that land within any possible range of vision from the Canaries had -no existence except in the imaginations of the beholders. The special -connection of this credulity with the expedition of Columbus is in the -influence which it must have had upon the spirits of the crew. While -there was an air of mystery about it that may have been depressing -to certain temperaments, to the mass of the crew it can hardly have -failed to give some encouragement. But at the same time it undoubtedly -provided the way for a depressing reaction when, after days of -fruitless sailing, no land was discovered. - -On the morning of the 6th of September the little fleet put out from -the harbour of Gomera and entered again upon its course. A report was -brought by a vessel from the neighbouring island of Ferro that there -were three Portuguese caravels cruising in search of Columbus. This -circumstance was interpreted to mean a hostile intent on the part of -the king of Portugal, owing to the fact that the Admiral had abandoned -his service and resorted to the patronage of Spain. But if the report -was true, the Spanish squadron was successful in evading its enemies. -The course now taken was due west; but owing to a strong head-sea, -progress for several days was very slow. - -We have already had occasion to see that Columbus never attached very -great importance to the matter of precision in the statement of fact. -The recent scrutiny to which his writings have been subjected has -revealed so many contradictions and inaccuracies that we are forced -into the belief that he often used words in a very general rather than -in a specific and strictly accurate sense. We shall not infrequently -have occasion to note this habit of mind,--a peculiarity which it -will be necessary to remember if we would form an accurate conclusion -as to the value of his testimony. He seems not to have been without -conscience; but it is not too much to say that whenever there was a -powerful motive for misrepresentation, Columbus did not hesitate to -ask himself whether the end would not justify the means. The modern -ethical standard, which requires absolute truthfulness at all hazards, -did not prevail at the end of the fifteenth century; but it is not -without much regret that even at that period we find one whom we would -gladly rank as a moral hero admitting frankly that he systematically -prevaricated in order to convey a false impression. If, on the one -hand, there are those who will succeed in finding adequate excuse for -the misrepresentation indulged in, on the other it will be hard to find -any one who will regard such misrepresentation as a characteristic of -lofty conscientiousness. - -In the journal of September 9 we find this entry:-- - - “Sailed this day nineteen leagues, and determined to count less - than the true number, that the crew might not be dismayed if the - voyage should prove long.” - -On the following day Columbus says,-- - - “This day and night sailed sixty leagues, at the rate of ten - miles an hour, which are two leagues and a half. Reckoned only - forty-eight leagues, that the crew might not be terrified if they - should be long upon the voyage.” - -In the days following, similar entries were made, always with the same -end in view. Interesting evidences of life were often observed. On the -13th of September one of the crew saw a tropical bird, which, it was -believed, never goes farther than twenty-five leagues from land. On -the 16th large patches of weed were found which appeared to have been -recently washed away from land; on account of which the Admiral writes -that “they judged themselves to be near some island;” “the continent,” -continues the narrator, “we shall find farther ahead.” These -indications multiplied from day to day. On the 18th the “Pinta,” which, -notwithstanding her bad condition, was a swift sailer, ran ahead of the -other vessels, the captain having informed the Admiral that he had seen -large flocks of birds toward the west, and that he expected that night -to reach land. Though as yet they had only reached the centre of the -Atlantic, on the 19th the ships were visited by two pelicans,--birds -which, it was said, were not accustomed to go twenty leagues from land. -On the 21st the ocean seemed to be covered with weeds; and the same -day a whale was seen,--“an indication of land,” says the journal, “as -whales always keep near the coast.” The next day a wind sprang up, -whereupon the Admiral observes: “This head-wind was very necessary to -me, for my crew had grown much alarmed, dreading that they never should -meet in these seas with a fair wind to return to Spain.” - -On September 25 the disappointing monotony of these indications was -interrupted. At sunset Pinzon called out from his vessel that he saw -land. The Admiral says, when he heard him declare this, he fell down -on his knees and returned thanks to God. Pinzon and his crew repeated -“Gloria in excelsis Deo,” as did the crew of the Admiral. Those on -board the “Nina” ascended the rigging, and all declared that they saw -land. The Admiral judged that the land was distant about twenty-five -leagues. It was not until the afternoon of the 26th that they -discovered that what they had taken for land was nothing but clouds. - -As revealed by the journal, the events of each day were much like -those of every other. The most striking feature of the voyage was the -constantly occurring indications of land. After the little fleet passed -mid-ocean there was scarcely a day that did not bring some sign that -beckoned them on. Seaweed abounded, and as a sounding of two hundred -fathoms revealed nothing but a steady undercurrent of the ocean, the -weeds could not have come from the bottom of the sea. At one time a -green rush was found, which, the commanders thought, must have grown in -the open air, with its roots in the soil. At another, a piece of wood -was taken aboard that gave unmistakable signs of having been somewhat -curiously wrought by the hand of man. But the most significant tokens -were the birds. They appeared in considerable numbers almost, if not -quite, every day, many of them known to be unaccustomed to wander for -any very great distance from land. To every thinking man on board the -squadron they seemed to give evidence absolutely unmistakable that they -were not far from land, and that the object of their expedition was -likely to be successful. The birds, moreover, so far as any general -direction of their flying could be regarded as an indication, seemed -to have their home in a southwesterly direction. This fact led the -commander of the “Pinta” to urge the Admiral to change his course. -At first Columbus thought it best, in spite of the course of the -birds, to keep on due west. But at length the indications were so -unmistakable and so persistent that he yielded, and set the rudders for -a southwesterly course. But for this incident, seemingly very trifling -in itself, the fleet, as Humboldt has remarked, would have entered -the Gulf Stream before touching land, and would have been borne to a -landfall somewhere on the coast of the future United States. - -Many of the later historians of Columbus, taking the hint from Oviedo, -have given graphic pictures of the way in which the skill and the tact -of the Admiral prevented the crew of the fleet from breaking out into -mutinous revolt and turning the vessels toward home. It has been said -that at one time there was a serious purpose of throwing the Admiral -into the sea, and declaring that he fell overboard while making an -observation; at another, that Columbus found himself compelled to -promise that unless land was discovered within three days, he would -abandon the expedition, turn about, and sail for home. But these -stories must now, for the most part, be regarded as apocryphal. None of -them are mentioned by Columbus himself, nor do they appear in the other -early accounts of the voyage. No hint of mutiny or even of any lack of -due subordination appears in the searching trials of 1513 and 1515, -when every event that could possibly have a bearing upon the methods -of Columbus was brought upon the witness-stand. As a matter of fact, -the voyage was for the most part an uneventful one, save as its placid -progress was occasionally excited by the variations of the compass, an -unusual amount of seaweed, or an unwonted flight of birds. That the -hopes and fears of the crews were alert cannot of course be doubted, -but there is no evidence sufficient to justify the belief that the life -of the Admiral or the advance of the expedition was ever in serious -danger. - -In the evening of the 11th of October, Columbus thought that he -discovered a light moving with fitful gleams in the darkness. He called -to him two of his companions, one of whom confirmed his impression, -while the other could not. The journal says that “The Admiral again -perceived it once or twice, appearing like the light of a candle -moving up and down, which some thought an indication of land.” But -evidently Columbus did not regard this as a discovery, for he not only -reminded the crew of the reward of a pension that awaited the one -who should first see land, but he also offered a silk doublet as an -additional inducement to the search. They were still some forty-two -miles from the coast, which lies so low that it could hardly have been -seen at a distance of twenty. It was four hours later that land was -first unmistakably seen in the moonlight, at a distance of about two -leagues. There can be no question that if a light was really seen at -all, it was on a boat at some distance from the shore. A reward of ten -thousand maravedis per year had been promised by the king and queen to -the person on the expedition who should first descry land. Columbus in -his journal admits that land was first seen and announced by Rodrigo -de Triana of the “Pinta” at two o’clock on the morning of October -12th; and it would be a pleasure to record that he subsequently had -sufficient magnanimity to waive his own very absurd claim in favour of -the poor sailor to whom it was so justly due. But after his return he -set up the demand for himself; and to him it was promptly adjudged and -paid by the king and queen. It is said that the poor sailor, thinking -himself ignobly defrauded, renounced Christianity and went to live -among the Mohammedans, whom he regarded as a juster people. - -It was then on Friday, October 12, that the fleet first came to land -upon an island which the natives called Guanahani. Early in the -morning Columbus and the brothers Pinzon and the notary entered a -boat with the royal standard and made for the shore. The rest of the -crews immediately followed. As soon as they had landed, the requisite -formalities were performed, and witnesses were summoned to note that, -before all others, Columbus took possession of the island for the king -and queen, his sovereigns. He gave it the name of San Salvador. - -Over the question as to the spot where Columbus first landed there -has been much difference of opinion. The narrative of the Admiral -concerning this important part of his voyage, though it has been -preserved entire, is not so free from ambiguities, or so definite -in its positive statements, as to relieve the subject of doubt. The -reckoning of Columbus, moreover, on the matter of longitude and -latitude was not sufficiently accurate to throw much light on the -subject. Accordingly, several of the Bahamas have had their advocates. -The modern San Salvador, or Cat Island, was believed to be the place -of landing by Humboldt and Irving. South of Cat Island lie Watling’s, -Samana, Acklin, and the Grand Turk; and no one of them has been without -its ardent supporters. Recently, however, the most careful students of -the problem have unmistakably drifted toward the belief that the spot -of the landfall should be confidently fixed upon Watling’s Island. - -The arguments in favour of this locality were first elaborately -set forth by Captain Becher in a volume published in 1856, and -were followed by Peschel two years later in his “History of Modern -Discovery.” Mr. R. H. Major, a careful student of the subject, was for -many years inclined to favour Turk’s Island; but in 1870 he conceded -that the weight of evidence was in favour of Watling’s. Lieutenant -Murdock of the American navy and Mr. Charles A. Schott of the United -States Coast Survey reached the same conclusion by independent studies -in 1884, as did also Mr. Clements R. Markham in 1889. Finally, and -perhaps most important of all, the Bahamas were visited and this -problem was carefully studied in November of 1890 by the German -explorer Herr Rudolf Cronau, with the result of establishing Watling’s -Island as the site of the landfall beyond any reasonable doubt. - -Cronau’s investigations are twofold in their nature: the first point -of his inquiry being devoted to the reasons for thinking Watling’s the -island on which Columbus landed; the second, to establishing the point -at which the landfall took place. Though it is on this last point that -special significance is to be attached to his investigations, it may -not be out of place to give a brief summary of the argument as a whole. - -Columbus describes the island as low, covered with abundant and -luxuriant vegetation, and as having a large body of water in the -interior. In one place he speaks of the island as “small,” at another -as “pretty large.” After the first landing, he goes N. N. E. in the -small boats, and soon passes through a narrow entrance into a harbour -“large enough to accommodate the fleets of Christendom.” In this -harbour he discovers an admirable site of a fort, which he describes -with minute care. He says, moreover, that the part of the island -visited is protected by an outlying reef of rocks not far from the -shore. Las Casas, who became very familiar with the islands during the -life of Columbus, and who probably knew where the first landing was -made, states that the form of the island was oblong, or “bean-shaped.” -The length of Watling’s Island is about twelve English miles, the -breadth between four and six. All these characteristics apply to -Watling’s, and in their entirety they apply to no other. - -There are, however, certain difficulties in the way of accepting this -theory. The most serious is the fact that the rocks off the northern, -eastern, and southern parts of the island are so formidable as to -offer no safe place for anchorage, and that an approach from none of -these directions could afford the view described by Columbus. It is -in meeting this difficulty that the ingenious theory of Cronau is of -importance. It is in substance as follows. - -The journal of Columbus tells us that on Thursday, October 11, the -ships “encountered a heavier sea than they had met with before in the -whole voyage.” It also states that in the course of twenty-four hours -they made the remarkable run of fifty-nine leagues, running at times -“ten miles an hour, at others twelve, at others seven.” In the evening -of the 11th, “from sunset till two hours after midnight,” the average -rate was “twelve miles an hour.” It was at ten o’clock that Columbus -reports that he saw the light, and consequently the vessel must have -advanced forty-eight miles before two o’clock on the morning of the -12th, when land was seen by Triana from the “Pinta.” These facts, -together with the extraordinary length of the run on the 11th, indicate -unmistakably that the roughness of the sea was caused by a strong -easterly wind, for by no other means could so rapid an advance have -been made. At “two o’clock,” says the Admiral, “land was discovered -at a distance of two leagues.” In which direction the land lay is not -indicated. All sails “except the square sail” were taken in, and the -vessels “lay to” till day,--probably about four or five hours. The -supposition of Cronau is that a wind which up to two o’clock carried -them when under full sail twelve miles an hour, must have borne the -ships, when under square sail, at least ten or fifteen miles before -dawn. It would have been impossible in a heavy sea to land on the rocky -coast of the east side; and whatever the advance, it must have been -either on the north or on the south. It seems reasonable to suppose -that the fleet found itself at the break of day west of the island. In -any case, good seamanship required that they should seek anchorage in a -high wind on the lee, or west side; and accordingly, the only natural -course was for them to turn about and approach the island from the -west. On the supposition that this course was pursued, no difficulties -whatever are found in reconciling Columbus’s narrative with the present -condition of the island. At about the middle of the west coast the -locality at present known as Riding Rocks must have presented then, -as it does now, an inviting anchorage. All the features of the coast -as described by Columbus are now easily identified. The sail to the -N. E. E., which under any other hypothesis presents insurmountable -difficulties, is now easily explained. Taking a boat and following -along the same course, Cronau entered the mouth of the harbour, and -readily distinguished all the characteristics described by the Admiral. - -If the data given by Columbus afford no very definite clew to the spot -on which the landing took place, his account of what he saw, especially -of the people, is so replete with interest as to justify a quotation of -some length. After describing the formalities of the taking possession -of the island, and noting that the trees seemed very green, that there -were many streams of water and divers sorts of fruits, Columbus gives -the following graphic account of the natives:-- - - “As I saw that they were very friendly to us, and perceived - that they could be much more easily converted to our holy faith - by gentle means than by force, I presented them with some red - caps, and strings of beads to wear upon the neck, and many other - trifles of small value, wherewith they were much delighted, and - became wonderfully attached to us. Afterwards they came swimming - to the boats, bringing parrots, balls of cotton thread, javelins, - and many other things, which they exchanged for articles we gave - them, such as glass beads and hawk’s bells, which trade was - carried on with the utmost good will. But they seemed on the - whole to me to be a very poor people. They all go completely - naked, even the women, though I saw but one girl. All whom I - saw were young, not above thirty years of age, well made, with - fine shapes and faces; their hair short and coarse like that - of a horse’s tail, combed toward the forehead, except a small - portion which they suffer to hang down behind, and never cut. - Some paint themselves with black, which makes them appear like - those of the Canaries, neither black nor white; others with - white, others with red, and others with such colours as they can - find. Some paint the face, and some the whole body; others only - the eyes, and others the nose. Weapons they have none, nor are - they acquainted with them; for I showed them swords, which they - grasped by the blades, and cut themselves through ignorance. They - have no iron, their javelins being without it, and nothing more - than sticks, though some have fish-bones or other things at the - ends. They are all of a good size and stature, and handsomely - formed. I saw some with scars of wounds upon their bodies, and - demanded by signs the cause of them. They answered me in the - same way, that there came people from the other islands in the - neighbourhood who endeavoured to make prisoners of them, and they - defended themselves. I thought then, and still believe, that - these were from the continent. It appears to me that the people - are ingenious, and would be very good servants; and I am of the - opinion that they would readily become Christians, as they appear - to have no religion. They very quickly learn such words as are - spoken to them. If it please our Lord, I intend at my return to - carry home six of them to your Highnesses, that they may learn - our language. I saw no beasts in the island, nor any sort of - animals except parrots.” - -The next three months of this renowned expedition were spent in going -from island to island, in making brief visits to the various places -that seemed to promise any interesting or important revelation, and in -seeking for objects of interest and value. The Admiral was in constant -hope of learning something that would direct him to Cipango. In all -the islands the people were found to speak the same language and to -have the same general characteristics. After visiting and exploring -Long Island and Saometo, which he respectively named Fernandina and -Isabella, he at length, on the 21st day of October, landed on the -northern coast of a large island which the natives called Colba. This -was the modern Cuba. He explored the picturesque region far to the -west, and found it so large that he supposed it to be a continent. -The Indians, however, informed him that it was only an island. As he -perceived neither towns nor villages near the sea-coast, but only -scattered habitations, the people of which fled at his approach, he -sent two of his men into the interior to learn whether the inhabitants -had either king or chief. The men, after an absence of three days, -reported that they found a vast number of settlements built of wood and -straw, with “innumerable people.” Yet they were able to discover no -indications of any kind of government. To the island the name Juana was -given, in honor of Don Juan. - -Columbus did not attempt to circumnavigate the island. After coasting -far to the west, and noting carefully the rivers and harbours, he -resolved to retrace his course. From the point where the first landing -was made, he sailed a hundred and seven leagues toward the east, when -he came to a cape from which he reports that he saw another island, -about eighteen leagues away. This was the island now known as San -Domingo, or Hayti, to which Columbus gave the name Hispaniola. Sailing -thither, and skirting along its northern coast, the explorers found it -more beautiful even than any of the others they had seen. The journal -describes the harbours as far more safe and commodious than any to be -found in Christian countries; the rivers were large and noble, the land -was high, with beautiful mountains and lofty ridges covered with a -thousand varieties of beautiful trees that “seemed to reach to heaven.” -Most gratifying of all, they learned from the Indians that there were -“large mines of fine gold.” - -It was here that Columbus decided to establish the first permanent -settlement. Through the carelessness of the pilot, however, the -Admiral’s own vessel struck upon a rock off the northwestern coast of -the island, and, finally, in spite of all the efforts of the crew, had -gone to pieces. The assistance rendered by the natives in rescuing -the stores of the wreck afforded touching evidence of their friendly -feeling. The timbers of the ship furnished the material for a structure -that should at once be a storehouse and a fort. It was resolved to -leave provisions for a year, together with seeds and implements for the -cultivation of the soil. - -As to the number of the crew that were left at this new settlement, -the authorities do not agree. It is probable, however, that there were -about forty. In the narrative of Columbus, the words are these: “I -have directed that there shall be provided a store of timber for the -construction of the fort, with a provision of bread and wine for more -than a year, seed for planting, the long boat of the ship, a calker, a -carpenter, a gunner, a cooper, and many other persons among the number -of those who have earnestly desired to serve your Highnesses and -oblige me by remaining here, and searching for the gold mine.” As the -wreck and the consequent determination to build a fort and establish a -colony occurred on Christmas Day, the Admiral named the new settlement -“La Navidad.” - -The people of the island manifested a most friendly disposition. The -abode of the king was about a league and a half distant from the shoal -where the wreck had taken place. Columbus relates that when the Spanish -messengers informed the cacique of the misfortune, he “shed tears and -despatched all the people of the town with large canoes to unload the -ship.” Again he says that the king, “with his brothers and relations, -came to the shore and took every care that the goods should be brought -safely to land and carefully preserved. From time to time, he sent his -relations to the Admiral, weeping and consoling him, and entreating -him not to be afflicted at his loss, for he would give him all he -had.” The Admiral still further observes that “in no part of Castile -would more strict care have been taken of the goods, that the smallest -trifle be not lost.” And again: “The king ordered several houses to be -cleared for the purpose of storing the goods.” On the following day, -Wednesday, December 26, the Admiral’s journal contains this memorandum: -“At sunrise the king of the country visited the Admiral on board the -‘Nina,’ and with tears in his eyes entreated him not to indulge in -grief, for he would give him all he had; that he had already assigned -the Spaniards on shore two large houses, and, if necessary, would -grant others, and as many canoes as could be used in bringing the goods -and crew to land,--which, in fact, he had done the day before, without -the smallest trifle being purloined.” In forming an opinion of a policy -which in a few years completely annihilated the inhabitants of these -islands, this estimate of their character ought not to be forgotten. - -Before leaving this settlement, Columbus took the precaution to give -to the natives an exhibition of the force of fire-arms. A lombard was -loaded and fired against the side of the stranded ship. The shot, -much to the amazement of the natives, passed through the hull of the -vessel, and struck the water on the farther side. He also gave them a -representation of a battle fought by parties of the crew, and conducted -in accordance with Christian methods. This was done, as he informs us, -“to strike terror into the inhabitants and make them friendly to the -Spaniards left behind.” - -Having left the settlement in charge of Diego de Arana, and three -others as subordinate officers, and having conferred upon them all -the powers he had himself received from the king and queen, Columbus -prepared to enter upon his homeward voyage. The commander of the -“Pinta,” who, as we shall presently see, had entered upon an exploring -expedition of his own, had now rejoined the Admiral; and on the 4th of -January the two little ships turned their rudders and set sail for home. - -In the study of the journal and the letters of Columbus, in so far as -they relate to the first voyage, a number of impressions are strongly, -and, it should perhaps be said, painfully, stamped upon the mind of the -reader. - -While the desire of the explorer to Christianize the island was never -lost sight of, he was prevented from any missionary work, not only -by the fact that the expedition was unaccompanied by priests, but -also by the nature of the expedition itself. It was simply a voyage -of discovery; and the movements from one island to another were -necessarily too rapid to admit of anything more than a temporary -impression. Nothing more, therefore, was done to propagate Christianity -than to leave here and there upon the islands the mysterious emblems -of the new faith. The preaching of the Gospel was reserved for future -expeditions. - -But the ultimate Christianizing of the natives was only one of the -religious motives that inspired the expedition. For many years -Columbus had entertained the hope that gold might be found in quantity -sufficient to enable the Spanish Government to rescue the Holy -Sepulchre from the possession of infidels. The project inspired him -throughout his life. From these, as well as from personal motives, he -was therefore particularly desirous of finding gold. Nothing is more -painfully obvious in his journal than the power of this pecuniary -motive. The quest for gold lured him on from one island to another, -and from the sea-coast to the interior. He everywhere makes inquiries -for gold, and again and again he hears reports of gold mines; but -his efforts in search of them are always unsuccessful. However, he -never abandons hope. The journal abounds in expression of optimistic -expectation that gold in vast quantities will yet be found, and -that the object of this search will yet be fully realized. But the -gold-bearing mines everywhere eluded him, and indeed the natives appear -to have possessed the precious metal in no more than very trifling -quantities. Still, the hopes of Columbus were kept sanguine to the -last. It was only ten days before the expedition sailed for home -that he entered upon his journal the expression of a most sanguine -expectation. Las Casas tells us that in his journal for December 26th, -Columbus “adds that he hopes to find on his return from Castile a ton -of gold collected by them in trading with the natives, and that they -will have succeeded in discovering the mine and the spices, and all -these in such abundance that before three years the king and queen -may undertake the recovery of the Holy Sepulchre. ‘For I have before -protested to your Highnesses,’ continues Columbus, ‘that the profits -of this enterprise shall be employed in the conquest of Jerusalem, at -which your Highnesses smiled, and said you were pleased, and had the -same inclination.’” - -In one of the letters of the Admiral announcing the discovery, known as -the Sanchez Letter, the Admiral writes in still more sanguine terms. He -says: “To sum up the whole, and state briefly the great profits of this -voyage, I am able to promise the acquisition, by a trifling assistance -from their Majesties, of any quantity of gold, drugs, cotton, and -mastick, which last article is found only in the island of Scio; also -any quantity of aloe, and as many slaves for the service of the marine -as their Majesties may stand in need of.” - -In the letter written to the royal treasurer, Santangel, Columbus -invariably speaks in terms of similar confidence. “In conclusion, -and to speak only of what I have performed,” says he, “this voyage, -so hastily despatched, will, as their Highnesses may see, enable any -desirable quantity of gold to be obtained, by a very small assistance -afforded me on their part.” On the eve of sailing for Spain, after -referring to the opposition he had received from the clergy and others -about the court, he says: “These last have been the cause that the -royal crown of your Highnesses does not possess this day a hundred -millions of reals more than when I entered your service, from which -time it will be seven years the 20th day of this month of January.” - -The reader will hardly fail to observe that these promises, so -comprehensive in their nature, rested upon a very slender foundation. -Very little gold had been seen by the explorers, and the mines had -all baffled their most diligent search. The ardent nature of Columbus -found no difficulty in converting hopes into confident expectations. -How painfully these were destined to be disappointed, we shall have -occasion hereafter to see. - -Another matter that is worthy of notice is the general attitude of -Columbus toward his crew and toward the islanders. It may be difficult -to determine how far it was Columbus’s fault; but the fact is -unmistakable that there are no indications of any attachment to him by -any of the members of his crew. His habit of deceiving them in regard -to the distance passed over, and in regard to the needle, is likely -to have occasioned general distrust. Certain it is that Martin Alonzo -Pinzon, the ardent friend whose support at Palos made the expedition -possible, deserted him without warning soon after the fleet reached -the first land. The Admiral himself says, in his journal of November -21st, that Pinzon, “incited by cupidity,” sailed away with the “Pinta” -“without leave of the Admiral,” and that “by his language and action he -occasioned many other troubles.” - -But the conduct of Pinzon was even to Columbus something of a mystery; -for elsewhere in his journal he “confesses himself unable to learn the -cause of the unfavorable disposition which this man had manifested -toward him throughout the voyage.” Elsewhere the Admiral says Pinzon -“was actuated solely by haughtiness and cupidity in abandoning him.” -Again he says that both of the Pinzon brothers “had a party attached to -them, the whole of whom had displayed great haughtiness and avarice, -disobeying his commands, regardless of the honours he had conferred -upon them.” - -It is evident that Columbus was quite devoid of tact in the management -of men; for the bitterness that at a later period manifested itself -could not otherwise be accounted for. - -Toward the natives Columbus seems not to have been actuated by any -motives of cruelty. He is not to be harshly judged, moreover, if his -methods were simply those of the fifteenth rather than those of the -nineteenth century. But human nature is ever essentially the same, -and it is therefore easy to understand the history of the change -that rapidly came over the spirit of the natives. Immediately after -he arrived at the islands, Columbus took a number of the natives by -force, and kept them upon the ship. On the 12th day of November he -writes: “Yesterday a canoe came to the ship with six young men; five -of them came on board, whom I ordered to be detained, in order to have -them with me. I then sent ashore to one of the houses and took seven -women and three children; this I did that the Indians might tolerate -their captivity better with their company.” In the same connection the -Admiral adds: “These women will be of great help to us in acquiring -their language, which is the same throughout all these countries, the -inhabitants keeping up a communication among the islands by means of -their canoes.” Again, on the 14th of January, only two days before -taking final leave, Las Casas says that, “wishing to make prisoners -of some Indians, he intended to despatch a boat in the night to visit -their houses for this purpose; but the wind blowing strong from the -east and northeast occasioned a rough sea, which prevented it.” On the -following day he says: “There came four young Indians on board the -caravel, where they gave so good an account to the Admiral of the -island to the east that he determined to take them along with him.” - -It is impossible to reflect upon this habit of the Admiral without -realizing that, however friendly and hospitable the natives had shown -themselves at first, the impression soon made upon their minds must -have been one of the utmost repugnance and enmity. To indulge in -any other supposition would be to suppose that the natives were not -human beings. The captives seem for the most part to have been kindly -treated, and they may not have manifested an unconquerable aversion -to their captivity; but this unscrupulous policy of kidnapping the -natives whenever opportunity offered, could not have been otherwise -than disastrous to all friendly relations. It is impossible to conceive -that the islanders were so devoid of all human sensibilities as to see -with indifference their husbands and wives, their sons and daughters, -stolen from them for the gratification of the lust and the cupidity of -their visitors. Nor, aside from all moral considerations, on the part -of the wisest historian of the time was there any failure to understand -the disastrous consequences of such a policy. Las Casas was fully alive -to all the political significance of this course of action. While this -great moralist, whose nobility of character raises him far above all -the other public men of his time, fully acquits Columbus of any wrong -intent, he does not hesitate to indict him for initiating a policy -that was the cause of all the crimes and disasters that ensued. The -right to kidnap was of course resented by the natives. The consequence -was a war of extermination. The sad fate of the colony of La Navidad -can never be fully understood, for reasons which in due time we shall -see; but it would have been strange indeed if men, endowed with even -the feeblest attributes of human nature, had not been desirous of -exterminating a race actuated by such a policy. The words of Las -Casas are at once so judicious and so just that they ought not to be -abridged. After speaking of the ardent desire of Columbus to bring -as much profit as possible to Ferdinand and Isabella, he uses these -admirable words:-- - - “For this cause the Admiral thought and watched and worked for - nothing more than to contrive that there might come advantage - and income to the sovereigns.... Ignoring that which ought not - to be ignored concerning divine and natural right and the right - judgment of reason, he introduced and commenced to establish such - principles and to sow such seeds that there originated and grew - from them such a deadly and pestilential herb, and one which - produced such deep roots, that it has been sufficient to destroy - and devastate all these Indies, without human power sufficing to - impede or intercept such great and irreparable evils.” - -And then, with a charming discrimination and charity, the same -benignant author continues,-- - - “I do not doubt that if the Admiral had believed there would - succeed such pernicious detriment as did succeed, and had known - as much of the primary and secondary conclusions of natural and - divine right as he knew of cosmography and other human doctrines, - he would never have dared to introduce or establish a thing - which was to produce such calamitous evils; for no one can say - that he was not a good and Christian man.” - -The course taken by Columbus does not show that he was exceptionally -immoral; for morality is at least so conventional as to be entitled -to be judged in the light of the age under consideration. But his -course does show that he was not above the moral debasement of the -age in which he lived, on the one hand, and, on the other, that -he was destitute, not only of the characteristics of what we call -statesmanship, but also of ordinary tact and good judgment. Nothing -could have been easier than by a judicious use of rewards and -inducements to persuade a sufficient number of the natives to accompany -the fleet in a most friendly spirit. Either this was not perceived, -or it was not desired. In either case, the whole history is a sad -commentary on the management of the Admiral. - -In spite of the popular superstition, Columbus did not hesitate to -set sail for home on Friday. It had been on Friday that he left -Palos; on Friday that he left the Canaries; and now on Friday, the -4th of January, he took leave of the colony at La Navidad and ordered -the pilots to set the rudder for home. On the 9th day of January -they proceeded thirty-six leagues, as far as Punta Roxa, or Red -Point, where the Admiral records that they found tortoises as big as -bucklers, and where also he saw three mermaids that raised themselves -far above the water. Of the latter the Admiral has the frankness to -say that although they had something like a human face, they were -not so handsome as they are painted. Two days later Columbus came to -a mountain covered with snow, which he named Monte de Plata; and, a -little beyond, after passing a succession of capes, which were duly -named, he came to a vast bay in which he determined to remain to -observe the conjunction that was to be seen on the 17th. Here for the -first time he found men with bows and arrows, and not only bought a bow -and some arrows, but learned from one of the natives that the Caribs -were to the eastward, and that gold was to be found on an island not -far away, which he called the island of St. John. Bernaldez says that -“in the islands of these Caribs, as well as in the neighbouring ones, -there is gold in incalculable quantity, cotton in vast abundance, and -especially spices, such as pepper, which is four times as strong and -pungent as the pepper that we use in Spain.” - -It soon became evident that these people were of a less pacific nature -than the other islanders whom Columbus had met. A band of fifty-five -of the natives, armed with bows and arrows and swords of hard wood, as -well as heavy spears, attempted to seize seven of the Spaniards. An -altercation ensued. Two of the Indians were wounded, whereupon they all -fled, leaving their arms behind them. The incident is worthy of note -from the fact that it was the only time during this expedition that the -Spaniards and the natives came to blows. The breach was easily healed, -however, for on the following day the Indians returned as though -nothing had happened, and a complete reconciliation took place. The -Admiral gave the native king a red cap, and the next day “the king sent -his gold crown and provisions.” - -On the 15th, Columbus entered the port of a little island where there -were good salt pits. The soil, the woods, and the plains convinced -him that at last he had come to the island of Cipango. Perhaps he was -confirmed in this impression by the current reports that the gold -mines of Cibao were not far distant. On the next day the Spaniards -discovered the caravel “Pinta” sailing toward them. Twenty days -before, Pinzon, apparently moved by a resistless ambition, had gone -off on an independent cruise. Columbus now received the excuse of the -captain,--that he acted under necessity; and though he thought it by no -means satisfactory, he was willing to condone the offence. - -The Admiral now decided to sail directly for Spain; and accordingly the -Spaniards prepared at once to leave the bay, which they called De las -Flechas, or the Bay of Arrows. When they had advanced about sixteen -leagues, the Indians pointed to the island of St. John, which, they -said, was the home of the Caribs, or cannibals. Columbus did not think -it wise, however, to delay for further investigation or inquiry. Sails -were set, and the prows of the two little ships were turned toward -home. It was on the 16th of January that the last of the Bahamas passed -to the rearward out of sight. - -During several days the navigators had no adverse fortune. The killing -of a tunny-fish and a shark afforded a welcome addition to their -larder, as they were now reduced to bread and wine. The “Pinta” soon -proved to be in poor condition for the voyage, as her mizzen-mast was -out of order and could carry but little sail. The sea was calm and the -course was east by northeast until February 4, when it was changed to -east. On the 10th the pilots and the captains took observations to -determine their bearings, but with very unsatisfactory results. The -imperfect condition of the science of navigation was well illustrated -by the fact that their reckonings differed by a hundred and fifty -leagues. - -The calm monotony of the voyage was broken on the 13th. All night they -laboured with a high wind and furious sea. On the next day the storm -increased, “the waves crossing and dashing against one another, so that -the vessel was overwhelmed.” In the following night the two little -ships made signals by lights as long as one could see the other. At -sunrise the wind increased, and the sea became more and more terrible. -The “Pinta” was nowhere to be seen, and the Admiral thought her lost. -The journal records that he ordered lots to be cast for one of them to -go on a pilgrimage to St. Mary of Guadaloupe, and carry a wax taper of -five pounds weight, and that he caused them all to take oath that the -one on whom the lot fell should make the pilgrimage. For this purpose -as many peas were put into a hat as there were persons on board, one of -the peas being marked with a cross. The first person to put his hand -in the hat was the Admiral, and he drew the crossed pea. Two other -lots were taken, one of these also falling to Columbus. They then made -a vow to go in procession in penitential garments to the first church -dedicated to Our Lady which they might meet with on arriving at land, -and there pay their devotions. - -But notwithstanding these vows the danger continued to increase. Lack -of ballast was partially supplied by filling with sea-water such casks -as they could make available. It is easy to conjecture what the anxiety -of the Admiral must have been. One of the vessels had been lost in the -Indies; the “Pinta” had also probably perished; and now the fury of -the hurricane was such as to make it extremely improbable that even -the “Nina” would survive. In such a calamitous event no word of the -discovery would ever reach Europe, and all the worst conjectures of the -opponents of the expedition would seem to have been fulfilled. - -As a possible means of preventing so disastrous a result, Columbus -wrote upon parchment an account of the voyage and of the discoveries -he had made, and after rolling it up in waxed cloth, well tied, and -putting it into a large wooden cask, he threw it into the sea. Another -he placed upon the deck of the vessel, in order that in case all upon -the vessel should be lost, there might be a chance that the results of -the voyage might still be made known. - -At sunrise of the 15th, land was discovered, which some thought to be -Madeira, and others the rock of Cintra, near Lisbon. According to the -Admiral’s reckoning, however, they were nearer the Azores. But the -power of the storm was still so great that it was not until the morning -of the 18th that they were able to come to an anchorage, and to find -that they were in the group of the Azores, at the island of St. Mary. - -Columbus now sent a half of the crew on shore to fulfil their vows, -intending on their return to go himself with the other half, for the -same purpose. But the first company of pilgrims were set upon by the -Portuguese and taken prisoners. An attempt, though unsuccessful, was -also made to capture the Admiral. A severe altercation occurred, in -which the captain of the island ordered the Admiral on shore, and the -Admiral in turn displayed his commission and threatened the island with -devastation. It was not until the 22d that the parleyings came to an -end and the captured portion of the crew was restored. - -Though for a few days the weather was propitious, on the 27th another -storm came on, which continued for several days. On the 3d day of -March a violent squall struck the vessel and split all the sails. -They were again in such imminent danger that another pilgrimage was -promised, and the crew all made a vow to fast on bread and water on the -first Saturday after their landing. Having lost its sails, the vessel -was now driven under bare poles before the wind. Through the night -Columbus says that the “Nina” was kept afloat “with infinite labor and -apprehension.” But at the dawn of the 4th of March the Spaniards found -they were off the rock of Cintra. Though from what had occurred, the -Admiral entertained a strong distrust of the Portuguese Government, -there was no alternative but to run into the port for shelter. - -In view of his experience during the returning voyage, Columbus can -hardly have been surprised to learn from some of the oldest mariners -of the place that so tempestuous a winter had never been known. He -received numerous congratulations on what was regarded as a miraculous -preservation. - -Immediately on reaching the port the Admiral made formal announcement -of his discoveries. A courier was despatched to the king and queen of -Spain with the tidings. To the king of Portugal a letter was also sent -requesting permission and authority to land at Lisbon, as a report -that his vessel was laden with treasure had spread abroad and gave -him a feeling of insecurity at the mouth of the Tagus, where he was -surrounded by needy and unscrupulous adventurers. Accompanying this -request was the assurance that the vessel had not visited any of the -Portuguese colonies, but had come from Cipango and India, which he had -discovered in the course of his westward voyage. - -For some days after his arrival Columbus seemed to be in some danger. -For nearly a century Lisbon had derived its highest glory from maritime -discovery, and it was therefore not singular that the advent of a -vessel with such tidings should have filled the people with wonder -and surprise. From morning till night the little ship was thronged -with visitors piqued with curiosity. On the day after his arrival, the -captain of a large Portuguese man-of-war summoned Columbus on board -his ship to give an account of himself and his voyage. The explorer -replied that he held a commission as admiral from the sovereigns of -Spain, and, as such, he must refuse to leave his vessel, or to send -any one in his place. This attitude of lofty dignity was successful. -The Portuguese commander visited the caravel with sound of drums and -trumpets, and made the most generous offers of protection and service. - -On the 8th of March Columbus received an invitation to visit the king -at Valparaiso. Complying with this invitation, he received a friendly -greeting. King John did not scruple to say that in his opinion, -according to the articles stipulated with the Spanish monarchs, the new -discovery belonged to him rather than to Castile. - -This claim was not without some show of reason. In the time of the -Crusades the doctrine had been promulgated and generally accepted that -Christian princes had a right to invade and seize upon the territories -of infidels under the plea of defeating the enemies of Christ and of -extending the sway of the Church. What particular Christian monarch was -to have the right to a given territory was to be determined by papal -decision. Under this authority Pope Martin V. conceded to the Crown of -Portugal all the lands that might be discovered between Cape Bojador -and the Indies. This concession was formally consented to and ratified -by Spain and Portugal in the treaty of 1479. Though it was evident -that the intent of the treaty only related to such lands as might be -discovered in a passage to the Indies by an easterly course, there -was no verbal limitation, and therefore it can hardly be regarded as -singular that the Portuguese monarch should now claim that it included -within its provisions any lands that might be discovered in even a -westerly voyage. - -But it is evident that Columbus regarded this question as one to be -determined by the monarchs themselves rather than by any discussion -between his royal host and himself. Accordingly, he was content merely -to observe that he had not been aware of the agreement to which -allusion had been made, and that when setting out on his voyage, he -had received explicit instructions not to interfere with any of the -Portuguese settlements. - -Perhaps the only importance to be attached to this visit to the -Portuguese port is the fact that by it Columbus was made fully aware -that the king of Portugal intended to contest the rights of Spain to -the newly discovered lands. The claim of the king was eagerly taken up -and seconded by his courtiers, some of whom were the very men who, ten -years before, had advised against giving Columbus the assistance he -needed, and consequently were piqued at the success that had finally -crowned his efforts. They assured the monarch that the new lands, -even if they were not the identical ones that had been reached by the -Portuguese navigators who had sailed toward the east, were at least so -near them as to make an independent title invalid. From one absurdity -they went on to another, until they reached the conclusion that the -claims of the discoverer were absurd and preposterous, and that they -were entitled to no consideration whatever. Spanish and Portuguese -historians agree that the king’s advisers even went so far as to -propose the assassination of the Admiral, in order to prevent any -future complications. - -It is to the credit of the monarch that, notwithstanding these ignoble -proposals of his ministers, he treated Columbus with distinguished -personal consideration. The hospitality extended was scarcely less than -princely, and on the departure of the navigator the king gave him a -royal escort that was commanded to show him every kindness. On his way -back to Lisbon the Admiral accepted an invitation to visit the queen -at the monastery of Villa Franca, where he regaled her with a glowing -and circumstantial account of the expedition and the islands he had -discovered. - -It must not be supposed, however, that the king was ingenuous. On -the contrary, he listened with favour to some of the more subtle and -sinister suggestions of his courtiers. The proposal that met with most -countenance was the advice that they should fit out a strong fleet at -once, and despatch it under command of one of the foremost captains -of the Portuguese service, to take possession of the newly discovered -country before a second Spanish expedition could reach its destination. - -After thus passing nine days within the domain of Portugal, Columbus -hoisted anchor on the 13th of March, and reached the port of Palos on -Friday, the 15th, where he was received with great demonstrations of -joy. - -By the people of this little Spanish port the expedition had been -regarded as chimerical and desperate. But the crews had formed no very -small portion of the able-bodied men of the town. Many, therefore, had -given up their friends as abandoned to the mysterious horrors with -which credulity had always peopled the unknown seas. But now, many of -their friends had not only returned, but they brought back accounts -of the discovery of a new world. The bells were rung, the shops were -closed, business of all kinds was suspended, a solemn procession -was formed, and wherever Columbus was observed, he was hailed with -acclamations. - -The court was at Barcelona. The Admiral at once despatched a letter to -the king and queen, announcing his arrival, and informing them that he -would await their orders at Seville. Before he departed from Palos, -however, an event of great interest occurred. On the very evening of -the arrival of Columbus, and while the bells of triumph were still -ringing, the “Pinta,” commanded by Martin Alonzo Pinzon, entered the -river. The two little vessels had parted company in the terrible storm -off the Azores; and each, supposing that the other was lost, by a -singular coincidence now, on the same day, reached the port from which -they had together set out more than six months before. - -The connection of Martin Alonzo Pinzon with the first voyage of -Columbus is a subject which has received more or less of the attention -of every historian of that remarkable event. Unfortunately, the ending -of his career was one that threw an indelible stain upon the credit -of his name. The concluding facts of his life may be briefly stated. -After parting from the “Nina,” the “Pinta,” driven by the storm far to -the north, and finding its way with infinite difficulty into the Bay -of Biscay, took refuge in the port of Bayonne. Pinzon seems to have -deemed it safe to presume that the “Nina” and all its crew had been -lost. Accordingly, he wrote to the monarchs of Spain, announcing the -discoveries he had made, and asking permission to wait upon the court -and give the particulars in person. As soon as the storm abated, he -set out for the port of Palos, evidently anticipating a triumphant -entry; but when, on nearing the harbour, he beheld the ship of the -Admiral, and heard the joyful acclamations with which Columbus had been -received, his heart must have failed him. It is said that he feared -to go ashore, lest Columbus should put him under arrest for having -deserted him on the coast of Cuba,--at least he landed privately, and -kept out of sight till the Admiral had taken his departure for the -Spanish court. Deeply dejected, and broken in health, he betook himself -to his home, to await the answer to the letter he had written to the -king and queen. At length the answer came. It was reproachful in tone, -and even forbade the appearance of Pinzon at court. This seemed to -complete the humiliation of the old sailor, for he sank rapidly into a -species of despair, and a few days later died, the victim of chagrin. - -Nevertheless the services that Pinzon rendered to the expedition -ought not to go unrecognized. As we have already seen, his generosity -had enabled Columbus to offer to defray one eighth of the expense of -the expedition. More important still, at the moment when it seemed -impossible to recruit, or even conscript, a crew, it was no other than -Martin Alonzo Pinzon that came forward as the earnest and successful -champion of the expedition. He had been a navigator of distinction, -and his wealth, his social rank, and his experience gave him an -influence that withstood the tide of prejudice and made the securing -of a crew possible. He not only offered to give the enterprise his -moral and pecuniary support, but he gave proof of the integrity of his -declarations by offering to command one of the vessels in person, while -his brother was to command another. It cannot be denied that these -were great and important services, without which it would have been -far more difficult, if not, indeed, impossible, to put the expedition -into sailing condition. But the extent of these services seems to have -poisoned his mind in regard to his relations to his chief. During the -voyage there were symptoms of an insubordinate spirit. The commission -under which the fleet sailed gave to Columbus unquestionable authority; -but Pinzon chafed under his restraints, and no sooner had they reached -the coast of Cuba than he deserted his commander and undertook a voyage -of discovery of his own. The sequel unfortunately showed that in -spirit he was not above ignoring entirely the work of Columbus, and -arrogating to himself the credit of the discovery. - -Columbus, on the other hand, received in answer to his letter of -announcement a most gracious reply from the Spanish sovereigns. That he -was held in high favour, was shown by the simple form of the letter, -which addressed him as “Don Christopher Columbus, our Admiral of the -Ocean Sea, and Viceroy and Governor of the Islands discovered in the -Indies.” The letter expressed the great satisfaction of the monarchs -with his achievement, and requested him not only to repair immediately -to court, but also to inform them by return of courier what was to -be done on their part to prepare the way immediately for a second -expedition. Columbus lost no time in complying with their commands. He -sent a memorandum of the ships, munitions, and men needed, and taking -the six Indians and various curiosities he had brought with him, set -out for an audience at Barcelona. - -The fame of the discovery had been noised abroad, and even grossly -exaggerated reports of the wonderful curiosities brought back had -obtained currency. The people, therefore, everywhere thronged into the -streets to get sight of Columbus and of his Indians, as they made the -long journey from Palos to the court. - -On reaching Barcelona the Admiral found that every preparation had -been made to receive him with the most imposing ceremonials. It has -been customary to compare his entrance into the city with a Roman -triumph. Certainly there was not a little to justify such a comparison. -The Indians, painted and decorated in savage fashion, birds and -animals of unknown species, rare plants supposed to possess great -healing qualities, Indian coronets, bracelets, and other decorations -of gold,--all these were paraded and displayed in order to convey an -idea of the importance and the wealth of the newly discovered country. -At the rear of the train, Columbus, on horseback, was escorted by a -brilliant cavalcade of Spanish hidalgos. - -The sovereigns had determined to receive him with a stately ceremony -worthy of his discovery. Upon a throne specially set up for the purpose -the king and queen, with Prince Juan at their side, and surrounded -with noble lords and ladies, awaited his coming into their presence. -Columbus, also surrounded with a brilliant retinue, entered the hall -and approached the throne. Las Casas, who was present, tells us -that the Admiral was stately and commanding in person, and that the -modest smile that played upon his countenance showed that “he enjoyed -the state and glory in which he came.” Though he was probably only -forty-eight years of age, his prematurely gray hairs had already given -him a venerable appearance. The sovereigns had made it evident that -they desired to bestow upon him the admiration and gratitude of the -nation. As he approached, they arose and saluted him as if receiving -a person of the highest rank. When he was about to kneel, for the -purpose of kissing the hands of the sovereigns, in accordance with -the conventional ceremonies of that proud court, they ordered him in -the most gracious manner to arise, and then to seat himself in their -presence. - -At their bidding, Columbus then proceeded to give an account of his -voyage and of his discoveries. The authorities agree that this was done -in a sedate and discreet manner, though it is difficult to avoid the -conviction that the Admiral promised for the future far more than was -warranted by anything that had as yet been discovered. But the thought -was never absent from his mind that the islands were just off the coast -of Asia, and that they were not far from all the wealth of Cipango and -Cathay. With this belief he did not hesitate to assure their Majesties -that what he had already discovered was but a harbinger of incalculable -wealth, and that by further explorations whole nations and peoples -would be brought to the true faith. - -The contemporaneous historians tell us that at the conclusion of this -account the sovereigns were so affected that their eyes filled with -tears of gratitude, and that they fell upon their knees and poured -forth their thanks to God for the great blessing of this discovery. The -_Te Deum_ was sung by the choir of the chapel, and Las Casas remarks -that it seemed as if “in that hour they communicated with celestial -delights.” - -It is not strange that in this mood the monarchs were ready, not only -to continue, but even to extend the authority already bestowed upon -Columbus. Accordingly, they confirmed the grants made at Santa Fé the -year before, they granted him the royal arms of Castile and Leon, and -for his sake they conferred special honours on his brothers Bartholomew -and Diego. Columbus in turn committed himself to great things in the -future. His ordinary religious fervour seems to have been greatly -reinforced by the ceremonies of the day. In his desire to promote the -conquest of the Holy Sepulchre he now went so far as to make a solemn -vow that for this purpose he would furnish within seven years an army -consisting of four thousand horse and fifty thousand foot, and that -he would also provide a similar force within the next five years that -should follow. - -It was unquestionably a weakness of Columbus that he was always prone -to promise more than he could fulfil. This is perhaps the besetting -fault of very fervid natures. But the consequences are often far -reaching. Columbus thus prepared the way, or at least gave the -opportunity, for virulent criticism and even hostility. Not a few -of the old nobility had been piqued by the honours conferred upon a -parvenu and a foreigner. All such were ready to organize an attack if -the new favourite should show any weakness or fail to fulfil any of his -promises. This important element in the situation should prepare us to -understand much of what is to follow. - -In all affairs of international interest in the fifteenth century the -Roman pontiff played a conspicuous part. There were unusual reasons why -a formal announcement to the Pope of the success of Columbus should be -made without delay. Such announcement was prompted, not only by the -importance of the discovery, but also by the religious motive that -formed so large an element in the purpose of the discoverer. But there -was an additional reason. As we have already seen, the king of Portugal -had hinted that the newly discovered lands, in view of the treaty of -1479, would be found to belong to himself rather than to the monarchs -of Castile and Aragon. The Pope was the international mediator in all -questions of this kind. The Spanish sovereigns accordingly determined -to turn to the Pope without delay. - -The pontiff at that time was Alexander VI., who, though he has been -stigmatized as having been guilty of nearly every vice, was not -unmindful of the political significance of his position. Born a -subject of Aragon, he might be supposed to think favourably of the -claims of Spain; but Ferdinand judged his character accurately, and -therefore thought it not wise to trust anything to chance or accident. -Accordingly, he despatched ambassadors to the court of Rome to -announce the new discovery with due formality, and to set forth the -gain that must accrue to the Church from the acquisition of so vast -a new territory. The ambassadors were charged to say that great care -had been taken not to trench upon the possessions that had been ceded -to Portugal. On one further point the instructions of Ferdinand were -characteristic of his great political acumen. He desired to intimate -as delicately as possible, but at the same time with unequivocal -distinctness, that whatever the papal pleasure might be, he should -maintain and defend his newly acquired possessions at all hazards. -This he did by instructing his ambassadors to say that in the opinion -of many learned men it was not necessary that he should obtain the -papal sanction for the title of the newly discovered lands, but that -notwithstanding this fact, as pious and devoted princes, the king and -queen supplicated his Holiness to issue a papal bull conceding the -lands which Columbus had discovered, or hereafter might discover, to -the Crown of Castile. - -The news was received by Alexander with great joy; and the request -was the more readily granted because of the favour which the Spanish -sovereigns had recently acquired at Rome by the successful termination -of the terrible conflict with the Moors. Indeed, these new discoveries -appear to have been regarded as in some sense an appropriate reward -for the vigorous prosecution of that crusade against the infidels. A -bull was accordingly issued on the 2d of May, 1493, conceding to the -Spanish sovereigns the same rights and privileges in respect to the -newly discovered lands in the West as had previously been granted to -the king of Portugal in regard to their discoveries in Africa. In order -to prevent the liability of dispute as to jurisdiction, this bull was -accompanied with another to determine a line of demarcation. The pope -established an imaginary line “one hundred leagues west of the Azores -and Cape de Verde Islands,” extending from pole to pole. All lands west -of this line that had not been discovered by some other Christian power -before the preceding Christmas, and that had been or might hereafter be -discovered by Spanish navigators, should belong to the Crown of Spain; -all east of that line, to the Crown of Portugal. - -While these negotiations were going on with the Pope, great activity -was displayed in preparation for the next voyage. In order to further -the interests of Spain in the West, what in these days we should -perhaps call a bureau of discovery was now established. This was -placed under the superintendence of Fonseca, archdeacon of Seville, -who afterward received several high ecclesiastical honours, including -the patriarchate of the Indies. He was already a man of position and -influence; but the writers of the time agree that he was possessed -of a worldly spirit, and was devoted to temporal rather than to -spiritual affairs. He seemed, however, to be so well adapted to the -forming and the fitting out of armadas that, notwithstanding his -high ecclesiastical dignities, the monarchs saw fit to keep him in -virtual control of Indian affairs for about thirty years. Though he -had great business abilities, he was capable of intense animosity, and -was by no means above gratifying his private resentments in the most -malignant and vindictive spirit. To assist Fonseca, Francisco Pinelo -was appointed treasurer, and Juan de Soria comptroller. Their office -was fixed at Seville, but the jurisdiction of the company, as we shall -see, extended over a wide territory. Cadiz was made the special port of -entry, with a custom-house for the new branch of maritime service. - -The despotic rigour with which affairs were then kept in the hands -of the government is well illustrated by the character of the orders -that were issued. No one was permitted to go to the New World, either -to trade or to form an establishment for other reasons, without an -express license from the sovereigns, from Fonseca, or from Columbus. -A still more despotic spirit was shown in the royal order commanding -that “all ships in the ports of Andalusia, with their captains, pilots, -and crews,” should hold themselves in readiness to serve in the new -expedition. Columbus and Fonseca were authorized to purchase, at their -own price, any vessel that was needed, and, in case of necessity, to -take it by force. They were also authorized to seize the requisite -arms, provisions, and ammunitions “at any place or in any vessel in -which they might be found,” paying therefor such a price as they -themselves might fix upon as fair and just. They were also authorized -to compel, not mariners alone, but officers holding any rank or station -whatsoever, to embark on their fleet, under such conditions and pay -as they might deem reasonable. Finally, all civil authorities were -called upon to render every assistance in expediting the armament, and -were warned not to allow any impediment to be thrown in the way, on -penalty of loss of office and confiscation of estate. To provide the -necessary expenses, the Crown pledged two thirds of the church tithes -and the sequestered property of the Jews, who, by the edict of the -preceding year, had been deprived of their jewels and other possessions -and ordered out of the realm. If, notwithstanding these somewhat ample -resources, there should still be a lack of funds, the treasurer was -authorized to contract a loan. These orders were issued while Columbus -was still at Barcelona, and presumably with his approval. - -Under these rigorous instructions, and in view of the popular interest -in the enterprise, preparations for the new voyage went forward without -delay. Fonseca gave himself to the collecting of vessels and their -equipment with great energy. But notwithstanding the great resources -placed at his disposal, the preparation of the fleet necessarily made -slow progress. Confronting these great powers, there were the perpetual -obstacles of human nature and individual interest. Even despotism has -its limitations. So much opposition was found to be in the way of the -practical confiscation of ships and munitions that it was not until the -summer was far gone that the fleet was ready to sail. Columbus had left -Barcelona on the 28th day of May; it was not till the 25th of September -that the fleet were ready to weigh anchor and turn their prows to the -west. - -There were special reasons why the Spanish sovereigns desired Columbus -to hasten his departure on the second voyage. A diplomatic controversy -of more than usual subtilty had sprung up between Ferdinand and -Isabella and King John of Portugal. The Portuguese monarch, probably -moved by chagrin as well as by envy, entertained a firm determination -not to abandon his claims to the new discoveries, except from the most -absolute necessity. One of the historians of King John’s reign admits -that this monarch distributed bribes freely among the courtiers of -Ferdinand, and that by this means he had no difficulty in learning -of the secret purposes of the Spanish court. Ambassadors were freely -interchanged for the purpose of settling the questions of jurisdiction -that had been raised. At one time the envoy of Ferdinand was intrusted -with two communications, one of which was friendly, while the other was -stern and imperative in its nature. In case he should find a pacific -disposition on the part of the Portuguese king, he was to deliver the -former; but if he should learn of any hostile intent to seize upon or -disturb the newly discovered lands, he was to present the communication -couched in peremptory terms, forbidding him to undertake any enterprise -of the kind. - -The import of both these communications was made known to John by -his spies at the Spanish court. Accordingly, he conducted himself -in such a way as to draw forth only the more pacific despatch. But -notwithstanding this show of courtesy, Ferdinand had little difficulty -in learning that the Portuguese monarch was planning to seize upon -the new possessions before the second expedition of Columbus could -reach its destination. His policy, therefore, was not only to hasten -the preparations of the new expedition, but also to delay as much as -possible by dilatory negotiations the movements of King John. In this -latter purpose his great diplomatic acumen had full scope, and was -entirely successful. He proposed that the question of their respective -rights should be submitted for arbitration. The envoys consumed much -time in passing with great ceremony between the two courts. King John -considered it prudent neither to accept nor to decline this proposition -until he had taken the precaution to make due inquiries of the Pope. -The answer was what, in view of the papal bull above referred to, -might have been expected. The Portuguese ambassador was informed that -his Holiness would adhere to his decision establishing the line of -demarcation at a hundred leagues west of the Azores. Thus Ferdinand -secured a twofold triumph. The Pope had confirmed his title, and time -enough had elapsed to enable the Spanish fleet to reach the disputed -ground before the fleet of King John could be put in readiness to sail. - -It remains to be added on this subject that King John, finding himself -defeated in his attempts to gain possession of the newly discovered -territories, now addressed himself to the task of having the line -of demarcation extended farther to the west. In this he was more -successful. After prolonged negotiations, it was finally agreed, and -the agreement was embodied in the treaty of Tordesillas, June 7, 1494, -that the papal line of partition should be moved to three hundred and -seventy leagues west of the Cape de Verde Islands. This treaty remained -in force during the age of discovery, and its importance is attested by -the fact that it prevented all further discussions. - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -THE SECOND VOYAGE. - - -On the morning of the 25th of September, 1493, all was in readiness for -the second voyage. The fleet, consisting of seventeen vessels, large -and small, was at anchor in the bay of Cadiz. The scene presented a -sharp contrast to that of the modest embarkation at Palos the year -before. Now there was no difficulty in recruiting men; on the contrary, -those who were permitted to accompany the expedition were regarded as -peculiarly fortunate. Stories of the untold wealth of the new regions -had been freely circulated and were very generally believed. It was the -wellnigh fatal misfortune of the expedition that the men who embarked -on this second voyage believed they were bound for golden regions, -where nothing but wealth and the indolent pleasures of the tropics -awaited them. This current but unfortunate belief determined, in large -measure, the personal character of the passengers and the crew. Many of -them were adventurers pure and simple; some were high-spirited hidalgos -seeking romantic experiences; some were hardy mariners looking for -new laurels in unknown seas; some were visionary explorers going out -simply for novelty and excitement; some were scheming speculators eager -for profit at the expense of innocent natives; some were priests more -or less devoutly solicitous for the conversion of the Indians and the -propagation of the Catholic faith. Unfortunately, among them all there -was nothing of that sturdy yeomanry which has ever been found so useful -in making colonization successful. - -Before sunrise the whole fleet was in motion. Steering to the -southwest, in order to avoid the domains of Portugal, they arrived at -the Grand Canary on the 1st of October. Here they were detained a few -days in order to take in a quantity of swine, calves, goats, and sheep, -with which to stock the newly discovered lands. The Admiral took the -precaution of giving to each of the captains sealed orders, indicating -the route to be taken,--which, however, were not to be opened except in -case a vessel should lose sight of the fleet. Happily this precaution -proved not to have been necessary. Weighing anchor again, the fleet, on -the 7th of October, took a southwesterly course, with the purpose of -making the Caribbees. After a prosperous voyage, they came upon land on -the morning of the 3d of November. - -The group of islands among which Columbus now found himself was the -beautiful cluster which, from the eastern end of Porto Rico, bends -around in the shape of a crescent toward the south, and forms a broken -barrier between the main ocean and the Caribbean Sea. The first island -they reached he called Dominica, in recognition of the fact that it -was discovered on Sunday; but the group as a whole, at a later period, -he somewhat humorously denominated St. Ursula and the Eleven Thousand -Virgins. - -After cruising around several of the smaller islands, the Admiral -discovered a place for safe anchorage, and went ashore. As the -natives fled in confusion, the Spaniards had excellent opportunities -of inspecting their ways of living. A village was found, consisting -of twenty or thirty houses arranged about a hollow square. Each had -its portico for shelter from the sun. Within were found hammocks of -netting, utensils of earthenware, and a rude form of cotton cloth. In -one of the houses was discovered a cooking utensil, apparently of iron, -but probably of some kind of stone which, when burned, has a metallic -lustre. But what struck the Spaniards with special interest, and even -with horror, was the sight of human bones,--giving evidence, as the -discoverers supposed, that they were indeed in the land of cannibals. - -On the following day the boats again made a landing,--this time on an -island which was named Guadaloupe,--and succeeded in capturing a boy -and several women. From these Columbus learned that the inhabitants -of the island were in league with the peoples of two other islands, -and that this rude confederacy made war on all the rest. Its habit -was to go on predatory excursions to neighbouring islands, to make -prisoners of the youngest and handsomest of the women as servants and -companions, and to capture men and children to be killed and eaten. -It was also learned that nearly all the warriors of the island were -absent. At the time of the arrival, the king, with three hundred men, -was on a cruise in quest of prisoners; the women meantime, being expert -archers, were left to defend their homes from invasion. - -The fleet was detained for several days by the temporary loss of one of -the captains and eight of his men. The commander of one of the caravels -had gone on an exploring expedition, and penetrated into the forest -with a part of his crew. The night passed without their return, and the -greatest apprehensions were felt for their safety. Several parties were -sent out in various directions in quest of them; but no tidings could -be obtained. It was not until several days had elapsed, and the fleet -was about to sail, that, to the joy of all, they made a signal from the -shore. Their abject appearance immediately revealed how terribly they -had suffered. For days they had wandered about in a vast and trackless -forest, climbing mountains, fording streams, utterly bewildered, and -almost in despair lest the Admiral, thinking them dead, should set sail -and leave them to perish. Notwithstanding the universal joy over their -return, the Admiral, with very questionable judgment, put the captain -under arrest, and stopped a part of the rations of the other men. As -they had strayed away without permission, Columbus thought so gross a -breach of discipline should not go unpunished. It seems not to have -occurred to him that the penalty had already been inflicted, and that -he now had an opportunity to secure the loyalty instead of the enmity -of the offenders. - -On the 10th of November the Admiral hoisted anchor, and with all on -board turned the ships to the northwest for La Navidad. After a few -days at one of the intermediate islands, he sent a boat on shore for -water and for information. The boat’s crew found a village occupied -exclusively by women and children. A few of these were seized and taken -on board the ships. In one of the affrays, however, it was learned that -the Carib women could ply their bows and arrows with amazing vigour and -skill. Though the Spaniards generally covered themselves successfully -with their bucklers, two of them were severely wounded. On their -return to the ships, a canoe containing Carib women was upset, when, -to the amazement of the Spaniards, it was found that the natives could -discharge their arrows while swimming, as skilfully as though they had -been upon land. One of the arrows thus discharged penetrated quite -through a Spanish buckler. - -It is difficult to read the original accounts of this expedition -without receiving from it a very painful impression. Wherever the -Spaniards landed, they must have left a remembrance of bitter enmity. -Their inquiries everywhere were for gold, and their exploits were -little less or more than the capture of women and children. The natives -may have been cannibals indeed; but aside from all question of moral -obligation, one cannot overlook the fact that they were capable of -animosities, and that in consequence they were in position to help or -to hinder the success of the Spanish expedition. It is not easy to -understand how, as a matter of policy alone, any course could have been -more unwise than that which was pursued. - -It was the 22d of November before the fleet arrived off the eastern -extremity of Hispaniola. Great excitement prevailed among the crew in -anticipation of meeting the colonists at La Navidad. Arriving at the -Gulf of Las Flechas, or, as it is now called, Semana Bay, Columbus -thought it wise to send ashore one of the Indians whom the year before -he had captured at this place and taken with him to Spain. The Indian -had been converted to Christianity, and had learned so much of the -Spanish language that the Admiral had confident hopes of his rendering -important service. The native was gorgeously dressed, and loaded with -trinkets with which to make a favourable impression on his countrymen. -It is a significant fact that, although he made fair promises of every -kind, he was never seen or heard of again. The loss was all the more -important as now there was remaining with the fleet only one of the -Indians that had been taken to Spain, and there was no certainty that -even this one would not escape at the first opportunity. - -On the 25th the Admiral cast anchor in the harbour of Monte Christi, -desirous of taking further observations about the mouth of the stream -which, in the former voyage, he had called the Rio del Oro, or the -Golden River. But all the pleasant anticipations of the adventurers -now began to be overcast with gloomy forebodings. On the banks they -discovered two dead bodies, with arms extended and bound by the wrists -to a wooden stake in the form of a cross. Other evidences were not -wanting to warrant the fear that some misfortune had befallen Arana and -his companions. Two days later, anchors were dropped off the harbour of -Navidad. Cannon were fired; but there came back no welcoming response. -There was no sign of life,--nothing but a deathlike silence. It was now -evident that disaster had overtaken the colony. On the following day -the terrible fact was revealed that every member had perished. - -The first shock occasioned by this information was, however, slightly -alleviated by the friendly bearing of the natives. At first it was -feared that there had been treachery on the part of the Indians in whom -the Admiral had reposed confidence and friendship; but the accounts -given by the natives tended to dispel this fear, and to convince the -Spaniards that the colonists had perished from other causes. Some of -them, it was said, had died of sickness; some had fallen in quarrels -among themselves; and some, having gone to other parts of the island, -had taken Indian wives and adopted the customs of the natives. These -accounts justified the hope that some of the garrison were yet alive, -and might return to the fleet and give an account, not only of the -disaster, but also of the interior of the island. - -But on going ashore to reconnoitre, Columbus found very little reason -for comfort or hope. The fortress was a ruin, the palisades were beaten -down, the chests were broken open, the provisions were spoiled,--in -short, the whole settlement presented the appearance of having been -sacked and destroyed. Here and there were to be found broken utensils -and torn garments, but no traces of the garrison were to be seen. -Cannon were fired, but no response was awakened, and nothing but a -mournful silence reigned over the desolation. - -Columbus had ordered Arana, in case of attack or danger, to secrete the -treasure in a well; but all their efforts to discover where anything -had been concealed were now in vain. It was not until the search -had been kept up for several days that even dead bodies were found. -Suspicions were revived that there had been treachery on the part of -the cacique; but a little exploration resulted in the discovery that -the tribal village of that official had also shared in the disaster -that had befallen the garrison. - -Little by little the general facts of the calamity came to be known. -The colony, with the exception of the commander, was made up of men of -the lowest order. The list included a considerable number of mariners -that were given to every kind of excess and turbulence. Surrounded by -savage tribes, they were dependent on the good-will of the natives, as -well as on their own prudence and good conduct. Oviedo assures us that -they soon fell into every species of wanton abuse. Some were prompted -by unrestrained avarice, and some by gross sensuality. Not content -with the two or three wives apiece which the good-natured cacique -allowed them, they gave themselves up to the most unbridled license -with the wives and daughters of the Indians. The natural consequences -followed. Fierce brawls ensued over their ill-gotten spoils and the -favours of the Indian women. The injunctions of Columbus that they -should keep together in the fortress and maintain military order were -neglected and forgotten. Many deserted the garrison, and lived at -random among the natives. These were gradually formed into groups, to -protect themselves and despoil the rest. Violent affrays ensued. One -company, under the command of a subordinate officer, set out for the -mines of Cibao, of which, from the first, they had heard marvellous -accounts. The region to which they went was in the eastern part of the -island,--a territory governed by Caonabo, a Carib chieftain famous for -his fierce and warlike exploits. He was the hero of the island; and the -departure of Columbus gave him an opportunity to rid the country of -those who threatened to eclipse his authority. When now his territory -was actually invaded, he determined to exterminate the colony. The -campaign appears not to have been a long or difficult one. The cacique -of the region surrounding La Navidad was faithful to his promises, and -fought with the Spaniards against the Carib chieftain. But even their -united efforts were unsuccessful. The local cacique, Guacanagari, -and his subjects fought faithfully in defence of their guests, but -they were soon overpowered. Some of the Spaniards were killed in -the struggle, some were driven into the sea and drowned, some were -massacred on shore; not a single one was ever heard of again alive. - -The cacique Guacanagari continued to manifest his friendly interest in -Columbus and his crew, though it was evident that his belief in the -heavenly origin and character of the Spaniards had been sadly shaken. -It is said that the gross licentiousness of the garrison had already -impaired his veneration for the heaven-born visitors. When, therefore, -Columbus proposed to establish a permanent settlement in the region, -Guacanagari expressed his satisfaction, but observed that the region -was unhealthy, and that perhaps the Spaniards could do better in some -other locality. - -While these parleyings were going on, an event occurred of interesting -and even romantic significance. The cacique visited the ship of the -Admiral, and was greatly interested in all that he saw. Among other -objects of curiosity were the women whom the visitors had taken as -prisoners on the Caribbean Islands. One of these, who by reason of her -stately beauty had been named Catilina, particularly attracted the -interest and admiration of the chieftain. Several days later, a brother -of the cacique came on board under pretence of bargaining gold for -Spanish trinkets. In the course of his visit he succeeded in having an -interview with Catilina. At midnight, just before the fleet was about -to sail, the tropical beauty awakened her companions. Though the ship -was anchored three miles from land and the sea was rough, they let -themselves down by the sides of the vessel, and swam vigorously for the -shore. The watchmen, however, were awakened, and a boat was quickly -sent out in pursuit. But the skill and vigour of the women were such -that they reached the land in safety. Though four of them were retaken -on the beach, Catilina and the rest of her companions made good their -escape to the forest. On the following day, when Columbus sent to -demand of Guacanagari the return of the fugitives, it was found that -the cacique had removed his effects and his followers to the interior. -This sudden departure confirmed the suspicion in the mind of Columbus -that Guacanagari was a traitor to the Spaniards; he even thought that -the chief had been the perfidious betrayer of the garrison. - -This suspicion made Columbus all the more willing to seek another spot -for a permanent settlement. After some days spent in explorations, it -was determined to establish a post at about ten leagues east of La -Navidad, where they found a spacious harbour, protected on one side by -a natural rampart of rocks, and on the other by an impervious forest, -as Bernaldez says, “so close that a rabbit could hardly make his way -through it.” A green and beautiful plain, extending back from the sea, -was watered by two rivers, which promised to furnish the needed power -for mills. The streams abounded in fish, the soil was covered with an -exuberant vegetation, and the climate appeared to be temperate and -genial. This site had the further advantage of proximity to the gold -mines in the mountains of Cibao. - -Here the first American city was projected, to which Columbus, in -honour of the queen, gave the name of Isabella. Streets and squares -were promptly laid out; a church, a public storehouse, and a residence -for the Admiral were begun without delay. The public houses were built -of stone, while those intended for private occupation were constructed -of wood, plaster, and such other materials as the situation afforded. - -It was not long, however, before there was abundant evidence that the -colony was made up of men very ill adapted to the peculiar hardships -of the situation. The labour of clearing lands, building houses, and -planting orchards and gardens can be successfully carried on only by -men accustomed to vigorous manual labour. The stagnant and malarious -atmosphere bore hard upon those who had been accustomed to old and -highly cultivated lands. Long after landing, moreover, the Spaniards -were obliged to subsist very largely upon salt food and mouldy -bread. It is not strange that the maladies peculiar to new countries -broke out with violence. Disaffections of mind also became wellnigh -universal. Many of the adventurers had embarked with the expectation -of finding the golden regions of Cipango and Cathay, where fortunes -were to be accumulated without effort. Instead of the realization of -these hopes, they now found that they were doomed to struggle with -the hard conditions of Nature, and to toil painfully for the merest -subsistence. What with the ravages of disease and the general gloom -of despondency, the situation soon became painful indeed. Even the -strength of Columbus himself was obliged finally to succumb to the -cares and anxieties of the situation. But though for several weeks he -was confined to his bed by illness, he still had the fortitude to give -directions about the building of the city and the superintending of the -general affairs of the colony. - -The situation was indeed depressing. Columbus had hoped that soon -after reaching his destination he should be able to send back to -Spain glowing reports of what had been accomplished by the settlers -at La Navidad, as well as in regard to his own discoveries. But the -destruction of the colony had now rendered such a report impossible. -In order, however, to relieve the disappointment at home as much as -possible, he determined to send out two exploring expeditions, in the -hope that the cities and mines, of which he had heard and dreamed so -much, might be discovered. He was still ardent in the belief that the -island of Hispaniola was none other than Cipango, and that somewhere -not far away would be found the cities of boundless wealth of which -Marco Polo and Toscanelli had written. - -To lead the two expeditions of discovery, Columbus selected two -cavaliers by the name of Ojeda and Gorvalan. The former had already, -before leaving Spain, made himself famous for his daring spirit and -great vigour and agility of body. The latter seems also to have -been well adapted to the task before him. The expeditions pressed -southward into the very heart of the island. That of Ojeda was the -more interesting and the more important. After climbing the adjacent -mountain range, the explorers found themselves on the edge of a vast -plain, or _vega_, that was studded with villages and hamlets. The -inhabitants were everywhere hospitable. Five or six days were needed -to cross the plain and reach the chain of mountains that were said to -enclose the golden region of Cibao. Caonabo, the redoubtable chief of -the region, nowhere appeared to dispute their passage. The natives -everywhere received the explorers with kindness, and pointed out -to them numerous evidences of natural wealth. Particles of shining -gold were seen in the mountain-streams, and if we may believe the -chroniclers of the time, Ojeda himself, in one of the brooks, picked -up a large mass of native metal. As the object of the expedition was -merely to explore the nature of the country, Ojeda was now satisfied -with the result, and accordingly he led back his band of explorers -to the fleet. He gave a glowing account of the golden resources of -the island, and his story was corroborated by the report of Gorvalan. -Columbus decided at once to send back a report to the Spanish monarchs. -Twelve of the ships were ordered to put themselves in readiness for the -return voyage. - -The report sent by Columbus was one of great importance. He described -the exploring expeditions in glowing terms, and repeated his former -hopes of being able soon to make abundant shipments of gold and other -articles of value. Special stress was laid on the beauty and fertility -of the land, including its adaptation to the raising of the various -grains and vegetables produced in Europe. Time, however, would be -required, he said, to obtain the provisions necessary for subsistence -from the fields and gardens; and therefore the colonists must rely, -for a considerable time to come, upon shipments from home. He then -enumerated the articles that would be especially needed. He censured -the contractors that had furnished the wine, charging them with using -leaky casks, and then called for an additional number of workmen and -mechanics and men skilled in the working of ores. - -This interesting report is still preserved, with the comments of the -Spanish sovereigns written on the margins. To the descriptions of -what had been done, as well as to the recommendations for the future, -commendation and assent were given in generous and complimentary terms. -One or two passages are of exceptional interest. In regard to the wine, -Columbus writes,-- - - “A large portion of the wine that we brought with us has run - away, in consequence, as most of the men say, of the bad - cooperage of the butts made at Seville; the article that we stand - most in need of now, and shall stand in need of, is wine.” - -To this declaration, which would seem to be good evidence that -dishonest or negligent contractors are not the peculiarity of the -nineteenth century, the following was the royal response:-- - - “Their Highnesses will give instructions to Don Juan de Fonseca - to make inquiry respecting the imposition in the matter of the - casks, in order that those who supplied them shall, at their own - expense, make good the loss occasioned by the waste of the wine, - together with the costs.” - -But the most interesting, as well as the most significant part of the -report is that which pertains to what was nothing less than a purpose -to open a slave-trade on a large scale between the islands and the -mother-country. In a former portion of the letter, Columbus had already -called attention to the advantages that would flow from a system of -sending slaves to Spain to be educated in the Spanish language, and -then brought back to the islands as interpreters. To this proposal the -royal assent was given in the following characteristic words:-- - - “He has done well, and let him do what he says; but let - him endeavour by all possible means to connect them to our - holy Catholic religion, and do the same with respect to the - inhabitants of all the islands to which he may go.” - -But to the more elaborate and systematic proposal, a different answer -was returned. The paragraph of the memorial containing the proposition -is so curious a combination of sophistry and good motives that it -will bear quoting as a whole. The reader should perhaps be reminded -that although the paper was intended for the king and queen, it was -addressed to Antonio de Torres, as ambassador. The following is the -language of Columbus:-- - - “You will tell their Highnesses that the welfare of the souls - of the said cannibals, and the inhabitants of this island also, - has suggested the thought that the greater number that are sent - over to Spain the better, and thus good service may result to - their Highnesses in the following manner. Considering what great - need we have of cattle and beasts of burden, both for food and - to assist the settlers in this and all these islands, both for - peopling the land and cultivating the soil, their Highnesses - might authorize a suitable number of caravels to come here - every year to bring over said cattle and provisions and other - articles; these cattle, etc., might be sold at moderate prices - for account of the bearers, and the latter might be paid with - slaves taken from among the Caribbees, who are a wild people, fit - for any work, well proportioned and very intelligent, and who, - when they have got rid of the cruel habits to which they have - been accustomed, will be better than any other kind of slaves. - When they are out of their country, they will forget their cruel - customs; and it will be easy to obtain plenty of these savages - by means of row-boats that we propose to build. It is taken - for granted that each of the caravels sent by their Highnesses - will have on board a confidential man, who will take care that - the vessels do not stop anywhere else than here, where they are - to unload and reload their vessels. Their Highnesses might fix - duties on the slaves that may be taken over, upon their arrival - in Spain. You will ask for a reply upon this point, and bring - it to me, in order that I may be able to take the necessary - measures, should the proposition merit the approbation of their - Highnesses.” - -To this elaborate scheme for reducing the natives to slavery the -sovereigns gave the diplomatic answer characteristic of those who -would say no in a manner that would give the least offence. The royal -language was the following:-- - - “The consideration of this subject has been suspended for a time - until further advices arrive from the other side; let the Admiral - write more fully what he thinks upon the matter.” - -The authority asked for certainly was not granted; but, on the other -hand, there was no intimation that the proposition would, in the end, -meet with a refusal. Columbus seems to have thought it not imprudent to -take advantage of the doubt; for Bernaldez tells us that the Admiral -“made incursions into the interior, and captured vast numbers of the -natives; and the second time that he sent home, he sent five hundred -Indian men and women, all in the flower of their age, between twelve -years and thirty-five or thereabouts, all of whom were delivered at -Seville to Don Juan de Fonseca.” “They came,” continued Bernaldez, “as -they went about in their own country, naked as they were born; from -which they experienced no more embarrassment than the brutes.” “They -were sold,” the narrator adds, “but proved of very little service, for -the greater part of them died of the climate.” - -Of interesting significance also are the passages and answers relating -to gold. In one of the paragraphs Columbus calls attention to the -fact that although the gold discovered has been found in the streams, -it must have come from the earth, and that the procuring of it will -involve the delay necessarily attending the establishment of mining -operations. He recommends that labourers in considerable numbers be -sent out from the quicksilver mines. To these suggestions the king -responds,-- - - “It is the most necessary thing possible that he should strive to - find the way to this gold.” - -And to the suggestion in regard to the mines he responds,-- - - “This shall be completely provided for in the next voyage out; - meanwhile Don Juan de Fonseca has their Highnesses’ orders to - send as many miners as he can find. Their Highnesses write also - to Almaden with instructions to select the greatest number that - can be procured, and to send them up.” - -After the departure of the vessels for Spain, the Admiral, having for -the most part recovered his health, determined to make an expedition in -person into the heart of the island. Accordingly, on the 12th of March, -1494, he set out with the requisite number of men, foot and horse, for -the province of Cibao. This region was distant about eighteen leagues. -To reach his destination it was necessary to cross the beautiful plain -which had already been described by Ojeda, and to which the Admiral now -gave the name of Royal Vega. On the border of Cibao he decided to build -a fortress, which should be at once a protection and a rallying-point. -The natives as yet continued to be friendly, and came in considerable -numbers to barter bits of gold for such trinkets as the Spaniards might -give in exchange. The gold mines, however, seemed to be as far away -as ever, although glowing accounts were given by the natives of the -nuggets that were to be discovered beyond the mountains. But instead -of completing his explorations in person, Columbus now determined to -return to the fleet and make a voyage to what he supposed to be the -continent. The fortress, to which he gave the name St. Thomas, was -intrusted to a garrison under the command of Margarite, an officer of -high rank and much experience. - -It is of interest to note at this point that the early opinions of -the Spaniards in regard to the Indians had slowly undergone a very -considerable change. Further acquaintance had convinced Columbus that -they were not quite so guileless and docile as at first he had supposed -them to be. They were found to know something of war,--at least to -be acquainted with certain rude methods of attack and defence. The -proximity of the Caribs was giving them a constant schooling in the art -of self-protection. - -It is at this point that Bernaldez, a companion and friend of Columbus, -gives an interesting account of the products of the islands and of -some of the peculiarities of the natives. The following passage is -perhaps the most graphic and circumstantial account left us by any -contemporaneous writer:-- - - “As the people of all these islands are destitute of iron, it - is wonderful to see their tools, which are of stone, very sharp - and admirably made, such as axes, adzes, and other instruments, - which they use in constructing their dwellings. Their food is - bread, made from roots, which God has given them instead of - wheat; for they have neither wheat nor rye, nor barley, nor oats, - nor spelt-wheat, nor panic-grass, nor anything resembling them. - No kind of food that the Castilians had as yet tasted was like - anything that we have here. There were no beans, nor chick-peas, - nor vetches, nor lentils, nor lupines, nor any quadruped or - animal, excepting some small dogs, and the others, which look - like large rats, or something between a large rat and a rabbit, - and are very good and savoury for eating, and have feet and paws - like rats, and climb trees. The dogs are of all colours,--white, - black, etc. There are lizards and snakes, but not many, for the - Indians eat them, and think them as great a dainty as partridges - are to the Castilians. The lizards are like ours in size, but - different in shape, though, in a little island near the harbour - called San Juan, where the squadron remained several days, a - lizard was several times seen, as large round as a young calf, - and as smooth as a lance; and several times they attempted to - kill it, but could not, on account of the thickness of the trees, - and it fled into the sea. Besides eating lizards and snakes, - these Indians devour all the spiders and worms that they find, so - that their beastliness appears to exceed that of any beast.” - -Modern investigation has thrown much light on the physical -characteristics of the native inhabitants of the Lucayan or Bahama -islands. Some years ago Ecker and Wyman studied the subject, and more -recently Prof. W. K. Brooks has visited the islands and presented a -memoir to the National Academy of Sciences on the peculiarities of the -bones discovered in the course of his investigations. It is clearly -established that the natives belonged to a large and well-developed -race. Ecker found bones which he thought must have belonged to a race -of giants. But Professor Brooks is of the opinion that they “did not -depart essentially from the Spanish average.” His measurements showed -that “The skulls are large, and about equal in size to the average -modern civilized white skull.” - -It is pathetic to reflect that this race was, in a few years, swept -completely out of existence by the methods of the Spaniards. The annals -of cruelty present no darker picture than that given us by Las Casas, -who at the time was a sad witness of what was taking place. The five -shiploads of slaves sent back by Columbus in the course of his second -expedition was but the beginning of a policy which did not end till the -six hundred islands of the Bahamas were completely depopulated. The -work begun by the Admiral was completed by bloodhounds in less than -a generation. The race perished, and may be said to have left only -a single word as a monument. The Spaniards took from them the word -“hammock,” and gave it to all the languages of western Europe. - -After Columbus returned to Isabella from St. Thomas he devoted himself -for some days to putting the colony in order, preparatory to his own -departure on a further voyage of discovery. Second only to the desire -of Ferdinand and Isabella for gold, was their wish that Columbus -should devote himself, as far as possible, to further discoveries. -This disposition, so perfectly in accord with the enterprising spirit -of the Admiral, was fostered by a common jealousy of the Portuguese; -for while the ships of Columbus, after going westward, were exploring -what they supposed to be the islands of the East, the fleets of John -II. of Portugal were making their way toward India by going eastward. -The more rapidly, therefore, each nation could advance, the more -of the “much-coveted lands” each nation would hereafter be able to -claim. Acting in accordance with this impulse and policy, Columbus was -determined to leave the garrisons at Isabella and St. Thomas, and, with -a sufficient crew, proceed to explore and plant his standards on what -he confidently supposed to be the continent. - -This purpose was in many respects unfortunate; for the garrisons were -in no condition to be intrusted with the independent working out of -their own destiny. There was wellnigh universal discontent. It is easy -to imagine the condition of affairs. Sickness everywhere prevailed. -The encampments--for they were little else--were, as we must not -forget, made up of men of all ranks and stations. Some were hidalgos, -some were men who had been attached to the court, some were common -labourers; but all men, high and low, were obliged to labour with their -hands, under regulations that were strictly enforced. Many had joined -the expedition in the belief that they would find gold in abundance; -but now they found sickness and hardships of the most exacting kind. -These discontents found expression at length in a mutinous spirit that -threatened to seize the ships and leave Columbus alone to his fate. -The chief mutineer, Bernald Diaz, was seized and sent for trial to -Spain. But the disappointments were so numerous and so intense that -many members of the expedition, especially those high in rank, thinking -that Columbus had deceived them, not only charged him with all their -discomforts, but even showed a relentless disposition to pursue him to -his ruin. It was with this state of affairs, impending or actually in -existence, that Columbus, on the 24th of April, 1494, hoisted sail for -Cuba and the other lands in the west. His brother Diego was left in -command at Isabella. - -On approaching the easternmost point of Cuba the fleet turned to the -left, with the intention of exploring the southern coast, instead of -the northern, as the Admiral had done in the first voyage. Bernaldez, -who probably often talked the matter over with Columbus, distinctly -tells us that it was the object of the Admiral to find the province and -city of Cathay. The naïve and confident statement of this historian -is worthy of note, for it doubtless reflected the belief entertained -by Columbus till the day of his death. Bernaldez says: “This province -is in the dominion of the Grand Kahn, and, as described by John de -Mandeville and others who have seen it, is the richest province in the -world, and the most abundant in gold and silver and other metals, and -silks. The people are all idolaters, and are a very acute race, skilled -in necromancy, learned in all the arts and courtesies; and of this -place many marvels are written, which may be found in the narrative of -the noble English knight, John de Mandeville, who visited the country, -and lived for some time with the Grand Kahn.” And then, after stating -how it was that, in his opinion, Columbus missed his mark, he says: -“And so I told him, and made him know and understand, in the year 1496, -when he first returned to Castile after this expedition, and when he -was my guest, and left with me some of his papers in the presence of -Juan de Fonseca.... From these papers,” he continues, “I have drawn and -have compared them with others, which were written by that honourable -gentleman, the Doctor Chanca, and other noble gentlemen who came with -the Admiral in the voyages already described.” - -Bernaldez also tells us that Columbus at first supposed the land, which -he called Juana, but which the natives called Cuba, to be an island, -and that it was not until he had made a voyage along the coast that he -inferred confidently that it was the mainland. To the questions of the -Admiral on this subject, the Indians were able to give no satisfactory -answer; “for,” says Bernaldez, “they are a stupid race, who think that -all the world is an island, and do not know what a continent is.” - -The westward sail was continued, with some interruptions, from the -1st of May till the 12th of June, without any occurrence sufficiently -remarkable to require extended notice. One statement of exceptional -interest, however, is made by the writer already so frequently quoted. -Bernaldez says that “at this point it occurred to the Admiral that, -if he should be prospered, he might succeed in returning to Spain by -the East, going to the Ganges, thence to the Arabian Gulf, by land, -from Ethiopia to Jerusalem and to Joppa, whence he might embark on -the Mediterranean, and arrive at Cadiz.” Although, in the opinion of -the narrator, this passage would be possible, he says it would be -very perilous; “for from Ethiopia to Jerusalem, the inhabitants are -all Moors.” He rightly inferred that so near the close of the Moorish -wars, the Spaniards would do well not to intrust themselves to the -vicissitudes of a journey through Arabia. - -On the 12th of June the mutinous spirit of the crew was so general that -the Admiral decided to turn back. It is easy to understand that he did -so with great reluctance. He had determined to reach the continent, and -if possible go to Cathay, the home of that luxury and wealth which had -so excited the readers of John de Mandeville. Would he now return and -confess to failure? In order to answer this question, he resorted to -a device that must ever remain as a conspicuous stigma, not only upon -his character, but also upon his good sense. He resolved to establish -a geographical fact by a certificate under oath. He drew up the eighty -men of his crew, and required them to swear before a notary that it -was possible to go from Cuba to Spain by land. Accordingly, it was -solemnly sworn that Cuba was a part of the mainland,--that is to say, -Cathay; and it was further ordered that if any sceptic should deny this -important fact, he should be fined ten thousand maravedis. If any lack -of faith in this great geographical fact should disclose itself on the -part of any common sailor, the culprit, as he would, of course, not -have the money, was to have a hundred lashes, and then be incapacitated -for further lying by having his tongue pulled out. - -In the course of this voyage, Columbus made many discoveries, among -them the island of Jamaica and the group known as the Garden of the -Queen. Among these islands the ships often ran aground, and the -difficulties of navigation were such that for many days the Admiral -is said to have secured no sleep whatever. At length, however, an -unconquerable drowsiness and illness came on, which left him helpless -in the hands of the crew. Taking advantage of this situation, the -mariners turned the ships toward Isabella, where they arrived, after -an absence of more than five months, on the 29th of September. The -fruits of the voyage were several discoveries of important islands, and -a further and wider knowledge of the characteristics of the natives. -There was, however, no clew to any gold mines or other resources that -might be profitably taken back to Spain. - -The illness of Columbus continued during five months after his return -to Isabella. It was fortunate that in the course of his voyage of -exploration the colony was visited by his brother Bartholomew. -But affairs were in a sad state of confusion. During the absence -of the Admiral, everything had seemed to contribute to a general -disorganization. This unfortunate state of the colony was partly owing -to a very injudicious order issued by Columbus, and partly to the -unwise methods of administration that had prevailed during his absence. - -Columbus before going away had ordered the military commander, -Margarite, to put himself at the head of four hundred men and go -through the country for the twofold purpose of obtaining provisions and -of impressing upon the natives a further respect for Spanish power. Of -the instructions given there were only two provisions that seem to have -been important. In the first place, they were to obtain provisions,--by -purchase, if possible, if not, by any other means; and secondly, they -were to capture, either by force or artifice, Caonabo and his brothers. - -Fernando Columbus tells us that Margarite, instead of striving to -overrun and reduce the island, took his soldiers into the great plain -known as the Royal Vega, and there gave them up to all forms of wanton -excesses. But he soon fell into disputes with the council instituted by -the Admiral. After sending its members insolent letters, and finding -that he could not reduce them to obedience, he went aboard one of -the first ships that came from Spain, and sailed for home. This he -appears to have done without giving any account of himself, or leaving -any direction in regard to his command. “Upon this,” says Fernando, -“every one went away among the Indians wherever he thought fit, taking -away their goods and their women, and committing such outrages that -the Indians resolved to be revenged on those they found alone or -straggling; so that the cacique had killed ten, and privately ordered -a house to be fired in which were eleven sick.” The same authority -further states that “Most of the Christians committed a thousand -insolences, for which they were mortally hated by the Indians, who -refused to submit to them.” - -Such was the condition of affairs on the return of Columbus. All was -in such confusion that the very existence of the colony was threatened -with the fate that had overtaken La Navidad; and it was for essentially -the same cause. The weakness of Margarite and his subsequent desertion -of his command had thrown the garrison into anarchy, and given it up to -the unbridled indulgence of the most provoking and offensive excesses. -Fernando Columbus himself says of the Indians that in consequence of -the “thousand insolences” of the Christians, “it was no difficult -matter for them all to agree to cast off the Spanish yoke.” That the -provocation was chargeable to the Spaniards is admitted both by Don -Fernando and by Las Casas. But the fact that the invaders had brought -this threatening condition of affairs upon themselves can hardly be -thought to have lessened the obligations of Columbus. What he was now -confronted with was a condition, not a theory as to how that condition -had been brought about. In order to save the colony from immediate and -perhaps fatal disaster, he was obliged to act without hesitation. - -While Caonabo was threatening the garrison at St. Thomas, another of -the caciques, Gustignana by name, approached with a large force to -within two days’ march of Isabella. It is even said that his army -consisted of a hundred thousand men. Columbus was able to muster -a hundred and sixty Spanish foot, twenty horsemen, and as many -bloodhounds. The force was divided into two battalions, one being -under the command of the Admiral himself, and the other under that of -his brother Bartholomew. The Spaniards were clad in armour, while the -natives had only their naked bodies to oppose to the ferocity of the -bloodhounds and the cross-bows and musketry of the invaders. At the -first onset the Indians were thrown into confusion, and a terrible -carnage ensued. Vast numbers were either killed outright or torn by the -dogs; while others, perhaps less fortunate, were taken prisoners, to be -sent to Spain as slaves. The force of the Indians was completely broken -up and dispersed; but Caonabo, who was besieging St. Thomas, was still -at large. - -This Carib chieftain was very naturally a source of great anxiety to -the Admiral. He had been defeated by Ojeda; but he was still at the -head of a formidable force, and his own intrepidity and skill made -him a constant object of dread. Columbus determined to secure him -by treachery. Ojeda was selected to carry out this purpose; and the -instructions given by the Admiral were base and treacherous in the -extreme. The wily Spanish officer was to beguile the Indian chieftain -to a friendly interview; and thus, having thrown him off his guard, was -to put him in irons and escape with him to the Spanish garrison. The -Admiral’s plan was carried out. - -The accounts of this ignoble transaction, as given by Las Casas and the -later historians of the time, do not differ in essential particulars, -though there are differences in unimportant details. The authorities, -moreover, are not agreed as to the time when this daring exploit -occurred. Herrera says that it took place before the great battle, -almost immediately after the return of Columbus from Cuba. Attributing -the design to the Admiral, this historian says, “He contrived to send -Alonzo de Ojeda with only nine Spaniards, under colour of carrying a -present.” According to the same authority, the capture took place about -sixty or seventy leagues from Isabella. Herrera’s account is graphic -and circumstantial. Other authorities tell us that it was the last -act required to reduce the island into subjection. But the precise -date is not important. Las Casas, who visited the island six years -after the event took place, and received his information on the spot, -has preserved the account which has generally been followed by the -subsequent annalists and historians. - -It is not difficult to understand how the friendly relations which at -first prevailed between the Spaniards and the Indians were gradually -converted into distrust, and finally into deadly hostility. For this -change the Spaniards must ever be held responsible. All the original -accounts agree that the natives of Hispaniola were remarkable alike -for their gentleness, their friendliness, and their generosity, and -that they looked upon the Spaniards as superior beings that had -descended from heaven. The son of the Admiral himself tells us that as -time passed on, the Spaniards were guilty of “a thousand insolences, -especially to the Indian women.” We have already seen how Columbus sent -home five shiploads of inoffensive natives of Hispaniola to be sold in -the Spanish markets. - -It was easy now for the invaders to go one step farther in this process -of subjugation. The capture of Caonabo had removed the last serious -obstacle to a complete control of the island. Fernando tells us that -the country now became so peaceable that “one single Christian went -safely wherever he pleased.” Supreme power was now in the hand of -the Admiral, and he determined to make use of it in the interest of -that great object of his expedition which as yet had been completely -unsuccessful. - -In order that the call for gold might at length be gratified, he -determined to impose a tribute on all the population of the island. The -matter was thus provided for: Every Indian above fourteen years old who -was in the vicinity of the mines was required to pay every three months -a little bellful of gold, and to take for it a brass or tin token, and -to wear this about the neck, as a receipt or evidence that payment had -been made. All persons not living in the vicinity of the mines were -every three months to pay twenty-five pounds of cotton. - -When this order was issued, the natives were thrown into something like -despair. They asserted that they knew not how to collect the gold, and -that the gathering of so large an amount would be impossible. The -cacique of the Royal Vega tried to persuade the Admiral to modify the -order. He offered to convert the whole of the Royal Vega, stretching -from Isabella to the sea on the opposite shore, into a huge farm, which -would supply the whole of Castile with bread, on condition that the -tribute in gold should be relaxed; but Columbus would not accept the -proposition, as he wished to collect such objects of value as he could -take back to Spain. - -It was found impossible to enforce the requirements imposed. The gold -in requisite amounts could not be found. Columbus was therefore obliged -to modify his demands. In some instances the amounts called for were -lessened; in some the nature of the demand was modified; in others -service was accepted in place of tribute. - -As time passed on, it was found that personal service was the only -form of tax that could readily be enforced; and, accordingly, more and -more the natives were driven into working the farms of the Spanish -settlements. As early as 1496 the fields of the Spaniards had come to -be very generally tilled and harvested in this manner. Out of this form -of taxation grew the system of _repartimientos_, or _encomiendas_, as -they were afterward called. In order to enforce the payment of such -tributes as were required, four forts in addition to those of Isabella -and St. Thomas were built and equipped, at such points as would give -most complete command and control of the island. - -It requires no very vivid imagination to enable one to understand the -desperate situation into which the natives found they had been driven. -They had enjoyed a roving independence and that ample leisure which is -so dear to all the aboriginal inhabitants of the tropics. This pleasant -life was now at an end; the yoke of servitude was fastened upon them, -and there was no prospect save in the thraldom of perpetual slavery. -They were obliged to bend their bodies under the fervour of a tropical -sun, either to raise food for their taskmasters, or to sift the sands -of the streams for the shining grains of gold. Peter Martyr relates, -with an unspeakable pathos, how their sorrows and sufferings wove -themselves into doleful songs and ballads, and how with plaintive tunes -and mournful voices they bewailed the servitude into which they had -been thrown. - -At last they determined to avail themselves of a most desperate remedy. -They observed how entirely dependent the Spaniards were upon such food -as was supplied by the natives. They now agreed, by a general concert -of action, not to cultivate the articles of food, and to destroy -those already growing, in order by famine to starve the strangers or -drive them from the island. This policy was carried into effect. They -abandoned their homes, laid waste the fields, and withdrew to the -mountains, where they hoped to subsist on roots and herbs. - -Although this policy produced some distress among the Spaniards, still -they had the resources of home; and it is certain that the suffering -of the natives even from hunger was far greater than was the suffering -of the invaders. The Spaniards pursued the Indians from one retreat to -another, following them into caverns, pursuing them into thick forests, -and driving them up mountain heights, until, worn out with fatigue and -hunger, the wretched creatures gave themselves up without conditions -to the mercy of their pursuers. After thousands of them had perished -miserably through famine, fatigue, disease, and terror, the survivors -abandoned all opposition, and bent their necks despairingly to the yoke. - -While this pitiful state of affairs was taking place on the island, -matters of equal significance and interest were occurring in Spain; -and it is now necessary that we turn our attention thither in order to -understand the meaning of that disfavour into which Columbus was now -rapidly drifting. - -Even after the second voyage was undertaken, there were not a few who -ventured to declare that Columbus had been cruel and unjust to his -subordinates, and that the assurances and promises by means of which -the second fleet had been fitted out, were such as never could be -fulfilled. The malcontents included persons high in royal favour; and -even Fonseca, who, as we have seen, had been made a special minister -or secretary for the Indies, looked upon the Admiral with distrust, -if not with positive disfavour. There was also about the royal court -a nucleus of opposition consisting of members of the old nobility, -who saw their own hereditary significance completely eclipsed by this -untitled adventurer from abroad. Here, then, was a fertile soil ready -to receive any seed of accusation or complaint that might be brought -back from the newly discovered lands. Such accusations and complaints -were not long withheld. - -The provisions taken out on the second voyage were not abundant in -amount, and many of them, as we have already seen, were spoiled -or injured in the course of the passage. On reaching Hispaniola, -and finding that the colony at La Navidad had perished, it became -immediately evident that new supplies must be obtained. The Admiral was -naturally reluctant to call upon the Government for further assistance. -Although such a course was found to be absolutely necessary, the demand -was made as small as possible, in the hope that a large portion of the -articles needed could be either raised or bought on the island. In -the interests of this policy the most rigorous methods were adopted -to increase the productive force of the colony. In the building of -Isabella, and in the tilling of the fields, many a delicate hand that -had never touched an implement of industry was now forced into manual -labour. It is not necessary to inquire whether Columbus enforced his -rule with impolitic or unnecessary rigour. It is certain, however, that -discontents became rife, that these soon grew to formidable proportions -and finally ripened into a mutinous determination to throw off the -Admiral’s authority. By good fortune, Columbus discovered the mutinous -intent before the final outbreak; but the purpose was so widespread, -and embraced within its plans so many of the officers high in command, -that he felt obliged, not only to put the leaders in irons, but also to -transfer all the guns, ammunition, and naval stores to his own ship. -Herrera tells us that “this was the first mutiny that occurred in the -Indies,” and that “it was the source of all the opposition the Admiral -and his successors met withal.” - -But the suppression of the mutiny did not lessen the discontents. One -of the authorities says: “The better sort were obliged to work, which -was as bad as death to them, especially having little to eat.” The -Admiral had recourse to force, and this deepened the ill-will. One of -the priests, Father Boyle, took up the cause of the malcontents, and -was loud in his accusations of cruelty. Herrera tells us that so many -persons of distinction died of starvation and sickness that, long after -Isabella was abandoned, “so many dreadful cries were heard in that -place that people durst not go that way.” - -Another cause of discontent was the fact that Columbus placed so great -authority in the hands of his brothers. Diego Columbus had attended the -Admiral on his second voyage, and on arriving at Hispaniola, was made -second in command. The other brother, Bartholomew, reached the colony -while the Admiral was exploring Cuba and Jamaica. Far abler and wiser -than Diego, Bartholomew was at once, on the return of the Admiral, -raised to the rank of Adelantado, or Lieutenant-Governor. Bartholomew -is described as “somewhat harsh in his temper, very brave and free, for -which some hated him.” The Spanish hidalgos always looked upon Columbus -as a foreigner, and the favour he showed his brothers only tended to -deepen their discontents and multiply their complaints. - -Added to all other sources of dissatisfaction was the most potent fact -of all,--that the amount of gold sent home as compared with what had -been promised, was doubtful in quality and insignificant in amount. -Indeed, the first assayer who accompanied the expedition even declared -that the metal discovered was not gold, but only a base imitation. - -Such were the grounds of ill-feeling in the colony, and from time to -time they were reported to friends in the mother-country. We have -already seen how Don Pedro Margarite, when reproached by the council -for not restraining the license of his soldiery, ignominiously threw -down his command and sailed for home. Scarcely less important was the -report carried home by Father Boyle, whose access to the spiritual -advisers of the king and queen gave him peculiar facilities for -poisoning the royal minds. Thus it was that complaints of every kind -found ears that welcomed them. Herrera assures us concerning Don -Margarite and Father Boyle that “being come to the court, they gave an -account that there was no gold in the Indies, and that all the Admiral -said was mere sham and banter.” - -The complaints at length became so numerous and so circumstantial -that the monarchs felt obliged to institute a formal and responsible -inquiry. The officer chosen for this service was Don John Agnado, -a groom of the bedchamber, who had accompanied Columbus on his -first voyage, and had acquitted himself with so much credit that the -Admiral had especially recommended his promotion. The appointment was -apparently an excellent one, and one that would commend itself to the -favour of Columbus. Agnado, armed with credentials giving him ample -authority, took four ships laden with provisions and sailed for the -colonies, where he arrived in October, 1495. - -When the commissioner reached Hispaniola, he found that the Admiral was -engaged in his campaign against the brothers of Caonabo. The garrison -at Isabella was in charge of the Adelantado. Don Agnado at once made -known his extraordinary power and authority by reproving some of the -ministers and seizing others. After showing that he had no respect -for the authority of Don Bartholomew, he put himself at the head of a -troop of horse and foot, and began an advance into the interior for the -purpose of going to the Admiral. This course had the natural effect -on the garrison and on the islanders. The supposition became general -that a new governor had been appointed, and that he was about to seize -his predecessor and perhaps even put him to death. The smothered -discontents now burst forth into flames. Those who fancied themselves -aggrieved by the rigour of the Admiral’s rule, those who had found the -life of adventure only a life of hardship, those who complained either -of the wars or of the tribute, all the malcontents of every race and -kind, now hastened to greet the new governor and to denounce the old. - -It was immediately evident that the authority of Columbus was in peril. -On learning of the arrival of Don Agnado, he determined to return to -Isabella, and there welcome the commissioner with the formality that -was due to his royal errand. Accordingly, he received the letter of -their Royal Highnesses with the sound of trumpets and with the greatest -solemnity. But all this ceremony only seemed to add to the force of the -commission itself. The authority of Don Agnado was vouched for by the -following letter of the king and queen:-- - - “Cavaliers, esquires, and other persons who by our command are in - the Indies: We send you thither Juan Agnado, our Gentleman of the - Chamber, who will speak to you on our part. We command that you - give him faith and credence.” - -The manner in which Agnado began to pursue his inquiries must have -convinced Columbus that the tide of his fortune was turning. It -became evident that the reports of Margarite and Boyle had poisoned -public opinion about the court. The inquiries, moreover, produced -a disquieting effect upon the natives. A number of caciques met at -the headquarters of one of them, and determined to formulate their -complaints of the Admiral and to pledge their loyalty to his successor. -Columbus knew well that these facts would be duly reported by the -commissioner. He determined, therefore, at once to return to Spain, in -order to represent his own cause at court. - -There was another reason why Columbus desired to appear before the -sovereigns. By the royal charter given before the first voyage, he -was to be viceroy of all the lands he might discover, and was to have -control of all matters of trade and immigration. But now Fonseca had -violated this provision of the charter, by giving a number of licenses -to private adventurers to trade in the new countries, independently of -the Admiral. Columbus saw the evil that was impending, and desired to -protest against the issue of such licenses. - -The Admiral’s departure, however, was delayed by one of those terrible -hurricanes which sometimes sweep across the West Indies. The four -vessels brought by Don Agnado sank in the harbour, and there were -remaining only the two caravels belonging to the Admiral. There was -some further delay, moreover, by the report that rich gold mines had -been discovered near the southern coast. Investigations seemed to -authenticate the report. The Admiral thought it best to establish a -strong post in the vicinity of the mine, and so a fort was built which -received the name of Saint Christopher. - -In the course of the winter months the other forts were put in a -condition to make a strong resistance in case of revolt during the -Admiral’s absence. It was the 10th of March, 1496, before he was ready -to sail. The Adelantado was left in command at Isabella. The Admiral -sailed on board the “Nina,” while Agnado took passage on the other -caravel. More than two hundred of the colonists returned with the -Admiral,--some of them broken in health, some of them merely sick at -heart. - -The voyage was one of numerous delays. A few days were spent in -coasting along the Caribbean islands; but even after they were well -at sea, contrary winds prevailed and very slow progress was made. -Provisions finally ran so low that they had to be doled out in -pittances, and it is said that all the Admiral’s authority was needed -to prevent the ship’s company from killing and eating the Carib -prisoners who were on board. It was only after a voyage of three -months’ duration that the ships put into the Bay of Cadiz on the 11th -of June, 1496. - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -THE THIRD VOYAGE. - - -The circumstances attending the disembarking of Columbus on his return -after the second voyage were of a nature to emphasize rather than allay -the popular opinion that had been aroused against him. Three years -before, the expedition had gone out with the most joyous anticipations. -Representatives of noble and gentle families had begged the privilege -of going in the hope of easily finding either renown or fortune. All -these expectations had been disappointed. A large proportion of those -who had gone out had lost their lives; many others remained to battle -still longer with poverty, and perhaps even with hunger; while the two -hundred or more wretched creatures who now “crawled out of the ships” -told their tales of disastrous experience to the eyes as well as to the -ears of the people. It is related that Columbus himself was unshaven, -and that he was clad with the robe and girdled with the cord of the -Franciscans. - -On arriving at the port of Cadiz, the Admiral found three caravels -on the point of sailing with provisions for the colony. Seeking an -interview with the commander, he learned much in regard to the state -of feeling that awaited him. In view of this information, he wrote -a letter to the Adelantado, not only to apprise him of his own safe -arrival, but also to urge him to endeavour by every possible means to -bring the island into a peaceful and productive condition. He urged -his brother to appease all discontents and commotions, and to use the -utmost diligence in exploring and working the mines that had recently -been discovered. - -As soon as tidings of his arrival reached the sovereigns, they sent -Columbus a letter congratulating him on his safe return, and inviting -him to court. Accordingly, he at once made all necessary preparations -to go to Almazan, where the court was at that time established. -Desiring to keep alive an interest in his discoveries, he made a -studious display of the curiosities and treasures he had brought with -him. As at the end of the first voyage, the people along the way showed -great interest in the natives and in the products of the new islands. - -The king and queen, though temporarily absent, soon returned to -Almazan, and gave him a gracious reception. It was evident that however -much of adverse criticism they may have heard, they were disposed to -hold in strict reserve any questionings they may have had in regard to -the general wisdom of his administrative methods. - -Columbus gave a full account of his explorations in Cuba, and dwelt -in detail upon the promises held forth by the gold mines recently -discovered. If we may judge from its immediate consequences, we must -infer that the report made a favourable and deep impression. - -The sovereigns even went so far as to give special and exceptional -evidence of their approval. In April of 1497 they confirmed anew -the commissions and hereditary privileges granted before the first -voyage; they confirmed and even made hereditary the appointment of -Bartholomew Columbus to the office of Adelantado, which at first had -been criticised as an undue exercise of authority by the Admiral; they -promised to comply with his request for eight ships with which to -complete his explorations and annex the mainland to their dominions. A -little later the queen also appointed his son Fernando as a page. - -Other favours of a less personal nature were also freely granted. It -was determined that there should be sent out on the new fleet three -hundred and thirty men in the pay of the sovereigns. Others might be -enlisted by the Admiral, on condition that their pay could be provided -for in some other way. Those who volunteered to go without pay were -to receive a third part of the gold they might get out of the mines, -and nine tenths of all other products. The residue in both cases was -to be turned over to the royal officers. The Admiral also obtained -the privilege of transporting all criminals to the Indies, to serve -there for a number of years. This exceedingly unwise and unfortunate -provision, putting, as it did, the stamp of ignominy upon service in -the colony, exerted a pernicious influence, not only in preventing -enlistments, but also in demoralizing future life in the colonies. - -These favours and promises by the sovereigns were more than Columbus -had dared even to hope for. But notwithstanding the kind, if not the -enthusiastic, favour of the sovereigns, the promises were not speedily -to be fulfilled. There were several reasons why the furnishing of the -ships was a matter of most annoying delay. During the long months of -waiting, Columbus was under the roof of Andres Bernaldez, who turned to -account many of his interviews with the Admiral in his History of the -Spanish Kings. Columbus left with Bernaldez several important documents -which the historian made the basis of much of his History. It is from -Bernaldez that we get the most definite account of the temper and -opposition of the people, as well as the grounds of their discontent. -The whole may be expressed in the single word “disappointment.” The -cost of the expeditions had been very great, and the returns very -small. A tradition has assumed the form of a popular belief that the -gold brought back to Spain by this second expedition was so abundant -that it was used to ornament palaces and gild cathedrals. But this -belief must be discarded; for we learn from Bernaldez that the gold -brought back consisted mainly of personal ornaments. - -There were several causes for delay in fitting out the third -expedition. Spain was now at war with France in regard to that vexed -question which involved the suzerainty of Naples. Besides a powerful -army in Italy under Gonzalo de Cordova, Spain was obliged to keep -an army on her own frontier, which was threatened with an invasion -from France. A strong fleet had to be kept in the Mediterranean, and -another was called for to defend the Atlantic coasts of the Spanish -peninsula. But even these were not all. Ferdinand and Isabella, if -not far-seeing, were far-reaching in their ambition to extend their -international importance by judicious matrimonial alliances of their -children. This was to be done, not simply by the marriage of Catherine -of Aragon with Prince Henry of England, but also by the far more -important double alliance with Austria. The arrangements for the -Austrian nuptials were now complete, and a magnificent armada of a -hundred and twenty ships, with twenty thousand persons on board, had -been sent as a convoy of the Princess Juana to Flanders, where she was -to marry Philip, the archduke of Austria, and bring back the Austrian -Princess Margarita, who was to complete the double Austrian alliance by -marrying Prince Juan. - -These several demands quite exhausted the maritime resources of the -Spanish Government. Delay therefore in the equipment of ships for -the third expedition of Columbus was inevitable. But there were also -other reasons that emphasized and reinforced the same tendencies. The -affairs of the Indian Office, after once having been sequestered, had -now been restored to the control of Fonseca. For a time they had been -transferred to the direction of Antonio de Torres; but in consequence -of high and unreasonable demands, he had been removed from office, and -Fonseca, the Bishop of Badajoz, had been reinstated. Fonseca had never -been actively helpful to Columbus, and as time had passed on, what at -first had an air of indifference, gradually changed to ill-concealed -enmity. In the position to which he had now been reinstated it was easy -for him to impede, if not frustrate, all the navigator’s plans. The -delay became intolerable. In the spring of 1498, Columbus, after nearly -two years had elapsed since his second return, presented a direct -appeal to the queen, making urgent representations of the misery to -which the colonists had been reduced. The appeal was successful; two -ships with supplies for the colony were despatched early in February, -1498. - -The fitting out of the vessels that were to be commanded by Columbus -himself was retarded by many very annoying conditions. Fonseca seemed -determined to throw every obstacle in his way. It was everywhere -evident, moreover, that the popular favour in which the Admiral had -been more or less generally held was fast slipping away. At one time -he thought of abandoning the enterprise altogether; and in one of his -letters he intimates that he was restrained from doing so only by his -unwillingness to disoblige or disappoint the queen. - -Of the various annoyances that occurred, there were two that are worthy -of note. The sovereigns ordered six million maravedis to be set apart -for the equipment of the new expedition. But soon after the arrival of -the three caravels of slaves in the autumn of 1495, word was circulated -that the fleet was freighted with _bars of gold_. The report had so -much influence on the sovereigns that they revoked their order for -six million maravedis, and directed that the necessary money for the -new expedition should be taken from the gold brought home. What was -the chagrin of Columbus and of all his friends to find that what was -only a wretched joke of one of the ship’s commanders had been taken in -serious earnest even by Ferdinand and Isabella. When the truth came -to be known, it was found that the bars of gold were only slaves kept -behind bars, with the design of converting them into gold in the market -of Seville. It is not difficult to imagine the indignation of Isabella -when the truth came to be known. The other affair alluded to was the -personal altercation that occurred between Columbus and Breviesca, -the treasurer of Fonseca. The very day when the squadron was about to -embark, Columbus was assailed in so insolent a manner by this official -that he lost his self-control, and not only struck his accuser to the -ground, but kicked him in his paroxysm of rage. As to the extent of the -provocation, Las Casas, who relates the anecdote, leaves us in doubt; -but the influence of such a spectacle could hardly have been favourable -to the Admiral. - -It was the 30th day of May, 1498, before the expedition was ready to -sail. The fleet, consisting of six ships loaded with provisions and -other necessaries for the planters in Hispaniola, was detained at the -Canary and Cape de Verde islands until the 5th of July. From the island -of Ferro Columbus decided to send three of the vessels to Hispaniola, -and to sail in a more southerly direction with the rest, for the -purpose of making further discoveries. He designed to make the course -southwest until they should reach the equinoctial line, and then to -take a course due west. But the currents flowed so strongly toward the -north, and the heat was so severe, that this purpose was abandoned -before they reached the equator. Fernando, with characteristic -exaggeration, says that “had it not rained sometimes, and the sun been -clouded, he thought they would have been burned alive, together with -the ships, for the heat was so violent that nothing could withstand -it.” Las Casas, who had other sources of authentic information besides -the narrative of Columbus, declares that but for this heat and the -fact that the vessels were becalmed eight days, the Admiral would have -taken a course so far to the south that the fleet would have been -carried to the coast of Brazil. Be this as it may, the effect of the -temperature on the men and on the provisions was such that on the last -day of July the Admiral, thinking they were now south of the Caribbean -islands, resolved to abandon their course and make for Hispaniola. -Sailing toward the northwest one day, the man at the lookout descried -land to the westward, which, because of the three mountains that arose -above the horizon, Columbus called Trinidad. This discovery led to a -little delay. Cruising about the island for a considerable time without -finding a harbour, he came to deep soundings near Point Alcatraz, where -he decided to take in water and make such repairs as the shrinkage of -the timbers had made necessary. From the point where they now were, the -low lands about the mouth of the Orinoco were plainly visible; and -the incident is memorable because, notwithstanding the assertion of -Oviedo that Vespucius anticipated Columbus in reaching the mainland, it -was probably here that the Spaniards obtained the first sight of the -western continent. It was on the 1st day of August, 1498,--two months -and ten days after Vasco da Gama had cast anchor in the bay of Calicut. - -After necessary delays the little fleet resumed its westerly course. -Although in his letter to the Spanish court, the Admiral gives a -graphic account of the rush of waters from the Orinoco, he seems not -at first to have suspected that he was in sight of the mainland. The -waters delivered to the ocean by this river came with such impetuous -force that they seemed to produce a ridge along the top of which the -squadron was borne at a furious rate into the Gulf of Paria. “Even -to-day,” wrote Columbus, “I shudder lest the waters should have upset -the vessel when they came under its bows.” We now know that the tumult -of the waters was very largely the result of the African current -wedging in between the island of Trinidad and the mainland, and forming -that stupendous flow which on emerging from the Caribbean Sea is known -as the Gulf Stream. - -In sailing along the coast the Admiral met with nothing but friendly -treatment from the natives. The region at the left of the Gulf of -Paria he called Gracia. At length the immense volume of waters passing -through the mouths of the Orinoco led him to surmise that the land -he had been calling an island was in fact the continent. Holding -this conjecture with increasing confidence, he was unwilling to give -any considerable time to further exploration; and accordingly, after -passing through what he called the Boca del Drago, or Dragon’s Mouth, -he sailed directly for Hispaniola. His departure was hastened by the -desire, not only of landing the stores he had in charge, but also of -learning the truth in regard to the reports of disturbance among the -colonists that had reached Spain before his embarkation. - -Before following him, however, to the unhappy colony, it may not be -out of place to make note of a few of his reflections, as recorded -in his own words. There is nothing in the life of Columbus more -interesting than his letter to the court describing this third voyage, -and commenting on the various phenomena which he observed. The minute -and ingenious details of this letter not only show how easily he was -captivated by delusions, but they also throw a flood of light on his -general habit of mind. It is impossible to quote the letter at length, -but a few of his conclusions may not be omitted. - -In remarking that Ptolemy and all the other ancient writers regarded -the earth as spherical, he says that they had had no opportunity of -observing the region he was now exploring, and that in consequence -they had fallen into error. To his mind it was clear that the form -of the earth was not globular, but pear-shaped, and that the form -of a pear about the stem was the form of the earth in the region he -had discovered. He had at all times noted a marked change in the -temperature on crossing the one hundredth meridian. The north star also -perceptibly changed its relative position in regard to the horizon -at this point. The deflection of the needle here changed from five -degrees to the east to as many degrees to the west. The waters of the -great river flowing into the Gulf of Paria could hardly come with -a tumultuous volume for any other reason. As they sailed away from -this region, they were so rapidly descending that they easily made -sixty-five leagues in a day, which they could hardly have done on an -ascending or a level sea. - -It was his opinion, moreover, derived from numerous considerations, -that the point at the stem of the pear represented the garden of -Paradise. “I do not suppose,” he writes, “that the earthly Paradise -is in the form of a rugged mountain, as the descriptions of it have -made it appear, but that it is on the summit of the spot which I have -described as being in the form of the neck of a pear. The approach -to it from a distance must be by a constant and gradual ascent; but -I believe that, as I have already said, no one could ever reach the -top. I think also that the water I have described may proceed from it, -though it be far off, and that stopping at the place I have just left, -it forms this lake.” He further states: “There are great indications of -this being the terrestrial paradise, for its site coincides with the -opinion of the holy and wise theologians whom I have mentioned.” - -The speculations of Columbus in regard to the currents of the ocean and -their effects on the shape of the islands are interesting; but they are -important only as revealing the observing and generalizing habit of -his mind. His remarks on the characteristics of the natives are more -important. Their superior intelligence and courage, as well as their -lighter colour, and even their long, smooth hair, he attributes to the -mildness of the climate, occasioned by the altitude of this portion of -the pear-shaped earth. - -Resuming the general course of his voyage toward the northwest, after -pausing for a time at Margarita he arrived at the harbour of San -Domingo on the 30th of August, 1498. - -In order to understand the condition of affairs on the arrival of the -Admiral, it is necessary to call attention briefly to the history of -the island during the two years of his absence. - -We find that early in the administration of the Adelantado he sent to -Spain three hundred slaves from Hispaniola. As these were represented -as having been taken while they were killing Christians, this -disposition of them seems not to have met with any insurmountable -disfavour. Indeed, the sovereigns had given orders that all those -who should be found guilty should be sent to Spain. The way was thus -opened for an iniquitous traffic by a royal order that simply provided -for an inevitable flexibility of interpretation under an imperfect -administration of justice. There was no reason to anticipate that there -would in the future be any insurmountable obstacle to a profitable -exercise of the trade in slaves. Human nature, as it revealed itself in -the fifteenth century, might well be trusted to find the means. - -The order, already alluded to, authorizing judges to transport -criminals to the Indies, had already begun to exert its baleful -influence; and a still more pernicious result came from the further -edict giving an indulgence to such criminals as should go out at their -own expense and serve under the Admiral. The provisions of this edict, -which must have been recommended by Columbus himself, could hardly have -been more ingeniously framed for the purpose of bringing the greatest -harm to the colony. They not only made all labour disreputable, but -they drew into the colonies the worst classes of criminals. Those -to whom an indulgence was most desirable, were the very men who had -committed the most flagrant crimes; and these were the persons that -most eagerly accepted the opportunity. Three years later, when Columbus -was under accusation, he excused the acts complained of by referring to -the badness of the men who were allowed to go out under this edict; but -he did not call attention to the fact that the edict was one which he -himself had recommended. Of these he said, with unwonted emphasis: “I -swear that numbers of men have gone to the Indies who did not deserve -water from God or man.” The colony as made up in 1493 was not of a -nature to bear with impunity such an influx of rascality. - -Another royal order that contributed not a little to the future -turbulence of the islands was the one which provided for what are -known as the _repartimientos_. This edict was also issued in 1497, and -it authorized the Admiral to give in the most formal way any of the -lands discovered to any Spaniard, with all rights “to hold, to sell, to -traffic with, and to alienate and to do with it and in it all that he -likes or may think good.” - -Here, then, was introduced an ingenious instrument of interminable -discord. The ill effects of these several edicts were not mitigated -by the methods of government pursued by the Adelantado; but, on the -contrary, Don Bartholomew was so unwise as to contribute in many ways -to the prevailing dissatisfaction and turbulence. - -Before the Admiral had sailed for home, as we have already seen, gold -mines had been discovered near the southern coast of the island. He -had promptly reported the discovery and had recommended the opening -of the mines and the establishment of a port at no remote distance. -The recommendations were favorably received by the monarchs, and the -captain of the fleet which Columbus met as he was entering the bay -of Cadiz was the bearer of the letter of approval. The Admiral, on -receiving this letter, at once wrote to his brother, ordering him to -begin work at once to carry out the royal pleasure in regard to the -mines and the establishment of a port on the southern coast of the -island. He also directed him to spare no pains to conciliate all the -adverse interests and bind them into harmonious unity of purpose. - -Don Bartholomew on receiving this letter at once proceeded southward -and fixed upon the mouth of the river Ozama as the site of the new -port. Sending for artisans and labourers, he at once began the -building of a fortress which he named San Domingo, and which afterward -gave its name to the chief port and city of the island. The purpose -of the Admiral and of his brother seems to have been ultimately to -abandon Isabella and to establish in the new town on the southern coast -the seat of government of the colony. In accordance with this design, -Don Bartholomew planned to transport to the southern coast all of the -working population at Isabella excepting so many as were necessary to -complete the two caravels now in process of construction. - -Scarcely was the building of the new port and town fairly undertaken -when the Adelantado became involved in what seems to have been a most -needless and disastrous undertaking. No one of the early authorities -gives any justifiable reason for the enterprise. The brief statement of -Herrera has the advantage of clearness, and is perhaps as trustworthy -as any other. His language is: “The work having begun, Don Bartholomew -resolved to view the kingdom of Behechio, called Xaragua, of whose -state and government and of whose sister Anacaona he had heard so much -talk.” That this intimation concerning Anacaona is not altogether -gratuitous may be inferred from numerous statements in the original -authorities. Fernando Columbus, in explaining why his uncle wished to -establish himself in Xaragua, gives several reasons touching climate, -soil, etc., and then adds: “But above all, because the women were the -handsomest and of the most pleasing conversation of any.” It is a -deplorable fact, but one that can hardly be ignored, that the motives -here ascribed to Don Bartholomew were a constant element, not only of -distrust and hatred in all the relations of the Spaniards with the -natives, but also a constant element of danger and depletion.[1] - - [1] Fernando Columbus, in describing the condition of the - colony on the return of the Admiral, says, “Perciocchè gran - parte della gente, da lui lasciatavi, era già morta, e - degli altri ve n’ erano piu di cento sessanta ammalati di - mal Francese” (Vita di Christoforo Colombo, descritta da - Ferdinando, suo figlio, Londra, 1867, cap. lxxiii. p. 239). - -The expedition into Xaragua--a province situated in the western portion -of the island--was fraught with many new complications. The cacique -Behechio at first seemed disposed to offer a spirited and warlike -resistance. But on receiving the assurance that the mission was a -friendly one, for the purpose of paying respect to himself and his -sister, he adopted the policy of welcoming the Adelantado in the most -friendly manner. Don Bartholomew, with his soldiers, was thus admitted -to the very heart of the kingdom. It was now easy for him to complete -his errand by imposing tribute. Behechio answered that tribute would -be impossible, as there was no gold within his kingdom; whereupon the -lieutenant declared that he would be content to receive tribute in -the products of the territory. On these conditions and in this manner -it was that the suzerainty of the Spaniards was established over the -western portion of the island. - -On returning to Isabella, Don Bartholomew had found a deplorable -state of affairs. During his absence more than three hundred of the -colonists had died of various diseases. Among the living, moreover, -discontents were universal. He distributed the sick among the various -forts and friendly Indian villages in the vicinity, and then set out -for San Domingo, collecting tribute by the way. In all these energetic -proceedings he constantly augmented the accumulations of ill-will, not -only on the part of the Spaniards, but also on that of the natives. The -islanders needed only an occasion and a leader to ignite them into a -general conflagration; and neither was long wanting. The authorities do -not quite agree as to the exact time when the outburst took place; but -the matter of a precise date is not important. Of the fact itself there -seems no room for doubt. - -There was everywhere complaint on the part of the natives of the -tribute imposed upon them; and nothing but the hopelessness of the -situation had prevented them so long from a general attempt to throw -off their hateful yoke. On the occasion of this last tribute several -of the minor chiefs complained to the cacique Guarionex, and urged a -general rising of the Indians. This cacique was greatly respected for -his intelligence, as well as for his prudence and his courage. Though -well aware of the power of the Spaniards, he finally consented to put -himself at the head of a general revolt. A battle ensued, in which the -Spaniards, as usual, were successful, taking Guarionex and many other -important persons captive. The Adelantado ordered the movers in the -insurrection to be put to death; but he thought it politic and prudent -to deliver Guarionex up to his people. - -Having thus settled the revolt in the centre of the island, and hearing -that the tribute of Behechio was ready for him, Don Bartholomew left -the region between Isabella and San Domingo in the control of his -brother Diego, and took his departure for the west to visit Xaragua. -But the occasion of his going was the signal for further revolt. Now, -however, he had to confront an insurrection, not of the Indians, but of -the Spaniards themselves. - -Before the Admiral had left Hispaniola for Spain in 1496, he appointed -Francis Roldan chief justice of the island. This officer was endowed -with an arrogant and turbulent temper, and it soon became apparent that -there were abundant causes of friction between him and the Adelantado. -Disagreement between the executive and judicial authorities is always -more or less liable to occur in primitive governments; and although -the chief authority must have been in the hands of the governor, it is -probable that their functions were never very clearly defined. Roldan -early began to show signs of a restive spirit, which waxed stronger and -stronger until it broke forth into open defiance. By a watchful seizing -of opportunities for encouraging the complaints of the people, and by -ingeniously declaring how the methods of rule ought to be modified, he -had no difficulty in attaching to him a formidable party. The absence -of Don Bartholomew and the weakness of Don Diego now afforded him -an opportunity. Fernando Columbus gives details of Roldan’s plan to -assassinate the Adelantado and then make himself master of the island. -He was to await the return of Don Bartholomew to Isabella, and then, -having put him to death, was to proclaim himself chief ruler of the -island. The Adelantado, however, received tidings of the insurrection -before reaching Isabella, and so put himself on his guard. But no -effort to bring Roldan to terms was successful. The leader of the -rebellion had secured a numerous following, both of natives and of -Spaniards; and the consequence was that for months the island was kept -in such turbulence that no progress could be made either in working the -mines or in building the new city. - -The two vessels which the Admiral sent out with provisions arrived -in the spring of 1498. The same ships brought the royal commission -confirming the appointment of Don Bartholomew as Adelantado, or Lord -Lieutenant, of the islands, and conveying the further information that -the Admiral himself, with a fleet of six ships, was soon to embark for -the same destination. The commission was duly proclaimed, and on the -strength of this confirmation of authority and the prospect of the -speedy arrival of the Admiral, a new effort was made to bring Roldan -to terms. But even this attempt was not successful. After ravaging -considerable portions of the centre of the island, Roldan entered with -his followers into the luxuriant regions of Xaragua, there to await -coming events. Though Roldan was not subdued, it is probable that the -arrival of reinforcements saved the government of Don Bartholomew from -complete destruction. - -In midsummer the three ships despatched by Columbus from the Canaries -with provisions arrived off the south coast of the island. Ignorant of -the situation of San Domingo, and carried by strong winds and currents -in a westerly direction, they made their landing, as if adverse fates -were in control, in the very territory held by Roldan. As if to give -added significance to this misfortune, the captains decided that the -labouring-men should go ashore, and make their way on foot to San -Domingo. The result was that, according to Herrera, Roldan “easily -persuaded them to stay with him, telling them at the same time how -they would live with him, which was only going about from one town to -another, taking the gold and what else they saw fit.” - -Such was the condition of affairs when Christopher Columbus arrived -on the 22d of August, 1498. It was not until some days later that the -three caravels with supplies, after returning from Xaragua, reached the -same port. In one of his letters, written a year later, Columbus says: -“I found nearly half the colonists of Hispaniola in a state of revolt.” - -The formidable extent of this insurrection is revealed, not only by -the numbers that participated in it, but also by the spirit shown -by those in revolt, as well as by those in authority. Neither Don -Bartholomew nor the Admiral thought it prudent to move against Roldan -and attempt to crush him by force. This hesitating prudence can only -be explained by the fear that such a movement would weaken rather than -strengthen the colony; and such a fear could be justified only by a -very wide-spread and deep-seated spirit of dissatisfaction. Columbus -evidently expected on his arrival to find that the revolt of Roldan had -its root in a personal antipathy to the Adelantado, and that as soon -as he should himself resume direct control of affairs, all discontent -would subside. But in this he was bitterly disappointed. The Alcalde -continued to maintain an attitude of stubborn defiance. Negotiations -were entered into from time to time; but they proceeded slowly, and -only served to show the extent and the spirit of the party in revolt. - -It was while these perplexing events were taking place that Columbus -sent back to Spain such of the ships as were not needed in the colonies. - -In November of 1498 an elaborate agreement was reached, the details -of which reveal at once the weakness of Columbus and the strength of -Roldan. It had all the characteristics of a treaty, in which every -concession, except that of abandoning the island to the rebellion, was -made by the Admiral. Columbus agreed to furnish within fifty days two -vessels for transporting the rebels to Spain, to furnish them with -ample provisions for the voyage, to allow one slave, man or woman, to -each of Roldan’s men, to pledge his honour as a Spanish gentleman that -he would do nothing to detain or obstruct the vessels, and to write to -the sovereigns a letter designed to absolve Roldan and his men from all -blame. - -But even this treaty, duly signed and sealed on the 21st of November, -did not bring this painful history to an end. The vessels were not -ready in time. It was the midsummer of the following year before -Columbus had put the ships at the disposal of Roldan and his men. This -may not have been the fault of the Admiral, but it furnished a least a -pretext for abandoning the contract on the part of Roldan. His men seem -to have been unwilling to return to the restraints of civilization, and -it was necessary to begin negotiations on another basis. The settlement -finally agreed upon and signed on the 5th of November, 1499, contained -the four following provisions: First, that fifteen of Roldan’s men -should be sent to Spain in the first vessel that went; secondly, that -to those that remained, Columbus should give land and houses for their -pay; thirdly, that proclamation should be made that all that had -happened had resulted from false reports and through the fault of bad -men; and fourthly, that Columbus should now appoint Roldan perpetual -judge. The conditions of this agreement were fulfilled, and thus, -after Columbus had put forth efforts extending over nearly a year and -a half, the rebellion was brought to an end by a treaty that is a sad -commentary on the condition of affairs in the island. - -But quiet was not yet by any means to be restored. No sooner was -Roldan’s rebellion suppressed than the appearance of another turbulent -spirit on the scene threatened to make the permanent establishment of -peace impossible. Alonzo de Ojeda, soon after his treacherous exploit -in the capture of the cacique Caonabo, had been despatched with four -vessels on a voyage of exploration. With the details of his expedition, -however interesting in themselves, we have nothing in this connection -to do, except to note the fact that he returned to Hispaniola just -after matters had been adjusted between Columbus and Roldan. However -Ojeda may have felt toward his chief at the time of his departure, it -is evident that he brought back from his voyage a malignant enmity. -He was a strong partisan of Fonseca, and he now represented that -the queen was at the point of death, that her demise would deprive -Columbus of his last friend, and that it would not be difficult so to -arrange matters that Columbus would soon be stripped of his authority. -To the honour of Roldan it must be said that he not only opposed a -stern resistance to all Ojeda’s schemes, but that he acted with strict -loyalty to the interests of Columbus. Nevertheless, for months the -island was kept in turmoil, the forces of Roldan were pitted against -those of Ojeda, and it was not until after several hostile skirmishes -that the hopes of this new rebel were finally dispelled. - -Meanwhile reports of the unhappy situation were finding their way back -to Spain. Ojeda lost no opportunity to write to Fonseca and to pour -the poison of his representations into the mind of the minister. Don -Fernando tells us that during the period of these disorders “many of -the rebels sent letters from Hispaniola, and others, when returned -to Spain, did not cease to give false information to the king and his -council against the Admiral and his brother.” - -It was while these various occurrences were taking place that Columbus -sent back to Spain five of the vessels that had set out with him on -his third voyage. The freightage and the news borne by the ships were -most unfortunate for the cause of the Admiral. The caravels were laden -with slaves for the Spanish market. Such a method of recruiting the -colonial treasury was not indeed unknown, for slaves had already before -been sent back and sold for the benefit of the expedition. But hitherto -the Indian slave-trade had been kept within the domain of custom and -ecclesiastical sanction. In the fifteenth century infidels taken in -war were thrown upon the slave-market without provoking ecclesiastical -protest. In the war against the Moors the victors often sold prisoners -in large numbers, and even the sensibilities of Isabella seem not to -have been offended by such a proceeding. But the Indians now to be -sent to the auction-block had been taken in a very different way. Many -of the native men and women had found the tribute of service demanded -of them so oppressive or revolting that they had fled to the forests -as a means of escape. But in this dash for liberty they were pursued, -and often overtaken. Those who were captured were thrown into the -ships and held in close confinement until the time of sailing. It is -painful to relate that Columbus not only sanctioned and directed this -proceeding, but that in his letter to the sovereigns he even entered -into an account of the pecuniary advantage that would arise from these -slave-dealing transactions. He estimated that as many slaves could -be furnished as the Spanish market would demand, and that from this -species of traffic a revenue of as much as forty million maravedis -might be derived. Not only this, but he even alludes to the intended -adoption on the part of private individuals of a system of exchange of -slaves for goods wanted in colonial life. According to this scheme, as -outlined by the Admiral, the colonists were to furnish slaves to the -shipowners who were to take this human freightage to Spain, and then, -having disposed of it and taken their commission, invest the remaining -proceeds in the articles needed, and carry them back to the traders in -the islands. The plan had all the cold-hearted brutality of a practised -slave-dealer. - -The misfortune of this policy to Columbus was in the relation of the -king and queen respectively to the colonial enterprise. Ferdinand had -never shown himself heartily favourable to the projects of the Admiral. -The queen, on the other hand, had taken a much larger and juster view -of the importance and glory of the discovery. But Isabella had from the -first been extremely sensitive on the matter of reducing the native -Indians to a condition of slavery. Before she would consent to the -sale of a former consignment, she had required that proofs should be -furnished of their having been taken in open warfare, and also that -an ecclesiastical commission should certify to the regularity and -propriety of such a proceeding. These requirements, if no other, -should have prevented Columbus from presuming very much upon any -indulgent leniency on this subject. In view of the queen’s previous -attitude in regard to the matter of slavery, no intelligent observer -can think it strange that the course Columbus was now taking gave great -offence, if it did not arouse an earnest indignation. - -It is evident, moreover, that the scruples of the queen in regard -to the general wisdom of Columbus’s course must have received new -significance from the news that came from the island. It is true -that Columbus himself wrote an elaborate account of the causes of -the revolt; but it is also true that the same ships that carried the -slaves and the report of the Admiral, carried also several descriptions -of affairs by Roldan and his followers. The Admiral and the Lord -Lieutenant were freely charged with every species of enormity. Nor were -these charges confined to generalities. The rebels went so far as to -declare that the tyranny of the rule in the islands was so intolerable -that nothing but revolt was possible. They also very adroitly called -attention to the fact that notwithstanding all the reports that -received currency in regard to the discoveries of gold, no gold of any -amount had as yet found its way back to Spain. - -Besides these reports, numerous others of a more private nature were -sent by colonists to their friends at home, all of them laden with -gloom and dissatisfaction. That the administrations of the Admiral and -the Lord Lieutenant were very unpopular, there can be no doubt whatever -in the mind of any one who reads the original accounts; and these -expressions of popular disfavour streamed back to the mother-country by -every means of conveyance. Nor did these tidings fall upon unwelcoming -ears. Those who had sent out friends only to hear of their death or -misfortunes; those who were filled with envy at the success of one whom -they regarded as merely a foreign adventurer; those who were embittered -by disappointment that no pecuniary returns had been received,--all -these and thousands of others now united in one general cry of -denunciation. The Admiral’s son Fernando gives a vivid picture of the -complaints made against his father. Columbus himself, in writing to the -nurse of Prince Juan at this period, said: “I have now reached a point -where there is no man so vile but thinks it his right to insult me.... -If I had plundered the Indies, even to the country where is the fabled -altar of St. Peter’s, and had given them all to the Moors, they could -not have shown toward me more bitter enmity than they have done in -Spain.” - -That much of this unpopularity was unjust and unreasonable, there can -be no doubt whatever. But even when we have conceded this, there still -remains the great fact of a popular outcry; and such an outcry always -justifies at least an inquiry. It must not, therefore, be regarded -as strange that the Spanish sovereigns at length decided to make an -official investigation. Indeed, any other course would have been little -less than a culpable disregard of a powerful public sentiment. - -Such were the influences that were borne in upon the king and queen. -There is evidence that soon after the return of the five vessels -with their cargo of slaves, Ferdinand and Isabella began to take -into consideration the question of suspending the Admiral. They did -not, however, act in haste. The ships arrived with their ill-omened -freightage in November of 1498. In the course of the following winter -the monarchs decided definitively that an investigation should be -made. On the 21st of March, 1499, they issued a commission authorizing -Francis de Bobadilla “to ascertain what persons have raised themselves -against justice in the island of Hispaniola, and to proceed against -them according to law.” - -Bobadilla was an officer of the royal household and a commander of -one of the military and religious orders. His general reputation was -good. Oviedo says that he was “a very honest and religious man.” The -misfortune of the appointment was not so much in the badness of the -man as in the badness of the situation in which he was placed. The -instructions given by Ferdinand and Isabella have been preserved; and -as we read them we cannot escape the conviction that they subjected -Bobadilla to a temptation greater than ordinary human nature could -bear. He received a series of commissions, each conferring greater -authority than that conferred by the one before, each intended to be -used only in case of imperative emergency. In one of these commissions -Bobadilla was authorized to issue his commands in the royal name and to -send back to Spain “any cavaliers or other persons,” in case he should -think such a course necessary for the service. Another commission -authorizes Bobadilla to require Columbus to surrender “the fortresses, -ships, houses, arms, ammunition, cattle, and all other royal property, -under penalty of the customary punishment for disobedience of a royal -order.” - -Having received these general instructions, Bobadilla was made the -bearer of the following letter to the Admiral:-- - - - DON CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, _our Admiral of the Ocean_: - - We have commanded the commendador, Francis de Bobadilla, the - bearer of this, that he speak to you on our part some things - which he will tell you. We pray you give him faith and credence, - and act accordingly. - -But notwithstanding this authority, for some reason that has not been -adequately explained, Bobadilla was not despatched to the Indies until -a year from the following July. It is very easy to conjecture that the -sovereigns were more than willing that, if possible, Columbus should -still work out the problem for himself. They may have desired Bobadilla -to try his influence at first from a distance, in the hope that extreme -measures might not have to be resorted to. But this purpose seems not -to have been successful. If we accept of this explanation of the delay, -we can hardly withhold from the sovereigns some measure of commendation -for their caution and prudence. - -But caution and prudence formed no part of the policy pursued after -Bobadilla was sent to Hispaniola. It is difficult to believe that the -commissioner acted without at least the royal approval of a policy of -vigour, though it is impossible to suppose that the sovereigns would -have given their sanction in detail to the manner in which he performed -his mission. Bobadilla seems at least not to have been unwilling to -act with energy and directness. There is no evidence that he was not -high-principled, or that he was actuated by any other motives than -those of the public good; but he was a person of strong prejudices and -of narrowness of mind, and consequently he was unable to distinguish -between vigour and coarse brutality. - -The arrival of Bobadilla at San Domingo was on the 23d of August, 1499. -He found affairs in extreme disorder. The first information he received -was that seven of the rebels had just been hanged, and that five more -had been condemned and were awaiting a similar fate. Las Casas tells -us that as Bobadilla entered the river, he beheld on either hand a -gibbet, and on it the body of a prominent Spaniard lately executed! -The impression thus made upon his mind was no doubt intensified by the -rumours that came from every quarter. He seems to have regarded what -he saw and heard as conclusive evidence of the Admiral’s cruelty and -culpability. - -The next morning, after mass, Bobadilla ordered the letter authorizing -him to make investigations to be read before the assembled populace -about the church-door. The commission authorized him to seize persons -and fortresses, to sequestrate the property of delinquents, and -finally called upon the Admiral and all others in authority to assist -in the discharge of his duties. The Admiral and the Adelantado were -in another part of the island, the command at San Domingo having been -intrusted to Don Diego. After the reading of the commission, Bobadilla -demanded of the acting governor that he surrender the prisoners that -were held for execution, together with the evidence concerning them. -The reply was given that the prisoners were held by command of the -Admiral, and that the Admiral’s authority was superior to any that -Bobadilla might possess, and therefore that the prisoners could not be -given up. This defiant answer to his demand provoked Bobadilla into -bringing forward all the reserves of his authority. Accordingly, on the -next morning, as soon as mass was said, he caused his other letter to -be proclaimed, investing him with the government of the islands and of -the continent. After taking the oath of office, he produced the third -letter of the Crown, ordering Columbus to deliver up all the royal -property; and then, as if to clinch popular favour, he produced an -additional mandate, requiring him, at the earliest practicable moment, -to pay all arrears of wages due to persons in the royal service. - -This proclamation had the desired effect. The populace, many of whom -were suffering from arrears in payment of wages, hailed the new -governor as a benefactor and a saviour. - -Thus it was that, by a very natural series of events, the narrow -mind of Bobadilla was led on to a precipitate assumption of all the -authority conferred upon him. He decided to act with an energy that -amounted to brutality. His next step was to take possession of the -Admiral’s house, and then, sending the royal letter, to summon the -Admiral before him. No resistance was offered either by Columbus or -by either of his brothers. Indeed, the authority conferred by the -commission and the attitude of the populace made resistance impossible. -Bobadilla, without hesitation, not only arrested them, but put them -into chains. - -No sooner was it apparent that the commissioner was disposed to act -with energy than the whole pack of malcontents set up their cry of -accusation. They told how Columbus had made them work on the fortresses -and other buildings even when they were sick; how he had condemned them -to be whipped even for stealing a peck of wheat when they were dying -with hunger; how he had not baptized Indians, because he desired to -make slaves rather than Christians; and, finally, how he had entered -into unjust wars with the natives, in order that he might capture -slaves to be sent to the markets in Spain. Many of these accusations, -if the facts could have been understood, might doubtless have been -explained in a way to reflect no discredit upon the Admiral; they might -even have shown proof of his firmness and sagacity as a ruler. But -there was no opportunity for explanation. It is only certain that the -populace rejoiced in the coming of Bobadilla, and that they encouraged -him in all his acts of violence. - -Thus it was that the disaster toward which so many things had been -tending was finally consummated. It has been fortunate for the memory -of Columbus that the act of suspension was carried out with such total -disregard of what the navigator had accomplished. In accordance with -a well-known impulse of human nature, the sympathies of all generous -minds from that time to this have been enlisted in his favour. These -sympathies have often led to a forgetfulness of the grievances under -which the colonists were suffering. But in the light of all the facts -that are accessible, it is difficult to believe that the sovereigns -were wrong in providing for his removal. The only cause of just -complaint is the fact that it was not done in a manner that was worthy -of his great achievements. - -Bobadilla acted with such brutal energy, and the outcries of the -poplace were so violent, that Columbus believed his life was to be -sacrificed. There is no reason to suppose, however, that Bobadilla -ever for a moment thought of bringing the Admiral to execution. He -decided at once to send the prisoners to Spain. Alonzo de Villejo was -put in charge of the Admiral and of the two brothers. Las Casas says -of Villejo: “He was a worthy hidalgo and my particular friend.” When -the new custodian with his guard entered the prison, Columbus supposed -it was to conduct him to the scaffold. Villejo at once reassured him, -however, and told him his errand was to transfer him to the ship, and -that they were at once to embark for Spain. Columbus may well have felt -like one restored from death to life. But as the officers took him to -the ship, they were followed by the insulting scoffs of the rabble; for -all seemed to take a brutal satisfaction in heaping indignities upon -his head. - -On shipboard Villejo treated his illustrious prisoner with every -consideration. He offered to remove the irons; but to this Columbus -would not consent. It is a signifiant indication of his character -that he haughtily answered: “No, their Majesties ordered me to submit -to whatever Bobadilla might command; by their authority I was put in -chains, and by their authority alone shall they be removed.” Fernando -tells us that his father was in the habit of keeping the manacles in -his cabinet, and that he requested that they might be buried with him. - -After a prosperous voyage, the ship reached the port of Cadiz in -November, 1500. - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -THE FOURTH VOYAGE. - - -The arrival of Columbus in chains at the port of Cadiz produced a deep -sensation. It was but natural that there should be an instantaneous -reaction in his favour. Even those who had not hesitated to criticise -or even denounce him, were now moved with a deep and natural sympathy -at the ignominy that had overtaken him. The reaction took possession of -all classes, and the agitation of the community was scarcely less than -it had been when, seven years before, with banners flying and music -sounding, he had departed from the same port with a fleet of seventeen -ships for his second voyage. - -The tidings of his imprisonment soon spread abroad. In the luxurious -city of Seville there was deep and general indignation. The court -was at Granada. Columbus, still ignorant as to how far the course of -Bobadilla had received royal authority, abstained from writing to the -monarchs. While on shipboard, however, he had written an elaborate -letter to Donna Juana de la Torres, formerly a nurse of Prince Juan, -and still a great favourite of the queen. The letter was doubtless -written in the supposition that it would reach the court without -delay; and with the permission of the master of the ship, it was -despatched by the hand of Antonio de Torres, a friend of Columbus and -a brother of Juana. Las Casas tells us that it was by this letter -that Ferdinand and Isabella first learned of the indignities that had -been heaped upon the Admiral. Other tidings, however, soon followed. -A friendly letter from Vallejo confirmed in all essential points the -narrative of Columbus. A despatch was also received from the alcalde to -whose hands Columbus had been consigned to await the pleasure of the -sovereigns. - -Ferdinand and Isabella acted without hesitation. Las Casas tells us -that the queen was deeply agitated by the letter of Columbus. Even -the more prudent Ferdinand did not deem it necessary to wait for the -despatches from Bobadilla. They declared at once that the commissioner -had exceeded his instructions, and ordered that Columbus should not -only be set free, but should be treated with every consideration. They -invited him to court, and ordered a credit of two thousand ducats (a -sum equal to more than ten thousand dollars at the present day) to -defray his expenses. - -Columbus reached the court at Granada on the 17th of December. His -hearing before the king and queen is said not to have been that of -a man who had been disgraced and humiliated, but rather that of one -whose proud spirit was meeting undeserved reproach with a lofty -scorn. He was richly dressed, and attended with a retinue becoming -his high office. The king and queen received him with unqualified -distinction, and encouraged him with gracious expressions of favour. At -length, regaining his self-possession, Columbus delivered an earnest -vindication of his course. He explained what he had done, declaring -that if at any time he had erred, it had been through inexperience -in government, and the extraordinary difficulties under which he had -laboured. - -Isabella replied in a speech that did great credit to her discretion as -well as her sympathy. She declared that while she fully appreciated the -magnitude of his services and the rancour of his enemies, she feared -that he had given cause for complaint. Charlevoix has reported what -purports to be the speech of the queen. - - “Common report,” she said, “accuses you of acting with a degree - of severity quite unsuitable for an infant colony, and likely - to excite rebellion there. But the matter as to which I find - it hardest to give you my pardon is your conduct in reducing - to slavery a number of Indians who had done nothing to deserve - such a fate. This was contrary to my express orders. As your ill - fortune willed it, just at the time when I heard of this breach - of my instructions, everybody was complaining of you, and no - one spoke a word in your favour. And I felt obliged to send to - the Indies a commissioner to investigate matters and give me a - true report, and, if necessary, to put limits to the authority - which you were accused of overstepping. If you were found guilty - of the charges, he was to relieve you of the government and to - send you to Spain to give an account of your stewardship. This - was the extent of his commission. I find that I have made a bad - choice in my agent, and I shall take care to make an example of - Bobadilla which will serve as a warning to others not to exceed - their powers. I cannot, however, promise to reinstate you at once - in your government. People are too much inflamed against you, - and must have time to cool. As to your rank of Admiral, I never - intended to deprive you of it. But you must abide your time and - trust in me.” - -The course pursued by the monarchs was not altogether above reproach; -for in their haste to make amends to Columbus, they were not unwilling -to throw an unjust imputation upon Bobadilla. Whatever had been the -intention of the monarchs, it is now plain that the commissioner had -not exceeded his authority in making the arrest; and that the monarchs -should be willing to dismiss their agent without waiting even to -receive his report, is evidence that they had either forgotten the -nature of their instructions, or that they were now carried away by the -representations of the Admiral or the clamours of the populace. - -The Admiral, however, had but little reason to be satisfied. He cared -not so much for the removal of Bobadilla as for his own reinstatement. -This he deemed necessary to a complete vindication; but in this he was -doomed to disappointment. There is no evidence that Ferdinand ever -looked with favour on the restoration of Columbus to his command. - -The misfortune that had befallen the Admiral was of a nature to awaken -sympathy in every generous mind. Even down to the present day this -feeling is so wide spread that it is difficult to secure a judicious -discrimination between the fact of his removal and the manner in which -the removal was accomplished. But these two phases of the subject -are entirely distinct, and ought to be independently considered. The -manner of the removal can have no justification. This was admitted -by the monarchs, who in order to shield themselves from obloquy were -not unwilling to bring an unjust charge against the commissioner. It -is now plain that the fault of Bobadilla was not in exceeding his -authority, but in the unwise and immoderate use of the discretion that -had been placed in his hands. It is by no means certain that a careful -investigation of affairs in the island, followed by a judicious and -moderate report, would not have resulted in a removal of the Admiral -from his command; for it is quite possible that even if Columbus was -not deserving of censure, the relations of the different interests were -in such turmoil that a governor who had had no connection with affairs -thus far, would be more successful in subduing anarchy and in bringing -order out of chaos. - -But whether such a result would have ensued, can never be more than a -matter of mere conjecture. It is certain that the difficulties of the -situation had not been successfully overcome by Columbus or by either -of his brothers. It is incontestable that even as late as the arrival -of Bobadilla, affairs on the island were in great confusion, and that -the rebellion had been subdued only by the granting of terms that were -not very creditable either to Columbus or to Spanish civilization. - -There is nothing remaining that throws more light on the condition of -affairs in Hispaniola at the time of which we are speaking, than the -letter of Columbus to the old nurse of Don Juan. Any one who reads it -thoughtfully must receive a number of very heterogeneous impressions. -With a little more than usual intensity, it breathes a loyal and -pietistic spirit. It conveys a very delicate, but at the same time a -very just, reproach to the monarchs for bestowing on Bobadilla the -authority which he received. Nothing could have been more justly or -felicitously expressed than the sentence in which he declared: “I have -been wounded extremely by the thought that a man should have been -sent out to make inquiry into my conduct who knew that if he sent -home a very aggravated account of the result of his investigation, he -would remain at the head of the government.” He showed, moreover, the -unpardonable precipitancy with which Bobadilla had acted, in making his -arrests right and left before he had had time to conduct any proper -investigations. - -But after all these mitigations are admitted, and after Columbus has -received every credit that can be accorded him, there still remains the -fact that the island had been in turmoil almost from the first; that -the Indians, who, according to the testimony of Columbus himself, had -been at the first everywhere friendly and peaceable, had now become -universally hostile; that even if these disorders had largely occurred -in the absence of the Admiral, it was nevertheless true that they had -all occurred under officers appointed by Columbus himself; that even -if, as he said, vast numbers of men had gone to the Indies “who did -not deserve water from God or man,” still, all the men that had gone -had been accepted for the purpose by the Admiral himself; that if he -complained that the Spanish settlers “would give as much for a woman -as for a farm,” and that “this sort of trading is very common,” still -this iniquity was all under an administration of which he himself was -the head, and directly under subordinates whom he himself had appointed -to command and, most important of all, under a system which he himself -had recommended, and for which he alone was responsible. It may well be -asserted that the comprehensive nature of his own commission, and the -fact that his appointments had not been interfered with, estopped him -from asserting that all responsibility for failure was to be charged -to the wickedness and the weakness of his subordinates. Had Columbus -been completely adequate to the situation, he would have bound his -subordinates to him in unquestioning loyalty. The truth is, however, -that from first to last, with the exception of his brothers, those who -were nearest him in command sooner or later became his enemies,--and -generally the enmity was not long delayed. - -But there were other considerations that led Ferdinand to hesitate. -The colony had not been prosperous from any point of view. It had been -a continuous and unlessening source of expense, and had brought as -yet very small returns. The hopes that the early reports of Columbus -had aroused had ended in disappointment. The Admiral had confidently -expected to come upon all the wealth of the Great Khan and of Cathay. -Even the gold mines of Ophir, which he believed he had at length -discovered, brought no returns. - -In the mean time, however, the court was besieged with the -importunities of enterprising navigators who desired permission to make -explorations without governmental support. The only favour they asked -was the privilege of sailing and of bringing back to the royal treasury -the due quota of their gains. They promised to plant the Spanish -standard in all the lands of the west, and thus, without depleting -the treasury, maintain and even advance the glories of the Spanish -discoveries. - -To such importunities the Government began to yield as early as 1495. -The privileges that were granted were in obvious violation of the -exclusive rights bestowed upon Columbus before the first voyage. But -it was not easy to observe the letter of that contract. The lands -discovered were so much vaster in extent than even Columbus had -anticipated that it would be unreasonable to expect a comprehensive -observance of the monopoly granted. Though the Admiral made repeated -and not unreasonable complaints of the privileges bestowed upon others -in violation of his charter, yet the custom of granting such privileges -was never completely discontinued. Nor would it have been reasonable -to suppose that a monopoly of navigation and government in the western -world could forever remain exclusively in the sacred possession of -a single family. It was simply a question as to when that monopoly -should cease. That there was no purpose to do injustice, was shown -in the requirement that the interests of Columbus in the products of -the island should be respected to the letter by Bobadilla and his -successors. - -During the eight years that had now elapsed since the first voyage -of the Admiral, a considerable number of navigators had already -immortalized themselves by important discoveries and explorations. The -Cabots, going out from Bristol, where they had doubtless learned of -the projects and the success of Columbus, sailed westward by a more -northerly route, and after reaching the continent a year before South -America was touched by the Spanish navigator, explored the coast as -far as from Newfoundland to Florida. As early as 1487, after seventy -years of slow advances down the six thousand miles of western African -coast, the Portuguese, under Bartholomew Diaz, as we have already -noted, had reached the Cape of Good Hope; and ten years later, just as -Columbus was preparing for his third voyage, Vasca da Gama doubled the -Cape, and in the following spring cast anchor in the bay at Calicut. -In the spring of 1499 Pedro Alonzo Nino, who had accompanied Columbus -as a pilot in the voyage to Cuba and Paria, obtained a license, and -not only explored the coast of Central America for several hundred -miles, but traded his European goods to such advantage as to enable -him to return after one of the most extensive and lucrative voyages -yet accomplished. In the same year, Vincente Yanez Pinzon, who had -commanded one of the ships in the first expedition of Columbus, pushed -boldly to the southwest, and, crossing the equator, came finally to the -great headland which is now known as Cape St. Augustine, and for their -Catholic Majesties not only took possession of the territories called -the Brazils, but discovered what was afterwards appropriately named the -River of the Amazons. In the year 1500 Diego Lepe, fired with the zeal -for discovery that had set the port of Palos aglow, went still farther -to the south, and, turning Cape St. Augustine, ascertained that either -the mainland or an enormous island ran far away to the southwest. - -Most important and significant of all, the fleet which, in the year -1500, was sent out from Portugal under Pedro Cabral, for the Cape of -Good Hope, in striving, according to the advice of Da Gama, to avoid -the dangers of the coast islands, drifted so far west that when it was -caught in a violent easterly storm, it was driven upon the coast of -Brazil, and thus proved that even if Columbus had not lived and sailed, -America would have been made known to Europe in the very first year of -the sixteenth century. - -Thus it was that, not to speak in detail of the explorations of -navigators of lesser note, the English explorers in the north, and -the Spanish and Portuguese in the south, had, before the end of the -year 1500, given to Europe a definite, though an incorrect, conception -of the magnitude of the new world. There is no evidence that as yet -anybody had supposed the newly discovered lands to be any other than -the eastern borders of Asia and Africa. But it must have been evident -enough to many others, as well as to King Ferdinand, that these new -possessions were too vast and too important to be intrusted to the -governorship of any one man. They appealed alike to ambition, to -avarice, and to jealousy. - -The policy adopted was one of delay. Columbus was naturally impatient -to return to the office of which he had been deprived. The court, -however, while treating him with every external consideration, would -not bring itself to give an affirmative answer. Another course was -finally adopted. It was agreed that Bobadilla should be removed, that -another governor, who had had no part in the administrative quarrels, -should be appointed for a term of two years, and that Columbus should -be intrusted with a new exploring expedition. - -The person chosen to supersede Bobadilla was Nicholas de Ovando, a -commander of the Order of Alcantara. The picture given of him by Las -Casas is one that might well conciliate the prepossessions of the -reader. According to this high authority, he was gracious in manner, -fluent in speech, had great veneration for justice, was an enemy to -avarice, and had such an aversion to ostentation that when he arose to -be grand commander, he would never allow himself to be addressed by -the title attaching to his office. Yet he was a man of ardent temper, -and so, in the opinion of Las Casas, was incapable of governing the -Indians, upon whom he inflicted incalculable injury. - -Before Ovando was ready to sail, there was considerable delay. It had -been decided to give him command, not only of Hispaniola, but also of -the other islands and of the mainland. The fleet was to be the largest -yet sent to the western world. When at length it was ready, it mustered -thirty sail, and had on board about twenty-five hundred souls. - -That the new governor might appear with becoming dignity, he was -allowed an unusual amount of ostentation. A sumptuous attire of silk -brocades and precious stones was prescribed, and he was permitted a -body-guard of seventy-two yeomen. - -Las Casas accompanied this expedition, and consequently we have -the great advantage of his own personal observations. He tells -us that a great crowd of adventurers thronged the fleet,--“eager -speculators, credulous dreamers, and broken-down gentlemen of desperate -fortunes,--all expecting to enrich themselves with little effort.” -But it is evident also that there was another class on which greater -hopes might reasonably be placed. In the original accounts, significant -attention is called to the fact that among those who formed the -expedition there were seventy-three married men with their families, -all of respectable character. Among those enumerated we notice, not -only a chief-justice to replace Roldan, but a physician, a surgeon, -and an apothecary,--in short, persons of all ranks that seemed to be -necessary for the supply and the development of the island. - -That the sovereigns were not unmindful of the rights of Columbus, was -evinced by the provisions made for the protection of his interests. -Ovando was ordered to examine into all the accounts, for the purpose -of ascertaining the amount of the damages Columbus had suffered. All -the property belonging to the Admiral that had been confiscated by -Bobadilla was to be restored, and the same care was to be taken of the -interests of the Admiral’s brothers. Not only were the arrears of the -revenues to be paid, but they were also to be secured for the future. -To this end Columbus was permitted to have an agent present at the -smelting and the working of the gold, in order that his own rights -might be duly protected. - -But notwithstanding these evidences of royal favour, the Admiral was -much depressed in spirit. In the course of the long months during -which he was condemned to wait for the final action of the sovereigns, -he had much time for reflection; and it is not singular that his -thoughts turned to his long-neglected scheme for the rescue of the -Holy Sepulchre. From the years of his early manhood, the desirability -of such an act had held possession of his soul. It was characteristic -of his immoderate ardour that he even recorded a vow that within seven -years from the time of the discovery he would furnish fifty thousand -foot soldiers and four thousand horse for the accomplishment of this -purpose. The time had elapsed, and the vow remained unfulfilled. It had -not, however, passed out of his remembrance; and he now appealed to the -monarchs to take the matter up as a national enterprise. The war with -Granada had come to a victorious end; the Duke of Medina Sidonia had -given new lustre to the Spanish name in Italy; the Spanish armies were -now at leisure; Ferdinand and Isabella were firm supporters of the -Church: and what could be more appropriate than that they should now -prove their superior devotion and power by the vigorous presecution of -an enterprise that had baffled the efforts of united Christendom for -more than two centuries? The visionary element in the mind of Columbus -was never more plainly revealed. - -These dreamy speculations and importunities, however, were only -temporary in their nature. The mind of the explorer soon reverted to -more practical affairs. It was spurred on in this direction and in that -by the successes of Portuguese explorers in the East. Vasco da Gama had -shown that navigation beyond the Cape of Good Hope was practicable, and -Pedro Cabral had not only gone as far as the marts of Hindostan, but -had returned with ships laden with precious commodities of infinite -variety. The discoveries in the West had thus far brought no return; -and yet, according to every theory that Columbus had entertained, the -islands he had discovered were only the border-land--only the fringe, -so to speak--of that vast Eastern region that was flaming with Oriental -gold. There must be a passage from the west that opened into the Indian -Sea. The coast of Paria stretched on toward the west, the southern -coast of Cuba extended in the same direction, and the currents of the -Caribbean Sea seemed to indicate that at some point still farther west -there was a strait that connected the waters of the Atlantic and the -Indian Ocean. To discover such a passage was an ambition worthy even -of the lofty spirits of Columbus. He believed that somewhere west or -southwest of the lands he had discovered such a strait would be found; -and it was to find such a passage that he resolved to undertake a -fourth voyage. - -Columbus appears to have remained at Granada with the court from -December of 1499 until late in the year 1501. He then repaired to -Seville, where he was able within a few months to fit out an exploring -squadron of four ships. The insignificant size of vessels of those days -may be inferred from the fact that, according to Fernando, the largest -of the ships was of seventy tons’ burden, and the smallest of fifty. -The crew consisted of one hundred and fifty men and boys, among whom -were the Admiral’s brother, Don Bartholomew, and his son Fernando, the -historian. - -There were long and unaccountable delays, and the fleet did not sail -from Cadiz before the 9th of May, 1502. Stopping for further supplies -at St. Catherine’s and Arzilla, as well as at the Grand Canary and -Martinique, it was not until the 25th that the westward voyage for the -Indies was fairly begun. The first design was to go directly to the -coast of Paria; but although the voyage was an unusually smooth one, -Columbus, declaring one of the vessels to be unseaworthy, or at least -to be in great need of repairs, decided to make for St. Domingo in -order to effect an exchange of vessels. This port was safely reached -before the end of June; but the object of his coming was destined to be -speedily frustrated. - -To avoid the consequences of a surprise, Columbus had taken the -precaution to send one of his captains with despatches to inform Ovando -of his approach and the nature of his errand. Besides referring to the -condition of one of the ships, he begged the privilege of temporary -shelter for his fleet. Columbus himself, in his letter, says nothing of -any motive, excepting his desire to purchase a vessel to take the place -of the one that had become disabled; but Fernando attributes to him -the additional purpose of securing shelter from a violent storm which -he saw to be impending. According to his son’s doubtful authority, the -Admiral even ventured to advise that the departure of the fleet about -to sail for Spain, with the treasures that Bobadilla had collected, -should be delayed until the coming storm was past. Columbus himself, -however, never made any such claim. But no part of the message was -of any avail. It was evident that the new commander, Ovando, who had -now been several months in power, was not free from ill-will toward -the Admiral. Las Casas is of the opinion that he had received secret -instructions from the sovereigns not to admit the Admiral to the -island. It seems certain that at that time San Domingo abounded with -enemies of Columbus, and the decision may have been reached simply by -considerations of prudence. The hospitality of the harbour was refused, -and the outgoing fleet of eighteen sail was not detained. - -Denied the privilege of the harbour, Columbus drew his little fleet up -under the shelter of the island. On the last day of June a terrible -hurricane broke upon them. The vessels were torn from their moorings, -and driven apart into the wide sea. Each of the ships lost sight of -the others, and each supposed that all the others were lost. The fury -of the winds and waves continued throughout many days and nights; and -such was the raging tumult of the elements that it seemed impossible -for a single vessel to escape. By what was considered a miraculous -interposition of Providence, however, all the ships of Columbus -out-rode the storm. The fact that the “unseaworthy” vessel survived -with the others, gives colour to the suspicion that the claim of -unseaworthiness was only a pretence for the purpose of getting access -to the port. The vessel which the Admiral commanded was driven as -far as Jamaica; and if we may believe the sweeping and unqualified -language of the Admiral, “during sixty days there was no cessation -of the tempest, which was one continuation of rain, thunder, and -lightning.” In this same connection Columbus writes to the sovereigns: -“Eighty-eight days did this fearful tempest continue, during which I -was at sea, and saw neither sun nor stars. My ships lay exposed, with -sails torn; and anchors, cables, rigging, boats, and a great quantity -of provisions were lost. My people were very weak and humbled in -spirit, many of them promising to lead a religious life, and all making -vows and promising to perform pilgrimages, while some of them would -frequently go to their messmates to make confession. Other tempests -have been experienced, but never of so long a duration or so fearful as -this.” - -But if the Admiral was finally successful in bringing the shattered -remains of his fleet together, it was not until the 12th of September -that they reached the place of safety and promise to which the -commander gave the name Gracios à Dios. It was far otherwise with the -larger squadron. The commander, after refusing to heed the predictions -of the Admiral, had just set out for Spain. On board were Bobadilla -and Roldan, as well as the others that had taken a prominent part -in accusing Columbus, and securing his arrest and imprisonment. The -vessels were also laden with so much gold and other articles of value -as a relentless avarice and cruelty could bring together to justify the -administration. The details of the disaster have not been preserved. -All that we know is that of the eighteen vessels only four escaped -complete destruction. Every important personage on board the fleet -was lost. Of the four less unfortunate ships, three were in such a -shattered condition that they were obliged to return to San Domingo, -while only one, “The Needle,” was able to make its way to Spain. To the -unquestioning religious faith of the time, the proof of providential -direction was made complete by the singular fact that the gold on board -“The Needle,” the poorest vessel of the fleet, was the portion that -belonged to Columbus. Las Casas regards the event as a signal example -of those awful judgments with which Providence sometimes overwhelms -those who have incurred divine displeasure. - -For a knowledge of the explorations of Columbus during the fourth -voyage we are indebted to a very elaborate letter of the Admiral -himself, and to the accounts by Fernando, Las Casas, and Porras, all of -whom were, at the time, either with the Admiral or at San Domingo. The -accounts do not agree in all particulars, but essentially they are not -unlike. As to the general course of the expedition, and the reasons for -the course taken, there is substantial agreement. - -At the end of the succession of storms in the autumn of 1502 Columbus -found himself among the islands south of Cuba. The way was now open for -the prosecution of the design which had led to the organization of the -expedition. He was in search of an open passage. His idea, of course, -could not have been very clearly defined; for he still believed that -the islands he had already visited were only the remote edge of the -Asiatic continent. As yet he had no reason for definite belief as to -whether Cuba was an island or was a part of the mainland; though, as -we have already seen, he had once required his crew to swear on their -return that it was the mainland, under penalty of having their tongues -wrenched out in case of disobedience. As his purpose now was avowedly -that of an explorer pure and simple, it would seem that three ways -were clearly open to him. He had already in his second voyage made -himself sufficiently familiar with eastern Cuba to know that whether -an island or a part of the mainland, it was a vast projection into the -east; and he must have inferred that its relations with the regions -beyond could most easily and naturally be ascertained by sailing in a -westerly direction, either along the northern or along the southern -coast. The other course open to him was a bold push for new regions by -sailing into the open sea to the southwest. The obvious disadvantage -of this course was the fact that whatever might be discovered, the -relations of the new regions to those already explored would still -be involved in mystery. Whether Cuba were an island or a part of the -continent, could not in this way be determined. In the way of promised -advantages, moreover, this direction would seem to have held out -no greater inducements than either of the others. If he had sailed -along the northern coast of Cuba, he would have determined the fact -of its insularity, and then would have been free to explore farther -for the mainland. But the more promising course was on the other side -of the island; for in this way the source of the currents, on which -the navigator placed so much reliance, could have been traced,--or at -least it could have been determined whether the phenomenal flow of -waters originated, as Columbus supposed, in an open strait. The least -promising course of all was the abandonment of Cuba and the striking -out of an independent course to the southwest; for when land should -be reached, there could be no determination whether the new coast had -any connection with the land already discovered, and it would still -be undetermined whether the strait for which he was searching, if it -existed at all, lay to the east or to the west of the new landfall. But -this least promising course was the one Columbus determined to take. It -was a great blunder, for which no good reason has ever been given. - -Sailing in a southwesterly direction, the storms still continuing, he -at length approached the mainland at a small island which he called the -Isle of Pines. He then turned to the east, and in a few days reached -the coast of Honduras. After waiting for a short time to trade with -the natives, he kept on his way in the same general direction, in the -face of a stormy current and violent winds. It was not until the 14th -of September that they rounded the cape which in thankfulness to God he -named Cape Gracios à Dios. At this point the current divided, a part -flowing west, and a part south. Taking advantage of the latter, they -proceeded down the Mosquito coast without difficulty. On the 25th of -September they came to an inviting spot which he called the “Garden.” -The natives seemed more intelligent than any Columbus had yet seen. In -order that he might have a supply of interpreters, the Admiral seized -seven of them, two of whom he retained by force even when, October 5, -he sailed away. This forcible detention was greatly resented by the -tribe, but the prayers of the emissaries sent for their release had no -effect. - -Pushing still farther south and east, the Spaniards came in about ten -days to Caribaro Bay. The natives, who wore gold plates as ornaments, -were defiant, and expressed their unwelcoming mood by blasts upon -conch-shells and the brandishing of spears. The Spanish lombards, -however, soon brought them to a more submissive spirit. A little -farther along, the vessels came to Varagua, a territory lying just -west of the Isthmus of Darien. Here the Admiral heard glowing accounts -of gold not far away. His interpreters told him that ten days inland -the natives revelled in the precious metals and all other valuable -commodities. Had he listened and obeyed, he would have discovered the -Pacific. But, for once, he turned a deaf ear to the allurement, and -so lost his opportunity. That the natives hinted at the great waters -beyond the isthmus, is plain from the words of Columbus. He says: “They -say that the sea surrounds Cuguare, and that ten days’ journey from -thence is the river Ganges.” - -His farther voyage south brought no important results. The ships were -worm-eaten, and the crew were clamorous for the gold of Varagua. On the -5th of December Columbus decided reluctantly to retrace his course. -By one of those singular adversities of fortune, the winds which had -hitherto blown strongly from the east now veered and blew as strongly -from the west. Gale after gale followed. Columbus called it the “Coast -of Contrasts.” The situation of the navigators became all the more -desperate through the horrors of impending famine. Worms had made their -bread revolting, and the crew were driven to catch sharks for food. - -For weeks the violence of the storms continued. In attempting to make -their way back, a full month was taken up by the Spaniards in passing a -hundred miles. The whole winter was consumed without important results. -At Varagua earnest hopes were entertained that the long-sought, but -ever-elusive gold-fields were at length to be found. Columbus says -that he saw more indications of gold in two days than he had seen in -Hispaniola in four years; he therefore decided upon a settlement, and -began to build houses. Eighty members of the crew were to be left to -establish a permanent footing. - -But misfortune succeeded misfortune. The natives began to organize for -the purpose of making such a settlement impossible. In one of their -conflicts the cacique, known as the Quibian, was taken prisoner by the -Adelantado. He was intrusted to the care of a Spanish officer, who -imprudently yielded to the chief’s persuasions to remove his shackles. -The consequence was that in an unguarded moment the cacique sprang -over the side of the boat and dived to the bottom. The night was dark, -and as he came to the surface he was not detected. Columbus believed -him drowned; but it soon appeared that he had reached the shore and -organized so formidable an opposition to the settlement as to place the -colony in extreme peril. - -Provisions and ammunition now began to run short. The Admiral was -tortured with gout, and this was followed by a fever. While affairs -were in this condition a portion of the prisoners threw open a -hatchway, and, thrusting the guards aside, plunged into the sea and -escaped. Those who had failed to get away were thrust back into the -hold; but in the morning it was found that they had all committed -suicide by hanging. The resolute spirit thus shown was a sad foreboding -of disaster. The sea was so rough that for days there could be no -communication between the Admiral on ship and the Adelantado on shore. -When at length a brave swimmer succeeded in reaching the land, he found -a portion of Bartholomew’s force in revolt. The mutineers formed a -plan to desert the commander and effect an escape to the ships. There -was nothing to do but to rescue the colony, if possible, and abandon -the coast. - -When affairs appeared to be in a most hopeless condition, the tempest -abated, and fair weather came on. One of the caravels, however, had -been stranded and wrecked. In order to bring off the stores and the -colony, a raft was constructed, and after long effort the survivors -were rescued and taken aboard the remaining vessels. One of these, -however, proved to be so much worm-eaten and otherwise disabled that it -had to be abandoned. Taking the scanty stores into the two remaining -caravels, the adventurers now turned their prows toward Hispaniola. - -The course of the vessels, however, in order to meet the strong -westerly currents, was eastward. The crew were thrown into -consternation by the thought that the Admiral, notwithstanding the -unseaworthy condition of the ships, was making for Spain. But Columbus -had no such purpose. His design was to zigzag his course in such a -manner that none of the crew could find the way back to the gold coast. -He says that he remembered how a former crew had returned to the -pearl-fisheries of Paria; and he now wrote: “None of them can explain -whither I went, nor whence I came. They do not know the way to return -thither.” - -Having accomplished his bewildering purpose, the Admiral now turned to -the northwest. Falling into the currents, the vessels floated beyond -Hispaniola; and on the 30th of May they found themselves in the group -of islands which Columbus had already called “The Gardens.” That his -old delusion was still kept up, is evident from his declaration that he -“had come to Mango, which is near Cathay.” - -Here again a succession of storms came on and threatened to shatter the -crazy hulks to pieces. Columbus tried to find shelter in the lee of one -of the islands; but he lost all his anchors save one, and the crews -were able to keep the ships afloat only by “three pumps, and the use -of their pots and kettles.” Evidently this condition of affairs could -not long continue. On the 23d of June he reached Jamaica, and a little -later he saw no other course than to run both of his ships aground. -The first he ran ashore on the 23d of July; and on the 12th of August -he brought the other alongside, and managed to lash them together. The -tide soon filled them with water. He built cabins on the forecastles, -in which the crew could live until they could find relief. - -The navigators’ scanty supply of food was ruined, and their first -thought, therefore, was to barter for supplies with the natives. -Fortunately, they were successful. Diego Mendez, the commander of one -of the vessels, took the matter in hand, and making the circuit of the -island in company with three other Spaniards, bargained advantageously -with several of the caciques. - -The next thought of the Admiral was to send to Ovando for a rescuing -vessel. He proposed to Mendez that he should go in an open boat, as -the only possible means of establishing a connection with San Domingo. -Mendez offered to go in case no one else would volunteer. The others -all held back. He then fitted up a row-boat, and taking one other -Spaniard and six natives as oarsmen, committed himself to a voyage of -nearly two hundred miles in those tempestuous waters. - -To Mendez, Columbus committed a long letter addressed to the monarchs -of Spain,--the very letter, no doubt, to which we are indebted for much -of our knowledge of this disastrous voyage. It bears date July 7, 1503, -and may well be regarded as the unmistakable evidence of a distracted, -if not of an unbalanced, mind. - -Though the writer had much to say of the voyage, the most prominent -characteristic of the writing was its rambling and incoherent -references to the troubles of his earlier years. It was a veritable -appeal _ad misericordiam_, and was full of inaccuracies, not to say -positive misstatements. He says,-- - - “I was twenty-eight years old when I came into your Highnesses’ - services, and now I have not a hair upon me that is not gray, my - body is infirm, and all that was left to me, as well as to my - brother, has been taken away and sold, even to the frock that I - wore, to my great dishonour. Solitary in my trouble, sick, and - in daily expectation of death, I am surrounded by millions of - hostile savages full of cruelty. Weep for me whoever has charity, - truth, and justice.” - -Surely this is not the outpouring of a great soul. On the contrary, -it is simply pitiful; for it is impossible to forget that in earlier -years he had described these “millions of hostile savages” as the -embodiment of hospitable kindness. It was not until the innocent -natives had learned by bitter experience that there was no device -of avarice or cruelty or licentiousness of which they were not made -the victims that their unsuspecting hospitality was turned into a -prudent hostility. If Columbus was only twenty-eight when he entered -the service of the Spanish monarchs, he must have been born in 1456; -he must have been only eighteen when he had the correspondence with -Toscanelli; and at the time of his writing, he must have been only -forty-seven. Recurring to geographical affairs, he writes: “The world -is but small; out of seven divisions of it, the dry part occupies six, -and the seventh is entirely covered with water. I say that the world -is not so large as vulgar opinion makes it.” Referring to his search -for gold, he exclaims: “Gold is the most precious of all commodities; -gold constitutes treasure; and he who possesses it has all the needs -of this world, as also the means of rescuing souls from Purgatory and -introducing them to the enjoyments of Paradise.” - -After the departure of Mendez the long months of autumn and winter -wore on. Columbus during much of the time was confined to his bed by -illness. Discontents, and finally insubordination, became rife. The -malcontents put themselves under the leadership of Francisco de Porras, -a daring navigator, who at one time had commanded one of the vessels. -On the 2d of January, 1504, Porras appeared in the cabin of the sick -Admiral. An unfortunate altercation ensued, which resulted in dividing -the little band into two hostile camps. The outcome was that Porras -and forty-one others threw themselves into active rebellion. They took -forcible possession of ten canoes, and committed themselves to the -sea with the mad purpose of going to San Domingo. A short experience, -however, was enough to drive them back, and they now devoted themselves -actively to getting supplies from the natives of Jamaica. This of -course interfered greatly with the comforts of Columbus and his little -band. Indeed it might have proved fatal but for one of those ingenious -expedients of which the mind of the Admiral was so prolific. - -An eclipse of the moon was to take place on the night of February 29, -1504. Columbus caused it to be widely circulated among the natives that -the God of the Spaniards was greatly displeased with their lack of -loyalty, and was about to manifest his displeasure by an obscuration of -the moon. As the eclipse came on, the words of the Admiral appeared to -be verified. The natives were convulsed with fear. He now declared that -the divine anger would be appeased if they would show proper contrition -and would furnish the needed supplies. The caciques threw themselves at -his feet, and promised everything he might need. Just before the moon -was to emerge from the shadow, he assured them that the divine wrath -was placated, and that a sign would soon be manifested. As the eclipse -passed off, the astonishment and satisfaction of the poor wretches were -complete. From that time Columbus had no lack of sufficient supplies. - -The expedition of Mendez was not without the most trying vicissitudes. -Almost immediately after starting, the little bark encountered so heavy -a sea that it was obliged to turn back. A few days later, however, -another boat was ready, and Mendez committed himself a second time -to this daring enterprise. Rough weather was encountered, and for -a considerable period it seemed that all would be lost. One of the -natives died, and his body was cast into the sea. But at length, in -four days after leaving the eastern point of Jamaica, the Spaniards -reached the port of Novissa, at the western end of Hispaniola. Mendez -soon found that Ovando, instead of being at San Domingo, was engaged -in suppressing a revolt in the western province of Zaroyna. Though -Ovando was not so ungracious as to meet the question with a point-blank -refusal, he showed no disposition to render prompt assistance. Thus -it was that, in spite of all the urgency of Mendez, month after month -passed away without action. It was only after there had come to be -considerable popular clamour in favour of Columbus that Ovando saw the -expediency of sending the necessary succour. It is more than probable -that he would have been relieved to find that the rescuing ship had -arrived too late. It was not until the 25th of June, 1504, that the -Admiral and his little crew of wretched followers were gladdened by the -sight of approaching relief. It is easy to understand how Columbus, -a little later, could say that in no part of his life did he ever -experience so joyful a day; for he had never hoped to leave the place -alive. More than a year had passed in the tormenting experiences that -followed the shipwreck on the northern coast of Jamaica. - -Ovando extended to Columbus a gracious show of hospitality by making -him a guest in his own household. But there was no real cordiality. It -was not long, indeed, before an active dispute arose over an important -question of jurisdiction. Ovando demanded the surrender of Porras, that -he might be duly punished for his insurrection. Columbus held that -however complete the jurisdiction of the governor might be over the -island of Hispaniola, it did not extend to the crew of the Admiral. -Ovando, though he did not formally yield the point, thought it not -prudent to press the claim. There were also important differences in -regard to the pecuniary rights of Columbus, whose agent had already -become involved in serious difficulties. From all these untoward -circumstances it became apparent that the stay of Columbus could -not be advantageously prolonged. Accordingly, with such money as he -could collect, he fitted out two vessels for a homeward voyage. He -had arrived at San Domingo on the 15th of August. On the 12th of the -following month the two vessels were ready for sea. Storm succeeded -storm, however, and the ship of the Admiral had to be sent back for -repairs. After a very tempestuous voyage, Columbus, with his brother -and son, entered the port of San Lucar on the 7th of November, 1504. - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - -LAST DAYS.--DEATH.--CHARACTER. - - -The career of Columbus was now practically at an end. From the port he -went to Seville, where, broken in health as well as in spirit, he was -obliged to remain for nearly four months. We find that on the 23d of -February, 1505, a royal order was issued to furnish him with a mule, -that he might have an easy seat in his journey toward the court at -Segovia. He appears in the course of the year to have found his way -to Salamanca, and then to have followed the court to Valladolid; but -farther he was not able to go. - -During the year and a half that was left to him after his return -from the fourth voyage, Columbus exerted himself constantly and in -various ways to improve his personal interests. He had much leisure -for writing; and, fortunately, his letters have been preserved and -published in the collection of Navarrete. It would perhaps have been -better for his fame if they had not survived; for while the errors and -contradictions perplex every thoughtful reader, the spirit breathed -throughout is one of petulancy and comprehensive censure. He rehearsed -in various forms the story of his early efforts, of his unappreciated -labours, of his services in behalf of the Crown, and of failure to -receive the proper recognition and reward. Unfortunately, the death -of Queen Isabella occurred only a few days after his return. This -melancholy event not only withdrew from the service of Columbus the -most important of all patrons, but it so absorbed all the attention -of the court that his claims received no attention whatever. To his -repeated importunities no answer came for some months. The king -had always been either indifferent or inimical. The statements of -Porras had been received, and they had evidently made an impression -unfavourable to Columbus. The inference from the attitude of the -court is inevitable that in the course of the two and a half years -of the Admiral’s absence during his fourth voyage his popularity had -so declined that he had almost ceased to be regarded as a person of -importance. It is certain that the complaints against him had now made -so strong an impression on the king and on those in authority that -there was no disposition to listen to his importunities. - -Still, Columbus continued to write. In one letter he arraigned the -administration of Ovando, charging it with the same crimes that had so -often been alleged against himself. He declared that the governor was -detested by all; that a suitable person could restore order in three -months; that the abuses should at once be remedied by the appointment -of a judicious successor; that new fortresses should be at once -built,--“all of which,” he says, “I can do in his Highness’s service; -and any other, not having my personal interest at stake, cannot do -it as well.” At another time he urges Diego to sue the king for a -mandatory letter forcing Ovando to make immediate payment of Columbus’s -share of the revenues. Concerning Vespucius, who had already returned -from his second voyage and written the famous letter of Sept. 4, 1504, -he wrote in the following terms: “Within two days I have talked with -Americus Vespucius.... He has always manifested a disposition to be -friendly to me. Fortune has not always favoured him, and in this he is -not different from many others. His ventures have not always been as -successful as he would wish. He left me full of the kindest purposes -toward me, and will do anything for me that is in his power. I did not -know what to tell him as to the way in which he could help me, because -I knew not why he had been called to court. Find out what he can do, -and he will do it; but so manage that he will not be suspected of -aiding me.” This letter is of most interesting significance, because -at the very moment of its date, the letter of Vespucius was making the -impression upon Europe which was to eclipse the renown of Columbus and -give the name of its author to the western continent. That there was -any purpose on the part of Vespucius inimical to the fame of Columbus -there is no reason whatever to believe. - -The multitudinous letters of Columbus seem to have made no impression. -Las Casas says: “The more he petitioned, the more bland the king was -in avoiding any conclusion.” The same author further declares that -Ferdinand “hoped, by exhausting the patience of the Admiral, to induce -him to accept some estates in Castile in place of his powers in the -Indies. But Columbus rejected all such offers with indignation.” - -During the later months of 1505, and the early months of 1506, it was -becoming more and more apparent that preparations for the end must -not be long delayed. The mind of the Admiral came to be much occupied -with the testamentary disposition of his rights and titles. Property -in hand he really seems to have had none; but he still was not without -hope that in a final settlement his claims in the Indies would be -fully recognized. Accordingly, in his last will, which was duly signed -and witnessed on the 19th of May, 1506, he made disposition of his -titles and his rights. He confirmed his legitimate son, Diego, his -heir; but in default of heirs of Diego, his rights were to pass to his -illegitimate son, Fernando. If in this line there should be a like -default, his property was to go to his brother, the Adelantado, and -his male descendants. If these all should fail, the estate was to go -to the female line in a similar succession. Two other provisions of -the will are worthy of note. He makes his old scheme of a crusade to -recover the Holy Sepulchre contingent upon the income of the estate. -He then provides for the maintenance of Beatrix Enriquez, the mother -of Fernando, and says: “Let this be done for the discharge of my -conscience, for it weighs heavy on my soul,--the reasons for which I am -not here permitted to give.” - -It was on the 20th of May, 1506, the very next day after signing the -will, that the restless soul of Columbus passed away. His death -occurred at Valladolid, in a house that is still shown to interested -travellers. It is melancholy to add that the event made no impression -either upon the city or upon the nation. We are told, as the result of -the most careful search, that the only official document that makes -mention of the decease of Columbus is one written by the monarch to -Ovando, bearing date of the 2d of June. Neither Bernaldez nor Oviedo -designates the day of the month. By the chroniclers of the time, as -Harrisse has said, the event seems to have passed “completely unheeded.” - -Nor is there any certainty as to the place of burial. In the will -which Columbus signed just before his death he indicated a desire to -have his remains taken to San Domingo. It has generally been supposed, -however, that a temporary interment took place in a Franciscan convent -at Valladolid. The will of Diego seems to indicate that as early as the -year 1513 the coffin containing his remains was conveyed to Seville, -where, for nearly or quite thirty years, it rested in the Carthusian -convent of Las Cuevas. Royal provisions relating to the removal to San -Domingo have been preserved, bearing dates of 1537, 1539, and 1540. -From these orders and from the fact that the cathedral at San Domingo -was completed in the year 1541, the inference has been drawn that the -transfer took place in that year or a little later. There is evidence -that the removal had been accomplished before the year 1549. - -The controversy that has taken place over the present resting-place of -the remains is perhaps enough to justify a somewhat detailed statement -of the several points at issue. - -Columbus’s son Diego and his grandson Luis died respectively in 1526 -and 1572. Their remains were also transferred to the cathedral at San -Domingo; though at what date there is considerable uncertainty. Some -rather obscure records have been discovered in Spain which have been -thought to indicate that the removal took place about the beginning of -the seventeenth century. Nearly all that we are justified in asserting -without qualification is the fact that, from the period of this removal -until near the end of the eighteenth century, the cathedral at San -Domingo contained the remains of Columbus as well as those of his son -and his grandson. - -So far as can now be ascertained, there were no inscriptions on the -exterior of any of the vaults. The only guide to the site of the -exact resting-place of the Admiral was a memorandum in the records -of the cathedral to the effect that the body rested in the chancel -at the right of the high altar. But as this memorandum bears date of -1676, it could hardly be regarded as anything more than the record -of a tradition. During the long period between the early part of the -sixteenth century and the end of the eighteenth, the floors of the -cathedral were several times repaired; but, so far as is known, the -vaults were not disturbed or even discovered. - -In the course of the French Revolution the tumult into which San -Domingo was thrown resulted in giving the French so much influence -that by the treaty of Basle, signed on the 22d of July, 1795, Spain -was obliged to cede to France the western portion of the island. -The natural pride of the Spaniards, however, inspired them with a -praiseworthy desire to transfer the remains of the discoverer to -Spanish soil. Accordingly, explorations were made beneath the floor -on the right of the altar of the cathedral. A vault was found and -opened, which contained a small leaden box and the remains of a human -body. Its situation in the cathedral corresponded with the indications -of tradition. The box or casket was in a very dilapidated condition; -but so far as could be discovered, there was no inscription upon it. -No doubt, however, was entertained in regard to its genuineness. The -contents of the vault were placed in a gilded sarcophagus, and with -great ceremony, on the 19th of January, 1796, were transported to -Havana. Here they were placed near the high altar of the cathedral, -where, in 1822, the monument was erected which still adorns the spot -and commemorates the discoveries of the Admiral. - -For nearly a century no question was raised as to the genuineness of -the remains thus exhumed and carried to Havana. But in 1877, in the -course of some changes in the chancel of the cathedral at San Domingo, -two other graves were opened. Each contained a leaden casket. That on -the left side of the altar bore an inscription which, translated into -English, runs: “To the Admiral Don Luis Columbus, duke of Jamaica, -marquis of Veragua.” The inscriptions on the casket which was -discovered on the right of the altar were of far more interest and -importance. - -But before indicating in detail the significance of this discovery, let -us take note of the relative position of the vaults. The one containing -the casket with the inscription of Luis upon it, was at the extreme -left of the chancel and against the wall; while that containing the -one which now appeared to hold the remains of the discoverer was next -the wall on the opposite side. Adjoining this newly opened vault, and -between it and the altar, was the narrower vault, the contents of which -had been taken to Havana in 1796. It is natural to infer that the vault -situated next the cathedral wall was the first one constructed, and -that the smaller and inner vault was added at a later day. - -On the newly discovered casket were three inscriptions rudely cut. On -the exterior were the three letters “C. C. A.,”--probably signifying -“Cristoval Colon, Almirante.” On the outside of the cover were the -abbreviations, “D. de la A. Pre. Ate.,” which have been interpreted -as standing for “Descubridor de la America, Primero Almirante,”--“The -Discoverer of America, the first Admiral.” On the inside of the cover, -in Gothic letters, was an abbreviated inscription which is commonly -translated as “The celebrated and extraordinary man, Don Christopher -Columbus.” - -It is to be noted also that there was lying upon the bottom of the -casket a small silver plate about three inches in length by one and -a third in breadth. Near the ends of this plate were two small holes -corresponding with two holes in the posterior wall of the casket. -With the plate were also two screws that corresponded in size with -the holes in the box and the plate. Very curiously, the plate was -found to have an inscription on either side. One of these was simply -“Cristoval Colon,” while the other, in somewhat abbreviated form, was -“Ultima parte de los restos del primero Almirante Cristoval Colon, -Descubridor,”--“The last remains of the first Admiral, Christopher -Columbus, the Discoverer.” The significance of these two inscriptions, -as it must have been understood that one of them would be concealed -by resting against the wall of the box, has been the subject of many -conjectures. But the most rational explanation is the supposition that -when the engraver had incised the name “Cristoval Colon” on one side, -it was found unsatisfactory, from its brevity, and accordingly the more -elaborate inscription was placed on the other side. With the contents -of this leaden box there was also found a corroded musket-ball. This -bullet is supposed to have been in the body of Columbus at the time of -his burial. We have no account of his having been wounded while he was -in Portugal or Spain, or in the course of any of his voyages; but in -his letter to the king written from Jamaica while on his fourth voyage, -he says that his wound “had broken out afresh.” This expression has led -Cronau to conjecture that in some of his earlier maritime experiences, -the Admiral had received a bullet which he carried in his body to the -end of his life. - -The discovery of this casket very naturally awakened the greatest -interest in San Domingo, and indeed wherever the story of Columbus -was known. The bishop of the cathedral, recognizing the importance of -the event, invited to a formal inspection of the remains, not only -the representatives of the civil government, but also all the foreign -consuls that were present in San Domingo. These united in the belief -that the bones of the Admiral were still in the cathedral, and that the -remains which had been carried to Havana in 1796 were those of his son -Diego. Having arrived at this conclusion, the authorities enclosed the -casket, with its contents, in a glass case, and locked it with three -keys, two of which were to be guarded by members of the Government, and -one by the bishop. They then bound the glass case with ribbons, which -were carefully sealed, not only with the seals of the cathedral and of -the Government, but also with those of all the foreign consuls then at -San Domingo. Finally, they placed the sarcophagus containing the box -and the remains in a side chapel of the cathedral. - -So full an account of this interesting discovery would hardly have -been appropriate, but for the controversy which immediately ensued. -The Spanish authorities in the mother-country and in Cuba were very -naturally reluctant to believe, except upon the most conclusive -evidence, that a mistake had been made in 1796. The cry of fraud was -soon raised. The inscriptions, a rough fac-simile of which had been -made and published by the bishop, were declared to be the work of a -modern forger. Pamphlet after pamphlet was issued from the press, until -there came to be a voluminous literature on the subject. - -Against the genuineness of the inscriptions there were only two -arguments of any considerable weight. The first was in the assertion -that the inscriptions were of too modern and crude a nature to have -been placed upon the casket in the sixteenth century by those having -in charge the moving of the remains. The other was the presence of -the abbreviation which was supposed to stand for America. It was -confidently alleged that the Spaniards had refused to adopt the -name America until after the time of the removal. In both of these -objections there seemed to be considerable force. But they cannot -be regarded as conclusive; for in the first place a more careful -copying of the inscriptions has revealed the fact that they are not so -dissimilar to the prevailing methods of the sixteenth century as was at -first supposed; and in answer to the second objection, it is to be said -that Waldseemüller’s book suggesting the name America was published -in April of 1507, and that as early as 1520 the name America began to -appear on the maps published for common use. It must be conceded that -the crudeness of the inscriptions seems incompatible with what we may -well conceive to have been the ceremonious nature of a removal of such -importance conducted under royal patronage. But no account whatever of -the ceremony has been preserved. We simply know that the removal was -permitted by royal order; and the fact that no record of the event is -now extant would seem to give plausibility to the conjecture that the -remains were transported privately by the family alone. If such was -the case, the nature of the inscriptions placed upon the leaden box -would depend upon circumstances in regard to which we can now have no -knowledge whatever. - -In the autumn of 1890 the German explorer Rudolf Cronau determined to -investigate this vexed question, and if possible remove it from the -domain of doubt. Armed with letters of introduction from the German -Government, he passed a month in San Domingo for the purpose of -examining every phase of the subject. He not only obtained evidence -from the workmen who had exhumed the casket in 1877, but he also -secured the privilege of conducting a public examination of the -inscriptions. In the presence of the consuls of the United States, -England, France, Germany, and Italy, as well as the officials of the -cathedral and of the city, he conducted the examination on the 11th -of January, 1891. Removing the glass case from the side chapel to the -nave of the cathedral, he deposited it upon a table prepared for the -purpose. The seals placed upon the case in 1877 having been examined -and declared to be intact, the surrounding ribbons were then removed, -and with the help of the several keys the case was opened. - -It is unnecessary to describe all the processes of investigation. -It is, however, important to say that all the inscriptions were -photographed upon zinc, in order that they might be etched in exact -fac-simile. They have since been reproduced in the first volume of -Cronau’s “Amerika.” As the result of his examination, the author -expresses his confident belief that the inscriptions were cut in the -sixteenth century; for the processes of oxidation that have taken place -since the inscriptions were made, seem to preclude the possibility -of their being the work of a modern hand. He states that a careful -investigation of all the circumstances attending the opening of the -tomb in 1877 failed to give any trace of opportunity for a forging of -the inscriptions. The character of the bishop in charge in 1877 was -above reproach. The presence of the bullet is, in the opinion of the -author, to be regarded as confirmatory proof of genuineness, inasmuch -as it is hardly conceivable that it would have been placed in the -casket by any fraudulent intent. In short, it is the opinion of Cronau -that the difficulties in the way of supporting the theory of fraud -are so much greater than those in the way of supporting the theory of -genuineness that the charges of fraud must be dismissed, and the theory -of genuineness must be finally and conclusively adopted. It seems -probable that this conclusion will be accepted by the most judicious -investigators of the subject, and that in consequence the belief will -come to prevail that the remains of Columbus are now at San Domingo, -and not at Havana. - -After the ceremony of inspection was completed, the casket and its -contents were replaced in the glass box, and this, after being wound -about with red, white, and blue ribbons and put under the seals of the -several consuls and of the local authorities, was returned to the side -chapel as its permanent resting-place. - -It would be a great pleasure if we could know that it is now easy to -obtain definite and precise information in regard to those subtile -peculiarities of manner and expression which marked and determined the -appearance of the Admiral. But it seems to be impossible. Of brief -descriptions by personal acquaintances there is an abundance; and in -these accounts, moreover, there is substantial agreement. Trevisan, -after meeting the Admiral in 1501, says of him: “He was a robust man, -with a tall figure, a ruddy complexion, and a long visage.” Oviedo, who -knew him with some intimacy, says: “Of good figure and a stature above -the medium, Columbus had strong limbs, keen eyes, a well-proportioned -body, very red hair, a complexion that was a little ruddy and marked -with freckles.” Las Casas, who saw him often and under diverse -circumstances, described him in these words: “He had a figure that was -above medium height, a countenance long and imposing, an aquiline nose, -clear blue eyes, a light complexion tinged with red, beard and hair -blond in youth, but early turned to white. He was rough in character, -with little amiability of speech, affable, however, when he wished to -be, and passionate when he was irritated.” - -In the matter of dress Columbus was in the habit of wearing sombre -colors, often appearing in the frock of one of the religious orders. -Las Casas in one place says: “I saw the Admiral at Seville, on his -return from the second voyage, clad as a Franciscan friar.” Bernaldez -relates that he saw him in 1496 “bound about with the cord of the -Franciscan monks;” and Diego Columbus affirms that his father died -“clad in the frock of the Franciscan order, to which he was much -attached.” - -It is from these descriptions that the numerous portraits which have -passed for likenesses of the Admiral have generally been composed. In -all the vast number of paintings and engravings bearing his name, there -is probably not one that can be regarded as unquestionably authentic; -for it is not known that a single painting or drawing of him was ever -made by any person that had ever seen him. Harrisse makes the sweeping -statement, “as for the portraits painted, engraved, or sculptured, -which figure in the collections, in public places, and in prints, there -is not one that is authentic; they are all pure fancy.” This learned -critic probably means that the numerous pictures have been made, not -from life, but from extant descriptions of the Admiral, according to -the fancy of the individual artists. - -Any one at all familiar with the various portraits that pass, here -and there, for likenesses of Columbus, must have been impressed with -the fact that, while a few of them present considerable resemblance -to one another, they are, almost without exception, lacking in those -elements of individuality that are necessary to impress themselves -firmly on the attention and memory of the beholder. From the collection -as a whole, one is apt to derive a very confused impression as to how -Columbus really appeared. If there is to be any exception to this -general statement, it should perhaps be made in favour of the portrait -by Lorenzo Lotto, recently discovered at Venice. Lotto was quite the -most distinguished of the contemporaneous painters whose portraits of -Columbus have been preserved. He was absent from Venice during the -later years of Columbus’s life, and it is possible that he was in Spain -during the winter and spring just before the Admiral set out for his -fourth voyage. We know that Columbus was in Granada during the winter -and spring of 1501-1502, and that during those winter months the -Venetian ambassador Pisani and his secretary Camerino were assiduous -in courting and entertaining him, in order to obtain maps, charts, and -other information about the newly discovered countries. It is possible -that Lotto also was present at Granada and that he had an opportunity -to paint the portrait from life. But there is no positive evidence on -the subject. After all the possibilities are admitted, there is nothing -more than a doubtful conjecture that he ever saw the discoverer; still -less is it probable that Columbus sat for his portrait. - -The painting by Lotto is said by critics to be a striking example in -color and in general treatment of this artist’s early style. As a -portrait, it unquestionably has admirable and striking characteristics; -though it is impossible to form any positive opinion as to the accuracy -of the likeness. It bears a general resemblance to the picture in the -Ministry of the Marine at Madrid, as well as to the Capriolo engraving -and to the portrait in the collection of Count D’Orchi at Como. It -is scarcely too much to say that Lotto, more than any of the others, -seems to have succeeded in delineating certain subtleties of feature -and expression which reveal unmistakable character. Whatever the -opportunities of this artist for knowing the personal appearance of -Columbus, it is certain that he was contemporaneous with the Admiral, -and that he lived in an Italian city that was greatly moved by the work -of the discoverer. It is known, moreover, that the Venetian ambassador -and his secretary were at that time sending home glowing accounts of -the significance of the recent voyages. The pre-eminent excellence of -the painting, the mood and character which it reveals, and its very -striking correspondence with the descriptions of the discoverer by -his acquaintances, have led to its selection for the frontispiece of -this volume. The portrait was purchased in the summer of 1891 by an -enterprising art collector of Chicago. - -It remains only to say a concluding word in regard to the estimation in -which the character and the work of Columbus are finally to be held. - -It is not easy to establish a standard by which to judge of a man -whose life was in an age that is past. In defiance of all scholarship, -the judgments of critics continue to differ in regard to Alexander, -Julius Cæsar, and even Frederick the Great, and Napoleon. On the one -hand, nothing can be more unjust than to bring to the judgment of the -present age a man whose activities were exerted amid surroundings -and influences that have long since changed and passed away; while, -on the other, nothing is more unsafe than to regard the opinions of -contemporaries as the just and final judgment of humanity. Between -these two dangers we must seek the basis of a judgment in those eternal -verities which are applicable to every age. Since civilization began, -good men have ever recognized certain principles of right and justice -as applicable to all men and all time. Did his life and his work tend -to the elevation of mankind? If so, did these results flow from his -conscious purpose? If temporary wrong and injustice were done, were -these accessory to the firmer establishment of those broad principles -which must underlie all security and happiness? These, or such as -these, are the questions which it is necessary to ask when we undertake -to form a judgment in regard to any man that has performed a great part -or exerted a great influence. If we apply these principles in forming -an opinion of Columbus, what will be the result? - -In point of character,--considering the term in the largest and -broadest possible sense,--we shall probably not find very much to -admire. The moral atmosphere which he created about him was not much -better or much worse than the general atmosphere of the age in which -he lived. He entered no protest against any of the abuses of the time. -On the contrary, he was ever ready to avail himself of those abuses -whenever he could do so to his own advantage. In his age the most -sensitive natures were beginning to revolt against the horrors of the -slave-trade. But Columbus, in his letters and his journal describing -his first voyage, points out the riches that would result to Spain -by filling the slave-markets with captives from the newly discovered -islands. He repeatedly urged a policy of slave-catching upon the -Government; and gave just offence by persistency in such a policy, -after receiving a plain intimation that it could not be adopted. There -is no evidence that he ever abandoned the idea that a true policy -required that ships in going from the mother-country to the islands -should be loaded with cattle, and that the same ships in going back -from the islands to the mother-country should be loaded with slaves. -His first letters glow with accounts of the gentleness and hospitality -of the natives. The Indians regarded the new comers as visitors from -heaven. When Columbus’s own vessel was shipwrecked, the inhabitants on -the coast not only rendered every possible assistance, but offered to -give up everything they had for the accommodation of the unfortunate -visitors. Columbus himself testifies that the native cacique shed -“tears of sympathy.” Such was the spirit with which the Spaniards -were met, and such was the spirit until the policy of kidnapping and -devastation was begun. Gradually the Spaniards began to seize the -natives as prisoners whenever opportunity offered. Men were found to be -less desirable captives than women and children. - -Las Casas, the most discriminating and thoughtful, as well as the most -humane, of all writers of the time, has in a single sentence described -the beginning of the evil. These are his fruitful words: “Since men -are never accustomed to fall into a single error, nor into a sin to be -committed alone, without a greater one by and by following, so it fell -out that the Admiral ... sent a boat with certain sailors to a house -that stood on the side of the river toward the west, and they took and -carried off seven women, small and great, with three children. This he -says he did because Spaniards with women behave themselves better than -without them. A genteel excuse has he given to colour and justify a -deed so nefarious.” From a general policy, the beginning of which is -so significantly described by Las Casas, it came about very naturally -that, notwithstanding the noteworthy gentleness of the natives, it was -soon discovered that they were not absolutely devoid of the instincts -and impulses of human nature. The inevitable result followed. The -natives determined to defend their wives and their children. A war of -extermination ensued. The number of the inhabitants upon these islands -was variously estimated by Las Casas and others of his day. The lowest -estimate that can now be reconciled with the original accounts is forty -thousand. In the course of the fourteen years between the discovery and -Columbus’s death the number had been reduced by fully one half; and it -was only a few years later when the last of them, hunted like beasts -and torn by bloodhounds, perished from the earth. We are accustomed -to regard Cortez and Pizarro as exceptional embodiments of inhumanity -and cruelty. But Cortez and Pizarro only followed the example that had -already been set. - -Nor is it possible to acquit Columbus of responsibility for the course -that was taken. His position gave him plenary powers. No man ever had -fewer scruples in the exercise of all the authority conferred upon -him. It is indeed true that the policy of the Spaniards showed itself -at its worst after the authority of Columbus was at an end. But it is -also true that this policy in all its most deplorable features was -inaugurated by him; and therefore he is to be held responsible at the -bar of history for the evil consequences that ensued. - -Nor, again, can we say that the end justified the means. Columbus never -expected or desired to discover a new country. His motive in urging -the support of the voyages was twofold. He desired, on the one hand, -to bring back the wealth that would enable his sovereigns to conquer -Jerusalem for Christianity; and, on the other, to acquire wealth and -fame for himself. The only condition of success was the finding of -vast amounts of gold. The reports of John de Mandeville and Marco Polo -had filled his mind with confidence that the necessary gold existed -and could be acquired, if only it could be found. Hence his restless -activity. Never dreaming till the day of his death that the islands he -had discovered were not off the coast of Asia, he thought himself not -far away from the mines that had brought such wealth to Cipango and -Cathay. Everything, therefore, was made to contribute to this fruitless -search. No thoughtful person can read the original accounts of the four -voyages without being impressed with the fact that he was constantly -led on from one thing to another by the alluring reports of gold. This -endless and fruitless quest was the cause of the worst features of his -misgovernment. The gold mines stubbornly refused to reveal themselves. -Recourse was then had to that pitiless system of _repartimientos_, or -enforced labour, which everywhere threw the natives into despair. Then -it was that, in the words of Las Casas, “The Admiral went over a great -part of the island, making cruel war on all the kings and peoples who -would not come into obedience.” Elsewhere the same great authority -says: “In those days and months the greatest outrages and slaughter -of people and depopulation of villages went on, because the Indians -put forth all their strength to see if they could drive from their -territories a people so murderous and cruel.” The original authorities -prove beyond question that the policy was simply one of unqualified -cupidity, cruelly and relentlessly enforced. - -We have already seen that the death of Columbus attracted no general -attention and awakened no general comment. This remarkable fact was -in strict consonance with the spirit of the time, for the exploits of -other voyagers had already caught the public ear and monopolized public -attention. Americus Vespucius had returned from his second voyage -and had aroused the attention of all Europe by means of his glowing -accounts of the new continent. The Cabots from England had at least -skirted along the coasts of what is now known as North America. The -Portuguese had discovered a safe passage to the Indies by sailing to -the south and east, and had begun to raise the question of their rights -in consequence of the independent discovery of Brazil, in the year -1500, by Pedro Cabral. Pizarro had learned the art of war under the -unscrupulous Ojeda, and Cortez had had the schooling of long interviews -with Columbus at San Domingo. Balboa and Magellan had already completed -their apprenticeship, and were now about to astonish the world by -revealing to it the Pacific Ocean. In the very year of Columbus’s -death, fishermen from Portugal were already plying their vocation with -profit on the banks of Newfoundland; and less than a year later, the -Spaniard Velasco had entered the St. Lawrence. Within the short life -of one generation the whole coast from Cape Breton to the Straits of -Magellan became the scene of maritime activity. In all parts of the Old -World, as well as of the New, it was evident that Columbus had kindled -a fire in every mariner’s heart. That fire was the harbinger of a new -era, for it was not to be extinguished. - - - - -INDEX. - - - Agnado, Don John, appointed inspector, 166. - - Assistance, obstacles to, 44; - arguments at Salamanca, 52. - - - Barcelona, Columbus’s reception at, 118. - - Bobadilla, Francis de, 198; - brutal energy of, 203. - - Boyle, Father, mutinous spirit of, 166. - - Brooks, W. K., account of the Lucayan Indians, 149. - - Bull of demarcation, 122. - - - Cabral, Pedro, discovers Brazil, 214. - - Caonabo, bravery of, 142, 157. - - Caribbean Sea, visit to, 131. - - Caribs, discovery of, 106; - character of, 132. - - Catilina, loss of, 138. - - Columbus, Bartholomew, his birth, 6; - abode at Lisbon, 16; - goes to England and France, 42; - in charge at Isabella, 169; - authority confirmed, 173; - disasters, 184. - - Columbus, Christopher, place of his birth, 1; - time of his birth, 4; - parentage, 6; - early years, 7; - geographical studies, 8; - early maritime experience, 9; - voyage to the north, 11; - vocation as a bookseller, 14; - his geographical learning, 15; - his moving to Lisbon, 15; - his marriage, 17; - leaves Portugal, 19; - commercial enterprises, 21; - ideas of discovery, 22; - sphericity of the earth, 23; - influence of the _Imago Mundi_, 27; - letters of Toscanelli, 29; - attempts to secure assistance, 34; - refusal of Portugal, 40; - leaves Portugal for Spain, 41; - seeks assistance, 44; - obstacles, 45; - royal support, 47; - meeting at Salamanca, 53; - relations with Beatriz Henriquez, 57; - visit to Portugal, 58; - Talavera, 60; - goes to La Rabida, 62; - visits the court, 64; - terms demanded, 65; - terms of the commission, 68; - the first voyage, 74; - conduct of the crew, 85; - indications of land, 85; - discovery of land, 87; - settlement at La Navidad, 96; - sails for home, 105; - storms, 108; - reception at Lisbon, 114; - at Palos, 115; - at Barcelona, 118; - renewal of commission, 122; - preparation for second voyage, 126; - the Caribbean Sea, 131; - loss of La Navidad, 136; - founding of Isabella, 140; - report to the monarchs, 143; - slavery proposed, 144; - visits Cuba, 152; - oath required of the men, 154; - return, 155; - additional demands for gold, 162; - general spirit of revolt, 164; - Agnado, 166; - determination to return, 168; - reaches Spain, 172; - residence with Bernaldez, 174; - preparations for third voyage, 175; - sailing, 177; - discovers Trinidad, 178; - discovers mainland, 179; - reaches Isabella, 184; - revolt of Roldan, 188; - unfavourable reports, 196; - Bobadilla appointed, 197; - arrest and confinement of Columbus, 203; - reaches Spain in chains, 205; - judgment of Isabella, 207; - importunities, 211; - fourth expedition sails, 216; - is denied the port at San Domingo, 220; - terrible storms, 222; - sails along the Mosquito coast, 225; - Varagua, 225; - disasters, 227; - disappointment and withdrawal, 228; - shipwreck on coast of Jamaica, 229; - final rescue, 233; - return to Spain, 234; - last days, 235; - numerous letters, 236; - makes his will, 238; - death, 238; - burial, 239; - removal of remains, 240; - question of dispute, 241; - personal appearance, 248; - portraits, 248; - estimate of his character, 252. - - Columbus, Diego, appointment of, 201. - - Columbus, Fernando, his birth, 20. - - Crew of the first expedition, 76; - of the second, 125; - of the fourth, 216. - - Cronau, his theory as to the landfall, 89; - investigation of the place of the remains, 246. - - Cuba, discovery of, 94. - - - D’Ailly, Cardinal, influence of his _Imago Mundi_, 27. - - Deza, Diego de, friendliness of, 53. - - Diaz, Bartholomew, discovers Cape of Good Hope, 22. - - Diaz, Bernald, mutiny of, 152. - - Discovery, first ideas of Columbus concerning, 32. - - Discoveries of the Cabots and others, 213, 256. - - - England, application to, 36. - - - Fonseca, appointment of, to superintendency, 124; - unfriendliness to Columbus, 176. - - France, application to, 36. - - - Genoa, probable place of Columbus’s birth, 1; - assistance, 33. - - Gold, its place in the mind of Columbus, 98; - quest of, 147; - tribute for, 160; - reported discovery of, 184. - - Guanahani, discovery and situation of, 87. - - - Iceland, probable voyage of Columbus to, 12, 28. - - Indians, character of, 92, 148; - friendly nature of, 96; - attitude of Columbus toward, 102; - revolt of, 157, 160, 162; - friendliness of, 179. - - Inquisition in Spain, 44. - - Isabella, city of, founded, 140; - condition of, in 1500, 209. - - Isabella, of Castile, attitude toward Columbus, 49; - judgment concerning Columbus, 207. - - - La Navidad, colony settled at, 96; - loss of colony, 135. - - La Rabida, monastery of, 41; - visit of Columbus to, 62. - - Las Casas, his judicious estimate of Columbus, 253. - - Lisbon, home of Columbus, 13. - - - Mandeville, John de, writings of, 26. - - Margarite, expedition of, 156; - return to Spain, 156. - - Marriage of Columbus, 17. - - Medina Celi, assists Columbus, 43, 59. - - Mendez, Diego, daring sail from Jamaica, 230. - - Moorish war, 46. - - Moya, The Marchioness de, assistance of, 54. - - Mutinous spirit in Isabella, 164. - - - Ojeda, expedition of, 142, 147, 157; - unfriendliness of, 193. - - Ovando, succeeds Bobadilla, 215; - refuses hospitality to Columbus, 220; - shipwreck, 222; - grants hospitality, 234. - - - Pinzon, Martin Alonzo, 76; - his treachery and death, 115. - - Piratical experiences of Columbus, 9. - - Porras, Francisco de, revolt of, 231. - - Portraits of Columbus, 249. - - Portugal, refuses assistance, 39. - - Prince Henry, 34. - - Ptolemy, Geography of, 24. - - - Quintanilla, Alonzo de, 48. - - - Remains of Columbus at San Domingo, 241. - - _Repartimientos_, establishment of, 161, 183. - - Roldan, revolt of, 188; - settlement of difficulties, 191. - - - Salamanca, audience at, 49. - - Slavery, proposed by Columbus, 144; - persisted in, 182, 194. - - Sphericity of the earth, 22; - history of the doctrine, 23; - speculations of Columbus regarding, 180. - - - Talavera, 60, 64. - - Tordesillas, treaty of, 128. - - Toscanelli, letters of, 29. - - Trinidad, discovery of, 178. - - - Venice, relations of, to Columbus, 35. - - Vespucius, Americus, relations of, to Columbus, 237. - - Voyage, the first, preparation for, 76; - preparation for the second, 125; - for the third, 171. - - - Watling’s Island, the place of the landfall, 89. - - - - -MAKERS OF AMERICA. - - _The following is a list of the subjects and authors so far - arranged for in this series. The volumes will be published at the - uniform price of $1.00, and will appear in rapid succession_:-- - - - =Christopher Columbus= (1436-1506), and the Discovery of the - New World. By CHARLES KENDALL ADAMS, President of Cornell - University. - - =John Winthrop= (1588-1649), First Governor of the Massachusetts - Colony. By Rev. JOSEPH H. TWICHELL. - - =Robert Morris= (1734-1806), Superintendent of Finance under the - Continental Congress. By Prof. WILLIAM G. SUMNER, of Yale - University. - - =James Edward Oglethorpe= (1689-1785), and the Founding of the - Georgia Colony. By HENRY BRUCE, Esq. - - =John Hughes, D.D.= (1797-1864), First Archbishop of New-York: a - Representative American Catholic. By HENRY A. BRANN, D.D. - - =Robert Fulton= (1765-1815): His Life and its Results. By Prof. - R. H. THURSTON, of Cornell University. - - =Francis Higginson= (1587-1630), Puritan, Author of “New England’s - Plantation,” etc. By THOMAS W. HIGGINSON. - - =Peter Stuyvesant= (1602-1682), and the Dutch Settlement of - New-York. By BAYARD TUCKERMAN, Esq., author of a “Life of - General Lafayette,” editor of the “Diary of Philip Hone,” etc., - etc. - - =Thomas Hooker= (1586-1647), Theologian, Founder of the Hartford - Colony. By GEORGE L. WALKER, D.D. - - =Charles Sumner= (1811-1874), Statesman. By ANNA L. DAWES. - - =Thomas Jefferson= (1743-1826), Third President of the United - States. By JAMES SCHOULER, Esq., author of “A History of the - United States under the Constitution.” - - =William White= (1748-1836), Chaplain of the Continental Congress, - Bishop of Pennsylvania, President of the Convention to organize - the Protestant Episcopal Church in America. By Rev. JULIUS H. - WARD, with an Introduction by Right Rev. Henry C. Potter, D.D., - Bishop of New-York. - - =Jean Baptiste Lemoine=, _sieur_ de Bienville (1680-1768), French - Governor of Louisiana, Founder of New Orleans. By GRACE KING, - author of “Monsieur Motte.” - - =Alexander Hamilton= (1757-1804), Statesman, Financier, Secretary - of the Treasury. By Prof. WILLIAM G. SUMNER, of Yale University. - - =Father Juniper Serra= (1713-1784), and the Franciscan Missions in - California. By JOHN GILMARY SHEA, LL.D. - - =Cotton Mather= (1663-1728), Theologian, Author, Believer in - Witchcraft and the Supernatural. By Prof. BARRETT WENDELL, of - Harvard University. - - =Robert Cavelier=, _sieur_ de La Salle (1643-1687), Explorer of - the Northwest and the Mississippi. By EDWARD G. MASON, Esq., - President of the Historical Society of Chicago, author of - “Illinois” in the Commonwealth Series. - - =Thomas Nelson= (1738-1789), Governor of Virginia, General in the - Revolutionary Army. Embracing a Picture of Virginian Colonial - Life. By THOMAS NELSON PAGE, author of “Mars Chan,” and other - popular stories. - - =George and Cecilius Calvert, Barons Baltimore of Baltimore= - (1605-1676), and the Founding of the Maryland Colony. By - WILLIAM HAND BROWNE, editor of “The Archives of Maryland.” - - =Sir William Johnson= (1715-1774), and The Six Nations. By WILLIAM - ELLIOT GRIFFIS, D.D., author of “The Mikado’s Empire,” etc., - etc. - - =Sam. Houston= (1793-1862), and the Annexation of Texas. By HENRY - BRUCE, Esq. - - =Joseph Henry, LL.D.= (1797-1878), Savant and Natural Philosopher. - By FREDERIC H. BETTS, Esq. - - =Ralph Waldo Emerson.= By Prof. HERMAN GRIMM, author of “The Life - of Michael Angelo,” “The Life and Times of Goethe,” etc. - - - DODD, MEAD, & COMPANY, - _753 and 755 Broadway, New York_. - - - - -Transcriber’s Notes - - -Punctuation, hyphenation, and spelling were made consistent when a -predominant preference was found in this book; otherwise they were not -changed. - -Simple typographical errors were corrected; occasional unbalanced -quotation marks retained. - -Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained. - -Index not checked for proper alphabetization or correct page references. - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's Christopher Columbus, by Charles Kendall Adams - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS *** - -***** This file should be named 54929-0.txt or 54929-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/4/9/2/54929/ - -Produced by Larry B. 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