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diff --git a/old/54903-0.txt b/old/54903-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index d10369d..0000000 --- a/old/54903-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,23240 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Latin Hymn-writers and Their Hymns, by -Samuel Willoughby Duffield - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The Latin Hymn-writers and Their Hymns - -Author: Samuel Willoughby Duffield - -Editor: R. E. Thompson - -Release Date: June 13, 2017 [EBook #54903] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LATIN HYMN-WRITERS, THEIR HYMNS *** - - - - -Produced by Stephen Hutcheson - - - - - - - - - THE - LATIN HYMN-WRITERS - AND - THEIR HYMNS. - - - BY THE LATE - SAMUEL WILLOUGHBY DUFFIELD, - Author of “The Heavenly Land,” “Warp and Woof,” “The Burial of the - Dead,” and “English Hymns: Their Authors and History.” - - EDITED AND COMPLETED BY - PROF. R. E. THOMPSON, D.D., - _Of the University of Pennsylvania._ - - “Et semper in hunc studiorum quare munitissimum portum ex hujus - temporis tempestatibus lubenter confugissem.”—H. A. Daniel. - - “In diesem Sinne betrachte ich diese, uns von der Vorzeit - überlieferten ehrwürdigen und erhabenen Kirchlichen Dichtungen als ein - geistiges Gemeingut.”—G. A. Konigsfeld. - - FUNK & WAGNALLS, - NEW YORK: 1889. LONDON: - 18 & 20 ASTOR PLACE. 44 FLEET STREET. - _All Rights Reserved._ - - Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1889, by - FUNK & WAGNALLS, - In the Office of the Librarian of Congress at Washington, D. C. - - - - - TABLE OF CONTENTS - - - Editor’s Preface iii - Introduction viii - I The Praise Service of the Early Church xi - II The Study of the Latin Hymns 12 - III Hilary of Poitiers and the Earliest Latin Hymns 19 - IV Pope Damasus and the Beginning of Rhyme 35 - V Ambrose 47 - VI Prudentius, the First Christian Poet 63 - VII Ennodius, Bishop of Pavia 73 - VIII Caelius Sedulius and his Alphabet Hymn 83 - IX Venantius Fortunatus the Troubadour 88 - X Gregorius Magnus [540-604] 97 - XI The Venerable Bede 109 - XII Rabanus Maurus, Author of the “Veni, Creator” 114 - XIII Notker of St. Gall, Called Balbulus 132 - XIV Walafrid Strabo 143 - XV Hermannus Contractus and the “Veni Sancte Spiritus” 149 - XVI Peter Damiani, Cardinal and Flagellant 169 - XVII Hildebert and his Hymn 179 - XVIII Bernard of Clairvaux 186 - XIX Abelard 194 - XX Peter the Venerable 214 - XXI Bernard of Cluny 222 - XXII Adam of St. Victor 227 - XXIII Thomas of Celano 240 - XXIV Thomas Aquinas and John Bonaventura 255 - XXV Jacoponus and the “Stabat Mater” 272 - XXVI Thomas À Kempis 283 - XXVII Francis Xavier, Missionary to the Indies (1506-52) 298 - XXVIII The Hymn-Writers of the Breviary 316 - XXIX The Unknown and the Less Known Hymn-Writers [Fourth to - Tenth Century] 347 - XXX The Unknown and the Less Known Hymn-Writers [Tenth to - Sixteenth Century] 370 - XXXI Latin Hymnology and Protestantism 401 - XXXII BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES. 416 - XXXIII Index to Translated Hymns 446 - Appendix 485 - Appendix I BERNARDI MORLANENSIS DE VANITATE MUNDI ET APPETITU - AETERNAE VITAE, LIBELLUS AUREOLUS. 485 - Appendix II The Carmina Burana 495 - Appendix III The Four Crazed Brothers 497 - General Index 499 - Index to Latin Hymns Quoted or Mentioned 507 - - - - - EDITOR’S PREFACE. - - -Some months before the death of my true hearted friend, Rev. S. W. -Duffield, he wrote to express his wish that I should complete this work, -if he did not live to finish it. As I was not aware how grave, and even -hopeless, was his illness, I did not feel that I was undertaking a -serious responsibility in assenting to his wish. But his untimely death -brought to me the duty of discharging a wish which “the emphasis of -death” made imperative. - -In our conferences over the book and its subject, which we had had for -three years past, I had come to appreciate Mr. Duffield’s ideas as to -its form and content, and read with much interest his preliminary -studies in the _Christian Intelligencer_, the _Sunday-School Times_, and -the _New Englander_. On coming into possession of his manuscript and -notes, I found that the greater part of the book had been carried almost -to the point of readiness for the printer, although several chapters had -not been written and all needed careful revision. - -I have revised throughout the chapters Mr. Duffield left, but in doing -so I have been embarrassed by the very vitality and personal quality in -Mr. Duffield’s style. He reminds one of what Archdeacon Hare says of the -freshness and living force in a page of Luther’s. This has constrained -me to leave intact many a phrase or expression I should not have used, -but which was natural and even inevitable in him. It is my hope that I -have not sacrificed this admirable quality of his writing to any -pedantry of judgment. - -The chapters on Pope Damasus (Chapter IV.) I have rewritten throughout. -That on Bernard of Cluny I have rearranged, but without much alteration. -That on Thomas of Celano I have rewritten to the top of page 252. That -on Hermann of Reichenau I should have liked to rewrite; but as I -dissented from some of its arguments, I feared to more than retouch it. -It stands as a monument of its author’s vehement conviction that in -Hermann he had found the true author of the _Veni Sancte Spiritus_. - -The later chapters, from Thomas Aquinas, with the exception of those on -Jacoponus and Xavier, are the work of the editor alone. In preparing -them I have followed the author’s own plan for the book, except (1) in -treating of the less-known as well as the unknown hymn-writers in -Chapters XXX. and XXXI.; (2) in inserting a chapter on the relations of -Protestantism to Latin hymnology; and (3) in giving in the last chapter -only a selection from Mr. Duffield’s great _Index of the Latin Hymns_, -which I hope to see published complete in a separate book. Translations -not credited to any other person are the work of Mr. Duffield. - -Mr. Duffield’s own idea of his book is well expressed in the -Introduction which follows this Preface. I give it as he left it, -although he had noted his purpose to prepare another which would cover -the ground more fully. It now remains to say something of the man -personally, and in this I am indebted much to the assistance of his -faithful coworker in his hymnological studies, Miss Lilian B. Day of -Bloomfield, who copied his great _Index of the Latin Hymns_, and who -prepared the indexes to both his _English Hymns_ and the present volume. - - -Samuel Augustus Willoughby Duffield was born at Brooklyn, on September -24th, 1843. His family was of French Huguenot extraction (Du Field), and -found a home in the North of Ireland after the Revocation of the Edict -of Nantes. Between 1725 and 1730 George Duffield, his ancestor by five -removes, settled in Lancaster County, as one of the great Ulster -emigration which was flowing into Pennsylvania. His son George graduated -at Princeton, and after several pastorates was settled in Philadelphia -in the Pine Street church. He was an ardent patriot, chaplain in -Washington’s army, and Bishop White’s associate in the chaplaincy of the -Continental Congress. Of two sons who survived him, one became a -minister, while the other took a prominent part in public life. His -grandson, Rev. George Duffield, D.D. (1796-1868) was a leader of the New -School division of the Presbyterian Church, both before and after the -separation of 1837, and while pastor at Carlisle was arraigned for -unsound teaching in his work on _Regeneration_. “Barnes, Beman, and -Duffield” were the three names most offensive to the Aristarchuses of -orthodoxy in that time. He was married to a sister of Dr. George W. -Bethune. His son, generally known in our times as Dr. George Duffield, -Jr., to distinguish him from his father, was born in 1818 at Carlisle, -graduated at Yale College in 1837, and at Union Theological Seminary. -One of his pastorates was in Brooklyn, from 1840 to 1847, during which -his son, Samuel Augustus Willoughby, was born. He is best known as a -hymn-writer, two of his hymns being known and loved wherever the English -language is spoken. They are, “Blessed Saviour, Thee I love,” and “Stand -up, stand up for Jesus,” the latter being suggested by the dying words -of Dudley Tyng in 1858. - -Samuel W. Duffield was of the sixth American generation of his family. -From his youth he was a young giant, with an inborn love of active -sports, quick in movement, and apparently incapable of fatigue. His mind -showed equal vigor and freshness, and he early developed a passion for -poetry. By his tenth year he had mastered Chaucer, in spite of -difficulties much more serious to beginners in those days than in our -own. And he very early began to find expression for his own ideas in -verse. He united with the Church at the age of thirteen, when his father -was a pastor in Philadelphia, being the only one who did so at the time, -so that the act was the result of personal decision and not of a revival -excitement. He graduated at Yale in 1863; and after teaching for a -while, he began the study of theology under the care of his grandfather -and his father. Not until after he had been licensed to preach, and had -had charge of a mission in Chicago, did he present himself as a student -in Union Theological Seminary. - -His first pastorate was from 1867 to 1870 at Tioga, one of the northern -suburbs of Philadelphia. As he frequently came to the office of the -_American Presbyterian_, on which I was assisting the late Dr. John W. -Mears, I then formed an acquaintance with him, which ripened into a -friendship that was to be lifelong, and I hope even longer. He was an -impressive figure, of more than the ordinary height, and yet so -massively built that he was seen to be tall only when beside another -person. His manner was cheerful, affectionate and buoyant, giving -evidence in various ways of his French descent. His character was -winning and attractive by its openness, and its entire freedom from -selfishness. He was a man out of whose heart the child never died, and -he carried the freshness of his boyhood’s years into the mature pursuits -of his manhood. - -Our common love of poetry and our dawning interest in Latin hymnology—he -had translated Bernard of Cluny and was trying his hand on the _Dies -Irae_ in those days—drew us closer together and gave our friendship an -intellectual interest. When he left Tioga for Jersey City our -intercourse became more fragmentary, but during his pastorate at Ann -Arbor (1871-74) it was renewed by correspondence. He felt himself -especially at home in the university city of Michigan, with a -congregation composed largely of the students. Here he had the delight -of welcoming Dr. George Macdonald to his pulpit, when the poet visited -America in 1873. He worked hard to have me called to the Chair of -English Literature in the University of Michigan, but did not succeed. - -Chicago, 1874, Auburn, 1876, Altoona, 1878, and Bloomfield, 1882, were -his subsequent pastorates; and in Bloomfield he remained until his -death. In this New Jersey suburb of New York City he seemed to find -himself especially at home. It was indeed the home of his early boyhood, -for his father had been pastor of the same church from 1847 to 1852; he -well remembered his playmates and schoolmates, and kept up his -acquaintance by correspondence and visits, until he came among them as -their pastor. He was near enough to the great city to find easy access -to its libraries, especially the Astor Library and that of Union -Seminary, and to enjoy the friendship of scholars of tastes similar to -his own, especially that of Dr. Charles S. Robinson. He found a -congenial people in his congregation. He took a lively interest in -matters relating to the welfare of the town, was an active member of the -Village Improvement Association, labored hard to establish a public -library, and helped to set on foot a good weekly paper. He became -Chaplain of the Fire Company, and preached a special sermon every year -to its members. He spoke always with enthusiasm of his new environment, -and seemed to look forward to many happy and useful years there. His -home life, I shall only say, was especially happy and helpful to him. -Among his delights was to watch the dawning powers of a daughter, who -inherits all her father’s poetic gifts. - -His best poetical work is still unpublished, except such parts of it as -have appeared in the _Sunday-School Times_ and other weeklies. His first -venture was _The Heavenly Land, from the Rhythm of Bernard of Morlaix_ -(New York, 1867). His second and most characteristic book was _Warp and -Woof: A Book of Verse_ (1868), in which “Undergraduate Orioles” and some -other pieces at once attracted attention by their felicitous beauty and -genuineness. Along with his father, he prepared _The Burial of the Dead_ -(1882), a manual for use at funerals. In the long interval between these -two dates he was already laboring at his book on the Latin hymn-writers. -“During the years 1882-85,” writes Miss Day, “those of us who saw him -most frequently on his way to and from the New York libraries came to -recognize a large, square note-book and a green cloth bag as his -inseparable Monday companions. Something of their contents we knew, for -with his genial disposition he could not refrain from quoting snatches -of the old Latin hymns with translations into musical English. But no -one could appreciate the real worth of the knowledge concealed between -cloth and board as did the student himself, who had spent the hours of -leisure snatched from professional labors in the libraries, and among -Latin quartos and folios, in search of the materials for his book. -During the latter part of 1885 the Latin hymn-writers were laid aside -for a while to give time for his work on _English Hymns: Their Authors -and History_ (New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1886),” which was suggested by -the appearance of Dr. Robinson’s _Laudes Domini_ in 1884, and is mainly -an account of the hymns included in that work, and of their authors. -When this was finished he returned to his _opus magnum_, in the -expectation of having it soon ready for the press. From our conferences -and correspondence I was led to hope for its early appearance. But this -was not to be. A failure of the vessels of the heart, evidently from -some constitutional weakness, as he had been making no special exertion -when it showed itself, was the beginning of the end. Twelve weary months -of illness, spent partly in Bloomfield and partly at a watering-place, -to which he had gone for change of air, were followed by his death on -May 12th, 1887. He died as he had lived, in the full assurance of the -Gospel, and looking for life everlasting in Jesus Christ. - -The news of his death was received with grief by the whole community, -especially by the young people, with whom he had so lively a sympathy. -The Bloomfield Fire Company displayed their flag at half-mast, placed a -guard of honor over his remains during the forty hours they lay at the -church, and attended his funeral in a body. Signs of the general -mourning were seen everywhere, and the town felt it had lost a -public-spirited citizen, while his church had lost a faithful and -devoted pastor. Mingled with memoranda for his book, I find in his -note-books other indications of the breadth and energy of his work for -the spiritual and intellectual improvement of his people, especially -through his lectures before the Young People’s Society of the -Westminster Church. - -In the city of the dead at Detroit, where his kindred lie buried, there -stands a memorial stone, which bears the inscription: - - DILECTISSIMUS - EHEU PRAEMISSUS EST - QUANQUAM E VITAE INTEGRAE MEDIO - RAPTUS - AEVUM LONGISSIMUM PEREGIT - BEATO ILLI - PATER UXOR - MULTIS CUM LACRIMIS - HOC MARMOR - DEDICAVERE - -Beside him lies now the mortal part of the much-loved father who wrote -these words. Dr. George Duffield the younger died July 6, 1888. - - - - - INTRODUCTION. - - -The study of the Latin hymns is so much a thing of its own kind that one -owes it to himself as well as to his readers to begin at the beginning. -This beginning in the present instance happened to be on the North -River, on a bright, fresh April morning in the year of grace 1882. It -was at that time, with the clear sky overhead and the hearty breeze -coming full in our faces from the Narrows, that my friend, the Rev. F. -N. Zabriskie, D.D., broached the following proposition: - -It was, he said, a matter of great surprise to him that no one had done -for the Latin hymn-writers what had been done for those of later date. -We had their hymns, but for his part he confessed to a love for the -personality of the poets themselves, and for the circumstances which -conspired to produce their poems. Now, if it seemed good to myself, who -had already given time and study to the hymns, he would gladly open the -columns of the _Christian Intelligencer_ (the organ of the Reformed -Church in America) to a series of articles bearing such a character. And -there and then the book began. - -But my original ideas modified greatly as I went on. In place of my -mastering the subject, the subject mastered me. My previous studies went -for but very little, and my confidence in my ability to prepare the -articles without taking much time from regular and important duties -diminished with every number. I found myself on new ground and was -perpetually referred back to the original authorities. French and German -and Latin—I had to investigate them all in order to satisfy that -insatiate creature, a scholar’s conscience. I discovered that, except -for rare and slight notices, this sort of work had neither been done nor -was likely to be done, and conferences with our best hymnologists only -made me more interested in doing it, and doing it as well as I could. -Doubtless those whose specialities lie in mediaeval days will find much -to criticise, but no one can be a severer critic than myself according -to my means of information. - -These chapters, like this Introduction, will be found to be written in -the American language. Their purpose is to reach the popular desire for -better knowledge, and it would be absurd to offer these facts in any dry -or pedantic style. Yet the scholar and the hymnologist will both find -that a positive value and a careful accuracy attach to the work that has -been done. I found I could take nothing for granted, and I took nothing -for granted. Even the Archbishop of Dublin and the principal of -Sackville College have their idiosyncrasies and predilections, and a -quite easy way of writing on these topics is to copy what has been said -already. A very notable case to the contrary is Lord Selborne’s splendid -article on “Hymns” in the new _Encyclopaedia Britannica_. - -Therefore life and song and color are not absent, I trust, from these -pages. I should not like to give all the authorities consulted or -rummaged through; for, indeed, I have kept no record of them. Like the -famous sun-dial I have registered none but the serene hours, and many a -time the scarce and long-sought volume before me has been jejune enough. -While, on the other hand, a book like Morison’s _Life of St. Bernard_ -has turned out to be precisely the help I was seeking, bright in its -style and careful and original in its researches. I have verified its -quotations too often not to pay it at least this faint tribute of -approval. - -It would be also beyond measure ungrateful in me if I did not here -acknowledge the kindnesses I have received in this quest after the -Sangreal of a true psalmody. Let me name, then, the Astor Library. Its -superintendent, Mr. Little, and its librarians, Mr. Frederick Saunders -(author of _Evenings with the Sacred Poets_), and his assistant, Mr. -Bierstadt, have been uniformly courteous and obliging. So has been the -Rev. Professor Charles A. Briggs, D.D., in whose care is the fine -theological library of Union Seminary. So have been the authorities of -the Society Library (New York), and of the Philadelphia Library, and of -the Boston Athenaeum and Public libraries. - -Personally, I am deeply indebted to the culture and friendship of Miss -Marion L. Pelton, Assistant Professor of Literature in Wellesley -College, who has made for me many valuable notes; and to the assistance -and counsel of Professor F. A. March, LL.D., Professor F. M. Bird, -Professor Philip Schaff, D.D., and Judge W. H. Arnoux. - -It will be readily seen that I have not concerned myself with the matter -of the host of English translations, or with that of the comparison and -criticism of the text of the hymns. These branches of hymnology are in a -scientific sense the most valuable, but in a popular sense they are the -least interesting. And I could not hope to rival, far less to equal, -such illustrious scholarship as that of Daniel or Mone. I have therefore -been content to pipe to a lesser reed, and in a more familiar and -gossiping way to attempt the history of the hymns. And for the rest I -can only add what Master Robert Burton saith in his _Anatomy of -Melancholy_: “If through weakness, folly, passion, ignorance, I have -said amiss, let it be forgotten and forgiven.... I earnestly request -every private man, as Scaliger did Cardan, not to take offence.... If -thou knewest my modesty and simplicity, thou wouldest easily pardon and -forgive what is here amiss, or by thee misconceived.” - - Samuel Willoughby Duffield. - -Bloomfield, N. J., U. S. A. - - - - - LATIN HYMNS. - - - - - CHAPTER I. - THE PRAISE SERVICE OF THE EARLY CHURCH. - - -When our Lord and His disciples “had sung an hymn” they left the place -where they had observed the passover, and went out to the Mount of -Olives. This hymn was the “Great Hallel,” consisting of Psalms 113 to -118 inclusive. The 113th and 114th were sung previous to the feast; the -others, after it. We thus know, with singular accuracy, what was the -first hymn of praise in the Christian Church. The essence of this -“Hallel” is the essence of all true psalmody—trust and thanksgiving and -praise. - -It may be said, and with truth, that the _Magnificat_ of Mary, the _Nunc -Dimittis_ of old Simeon, and, above all, that the _Gloria in Excelsis -Deo_ of the angels at Bethlehem, antedate this hymn of our Lord and His -apostles. It may also be said, and with the same truth, that these -furnished to the early Christians their earliest expressions of praise. -But it appears that the Last Supper, with its pathetic union of Jewish -and Christian ideas, was also the place at which the Psalms of David and -the spiritual songs of primitive Christianity were united. The thought -that this reveals is larger than these limits will permit us to discuss. -It is in brief that as Jesus Christ came, “not to destroy, but to -fulfil,” He designed to show to His Church that gratitude, love, trust, -and adoration were to be combined in all future psalmody. The _t’hillim_ -of the Jew were to become the _hymni_ of the Christian. - -The noticeable fact remains that the early Church only caught the -simplest and most fervent forms of this worship. Their pure veneration -of the Lord led Pliny to write (Ep. 10:97) that they “sung alternately -among themselves a hymn to Christ as God”—_carmen Christo quasi Deo, -dicere secum invicem_. It is this loving devotion which charms us as we -read those verses which have been preserved. For the most part the -subjects are limited. We could naturally expect that, being largely -drawn from Jewish sources, they would express gratitude and -adoration—and this is correct. Chrysostom declared that the early -Christians sung at prayers in the morning, at their work, and very -usually at their meals. Jerome, writing to Marcellus, says—and we quote -Cave’s translation for its quaintness—“You could not go into the field -but you might hear the _Ploughman_ at his _Hallelujahs_, the _Mower_ at -his _Hymns_, and the _Vine-dresser_ singing _David’s Psalms_.” In fact, -Christian song was a notable feature of primitive Christianity. - -The language of these hymns was either Syriac or Greek. By degrees the -Greek obtained the precedence; and as the Latin hymns did not arise -until Hilary of Poitiers (fourth century), the period between the -Ascension and that era belongs to the Greek language rather more than to -any other. We also know from the New Testament writers some very -important facts, which may properly be classified at this point. - -1. There were three terms for the sacred song. It might be a _psalm_, or -a _hymn_, or a _spiritual song_, as we discover from Ephesians 5:19 and -Colossians 3:16. - -2. From 1 Corinthians 14:23-33, it seems plain that the composition, as -well as the singing of these hymns and songs, might be the result of -sudden emotion or inspiration. In any case, there is no doubt (for -Tertullian decisively states it) that the “extempore,” or, more -strictly, “private” authorship of such psalmody was not uncommon. The -council of Laodicea (_circa_ A.D. 360) interdicted private persons from -this privilege. Even in Paul’s time it would appear to have produced an -effect akin to the “spirituals” of our own freedmen—much of it being -exquisite in its simple devotion, while a certain share offended good -taste, and hindered the propriety and solemnity of worship. - -3. The alternation of prayer with praise was never better illustrated -than when Paul and Silas (Acts 16:25) sent up their midnight anthems -from that “inner prison,” while their feet were “made fast in the -stocks.” This alternation was—as the Fathers assure us—the order in -public worship also. - -4. We have received in the very pages of the New Testament some of these -earliest hymns. To say nothing, at present, of those great leading -chants which bear the names of the angels, and of Mary, and of -Zacharias, and of Simeon—and to pass over all those of Jewish origin—we -have still left us such a strain as that in Acts 4:24-30. Here we have -an impulse which expresses itself in reply to Peter and John by sacred -song. - -Ephesians 5:14 has also been considered to be such a fragment: - - “Awake, O thou that sleepest! - Arouse thee from the dead! - And Christ shall give to thee - Enlightenment!” - -So too 1 Timothy 3:16 has been arranged by some scholars as though it -were a well-known strophe the Apostle quoted: - - “Who—for the mystery is great— - Was manifest in body, - Was justified in spirit, - Was visible to angels, - Was heralded to heathen, - Was trusted on the earth, - Was taken up to glory.” - -Nor is this the only instance in this very Epistle, for 1 Timothy 6:15, -16, reads: - - “The king of all the kingly ones, - The lord of all the lordly ones, - Who only hath the power of life immortal; - Inhabiting the unapproachable light; - Whom never any one of men hath seen, - Nor ever can behold; - Let glory and eternal strength be his! - Amen!” - -5. When, now, we complete our New Testament mention of this praise—which -clings like incense to the temple-curtains and sweetly perfumes the -place—we have only to add the earliest received anthems. These are the -_Magnificat_ (Luke 1:46-55); the _Benedictus_ (Luke 1:68-79); the -_Gloria in Excelsis Deo_ (Luke 2:18); and the _Nunc Dimittis_ (Luke -2:29-32). It will be observed that all these are derived from a single -gospel, wherein, more than in any other, the “sweet, sad music of -humanity” can most readily be found. It is natural, too, that the -painter and physician, Luke, should have a poetic ear which could -catch—as in the Acts of the Apostles—this faintest and earliest praise. -There were, indeed, in the primitive church, eight of these classic -expressions of worship. These are: - - (1) The Lesser Doxology (_Gloria Patri_), - “Glory be to the Father, and to the Son, and to the Holy Ghost.” - (2) The Greater Doxology (_Gloria in Excelsis_), - “Glory be to God on high, and on earth peace,” etc. - [This was also called the Angelical Hymn.] - (3) The _Ter Sanctus_ (the cherubical hymn), - “Holy, holy, holy, Lord God Almighty.” - (4) The Hallelujah. - [This “Alleluia, Amen!” was the response of the church.] - (5) The Evening Hymn (containing the _Nunc Dimittis_). - (6) The _Benedicite_. - [The “Song of the Three Children,” which is taken from the - Apocrypha, and which appears in the service of the Episcopal - Church (Order for Morning Prayer) as, “O all ye works of the - Lord,” etc.] - (7) The _Magnificat_. - [Named—as these are all named—from the first word of the Latin - Vulgate version.] - (8) The _Te Deum_, - “We praise Thee, O God, we acknowledge Thee to be the Lord,” etc. - -We can feel quite sure that the Latin Church merely borrowed these hymns -from the earliest forms of the Greek. The _Te Deum_ was probably -translated from that language, either by Hilary of Poitiers or by an -unknown author of that date. It is, undoubtedly, a close rendering of -many phrases and expressions which are common to the Greek hymns, and, -if the learned hymnologist H. A. Daniel is to be credited (_Thesaurus -Hymnologicus II._ 289), it is a real and literal translation of an -actual chant of praise of great antiquity. His words are these: “To give -you my opinion briefly, the _Te Deum_, equally with the Angelic Hymn (to -which it is very similar in form and expression), was born in the -Eastern Church, whence it has been translated into the Latin tongue.” He -then proceeds to cite an ancient Greek hymn, five lines of which are -exact with the Latin. - -In 2 Timothy 2:11-13 the “faithful saying” has been interpreted to be a -similar quotation from one of these ancient hymns: - - “For if we are dead together, - We shall live together; - If we serve together, - We shall reign together; - If we should deny Him, - He will deny us too; - If we should be faithless, - He is faithful still.” - -It does not, of course, absolutely follow that these are really such -fragments of hymns as scholars have supposed. The late Dr. Lyman -Coleman—a man of great practical good judgment—comments upon these -citations thus: - -“The argument is not conclusive; and all the learned criticism, the -talent, and the taste, that have been employed on this point, leave us -little else than uncertain conjecture on which to build an hypothesis.” -(_Primitive Church_, p. 366.) Yet the latest scholarship tends so -strongly in this direction, and the internal evidence is so good and -fair, that it may be regarded as pretty well affirmed and accepted. No -one, for example, would think of comparing such passages as these with -the antithetic prose of Romans 3:21-23; or with the magnificent -unrhythmic utterance in Romans 8:38, 39; or with the careful -particularity of 2 Corinthians 6:4-10. They are seen and felt to be -different both in tone and in form. - -In the Apocalypse, where the language is naturally exalted and poetic, -several such instances have been noted. They are: Revelation 1:4-8; 5:9, -10, 12-14; 11:15, 17, 18; 15:3, 4; 21:10-14, and 22:17. Of one of -these—the “Song of Moses and of the Lamb”—we may be reasonably certain: - - “Great are Thy works and strange, - Lord God, Thou Ruler of all! - And just are Thy ways, and true, - Thou King of the nations of earth. - For who shall not fear Thee, Lord, - And give to Thy name the praise, - For holy art Thou alone!— - To Thee shall the nations come - And worship before Thy face; - For all of Thy righteous acts - Shall then be openly known!” - -In the same manner may be written the stanza from Revelation 22:17: - - “And the Spirit and the Bride— - Are saying, ‘Come!’ - And he that heareth— - Let him say, ‘Come!’ - And he that thirsteth— - Let him come! - And he that willeth— - Let him receive, - Freely, the water of life!” - -We have also a positive acquaintance with the order of religious worship -in the early Church, dating back one hardly knows how far, but -definitely leading us into the custom of the first three centuries. -Public services began, and were continued, as follows: - -First, _Prayer_—or, possibly, a _Salutation_ or _Invocation_, such as is -in common use to-day. - -Then the _Reading of Scripture_. The Old Testament and New Testament -were both employed: the one being expounded to apply to the case of the -Christian Church; and the other for her comfort, encouragement, and -edification. - -Then followed the _Hymns_ and _Psalms_. The distinction appears to have -been that the _psalms_ were those of David; the _hymns_, such as the -song of Mary, or of the angels; and the _spiritual songs_, such as were -composed by private persons, or which sprang up spontaneously in a kind -of chant. That this was liable to abuse, and might cause confusion, is -made evident by Paul’s advice to the Corinthians. Between these acts of -praise was interpolated some brief Scripture lesson. And, very likely, a -considerable portion of time was taken up by this part of the service. - -Then came the _Sermon_, which was succeeded by a _Prayer_. - -Another question now meets us, and one of some importance: Did the early -Christians employ any musical instruments? In reply, it can be noted -that ψάλλειν, “to make melody” (Eph.5:19), is usually taken to refer to -a musical accompaniment. In Romans 15:9 it is a quotation from Psalm -18:50, where it means, “I will _sing psalms_.” In 1 Corinthians 15:15 -(“I will _sing_ with the spirit, and I will _sing_ with the -understanding also”) and in James 5:13 (“Is any merry? let him _sing -psalms_”) we have nothing decisive except that we know that the Jewish -method of “singing psalms” was to the accompaniment of musical -instruments. Thus, with all these texts before us, we are not able -either to affirm or deny the fact. The reference of Paul (1 Cor. 14:7) -to the _pipe_ (αυλός, flute) and _harp_ (κιθάρα, lute) gives us no -assistance. The “harp” of Revelation 5:8, 14:2, and 15:2, is the cithara -or _lute_ again; but neither does this tell us what the early Christians -did or did not do. The inference is pretty strong that they avoided some -things that were Jewish—and instrumental music was a marked feature in -the Jew’s worship—but it is plain that (as with the Sabbath question) -there was a great deal of blending at the edges between the two -dispensations. We are told, moreover, that the Syriac Church has always -been rich in tunes, having fully two hundred and seventy-five, while the -Greek was confined to about eight. - -There is another fact which comes in just here, however, to explain what -we would otherwise find it hard to unriddle. It is the matter of the -very language of the hymns themselves. - -When we observe the places where these fragments occur, or where singing -in the church is mentioned, we find that the language naturally is -Greek. No one doubts that Luke and the other New Testament writers -employed the tongue which was the educated and flexible medium of -conveying the loftiest truth; nor that Ephesians or Corinthians chanted -in Greek. “The Greek tongue,” say Conybeare and Howson (_St. Paul_, -1:10), “became to the Christian more than it had been to the Roman or -the Jew.” It lends itself most readily to that dithyrambic shape in -which highly emotional natures could best express their praise. So the -irregularity of the verse; its utter lack of metrical form (as Dr. Neale -found when he examined eighteen quarto volumes of it), and its -simplicity of diction, all combined to put the instrumental -accompaniment aside. Perhaps there was a prejudice—as Archbishop Trench -affirms—against a distinctively Jewish method. Perhaps there was a -disposition in this, as in other matters where art had perverted the -morals of men, to oppose whatever looked toward a possible laxity. Music -and banqueting, music and luxury, music and profligacy, went together so -much that the early Church reacted to the extreme of -Puritanism—forgetting that her Lord and Master had often worshipped in -the full-choired temple itself. In the catacombs, where every manner of -ordinary symbol may be found, there is neither pipe nor harp, nor any -sort of musical instrument—the lyre alone excepted. But neither is there -any condescension to beauty in form or color. Everything betokens a -rude, uncultivated simplicity—a piety which contented itself with the -barest and meagerest representations. It rose high enough to portray the -face of Christ, in the ancient cemetery of Domitilla, and in one carving -on a sarcophagus of the fourth century. And, remembering how repugnant -anything heathenish was to the souls of those who associated pipe and -tabret and harp with the bloody arena and the wild revelry of Rome, can -we doubt why they mingled only their unassisted voices in these chants -of praise? It can be positively added that Ambrose, Basil, and -Chrysostom do not include _instrumental_ music in their eulogies of the -Church’s practice upon this theme. - -We are justified, however, in going one step beyond this bald statement, -that the early Christians _sang_ together. They sang _secum invicem_, -alternately. The quotations already given show the adaptation of their -hymns to this use. In this, at least, they were following the Jewish -habit of responses and part-singing, whatever other changes their -poverty or prejudices or principles or persecutions might have produced. - -It remains for us to speak of the ancient hymns which have come down to -our day. We have some information as to Harmonius and Bardesanes, who -wrote Syriac hymns in the first century, but the hymns themselves are -either lost or unidentified. Ephrem Syrus (died 378) furnishes the -earliest authentic hymns in that language. One of these (Daniel, -_Thesaurus Hymnologicus_, III. 145) is on the Nativity of our Lord, and -may be thus rendered, following Zingerle’s German version: - - “Into his arms with tender love - Did Joseph take his holy son, - And worshipped him as God, and saw - The babe like any little one. - His heart rejoiced above him there, - For now the only Good had birth; - And pious fear upon him came - Before this Judge of all the earth. - Oh, what a lofty wonder! - - “Who gave me then this precious Son - Of highest God, to be my child? - For I against thy mother here - Had almost been by zeal beguiled; - And I had thought to cast her off— - Alas, I saw not truly then - How in her bosom she should bear - The costliest treasure known to men, - To make my poverty, so soon, - The richest lot in mortal ken! - - “David, that king of ancient days, - My ancestor, had placed the crown - On his own head, and there it lay; - But I sank deep and further down: - I was no king, but in its stead - A carpenter, and that alone. - But now may crown my brow again - That which befits a kingly throne, - For here upon my bosom lies - The Lord of lords, my very own!” - -There is a trifle of doubt as to which is the very oldest Greek hymn. -One cited by Basil (died 379), - - “Φῶς ἱλαρὸν ἁγίας δοξής”—κ. τ. λ. - -has been by some considered the most ancient, and is known to us as, -“Hail, gladdening Light.” It is wrongly credited to Athenagenes (died -169), for Basil explicitly denies that authorship. That which it is -safest for us to receive is one found in the works of Clement of -Alexandria, and by him ascribed to an earlier author. It was probably -composed about 200 A.D.; and while it is too long to quote, it may be -characterized as dithyrambic, and almost Anacreontic, in rhythm. It -begins: - - “Στροµίον πώλων ἀδαῶν.”—κ. τ. λ. - -and is known as “Shepherd of Tender Youth,” from its best English -version, by the Rev. Dr. H. M. Dexter, of Boston. The Φῶς ἱλαρὸν is also -accessible in Longfellow’s beautiful translation in the Golden Legend, -commencing, “O gladsome light.” - -As we turn the pages on which Daniel and Mone have recorded these hymns -of the earliest age of the Church, we observe that they are either in -praise of Christ or of God, or are songs of worship for the morning or -the evening. Their simplicity is admirable. Here is one called ἦχος—an -“Echo”—literally rendered: - - “We who have risen from our sleep - Worship before thee, O Good One. - And, of the angels the hymn - We cry aloud to thee, thou Mighty One; - Holy, holy art thou, O God, - And of thy mercy have pity on us! - - “From my couch and from my sleep - Thou hast raised me, O Lord; - Enlighten my mind and my heart, - And open thou my lips - To praise thee, Holy Trinity, - Holy, holy, holy art thou! - - “Suddenly shall come the Judge, - And the deeds of each shall be laid bare; - But guard us from fear in the midst of the night, - Holy, holy, holy art thou!” - -Another of these unplaced, anonymous, and possibly very ancient hymns, -may be given in full for comparison: - - “Ψυχή µου, ψυχή µου, - Ἀνάστα, τί καθεύδεις; - Τὸ τέλος ἐγγίζει, - Καὶ µήλλεις θορυβεῖσθαι; - - “Ἀνάνηψον ὀυν, ἵνα - Φείσηται σου Χριστὸς - Ὁ Θεὸς, ὁ πανταχοῦ παρὼν - Καὶ τὰ πάντα πληρῶν.” - - “O soul of mine, O soul of mine, - Arise, why sleepest thou? - The end of earth is drawing near - And art thou fearful now? - Be sober therefore, O my soul, - That He who filleth space - And filleth time, our Saviour, God, - May spare thee by His grace.” - -And this beautiful little doxology: - - “My hope is God, - My refuge is the Lord, - My shelter is the Holy Ghost; - Be thou, O Holy Three, adored!” - -In such sweet and simple language did the early Christians sing their -“praise to Christ, as God.” They understood the true meaning of a hymn -as Ambrose and St. Bernard also understood it—and as Gregory Nazianzen -and Adam of St. Victor never knew it at all. In 1866 Professor Coppée -could truly declare that there was no collection of sacred verse in -which this thought of adoration and of worship was “the leading -feature.” It is better now; but even to-day there is an honored place -for any book of praise in which the formal and didactic shall be done -away, and where nothing shall be found but the pure reverence of a -loving and trusting soul. - -Of old, in the temple, there was kept—said the rabbins—a flute of reed, -plain and straight and simple, but of marvellous sweetness. It came down -from Moses’ day. But the king commanded his goldsmiths to cover and -adorn it with gold and gems. And, lo, the sweetness of the reed flute -was forever gone! Thus, perchance, in our later art and our foolish -wisdom, it may be we have often spoiled the ancient hymns! - - - - - CHAPTER II. - THE STUDY OF THE LATIN HYMNS. - - -The genealogy of the song of praise in the mediaeval and modern -Christian Church is both simple and beautiful. It begins far back, as we -have seen, in the chants and psalms of the Hebrew. Then it changes to -the Syriac and the Greek. Then it emerges into the Latin. Next it is -caught up in the old High-German poetry, and at length it becomes the -modern English hymn. The line of direct descent is like that of some -high and puissant family whose inheritance is transferred now to one -branch and now to another, but whose noble lineage is never lost. - -When the reader or the worshipper is attracted to-day by some ancient -hymn-writer’s name, he naturally asks for information. He is aware that -hymnology is called a branch of study, like any other scholastic -pursuit. He is also aware that the more usual English and German hymns -have their historians, and, to a limited degree, that they have been -analyzed, classified, compared, and their text settled. Even their -impelling causes and surroundings are known, as in the case of the -touching lyrics of George Neumark and Paul Gerhardt, or the pathetic -strains of Cowper, or the stirring notes of Charles Wesley. - -But occasionally a bird of strange plumage flies across this peaceful -sky or perches and sings in these religious groves. The name of some -Greek father—an Anatolius or a John of Damascus—appears as the original -author. The hymn-horizon widens out to an earlier age. When one sings -the _Te Deum Laudamus_, he discovers that it has its antecedent in the -Greek liturgy. And when he employs that fine version of Bishop Patrick, - - “O God, we praise Thee and confess,” - -he is put upon a track of inquiry by which he discerns an even earlier -rendering in the oldest prayer-books, beginning— - - “We praise Thee, God, we knowledge Thee - The only Lord to be.” - -These little hints and stray gleams of outlook through the mists of -uninformation are intensely alluring. And when by some happy chance it -is learned that this old Latin sequence is traditionally ascribed to -Ambrose, Bishop of Milan; when it is accredited to the spontaneous -utterance of Augustine and his great preceptor at the time of -Augustine’s baptism; when it is noted as a derivative from that Greek -psalmody whence the holy Ambrose obtained so many of his hymns; and when -it opens thus a door into the heaven of the earlier worship of the -Church, then indeed the reader is proportionately stimulated to further -question. - -For the most part it will be found that the Latin language contains the -best of the Greek, and the inspiration of the majority of the first -German hymns. In the dead ark of the Middle Ages was kept this rod that -budded and this golden pot with its sacred heavenly food. It is amazing -that this treasure has been so well preserved, but it is none the less -certain that we now have it safely, never to be lost again. - -There are no Latin hymns—let us here say—earlier than Hilary of Poitiers -(died 366). His _Hymnarium_ has perished, and all but one of the -compositions attributed to himself are doubtful. The “evening-song” -which he sent to his daughter Abra, while he was in exile among the -followers of the Eastern Church, forms the connecting link between Greek -and Latin hymnody. The true _hymn_—a different thing from the rhythmic -but unmetrical _sequence_—here takes its rise. In this small, pure -fountain-head reappear the percolating praises of the two previous -centuries. The short lines drop with a gentle tinkling melody upon the -ear. As yet there is no rhyme, although there is an occasional -lightening of the lyric by some such verbal art. - -But with Ambrose the full stream begins to sweep along. There can be no -doubt that many ungathered and traditional stanzas were in his time -discoverable in the Church—much as it can be observed that phrases in -prayer or in exhortation are the inheritance of our own generation from -days of struggle and of trial among our Christian ancestors. And what -better could a beleaguered bishop do, when he was shut up in a church -“for the word of God and the testimony of Jesus Christ,” than to collate -these old hymns? Twelve possibly—eight, or less, with moderate -certainty—can be regarded as of his own composition. The rest of the -ninety or a hundred are commonly received as “Ambrosian,” since they -share his spirit and partake in some degree of his method. The rules of -the Venerable Bede are not infallible, and modern criticism frequently -rejects what the early collectors are disposed to assign to this single -illustrious source. - -Augustine wrote no actual hymns, but he was the cause of hymns in -others—as, notably, in the case of Cardinal Peter Damiani. The Ambrosian -music and the Augustinian theology served for inspiration to many later -men. Yet the assignment of these Latin hymns to their proper authors is, -at the best, a most precarious undertaking. A few, quoted or mentioned -by competent witnesses—as when Augustine quotes Ambrose—seem duly -authentic. This is, however, a rare occurrence. Generally we proceed -upon the mere _dictum_ of the first compilers—especially of Thomasius, -George Fabricius, and Clichtove. - -These early compilations are sufficiently scarce. Professor Dr. H. Ad. -Daniel gives a list of some which, except for the books of “the -venerable Thilo” in the Yale Library, are beyond the reach of American -students. Dating from 1492 and running into the first decade of the -sixteenth century there were many “Expositions” of hymns, of which the -work of Clichtove (Basle, 1517) remains to us in the greatest number of -editions. Up to the middle of the present century this book was -practically indispensable to any correct knowledge of the original -texts. Since that time it, as well as every similar work, has received -attention, and its contents have been often reproduced. - -Other and later laborers are such as Cardinal Thomasius (Rome, 1741), -who follows upon the traces of George Cassander, the Liberal Catholic -(Paris, 1616). We are possibly more indebted to Cassander than to -Thomasius for the correct designation of a good deal of the authorship. -Both of these editors collate the text with other versions, and thus -prepare the way for later and more accurate work. Both depend to a -notable degree upon the book of George Fabricius (Basle, 1564), which is -quite rare; although Thomasius’ works are said by Daniel to be -sufficiently uncommon in Germany, as they certainly are in America. The -recent republication of the Mozarabic Breviary in J. P. Migne’s -_Patrologia_ brings this volume, however, within easy reach. - -Thus we are naturally led to speak of the sources of the hymns -themselves—sources from which these editors have secured them. As a part -of religious worship they were incorporated into the various breviaries, -of which hundreds must have been in use before the unification begun by -the Church of Rome in the sixteenth century. Besides these church books, -there were collections of hymns alone made by mediaeval schools, whose -manuscripts still exist in European libraries. - -The only method by which to ascertain the number and extent of these -treasures was to gather and classify them. And strangely enough this -labor has been performed by Protestants rather than by Catholics. -Cassander’s book was forbidden at Rome, as he was what now would be -called an Old Catholic; Luther, George Fabricius, and Hermann Bonn were -in no better odor of sanctity; and for our own times the standard work -is that of Herman Adelbert Daniel, who was a Lutheran professor at -Halle, while close behind him come several others of the same religious -belief. - -The necessary and highly difficult task of getting the materials -together has been exhaustively performed. Professor Daniel’s -investigations extended to the original copies in monasteries and abbeys -almost without number. But F. J. Mone enlarged even upon this. Daniel’s -_Thesaurus_ in five volumes was completed in 1856—having been several -years in course of publication—and it stands as yet unrivalled. Mone’s -_Lateinische Hymnen des Mittelalters_ appeared in 1853-55, and was -therefore available for the conclusion of Daniel’s great work. Its value -consists in the fact that it is derived exclusively from manuscripts and -from material hitherto untouched. The Germans, indeed, have made Latin -hymnology a special branch of study, considering that it is profitable -to them for its value religiously and historically. From old Flacius -Illyricus’ appendix to the _Catalogus Testium Veritatis_ has been -recovered the original of Bernard of Cluny’s “Jerusalem the Golden”—a -poem which would never have been known by us if this same Matthias -Flacius had not preserved it as a testimony against the corrupt state of -the Church. - -We must then add the German names of Schlosser, and Simrock, and -Fortlage, and Stadelmann, and Jacob Grimm, and Königsfeld, and Bässler, -and Kayser, and Kehrein, and Morel. Wackernagel and Koch, the great -historians of German hymnology, have also done admirable service in -prefixing the Latin hymns to the earlier part of their collections and -histories of German praise. There is a host of lesser names, and there -have been some separate discoveries worthy of note. Thus the English -ritualists, under the lead of Newman and Neale, unearthed some capital -lyrics. The _Hymni Ecclesiae_ of Cardinal J. H. Newman, being half -derived from the Paris Breviary, contain hymns which are scarcely to be -found elsewhere—many of them, as our Index will show, being accessible -only in those pages. The _Sequentiae Medii Aevii_ of Dr. John Mason -Neale also bring to us texts which are extremely scarce. Archbishop -Trench, in his collection of eighty hymns, has avoided anything like -Romanism even to the occasional expurgation of a phrase; but he has -given us a few hymns which are difficult to procure. Königsfeld’s -selection of one hundred is admirable; and Bässler’s and Simrock’s -little books have made a very good choice. More recently still Professor -F. A. March, of Lafayette College, has prepared a selection of one -hundred and fifty of these hymns for the use of institutions of -learning; and this, for every purpose, is the finest and most -satisfactory series of texts at our command. The ordinary student can -learn much from this before he needs to attempt the larger and more -expensive works. - -In making an exhaustive index of all the originals before us, these -collections soon dwindle into a very diminutive form. There are about -three thousand five hundred hymns in the various books. And they are of -all sorts—good, bad, and indifferent. The good are the pure and true -utterance of pious spirits—such lyrics as the _Veni, Redemptor_, and the -_Veni, Sancte Spiritus_, and the _Vexilla Regis_. The positively bad are -those which are either poor in execution—a common fault—or decidedly -defective in religious tone. Many so-called “hymns” are nothing but -plagiaries or parodies upon older compositions. Some are debased into -mere patchwork. There are a few which are macaronic, and a great many in -which poverty of phrase is helped out by wholesale pilfering. Moreover, -it is easy to find those which are highly objectionable in point of -taste and theology, to say nothing of prosody or Protestantism. And if -Protestants are principally energetic in restoring and editing these -hymns, to the frank and generous extent of overlooking what is -unpleasant in them, it ought to follow that they should not be blamed -for preferring only those lyrics in which the broad and Christian fervor -of devout souls can be observed. - -Of those hymns which are upon the border line, the pathetic _Stabat -Mater_ may stand as an example. It would be bigotry to reject it from -the list—as one compiler has done—while it would certainly not be fair -to Protestants to utilize it, in any close translation, for the worship -of the Church universal. - -Perhaps there are not less than from four to five hundred of these -hymns, then, to which no cause of blame can attach—which are as dear to -the Church of the Roman Catholics as to that of the Catholic -Protestants. On such common ground the heartiest sympathy and -co-operation can develop the riches which yet remain. Already it is -Caswall, the priest, and Newman, the cardinal, and Neale, the ritualist, -who have given to our daily praise the happiest versions. It is Ozanam -who has discovered several unknown hymns; and Gautier and Digby S. -Wrangham who have brought out Adam of St. Victor; and the ninety-seven -pieces of Abaelard are reprinted from Cousin’s text in Migne’s -_Patrologia_. The study of these sacred verses has been comparatively -limited in range and nationality, but it has had the incomparable -advantage of being thorough. - -Thus we are to-day possessed of the text of every really fine sacred -Latin lyric. Somewhere or other it has bloomed and has been gathered by -some acute hymnologist. The text, too, is tolerably clarified. -Translations into our own tongue have been made by such men as Caswall -and Newman and Neale (who have rendered all the hymns of the Roman -Breviary), and by Mant, Chandler, Pearson, Kynaston, and many others. In -America the Rev. Dr. Washburn, Dr. Coles, and Chancellor Benedict have -been as prolific as any. Scattered renderings have obtained place in -various hymnals. And we are now prepared at last for the general and -popular interest which should be taken in this vast treasure of the -Latin tongue. - -Nothing is more surprising than the utter misinformation which prevails. -A few scholars, like Dr. Schaff and Dr. William R. Williams, have -endeavored to illuminate our American darkness. But, speaking only now -of the Latin hymns, the story of their authors remains obscure and the -romantic history of their origin remains for the most part untouched. - -Yet Prudentius, the Spaniard, was a classic survival in Spain. And -Damasus, the pope, was associated with certain dramatic scenes. And -Venantius Fortunatus, troubadour and bishop, furnishes us with a most -striking portrait of the times in his attachment to the abbess-queen, -Radegunda. The list presumably includes Elpis, the wife of Boethius, the -“last of the Romans;” and Coelius Sedulius, the Briton; and Gregory the -Great and the great archbishop, Rabanus Maurus, and perhaps Robert II. -of France. It calls into fresh life the histories of the Venerable Bede -and of Alcuin; of the two Bernards, the one of Clairvaux and the other -of Cluny; of Peter the Venerable and of Abaelard and Heloise; of Adam of -St. Victor, and Thomas of Celano; of Bonaventura and Aquinas and à -Kempis and Xavier. It shows us that mad Solomon, poor Jacoponus; and it -leaves us with verses from John Huss, the martyr, to be read by the -light of the Reformation’s dawn. - -Thus largely does the subject of the Latin hymns traverse the ages. From -the fourth to the sixteenth centuries of the Christian era it is the one -stream which was fed from Alpine or from Pyrenean snows—a “river of God -that is full of water,” which expands into the stately movement of the -Notkerian and Gottschalkian sequence, or gently murmurs its song of -trust with the missionary Xavier as he writes the exquisite melody of -that hymn, _O Deus, ego amo te!_ To understand and to love these lyrics -is to be better fitted for this nineteenth century of praise. Not the -persecutors and the injurious, not the cruel and the cold-hearted will -then remain to us; but the _Dies Irae_ will utter its trumpet-voice -above the dead phrases of a formal service, and the _Salve caput -cruentatum_ will call us afresh to the foot of the cross. - - - - - CHAPTER III. - HILARY OF POITIERS AND THE EARLIEST LATIN HYMNS. - - -When Master Peter Abaelard was preparing his own hymns for use in the -Abbey of the Paraclete, he prefaced them with a brief treatise. There -were ninety-three of them, arranged for all the services of Heloise and -her nuns, and he answers the request of his abbess-wife by sending them, -somewhere in the neighborhood of the year 1135. “At the instance of thy -requests, my sister Heloise,” he writes, “formerly dear in the world and -now most dear in Christ, I have composed what are called in Greek, -‘hymns,’ and in Hebrew, ‘tillim.’” For it is plain that she has a vivid -recollection of his “wild, unhallowed rhymes, writ in his unbaptized -times,” and she would now have him tune his lyre, as Robert Herrick did, -to a loftier strain. - -Hence he made for these gentle sisters a hymn-book of their own, and so -became the Watts or Wesley of their matins and vespers. With -characteristic self-confidence he only included what he had himself -prepared; but this introduction casts a great deal of light upon the -knowledge and piety of the time respecting hymns. - -“I remember,” continues Abaelard, “that you asked me for an explanation. -‘We know,’ you said, ‘that the Latin, and especially the French Church, -have in psalms, and also in hymns, followed more a custom than an -authority.’” This was quite true; and the remark is eminently -characteristic of Heloise, whose scholarship was admirable, and whose -disposition was of a sort to crave for and cling to a stronger nature. -He then quotes for her the decree of the fourth Council of Toledo (A.D. -633), by which Hilary of Poitiers and Ambrose of Milan are established -as the great fathers of Christian song in the Western Church, and by -which the praise of God in hymns is sanctioned and commended. - -To much the same effect are the words of Augustine of Hippo, centuries -earlier. His beloved mother, Monica, had died, and nothing appeared to -comfort him so much as one of these same holy songs. “Then I slept, and -woke up again and found my grief not a little softened; and as I was -alone in my bed, I remembered those true verses of thy Ambrose. For thou -art the - - “‘Maker of all, the Lord - And Ruler of the height, - Who, robing day in light, hast poured - Soft slumbers o’er the night, - That to our limbs the power - Of toil may be renewed, - And hearts be raised that sink and cower, - And sorrows be subdued.’” - -This is the _Deus creator omnium_ of the great bishop of Milan; and -this, in consequence of Augustine’s quotation, is among the best -authenticated and earliest hymns of the Latin Church. - -But there were more ancient hymns than the Ambrosian or Augustinian. -They bear the name of Hilary, and with them Latin hymnology really -begins. It is true that in the previous century—the third—Cyprian of -Carthage had written religious poetry, but he composed nothing which -could be sung. There is, indeed, nothing previous to Hilary. - -And now let us go back to the creation of this first and noblest light. -For Hilary had been a heathen—a heathen of the heathen—in Roman Gaul. He -was born in Poitiers (Pictavium) about the beginning of the fourth -century. His father’s name was Francarius, whose tomb—although he must -at first have lived as an idolater—is said by Bouchet to have been “for -upward of fifteen hundred years” in the parish church of Clissonium -(Clisson, near Nantes). We are indebted to Jerome for the main facts of -Hilary’s life, and to Fortunatus for a large share in the filling up of -the outlines. Hilary was so celebrated a man that contemporary -references are more abundant and helpful in his career even than in that -of Shakespeare. In those days he was at the summit of renown, a notable -exception to the case of the prophet, “not being without honor save in -his own country.” “For who,” says Augustine, “does not know Hilary the -Gallic bishop?” And Jerome wrote to St. Eustacia that Hilary and Cyprian -were the “two great cedars of the age.” - -He was doubtless well educated. His Latin was good and copious, without -possessing very great polish. His Greek was sufficient to fit him to -translate the creeds of the Eastern Church, and to become familiar with -their hymns. We have his own testimony that he lived in comfort, if not -in luxury; and the inference is plain that his family were of -consequence in the place. It was in his leisure that he took up Moses -and the prophets; and there, in that famous old town of his birth, the -mists of his idolatry thinned away. We do not know that any external -pressure was brought to bear upon his mind, or that he was led by -anything except a natural curiosity into this new learning. - -Poitiers itself is a noble situation for such an intellect. It is -perched on a promontory, and surrounded on all sides by gorges and -narrow valleys. The isthmus, which joins it back to the ridge, was once -walled and ditched across. The Pictavi, and afterward the Romans, -understood the military advantages of the spot. It has always been the -abode of scholars and of warriors. Here Francis Bacon once studied. Here -Clovis, founder of the Merovingian dynasty, beat Alaric II., in 507, in -fair battle. Here Radegunda the Holy lies buried. Here Fortunatus, the -poet-bishop, dwelled. Here Charles Martel hammered the Saracens in 732. -Here, in the Cathedral of St. Pierre, rest the ashes of Richard Coeur de -Lion. Here, beneath these walls, fought Edward the Black Prince against -King John of France, in 1356, when the English had the best of the day. -For they had learned—as Bishop Hugh Latimer says that he himself was -taught—how to draw the cloth-yard shaft to a head, and let it fly with a -deadly aim. “In my tyme,” said Latimer, “my poore father was as diligent -to teach me to shote as to learne anye other thynge, and so I thynke -other menne dyd theyr children. Hee taughte me how to drawe, how to laye -my bodye in my bowe, and not to drawe with strength of armes as other -nacions do, but with strength of the bodye. I had my bowes boughte me -accordyng to my age and strength; as I encreased in them, so my bowes -were made bigger and bigger; for men shall never shoot well excepte they -be broughte up in it.” (Sixth sermon before Edward VI.) It was such -archery as this that laid the flower of France in the dust, and put -John, their king, into prison. - -Poitiers is thus a noble and appropriate birthplace for one who before -the time of Charles the Hammerer was called the “Hammer of the Arians” -(_Malleus Arianorum_), and who combined fighting with praying all -through his life. Places and circumstances and the untamable blood of -heroes have more to do with the making of men than we suppose; and -Hilary was so distinctly a son of Caesar’s Gaul that he became its -large, true, and free expression, appropriate to its landscape and -harmonized to its atmosphere. - -And as to his emergence from heathenism, there can be nothing more -satisfactory to us than his own story. He has recorded that when he -found, in Exodus, how God was called “I am that I am,” and when he read -in Isaiah (40:12) of a deity who “held the wind in His fists,” and again -(66:1) of Him who said, “Heaven is My throne and earth is My footstool,” -then this _Deus immensus_ surpassed all his heathen conceptions of -grandeur and power. And when he read (in Ps. 138:7) how this great God -loved and cared for His children, so that one could say, “Though I walk -in the midst of trouble, Thou wilt revive me; Thou shalt stretch forth -Thine hand against the wrath of mine enemies, and Thy right hand shall -save me”—then he was drawn toward this mighty being by a sentiment of -confidence and trust. He also—turning the pages of the Wisdom of Solomon -(13:5) in the Apocrypha—found it written that “by the greatness and -beauty of the creatures proportionately the Maker of them is seen.” And -then, encountering the Gospel of John, its opening sentences clarified -his mind. All became plain. He accepted with calmness, firmness, and -dignity the great doctrines of the Christian faith. He was imbued with -John’s conception of that Word, “which was in the beginning” and “which -was God.” From that moment he had a theology which was as pure as -crystal and as indestructible as adamant. There is no muddiness about -his ideas from this time onward, though Arians buzz and sting, and -calamities rain upon him, and the path of duty is deep with mire and the -future is dark. Every one of these things passes away. His own language -as to this great change in his belief is as characteristic as it is -beautiful: “I extended my desires further, and longed that the good -thoughts I had about God, and the good life which I built on them, might -have an eternal reward.” Like one of his own favorite saints in the -Gospel and the Apocalypse of John, he was thus “led by the Spirit of -God” to become one of the chanting choir before the throne. - -It matters very little, therefore, to us of to-day, that, in 1851, Pius -IX., himself a man of sweet and gentle temper, made Hilary a “Doctor of -the Church”—a distinction reserved for those greatest ones, like -Augustine and Chrysostom, whose learning and eloquence are -world-renowned. The dead bishop did not need this posthumous -distinction. He has long been recognized—to quote Professor Dorner—as -“one of the most original and profound,” albeit not the easiest to -understand at all times, of the great teachers of the Christian Church. -We may hereafter attach more value to his work even than we do at -present. - -This then was the man who had determined to enter upon a Christian life. -He was already married and had one daughter—Abra by name—and possessed a -certain repute as a man of reading and of affairs. His origin protected -him from a contempt of pagan learning; and his marriage protected him -from that one-sided development which has Romanized the once Catholic -Church. The period in which he lived was one of transition—from classic -literature to Christian literature, and from the Latin of far-off Virgil -and Cicero to the Latin which was to become the uniting tongue of all -scholars in that Babel of the Middle Ages. This language was now shaping -itself to its new work and becoming, like English under the genius of -Chaucer, a living speech. In the moulding hands of these first Christian -writers it became flexible, not always fluent or graceful or even -strictly grammatical, but capable at least to carry what would otherwise -have been lost. Greek was gone, and French and German and English had -not yet appeared. As a Gallo-Roman, then—a post-classic Latinist—Hilary -gives in his allegiance to Christianity, and his wife and daughter are -baptized with him into the true faith. - -So far much is conjectural; and more is vague and to be derived from the -shadows cast upon the screen of history by the “spirit of the years to -come yearning to mix itself with life.” We emerge, however, into -historical certainty about the year 351. Then, on the death of their -bishop—who is thought to have been Maxentius, the brother of St. Maximin -of Trier—his townspeople clamored for Hilary. The _Histoire Litteraire -de la France_ sets this election down for the year 350; but that -authority, in this and a great many other instances, is profuse and -multitudinous and not absolutely safe. We are certainly not far out from -the correct date in saying 351. - -It illustrates a condition of things which are suggestive of the -simplicity of the early Church, when we find that in spite of his being -a married man and a father—and in spite of Cyprian’s and of Tertullian’s -praises of celibacy—Hilary was heartily chosen and almost forced into -the episcopate. In this position he exhibited “all the excellent -qualities of the great bishops.” We are told that he was “gentle and -peaceable, given particularly to an ability to persuade and to -influence.” With these he joined “a holy vigor which held him firm -against rising heresies.” And Cassian says that Hilary “had all the -virtues of an incomparable man.” The fact, after all, speaks for itself -more loudly than these commendations. He was so much one of themselves -that the people of Poitiers would not have selected him, if they had not -known him to be the best man for the mitre. - -From this time began that career of stainless honor which has outlasted -the very walls which echoed his voice. He was known from Great Britain -to the Indies. He ranks second only to Athanasius as a defender of the -faith; and—as we already noted—he is classed by Jerome with the great -bishop of Hippo whose portrait is given to us so vividly in Charles -Kingsley’s _Hypatia_. And to us of our century and of our convictions in -favor of charity and culture, it is particularly praiseworthy that he -never gave up his secular scholarship, and that he never flagged or -faltered in defending opinions which were as large and liberal as they -were undeniably orthodox. He was an oak which stood against the blast -unshaken, and which yet held, in the heart of its great branches, sweet -nests of singing birds and leafy coverts of shade and peace. - -Hilary was not suffered to be inactive. It was the period at which the -Arian heresy was in full incandescence. No one holding the opinions of -the Bishop of Poitiers could well remain neutral. He had—in conformity -with a custom soon to become a law—separated his life from that of his -home; but he appears always to have cherished a warm love for his wife -and child. This placed him, however, in perfect freedom from other -cares, and at liberty to devote himself to the eradication of false -doctrine. Constantius, the Emperor, was an Arian, and this made the -perplexity of the position very great. An honest man might ruin all by -his blunt independence—but an honest man dare not be silent. And, -besides, Hilary had neither attended the Synod of Arles (353) nor that -of Milan (355), and was somewhat out of the ecclesiastical tide. - -That he was no coward was soon shown to everybody’s satisfaction. He -prepared a letter to the Emperor as brave as it was keen, and which -touched up with a vigorous lash the cringing sycophants and shuffling -hypocrites about the court. Hilary is notably strong when he denounces -the substitution of force for reason—and perhaps his doctorate came to -him only in 1851 (when he could not well care much for it) because this -doctrine of his was not altogether what Mother Church has been in the -habit of teaching and practising! I may refer to the recent work of the -Rev. R. T. Smith upon _The Church in Roman Gaul_ as fully confirming -this statement. St. Martin of Tours is there called to bear testimony -that the Bishop of Poitiers held such opinions just as sturdily in his -days of power as in these times of trial and persecution. He was, in -short, a thoroughly sincere man, and it took him only a few years—until -355—to get into the hottest bubbling spot of all the caldron. At that -date, in company with other leaders of the church in Gaul, he drove out -a very pestilent fellow—Saturninus, the Bishop of Arles—as a seditious -and irreconcilable element in their midst. With him was cast out Valens, -and with Valens was cast out Ursacius. But of all these, Bishop -Saturninus was the angriest and the most revengeful. - -A year of something like good order followed, when lo, the Arians came -to the front with a synod of their own complexion at Beziers. Here -Hilary found himself in the vocative case altogether. The tables were -turned upon him, and it was he who must now go forth a banished man. The -power was against him, and he set out with bowed head and sad heart upon -one of those pride-humbling journeys which have not seldom brought the -greatest results to religion, and which not a few of the best men have -taken in their day. In this manner Bernard went to meet Abaelard; Martin -Luther went to the diet at Worms; and John Bunyan took his way to -Bedford jail. - -Principal among the causes of his sadness was that he was snatched away -from his constant and congenial duty of explaining the Scriptures to the -people of his diocese. Still he had nothing for it but to go; and so, -somewhere about 356, we find him in Phrygia. He is accompanied by -Rodanius, Bishop of Toulouse, who had plucked up considerable courage by -seeing how well Hilary took his defeat. - -In 357 the Church in Roman Gaul sent him their greeting, from which that -of his own Poitiers people was not absent. And the Gallic bishops, -having perceived him to be capable of much good service in his enforced -residence abroad, bade him inform himself and them upon the creeds and -customs of the Eastern Church. This he had already, to a degree, -undertaken. And in 359, whom do we find entering a convocation of -bishops at Seleucia but our very Hilary, opposing with a strong and -unflinching philosophic power all those—and there were many there—who -denied the consubstantiality of the Word. - -There were one hundred and sixty of these bishops at Seleucia, of whom -one hundred and five—a very handsome majority—were “semi-Arians.” Of the -remaining fifty-five there were nineteen classed as Anomoeans—those who -held that the Son was _unlike_ the Father in essence, or ἀνόµοιος—and -the rest were heretics of different grades of badness. It was the -natural outcome of the difficulties with Athanasius, where the royal -authority was on the side of the Arians. The Roman Catholic historians -are therefore not complimentary to this synod—or rather “double council” -of Seleucia and Rimini—and this was assuredly no very comfortable body -of Christians for a banished bishop to exhort. But he did it with -effect, and proceeded to the council at Constantinople (360) and did it -again; and presently (361) Constantius died and the Nicene Creed was -victorious. - -So was Hilary, who—in 360-61—returned to Poitiers, where, as soon as his -crozier was once more well in hand, he levelled Saturninus and compelled -him to abandon his diocese. He then turned upon Auxentius of Milan, who -only escaped the same or a worse fate by clinging to Valentinian, the -reigning Emperor, and was denounced by Hilary as a hypocrite for his -pains. Our bishop appears in these days to have been decidedly a member -of the Church Militant; and perhaps it was natural enough when one had -survived the reigns of Constantius, Julian the Apostate, and Jovian, for -him to be as he was. I am not commenting upon these exciting scenes; I -desire rather to go back and show how they produced the hymns of which -we are to speak. - -It was in 357—at the same date with the letters from the bishops and -from the churches—that Abra, his daughter, wrote to him herself. From -this epistle we learn that her mother still lived, and we observe the -dutiful and loving daughter apparent in every line. In reply Hilary -sends a well-composed and even imaginative letter. Under the figures of -a pearl and a garment he charges her to keep her soul and her conduct -pure. He rather recommends a single life, but not in any such -extravagant eulogy of celibacy as some would have us suppose. It is more -after the style of what Grynaeus affirmed of him—that he was so moderate -in these opinions as to suffer his canons to marry—since it would be -hard for an unbiassed mind to draw any harsh conclusions from the -language; yet all this is of small consequence compared with the -enclosure—two Latin hymns, one for the morning and one for the evening, -which she may use in the worship of God. The first of these is the -_Lucis largitor splendide_; but the second is probably lost. It is said -that it was the hymn, _Ad coeli clara non sum dignus sidera_—“To the -clear stars of heaven I am not worthy,” etc. This is very doubtful -indeed, so much so that we may decline to receive it on several grounds. -It is to be found in the superb folio edition of Hilary’s works (Paris, -1693) prepared by the Benedictines of St. Maur. Yet if internal evidence -is to weigh at all we must reject it without scruple. It is not a hymn -in any true sense, and certainly has no reference to the _evening_ hour -of worship. It contains a gross phrase or two, which are not suggestive -of Hilary, who would scarcely have said that he would “despise Arius” by -“modulating a hymn” against him, nor would he have spoken of the -“barking Sabellius” or the “grunting Simon.” The verses are unpleasantly -flavored with earthliness, and to think that a young girl would be -inclined to sing ninety-six lines of an abecedary—or “alphabet-hymn”—is -absurd. Moreover, the editors of the edition of 1693 only print four -stanzas, and express their own disbelief that Hilary wrote it, based -upon these facts and upon their no less important criticism of the -style, which is _masculine_ throughout, and refers to ideas highly -inappropriate to the use intended. Mone is nearer to the correct -doctrine when he assigns it to a period between the sixth and eighth -centuries. Daniel (4:130) prints it in full and quotes Mone’s remark -that an Irish monk is likely to have been its author. It is in the metre -familiar to modern eyes in the _Integer vitae_ of Horace, but it -displays neither taste nor poetry nor any religious fervor. That it -begins each stanza with a consecutive letter of the alphabet is no proof -of anything except wasted ingenuity. So that, I repeat, we do well to -reject it and to leave it rejected. - -All, then, that is left us is the _Lucis largitor splendide_—“Thou -splendid giver of the light.” The letter went back from Seleucia to -Poitiers and carried this hymn, at least, with it. Hilary had sent this -and its companion, _ut memor mei semper sis_—“that you may always -remember me.” And we may fancy the lovely high-born daughter of that -earnest and scholarly man as, daily and nightly, she sits at her -window—perchance with her gaze wistfully turned to the eastward. There -she sang these simple, beautiful hymns—she the first singer of the new -hymns of the Latin Church. Among the themes for Christian art yet left -to us there is hardly one more suggestive than this—for Abra doubtless -sang her father’s hymns to her father’s loyal people. It may even be -supposed that he gave her the tunes as well as the words, and that, by -morning and by night, the battle-scarred Poitiers re-echoed this voice -of the exiled bishop. - -Of the hymn itself as much can be said in favor as we have just said -against its pretended and ill-matched companion. It breathes the -Johannean sentiments throughout. It celebrates the Light, the Son of -God, the glory of the Father, “clearer than the full sun, the perfect -light and day itself.” To one who is acquainted with the Greek hymns it -is instantly suggestive of those pellucid songs—its atmosphere is all -peace and its trust is as restful to the tired spirit as the quiet -coming of the rising day. It may easily have been a translation from the -Greek, or, even more easily, the natural up-gush of melody which was -touched into life by the frequent hearing of the Eastern hymns. Hilary -never learned it in an Arian church, nor did he find it among -controversialists. Its nest, where it was first reared, was in some -corner of a catacomb or in some nook of the Holy Land. This hymn, then, -we may safely accept as the oldest authentic original Latin “song of -praise to Christ as God.” - -Whether the Bishop of Poitiers had much or little learning, he wrote a -valuable book on _Synods_, and translated for us many useful and -otherwise inaccessible confessions of faith and statements of doctrine. -Erasmus—himself no brave man, nor one likely to estimate moral courage -properly—calls this letter to Abra “_nugamentum hominis otiose -indocti_”—the trifling production of a man lazily uneducated! Well, -perhaps it would have been as well if some of that same “luxurious -ignorance” of Hilary could have secured the “laborious learning” of -Erasmus from exhibiting, at the end of life, its own inefficiency. -Jerome said that whoever found fault with Hilary’s knowledge was -compelled to concede his philosophic skill; and it reminds one of the -remark of Dante Rossetti, who said that nothing in our age could stand -comparison with a sonnet of Shakespeare, for, rough as it might seem, -_Shakespeare wrote it_. It was this manhood behind the Latin which went -for more than all Rotterdam! - -Hilary is credited with a great deal, doubtless, that he never wrote. So -he is, by Fortunatus, with miracles which he never performed. Alcuin and -others assign to him the _Gloria in Excelsis_, but this was certainly -more ancient than Hilary, being quoted by Athanasius in his treatise on -Virginity. He could at best merely have translated it. This he might -also have done for the _Te Deum laudamus_. And since we know that he -prepared a _Liber Hymnorum_—the first actual hymn-book of the Western -Church—we have some reason to think that he would not have altogether -forgotten the greatest chants of the early Christians. This hymn-book is -utterly lost to us. This is not the same as the _Liber Mysteriorum_—the -book of the mysteries—and its existence, like that of its companion -work, rests upon the testimony of Jerome. Doubtless in it there were -other poems and songs from which the Hilarian authorship has been broken -or lost. It was not the ancient custom either to preserve the author’s -name, or even to retain the precise form of his hymn. He threw his -little lyric—as the Israelites did their jewelry—into the common -treasury of the Church; and in the Breviaries, where so many of these -hymns are to be discovered, a later and more critical scholarship may -identify some of them hereafter. As delicate insects are preserved in -amber, we there find much that we should otherwise have lost; but, like -that very amber, when its electricity is excited, his was that sort of -reputation which attracted many anonymous trifles—as, for example, the -_Ad coeli clara_—to itself. - -Of Hilary’s other writings, with exception of his work on the Councils -of Ariminum and Seleucia, we have the full text. His commentaries on the -Psalms and on Matthew; his controversial pamphlets against Constantius; -his book of _Synods_; his twelve books _De Trinitate_—these are -accessible in the _Patrologia_ of Migne. - -It was undoubtedly believed at the time of the fourth Council of Toledo -that he had written many pieces “in favor of God, and of the triumphs of -apostles and martyrs;” and both Jerome and Isidore of Seville declare -him to have been the first among the Latins to write Christian verse. -But to show how uncertain is the conjecture that is thus started, I may -mention that the _Ut queant laxis_ of Paul Winfrid, the “Deacon,” is -credited to Hilary by the _Histoire Litteraire_. The same authority also -claims for him the first _Pange lingua_ (_Pange lingua gloriosi, -praelium certaminis_), which is sometimes assigned to Claudianus -Mamertus, but is the well-authenticated composition of Venantius -Fortunatus, the troubadour and friend of Radegunda, the wife of -Clotaire. We may as well admit that a great man did not necessarily do -all the great things of his day. - -Besides, the search after truth in this matter is complicated -marvellously by the trade of the hymn-tinkers, who put new bottoms and -tops and sides to a great many religious lyrics. Here is a case in point -in Mone (vol. iii., p. 633). The hymn begins _Christum rogemus et -patrem_—“We call on Christ and on the Father.” It has seven stanzas. The -_first_ stanza is from a morning hymn, supposed to be by Hilary. The -_second_ is from an Ambrosian hymn. The _third_ and _fourth_ are from -another Ambrosian hymn to the Archangel Michael. The _fifth_ is from a -very noble Ambrosian hymn—the _Aeterna Christi munera_—of which Daniel -says that it itself has been “wretchedly torn to pieces by the Church” -(_ab ecclesia miser e dilaceratum_). The _sixth_ and _seventh_ stanzas -are also Ambrosian—from the _Jesu corona virginum_. Thus this single -hymn of seven stanzas is mere patchwork, gathered from that Ambrosian -hymnody which the Breviaries supply. And finding all the rest of it -credited to Ambrose and to his century, we are inclined to doubt that -Hilary should be considered as the author of any portion at all. - -Indeed the identification of Hilary’s hymns—except the _Lucis -largitor_—is purely conjectural. It rests mainly on the hymnological -acumen of Cardinal Thomasius, which may or may not be liable to error. -Kayser refuses, on one ground or another, to positively endorse any, -except the one which all now concede. Next to this in probability stands -the _Beata nobis gaudia_ (though it is doubted by Professor March), and -then the _Deus pater ingenite_, which is taken from the Mozarabic -Breviary. The _Jam meta noctis transiit_, the _In matutinis surgimus_, -and the _Jesu refulsit omnium_, have only the authority of Thomasius. -The _Jesu quadragenariae_, Daniel says, is an old hymn, but very -certainly composed later than the time of Hilary. The _Ad coeli clara_ -we have already rejected. Thus we have one authentic and five -conjectural Hilarian hymns. There is, however, great doubt resting on -the _Jesu refulsit omnium_; and if I consulted merely my own judgment, I -should declare against it, if only in view of the _rhymes_—a -characteristic which it would scarcely possess if it were genuinely of -the fourth century. And while we are upon this somewhat ungrateful duty -of trying to set matters right, shall we pass over the slip which Mrs. -Charles makes in her capital little book? (_Christian Life in Song._ Am. -ed., p. 74.) For she says that “The Hilary who wrote the hymns was the -canonized Bishop of Arles.” There was, much later, a Hilary of Arles; -and there was another Hilary of Rome, and there were also others of the -same name; but none of them wrote hymns. He of Arles assuredly did not. - -Of our own Hilary it may be added that the rest of his life was earnest, -but comparatively quiet. We shall find Gregory of Tours and Fortunatus -asserting that he raised the dead and healed the sick, and cast out -devils (some of them in the shape of snakes) from a boy’s stomach; but -these stories belong naturally to a credulous and superstitious age. -More to the purpose is it to find that the bishop had entered upon the -composition of tunes for his hymns, and had taken up calligraphy and the -ornamentation of manuscripts. There was a book of the Gospels found, on -which was indorsed, “_Quem scripsit Hilarius Pictavensis quondam -sacerdos_”—“which Hilary of Poitiers, formerly a priest, wrote.” A -similar book was left by St. Perpetuus, Bishop of Tours, to Bishop -Euphronius, Fortunatus’s friend. This is attested by his will, executed -in 474. “I saw,” says Christian Druthmar (ninth century), “a book of the -Gospels, written in Greek, which was said to have been St. Hilary’s, in -which were Matthew and John,” etc. But whether Hilary wrote this is -naturally an open question. - -The good bishop died at Poitiers—as Jerome and Gregory of Tours -declare—but the date is still a matter of some uncertainty. Valentinian -and Valens were upon the throne, and it is safe to say that 367-68 was -the year. January 14th has also been assigned by some authorities, but -with no better reason than a generally received tradition to this -effect, and the fact that this is his day in the Roman calendar. His -body was, however, scattered rather widely. It was removed from its tomb -in the time of Clovis—a bone of his arm was in Belgium, and some other -portions of his anatomy were in Limoges. About the year 638, Dagobert is -stated to have placed his remains in the Church of St. Dionysius, and so -confident of this fact were the people of Poitiers, in 1394, that they -vehemently asserted that they had his relics there in perfect safety. -“Calvinistic heretics” were said to have burned the mortal remnants of -the great “hammer of the Arians,” and the Pictavians took this method to -meet the calumny. For aught we know to the contrary they were perfectly -right, and the dust of their bishop is still resting peacefully in their -midst. - -For his works, the Paris edition of 1693 is the best; but the -_Patrologia_ of J. P. Migne contains all that any one can need or care -to see. It is the full reprint of the Paris volumes, together with -biographical and critical notes, in Latin, prepared with great diligence -and research; but, of course, from the Roman Catholic point of view. - - - THE HYMNS OF HILARY. - - - I. - HYMNUS MATUTINUS. - - 1. Lucis largitor splendide, - Cujus sereno lumine - Post lapsa noctis tempora - Dies refusus panditur; - - 2. Tu verus mundi Lucifer, - Non is, qui parvi sideris - Venturae lucis nuntius - Angusto fulget lumine, - - 3. Sed toto sole clarior, - Lux ipse totus et dies, - Interna nostri pectoris - Illuminans praecordia: - - 4. Adesto, rerum conditor, - Paternae lucis gloria, - Cujus admota gratia - Nostra patescunt corpora; - - 5. Tuoque plena spiritu, - Secum Deum gestantia, - Ne rapientis perfidi - Diris patescant fraudibus, - - 6. Ut inter actus seculi - Vitae quos usus exigit, - Omni carentes crimine - Tuis vivamus legibus. - - 7. Probrosas mentis castitas - Carnis vincat libidines, - Sanctumque puri corporis - Delubrum servet Spiritus. - - 8. Haec spes precantis animae, - Haec sunt votiva munera, - Ut matutina nobis sit - Lux in noctis custodiam. - - - I. - A MORNING HYMN. - - 1. Thou splendid giver of the light, - By whose serene and lovely ray - Beyond the gloomy shades of night - Is opened wide another day! - - 2. Thou true Light-bearer of the earth, - Far more than he whose slender star, - Son of the morning, in its dearth - Of radiance sheds its beams afar! - - 3. But clearer than the sun may shine, - All light and day in Thee I find, - To fill my night with glory fine - And purify my inner mind. - - 4. Come near, Thou maker of the world, - Illustrious in thy Father’s light, - From whose free grace if we were hurled, - Body and soul were ruined quite. - - 5. Fill with Thy Spirit every sense, - That God’s divine and gracious love - May drive Satanic temptings hence, - And blight their falsehoods from above. - - 6. That in the acts of common toil - Which life demands from us each day, - We may, without a stain or soil, - Live in Thy holy laws alway. - - 7. Let chastity of mind prevail - To conquer every fleshly lust; - And keep Thy temple without fail, - O Holy Ghost, from filth and dust. - - 8. This hope is in my praying heart— - These are my vows which now I pay; - That this sweet light may not depart, - But guide me purely through the day. - - - II. - HYMNUS MATUTINUS. - - 1. Deus, Pater ingenite, - Et Fili unigenite, - Quos Trinitatis unitas - Sancto connectit Spiritu. - - 2. Te frustra nullus invocat, - Nec cassis unquam vocibus - Amator tui luminis - Ad coelum vultus erigit. - - 3. Et tu suspirantem, Deus, - Vel vota supplicantium, - Vel corda confitentium - Semper benignus aspice. - - 4. Nos lucis ortus admonet - Grates deferre debitas, - Tibique laudes dicere, - Quod nox obscura praeterit. - - 5. [Et] diem precamur bonum, - Ut nostros, Salvator, actus - Sinceritate perpeti - Pius benigne instruas. - - - II. - A MORNING HYMN. - - 1. Eternal Father, God, - And sole-begotten Son, - Who with the Holy Ghost - Art ever Three in One. - - 2. None calleth Thee in vain, - Nor yet with empty cry - Doth he who seeks Thy light - Lift up his gaze on high. - - 3. Do Thou, O God, behold - With mercy them that pray; - Receive their earnest vows - And take their guilt away. - - 4. The kindling sky forewarns - Our souls what praise we owe - To Him at whose command - The night has ceased below. - - 5. We ask a happy day, - That Thou shouldst guide our ways - In constant faithfulness, - O Saviour, to Thy praise! - - - III. - HYMNUS PENTECOSTALIS. - - 1. Beata nobis gaudia - Anni reduxit orbita, - Cum Spiritus paraclitus - Illapsus est discipulis. - - 2. Ignis vibrante lumine - Linguae figuram detulit, - Verbis ut essent proflui, - Et charitate fervidi. - - 3. Linguis loquuntur omnium; - Turbae pavent gentilium: - Musto madere deputant, - Quos Spiritus repleverat. - - 4. Patrata sunt haec mystice, - Paschae peracto tempore, - Sacro dierum circulo, - Quo lege fit remissio. - - 5. Te nunc, Deus piissime, - Vultu precamur cernuo: - Illapsa nobis coelitus - Largire dona Spiritus! - - 6. Dudum sacrata pectora - Tua replesti gratia, - Dimitte nostra crimina, - Et da quieta tempora! - - - III. - WHITSUNDAY HYMN. - - 1. What blessed joys are ours, - When time renews our thought - Of that true Comforter - On the disciples brought. - - 2. With light of quivering flame - In fiery tongues He fell, - And hearts were warm with love - And lips were quick to tell. - - 3. All tongues were loosened then, - And fear, in men, awoke - Before that mighty power - By which the Spirit spoke. - - 4. Achieved in mystic sign - Has been that paschal feast, - Whose sacred list of days - The soul from sin released. - - 5. Thee then, O holiest Lord, - We pray in humble guise - To give such heavenly gifts - Before our later eyes. - - 6. Fill consecrated breasts - With grace to keep Thy ways; - Show us forgiveness now, - And grant us quiet days. - - - IV. - HYMNUS MATUTINUS. - - 1. Jam meta noctis transiit, - Somni quies jam praeterit - Aurora surgit fulgida - Et spargit coelum lux nova. - - 2. Sed cum diei spiculum - Cernamus, hinc nos omnium - Ad te, superne Lucifer, - Preces necesse est fundere. - - 3. Te lucis sancte Spiritus - Et caritatis actibus - Ad instar illud gloriae - Nos innovatos effice. - - 4. Praesta Pater piissime - Patrique compar unice, - Cum Spiritu paraclito - Nunc et per omne saeculum. - - - IV. - A MORNING HYMN. - - 1. The limit of the night is passed, - The quiet hour of sleep has fled; - Far up the lance of dawn is cast; - New light upon the heaven is spread. - - 2. But when this sparkle of the day - Our eyes discern, then, Lord of light, - To Thee our souls make haste to pray - And offer all their wants aright. - - 3. O Holy Spirit, by the deeds - Of Thine own light and charity, - Renew us through our earthly needs - And cause us to be like to Thee. - - 4. Grant this, O Father ever blessed; - And Holy Son, our heavenly friend; - And Holy Ghost, Thou comfort best! - Now and until all time shall end. - - - - - CHAPTER IV. - POPE DAMASUS AND THE BEGINNING OF RHYME. - - -Contemporary with Hilary of Poitiers, but probably a younger man, as he -survived him by seventeen years, was Damasus of Rome. Like many other -Romans of the imperial period, he was a Spaniard by birth; or, at least, -he was the son of a Spaniard who had removed to Rome and had become a -deacon or presbyter of the church dedicated to the memory of the Roman -martyr, St. Lawrence. Of his own earlier life we know very little. An -extant epitaph records the fact that he had a sister who became a nun -and died in her twentieth year. He himself served in the Church of St. -Lawrence until his sixtieth year, when he was chosen Bishop of Rome; and -in the accepted catalogue, which begins with the Apostle Peter, he ranks -as the thirty-sixth bishop of the see. - -He was chosen bishop in A.D. 366, because of the position he had taken -with reference to the controversy which then agitated the diocese, and -because of the firmness and weight of character he had displayed in the -troubles of the years before his election. The great Christological -controversy was agitating the Church of both East and West. The West was -substantially in agreement with Athanasius, against both the Arians and -the semi-Arians, and would have been entirely so but for the influence -exerted by semi-Arian or Arian emperors and the courtly bishops of their -party. Constantius, the last surviving son of Constantine the Great, was -exceedingly zealous for the semi-Arian doctrine, which rejected the -statement of our Lord’s substantial identity with His Father, but was -willing to assert His substantial likeness. It was only the difference -of an iota in a Greek word—ὁµοουσιος or ὁµοιουσιος—but if there ever was -a case in which neither jot nor tittle must be allowed to pass away, it -was this. - -Liberius, who was elected Bishop of Rome in 352, was the victim of -Constantius’s policy. In 353 the East and West were united under his -rule, and that year at Arles, as in 355 at Milan, councils were called, -in which the condemnation of Athanasius was procured by imperial -blandishments. In the former the presbyter sent by Liberius to represent -the Roman see subscribed with the majority. But in the second his three -representatives obeyed their instructions, and accepted disfavor and -exile rather than subscribe. Then Liberius himself was summoned to -Milan, and the weight of imperial threats and persuasions was brought to -bear upon him. He withstood both manfully, and demanded as a preliminary -to any discussion of the charges against Athanasius, that the Nicene -Creed should be subscribed by all parties, and the banished bishops -returned to their sees. When given his choice between submission and -exile, he chose the latter. - -The Emperor now sought among the Roman clergy for a man to put into -Liberius’s place. In Rome, as in most of the cities of the West, Arians -were not to be found. But in the Deacon Felix the court party obtained a -candidate who, while himself a Trinitarian, was willing to hold -communion with the Arians, and presumably to condemn Athanasius. Of the -details of his election and ordination little is known, but we find him -installed in the Roman see with the vigorous support of the civil -authority, although not with the assent of the Roman people. The great -body of the Christians in Rome are said to have refused communion with -him because he was tainted by communion with heretics; and when -Constantius came to visit the city, he was besieged by the Christian -ladies of the city with appeals for the restoration of Liberius. - -In the mean time three years of exile to Thrace, where he was thrown of -set purpose into constant association with bishops of the semi-Arian -party, and isolated from his friends, had broken the spirit of Liberius. -He was not a man of strong character, and, unfortunately for the theory -of papal infallibility, he yielded. He signed a creed compiled for the -occasion, which described Christ as of _like_ substance with the Father, -and condemned Athanasius.[1] He then was allowed to return to Rome, -although Felix II. was still the recognized bishop. Constantius seems to -have foreseen the difficulties which would attend the presence of the -two bishops in the city, and he consented to the return of Liberius -unwillingly. The body of the people and of the clergy at once rallied -around Liberius, and rejected Felix altogether; and of this party was -Damasus. But while they were willing to condone his weakness in the -matter of condemning Athanasius, there was a party of more determined -Athanasians who refused to do so, and the diocese now was divided -between the three factions. That of Felix disappeared with his own death -in 360 and the death of Constantius in 361. But the extreme Athanasians, -although they did not attempt to set up a rival bishop while Liberius -lived, perpetuated their party, and they probably received aid and -comfort from a similar party which had arisen in the East, in opposition -to the wiser and more charitable policy of Athanasius himself. This -party was called the Luciferians, from Lucifer, Bishop of Cagliari, in -Sardinia, who was in exile in the East at the time when this question -was raised there after the death of Constantius. - -In 367 Liberius died, and the schism at once showed itself in Rome. -Damasus was chosen and ordained bishop in the regular form by the -friends of Liberius, who were the great majority. But the Deacon -Ursicinus was chosen by the Luciferian party, and ordained by bishops of -that party in the basilica of St. Sicinus. Unfortunately the prefect of -the city was a weak and ineffective man, who was quite unable to -preserve peace between the two factions. It soon came to blows between -them, and the pagan historian, Ammianus Marcellinus, tells us with what -result: - - “Damasus and Ursinus being eager beyond measure to secure possession - of the bishop’s seat, carried on the conflict most bitterly and with - divisive partisanship, their supporters carrying their quarrels to the - point of inflicting death and wounds. As Juventius was unable either - to suppress or abate these evils, he yielded to the violence and - withdrew to the suburbs. And in the struggle Damasus overcame, as his - party was the more determined of the two. It is admitted that in the - basilica of Sicinus, which is a place of assemblage for Christian - worship, there were found in one day one hundred and thirty-seven - corpses of those who had been done to death; and also that the - excitement of the populace abated slowly and with difficulty after the - affair was over.” - -“See how these Christians love one another!” was a comment made by -pagans on the spirit which had prevailed in the earlier Church. They now -might have said it ironically. It is impossible to acquit Damasus of all -responsibility in the matter, as he was a man of eminent ability and -influence, and might have put an end to these scenes of violence if he -had exerted his authority. It is equally impossible to believe that he -took any part in them. Then, as in the Reformation times, what John Knox -calls “the raskill multitude” greatly enjoyed an opportunity to show how -great their zeal for religion, in any other shape but that of obeying -its precepts. “Set Jehu to pulling down idols,” said an old Puritan, -“and see how zealous he can be.” - -The schism did not end with the bloody struggle around the basilica of -St. Sicinus. It is true that the civil authority now interposed and -banished the bishop of the Luciferian party. But he afterward was -allowed to return, and again the troubles revived and ceased only with -his second banishment. Even when the Emperor Gratian gave Damasus the -entire jurisdiction over the bishops and priests involved in the schism, -with a view to the final suppression of these disputes, the extremists -lingered on. After Ursicinus there was yet another Luciferian bishop of -Rome; and by a curious freak of controversial zeal the memory of Felix -was consecrated as that of an opponent of Liberius, and a mythical -account of their relations was given currency, which has resulted in the -elevation of Felix to the rank of “pope and martyr,” on the ground that -Constantius had him beheaded for his loyalty to the Nicene faith![2] - -Damasus made an excellent record in his see, after the abating of the -troubles which attended his accession to it. He left no room for doubt -as to his orthodoxy. For the first time since the great controversy -broke out in Alexandria, the whole weight and influence of the great -Roman see was thrown unreservedly and effectively on the Athanasian -side. The accession of Valentinian (364-75) to the imperial authority in -the West once more threw the weight of court influence on the other -side; but intolerance was not carried to the same extent as by -Constantius. At every stage of the discussion we find Damasus outspoken -on behalf of the Nicene faith, and in support of Athanasius. In 368 he -held a synod at Rome, in which the Illyrian bishops Ursacius and Valens, -who were trying to Arianize the West, were condemned as heretics; and in -370 another in which the same condemnation was meted out to Auxentius, -the Bishop of Milan. Before he died he saw the second General Council -meet at Constantinople and lay the ban of the Church on all the -compromises with Arianism. - -The see of Rome already had become a place of great splendor and -influence. “Make me Bishop of Rome,” the pagan senator Praetextatus said -to him, “and I will be a Christian to-morrow.” Damasus seems to have -enjoyed the pomp and show and opportunities for outlay and for influence -which his position secured him. But there was much in his administration -of his diocese which commends him to our sympathies and even our -admiration. He seems to have been the first to have taken a genuine -interest in the Catacombs—the great underground burial-places which are -so rich in memorials of the Church’s primitive and martyr ages. He -fostered their use as places of pilgrimage and reunion for the people of -his own diocese and pilgrims from others. He constructed the staircases -which made them accessible, the well-lights for their illumination and -ventilation, and the chapels for collective worship. Here Christendom, -in the day of its triumph, gathered to commemorate those who had been -faithful when the Church was under the cross, and Prudentius in his -_Peristephanon_ has left us a lively picture of the eager multitudes who -resorted thither on the festival days, some from Rome itself, others -from the Etrurian and Sabine villages, thronging even the great roads to -the city to their utmost capacity: “From early morn they press thither -to greet the saints. The multitude comes and goes until evening. They -kiss the polished plates of silver which cover the grave of the martyr. -They offer incense, and tears of emotion stream from the eyes of all.” - -When, after long centuries of forgetfulness, the Catacombs were reopened -in 1578 by Antonio Bosio, traces of these pilgrimages were found in the -_graffiti_ or rude chalk-inscriptions left on the walls of the passages -by the Italian peasants of the fourth and fifth centuries. There also -were found the inscriptions in verse, composed by Damasus, and cut in -stone by his friend, Furius Filocalus, who devised an ornamental -alphabet for the purpose. In one of these Filocalus describes himself as -one who “reverenced and loved Pope Damasus” (_Damasi papae cultor atque -amator_). - -Another side of his activity has been brought into light by more recent -researches in Rome. Professor Lanciani says that to Damasus belongs also -the honor of having founded the first public library of Christendom: -“The finest libraries of the first centuries of Christendom were, of -course, in Rome.... Such was the importance attributed to books in those -early days of our faith that, in Christian basilicas, or places of -worship, they were kept in the place of honor—next to the episcopal -chair. Many of the basilicas which we discover from time to time, -especially in the Campagna, have the _apse trichora_—that is, divided -into three small hemicycles. The reason of this peculiar form was long -sought in vain; but a recent discovery made at Hispalis proves that of -the three hemicycles the central one contained the tribunal or episcopal -chair, the one on the right the sacred implements, the one on the left -the sacred books. - -“The first building erected in Rome, under the Christian rule, for the -study and preservation of books and documents, was the _Archivum_ -(Archives) of Pope Damasus. This just and enterprising pope, the last -representative of good old Roman traditions as regards the magnificence -and usefulness of his public structures, modelled his establishment on -the pattern of the typical library at Pergamos; of which the Palatine -Library in Rome had been the worthy rival. He began by raising in the -centre a hall of basilical type, which he dedicated to St. Lawrence,” -and which “was surrounded by a square portico, into which opened the -rooms or cells containing the various departments of the archives and of -the library.” A commemorative inscription, composed by Damasus himself, -in hexameters, seven in number, was set in front of the building above -the main entrance. The text has been discovered in a MS. formerly at -Heidelberg, now in the Vatican. The first four hexameters do not bring -out in a good light the poetical faculties of the worthy pontiff—in fact -their real meaning has not yet been ascertained; but the last three -verses are more intelligible: - - ‘Archibis, fateor, volui nova condere tecta; - Addere praeterea dextra laevaque columnas, - Quae Damasi teneant proprium per saecula nomen.’ - -“Around the apse of the inner hall there was another distich of about -the same poetical value, the text of which has been discovered in a MS. -at Verdun: - - ‘Haec Damasi tibi, Christe Deus, nova tecta levavi - Laurenti saeptus martyris auxilio.’ - -“Mention of Damasus’s Archives is frequently made in the documents of -the fourth and fifth centuries. Jerome calls them _chartarium ecclesiae -Romanae_.”[3] - -But a still more lasting monument of his fame is the Latin Vulgate, -which he incited Jerome—as the English-speaking world calls Sophronius -Eusebius Hieronymus—to prepare for the Church of the West. From a very -early time Latin translations of the Scriptures from the Greek version -of the Old Testament and the Greek original of the New Testament had -been in existence. But although there were two well recognized types of -these early versions—the Italian and the African—there was so little -uniformity that there were “almost as many versions as copies.” Jerome -was a man of classical culture and a close student of the Scriptures, -which he could read in Hebrew as well as in Greek and Latin. He came to -Rome from Syria in 382, to ask the aid of Damasus in behalf of the -Luciferian schism at Antioch—a matter in which the Bishop of Rome hardly -could meddle. Even before his arrival he had been in correspondence with -Damasus and had written for him an exposition of the vision of the -Seraphim in Isaiah 6. Damasus called a synod in which the schism at -Antioch was discussed, but no result reached. It is said that in this -synod he exhorted Jerome to take up the work of giving the Church a good -Latin version of the Bible. A ninth-century writer says he put him in -charge of the _Archivum_, or public library, described by Professor -Lanciani. Later writers speak of him, without much warrant, as Damasus’s -secretary. It seems probable that Damasus regarded him as a desirable -man for the bishopric when his own death should leave it vacant. But -when his death came in 384, the Dalmatian scholar was passed over, -perhaps because he was not a Roman, and a much smaller man than either -Damasus or Jerome was chosen instead. So Jerome went back to the East -and established himself at Bethlehem. Between 382 and 404 he completed -his version of the Scriptures, which is of especial importance to the -student of Latin hymnology, as it stands in much the same relation to -the Latin hymns of the fifth and later centuries as does the English -Bible to the English hymn-writers. It controls their vocabulary and -explains their allusions. - -As a poet Damasus does not take very high rank. We have seen Professor -Lanciani’s opinion of his inscriptions. Some forty poems are attributed -to him, but only a very few of these concern us here. In the Cottonian -MSS. there is a copy of rhymed “Verses of Damasus to his Friend” -(_Versus Damasi ad Amicum suum_), which would be interesting to us if we -were sure that Sir Alexander Croke is right in assuming that this is our -Damasus. But the name “Rainalde” in the first line would hardly occur in -a Latin poem by a Roman author of the fourth century. - -There is no reason, however, to call in question the two hymns—one to -the Martyr Agatha and the other to the Apostle Andrew—which are ascribed -to him in the collections. And the former is especially remarkable as -being the oldest hymn in which rhyme is employed intentionally and -throughout. Of course if it were true that Hilary wrote the _Jesu -refulsit omnium_ or the _Jesu quadrigenariae_, which sometimes are -printed as his, we should be obliged to assign to him the honor thus -claimed for Damasus. But the preponderance of evidence and of -presumption is against ascribing these hymns to him. Koch assigns the -latter to the fifth century and not to the fourth. Mone ascribes the -former to one of the early Irish hymn-writers, whose name is lost to us. -He finds in it a tendency to alliterative construction, which indicates -either Celtic or Teutonic authorship; and he is decided for the former -by the mixture of Greek words, which was a favorite practice with the -Irish hymn writers. Also the metrical form is one affected by them. On -these grounds it is fair to claim that the hymn of Damasus marks the -introduction of end-rhymes into the Latin hymns. - -Rhyme was by no means unknown in the poetry of the Greeks and the -Romans. But in languages which occupied that stage of grammatical -development in which the relations of words are expressed by -terminations, the resemblances in these were so numerous and so constant -that rhyme must have appeared rather a cheap form for poetry. So in this -stage we find the Southern Aryans of Europe employing the quantity of -syllables and those of Northern Europe the coincidences of initial -sounds (_stabreim_ or alliteration) and assonance in their verse. It was -when the development of languages substituted auxiliary and connecting -words for terminations that the coincidences of final sounds became so -much a source of pleasure to the ear as to justify their continuous -employment for that purpose. - -But besides the occasional occurrence of rhyme in classic poetry—as in -Virgil’s famous _jeu d’ esprit_, - - “Sic vos non vobis edificatis aves,” etc.— - -there seems to have existed forms of popular Latin verse in which rhyme -and accent held the place which quantity held in classic poetry. It is -this popular form of verse which the Church’s hymns began to reproduce, -just as they also in many cases are written in that _lingua rustica_, or -countrified speech of the peasantry of Italy and France, which was to -become the basis of the Romance languages. It is a matter of dispute -whether the Saturnian verse-form, to whose early prevalence and -prolonged existence among the classes not pervaded by Greek culture -Horace alludes, was based on an accentual scansion or merely on a -numbering of syllables and a rude approach to quantity. The general -consensus of scholars is that the Saturnian metres were based on accent, -and that rhyme, which is the natural and invariable product of the -accentual scansion, was also in use.[4] - -So this hidden current of rhymed and accented poetry of the common -people rose to light again after many ages in the hymns of the Western -Church. Thus Damasus brings us to the parting of the ways. In Hilary, -Ambrose and his school, Prudentius, Ennodius, Fortunatus, Elpis, -Gregory, and Bede we have the perpetuation of the classic tradition of -quantitative verse in the service of Christendom and for the ear of the -cultivated classes. And while that tradition expires in the Middle Ages, -we see it revive again in the sacred poets of the Renaissance—in -Zacharius Ferrari, George Fabricius, Marcus Antonius Muretus, Famiano -Strada and the other revisers of the Roman Breviary, the two Santeuls in -the Breviary of Clugny, and Charles Coffin in the Paris Breviary. But -Damasus stands at the head of a still more illustrious line. Catching, -perhaps, from the Etruscan and Sabine peasants, who thronged the -Catacombs on the day when the Martyr Agatha was commemorated, the -accents of the popular poetry, he became the founder of the tradition -which lives in the broader current of Latin sacred song. In this line of -succession we find already a few of the Ambrosian hymns, and then a long -series in which the two Bernards, Adam of St. Victor, Thomas of Celano, -Thomas Aquinas, and Bonaventura are the most illustrious names. And as -indeed the tradition of accent and rhyme seems to have made its way into -the literature of the modern world through the Latin hymns, Dante and -all the great poets who have illustrated its power to give pleasure -might be said to belong here. - -The hymn in commemoration of the Martyr Agatha—whose story of suffering -and triumph had seized on the imagination of the people as did those of -the martyrs Cecilia and Sebastian—we give with the English version of -the Rev. J. Anketell, which he has kindly permitted us to use. - - Martyris ecce dies Agathae - Virginis emicat eximiae, - Christus eam Sibi qua sociat, - Et diadema duplex decorat. - - Stirpe decens, elegans specie, - Sed magis actibus atque fide: - Terrea prospera nil reputans - Jussa Dei sibi corde ligans. - - Fortior haec trucibusque viris - Exposuit sua membra flagris, - Pectore quam fuerit valido - Torta mamilla docet patulo. - - Deliciae cui carcer erat, - Pastor ovem Petrus hanc recreat, - Laetior inde magisque flagrans - Cuncta flagella cucurrit ovans. - - Ethnica turba rogum fugiens, - Hujus et ipsa meretur opem: - Quos fidei titulus decorat, - His Venerem magis ipsa premat. - - Jam renitens quasi sponsa polo, - Pro misero rogitet Damaso, - Sic sua festa coli faciat, - Se celebrantibus ut faveat. - - Gloria cum Patre sit Genito, - Spirituique proinde sacro, - Qui Deus unus et omnipotens - Hanc nostri faciat memorem. - - Fair as the morn in the deep blushing East, - Dawns the bright day of Saint Agatha’s feast; - Christ who has borne her from labor to rest, - Crowns her as Virgin and Martyr most blest. - - Noble by birth and of beautiful face, - Richer by far in her deeds and her grace, - Earth’s fleeting honors and gains she despised, - God’s holy will and commandments she prized. - - Braver and nobler than merciless foes, - Willing her limbs to the scourge to expose; - Weakly she sank not by anguish oppressed, - When cruel torture destroyed her fair breast. - - Then her dark dungeon was filled with delight, - Peter the shepherd refreshed her by night; - Forth to her tortures rejoicing she went, - Thanking her God for the trials he sent. - - Barbarous pagans, escaping their doom, - Honor her virtues that brighten their gloom; - They whom the title of faith hath adorned, - Like her, earth’s possessions and pleasures have scorned. - - Radiant and glorious, a heavenly bride, - She to the Lord for the wretched hath cried; - So in her honor your praises employ, - That ye too may share in her triumph and joy. - - Praise to the Father and praise to the Son, - Praise to the Spirit, the blest Three in One; - God of all might in Heaven’s glory arrayed, - Praise for thy grace in thy servant displayed. - -It will be observed that Mr. Anketell, in the second line of the sixth -verse, follows the reading preferred by Daniel: _Pro miseris supplica -Domino_, which omits the Pope’s name. But it seems much more unlikely -that this line should be altered to the line as given above, than that -the contrary change should have been made. Emendators generally pass -from the concrete to the vague, from the specific to the general. - - - - - CHAPTER V. - AMBROSE. - - -It would appear that the Ambrosian hymns obtained much of their earliest -recognition in Spain. At least so runs the statement of Cardinal -Thomasius, who edited the Mozarabic (Spanish) Breviary. He says: “It is -not doubtful that in the seventh century of the Church, when the Spanish -Church especially flourished, the Ambrosian hymns were everywhere in -vogue.” The _Concilium Agathense_ (Council of Agde in Southern France, -A.D. 506), which concerned itself chiefly with matters of discipline, -ordained that hymns should be sung morning and evening, and at the -conclusion of matins, vespers, and masses. These and similar enactments -had reference to the body of hymns which had received the name of the -Bishop of Milan. Then, as now, they formed the true fragrant cedar-heart -of the old psalmody, and it is from their structure that the Council of -Toledo (633) drew its famous definition. The Council said: “_Proprie -autem hymni sunt continentes laudem Dei. Si ergo sit laus, et non sit -Dei, non est hymnus. Si sit et laus Dei laus_ [_sic_] _et non cantatur -non est hymnus. Si ergo laudem Dei dicitur et cantatur, tunc est -hymnus._” That is to say: “Hymns properly contain the praise of God. If -therefore there be praise, but not of God, this is no hymn. If there be -praise, praise of God, but not capable of being sung, this is no hymn. -If therefore the praise of God be both composed and sung, it is then a -hymn.” - -The author who is thus honored as the first great leader of the Church’s -praise was born at Treves, in Gaul, about the year 340 (or, as some say, -334). His father was a Roman noble who became praetorian prefect of the -province of Gallia Narbonensis; and as Hither Gaul was an important -region, it can be easily seen that the young Ambrose was reared in the -midst of wealth and power. His mother was a learned woman and he -naturally imbibed letters as he grew up. A tradition, which is probably -based on fact, assures us that even in his cradle he was marked for -fame. A swarm of bees came down upon him, and the amazed nurse saw them -clustered about his very mouth without harming him. This was the same -prodigy which had been related of Plato, and hence his parents imagined -a high destiny for the lad. It was indeed a singular and suggestive -commentary on his future life. He preserved his equanimity amid a great -deal of buzzing; and the sweetness of his speech won to him no less a -convert than the great Augustine. His entire career was worthy of the -sainted Sotheria, his ancestress, who was martyred for the faith under -Diocletian. - -He appears to us a man of both character and conscience. His education -was given him at Rome, and his brother Satyrus and himself went to Milan -to practice at the bar. His success as a pleader was great. He became -first assessor to the prefect with the rank of _Consularis_, whose -headquarters were now at Milan; and subsequently he took charge of -Liguria and Emilia. For in 369 we find him, by appointment of the -Emperor Valentinian, prefect of Upper Italy and Milan. His position is -sometimes styled that of “consular,” sometimes that of “governor,” and -sometimes that of “praetor” or imperial president, which last perhaps -the easiest designation for modern ears and carries the plainest meaning -with it. - -Now Milan was the capital of Liguria and it was the business of the -praetor to preside in the stead of the Emperor over the choice of a -bishop. Auxentius, an Arian, who had held this office, died in 374 and a -new election was necessary. This was not an easy matter, for the feud -between the Catholics and the Arians was at fever-heat, and rioting and -bloodshed were very certain to occur. - -The praetor called to mind the advice of Probus, prefect of Italy, who -had once charged him to administer the affairs of his region “like a -bishop.” He therefore tried to cast oil upon the waters. His genial -gravity and calm serenity of spirit aided the impression he meant to -produce. Both factions gazed upon him with delight. His attitude was so -unpartisan as to charm everybody, and it was very natural that this -eloquent representative of the Emperor should carry the suffrages of the -throng. And just when the interest was most intense and the confidence -greatest, a child cried out, “Let Ambrose be bishop,” and the crowd -caught the contagion at once. - -In later days it was maliciously said that Ambrose had himself contrived -this scene with an eye to the stage effect—that for all his apparent -humility the coming bishop set store by the office and wanted to obtain -it—that, in short, his reluctance to receive it and even his precipitate -flight from the city were prearranged! More than this, it has been -asserted that the various schemes and subterfuges to avoid becoming -bishop were known to and abetted by his friends, who were of the -orthodox party and desired to have their candidate elected. The best -reply that can be given is the character of the man himself. Such a -person must have entertained the highest reverence for such an office. -In his administration of its cares and duties he showed a conscious -supremacy over every worldly consideration. In his final acceptance of -it he evinced no less of self-denial than of sincerity. And it is -incredible that so mighty a mind as that of Augustine could have been -caught by the glittering emptiness of a hypocritical or self-seeking -nature. We may well charge these calumnies to their proper -sources—those, namely, of disappointed ambition or of envious malignity. - -The record of this endeavor to escape office reads singularly enough. He -first put some criminals to the torture, hoping by this means to shock -the people through his hard-hearted justice. When this would not do he -avowed philosophic rather than Christian sentiments. Having again -failed, he welcomed some very profligate persons—men and women—to his -palace in a way to invite scandal. This expedient being also detected he -actually escaped from the city by night, but lost his way and found -himself in front of the gates when morning dawned. This being his fourth -unavailing effort, he fled to a friend’s house in the country, begging -that he might lie hidden there until the first rush of feeling had been -stemmed and he could hope for calmer consideration of his refusal. But -the friend immediately betrayed him for his own good, and this -well-meant treachery fastened the mitre firmly on his brow. Basil the -Great gloried in this new coadjutor; and at the age of thirty-four or -thereabouts, he himself became convinced that he could struggle no -longer against his fate. - -It was thus that Ambrose finally assumed the episcopate, and it was soon -evident that this catechumen—for he had not even been previously -baptized—respected its dignities and meant that others should be of the -same mind as himself. He gave up his private fortune, selling his large -estates and personal property, and reserving from them only a proper -allowance to his sister Marcellina, who had early taken the vow of -virginity. He associated with this proceeding the most strict method of -living. “He accepted no invitations to banquets; took dinner only on -Sunday, Saturday, and the festivals of celebrated martyrs; devoted the -greater part of the night to prayer, to the hitherto necessarily -neglected study of the Scriptures and the Greek fathers and to -theological writing; preached every Sunday and often in the week; was -accessible to all, most accessible to the poor and needy; and -administered his spiritual oversight, particularly his instruction of -catechumens, with the greatest fidelity.” - -This is the character, admirably condensed, of a model bishop. To its -fulfilment it requires the fervent piety of a true Christian and the -constant zeal of an acute student together with the large prudence of a -man of affairs. All these are abundantly found in Ambrose. And if it -happened that in other and worse times his assertion of the spiritual -independence of a bishop gave a foundation for what became the authority -of the pope, it may be properly retorted that for him not to have done -so then would have prevented many another better thing in later ages. - -He was a more polished scholar than Hilary, and a more devout Christian -than Damasus. Hence it was that his energy and skill contributed largely -to the success of the Nicene orthodoxy in the West. Those times were -troublous, and a cheerful and sunshiny temper like that of Ambrose was a -vast auxiliary to the cause. He had been consecrated in 374, eight days -after his election; and in 382 he presided at the synod in Aquileia -which deposed Palladius and Secundianus, the Arian bishops. By so doing, -and by his general attitude, he incurred the anger of Justina, whose -son, the younger Valentinian, he always upheld and shielded. The -Empress, however, determined to deal with him a good deal as Ahab’s wife -dealt with Elijah. This comparison takes additional point from the use -which Ambrose himself made of the story of Naboth in his defence of the -Portian Church. - -He had already encountered the smouldering idolatry of old Rome, headed -by the rhetorician, Symmachus; but the eloquence of Ambrose had borne -down all opposition and that conflict was now at an end. A vindictive -woman was, however, a greater danger than a clever orator, and he found -this true when Justina, the Empress-mother, allied herself with the -heretical Arians. His pious zeal was kindled in a moment. Give up -churches to such a schismatic set as these? _Never!_ - -It was at Easter in the year 386 that the Portian Church and its holy -vessels were demanded for the use of the other party. Then stood up both -the old Roman and the new Christian in the single person of the Bishop -of Milan. He compared the demand to that of Ahab for Naboth’s vineyard; -and it may well be supposed that with the rush of such a torrent of -speech a current of inference was also borne along which involved -Justina herself. The sermon, which has survived to us, was preached on -Palm Sunday, and in it he said that he would hold every religious -edifice against heresy to the very death. Let them take his property; -let them depose or destroy himself; let them do their worst—but for his -part he would stand there unshaken for the truth. He would not incite -riot and confusion, but he would not yield. It was the anticipation of -Luther’s “_Hier stehe ich, ich kann nicht anders! Gott helfe mir!_” For -Ambrose proclaimed, almost in these actual words, “Here I stand, I -cannot do otherwise. God help me!” - -He made one magnificent point in this discourse—the focal centre it was -of the entire outburst of eloquent declamation. It was when he quoted -what our Lord Himself had said. “Yes,” cries Ambrose, “give to Caesar -what is Caesar’s, but give to God what is God’s. Is the Church the -property of Caesar? Never! It belongs unalterably to God. For God, then, -it shall be kept. It shall never be surrendered to Caesar.” - -The fight was really a siege. The sacred character of the churches -protected their defenders. Ambrose invigorated the multitude who flocked -to help him, and who organized relief parties to keep possession by day -and by night. To relieve the monotony of their watches, he frequently -addressed them words of encouragement. His fine equanimity triumphed -over the impending disaster. He taught the people there and then the -hymns of the early Church. He composed tunes and instructed them in -singing. And when at last he was able to discover the bodies of -Gervasius and Protasius, the ancient martyrs, he kindled in the spirits -of his hearers such a fire that the popular voice was heeded even by the -throne itself, and Justina was defeated and gave up the struggle. The -court actually retreated before the authority of the Church. And from -that moment, and that other memorable moment when he arraigned -Theodosius, Ambrose delivered the power of the bishop’s crozier from any -interference coming from the Emperor’s sceptre. Those were the days when -the pastoral staff might be of wood, but the man who wielded it was of -pure gold. - -This account needs the story of Theodosius to be immediately attached to -it in order to make it stand out in its true relation to the character -of Ambrose. The bishop met three great enemies during his career. First -appeared Idolatry, championed by Symmachus; then followed Heresy, -championed by Justina; and now came Despotism, behind which stood the -beloved Theodosius, the Emperor-pupil, with his hands red from the -massacre of Thessalonica. The facts were these: a tumult had arisen in -the circus at that place; Botheric, an imperial officer, had been -killed; and the Emperor had in revenge put very many people to death. -Some have even run the figures up to the incredible altitude of thirty -thousand, and the massacre has been always regarded as involving seven -thousand victims at the lowest estimate. It was a brutal and a horrible -act, and Ambrose came out as Nathan did before David and denounced it -with the most withering reproaches. The Emperor cowered and bent before -this sirocco of the truth. The speaker was poised so high above him in -the assured calm of a steady rectitude that Theodosius could do nothing -except yield. And yield he did; and for eight months he paid penance -before he was restored. It was the penance of the German Henry which -hastened the Reformation; it was the humiliation of Theodosius which -preserved both rights and dignities to the Church. - -There is another side of Ambrose, and one on which Protestants will love -to dwell. While his great disciple Augustine lent the weight of his -authority to the doctrine that civil constraint might be used to bring -men to orthodox beliefs, Ambrose always denounced that. When Valentinian -II. sent him to Trier to negotiate with the rebel Maximus, in the winter -of 383-84, Ambrose—like his contemporary, Martin of Tours—refused to -have any communion with the bishops who recognized Maximus as Emperor, -not on political grounds, but because they had obtained the execution of -certain Spanish Priscillianists for heresy. This was the first -blood-stain on the white garments of the Church—the first in the long -line of such sins against the Word and Spirit of Christ. Yet Adrian VI. -appealed to it as a precedent against Luther, and described the usurper -as one of “the ancient and pious emperors.” In this he followed the -example of his infallible predecessor, Leo I., who, in 447, declared -there would be an end of all law, human and divine, if such heretics -were allowed to live! - -As an orator and writer, Ambrose’s strength lay in the simple direct -plunge of his sentences, wide and grand and forceful as the launching of -a great bowlder down a mountain path. And Mr. Simcox has noticed that -the words which are used to describe his rhetorical power are almost all -derived from _eloqui_. The other assemblage of expressions, drawn from -_disertus_ and the like, refer to the logical or learned weight of an -argument. But what struck every one in the case of Ambrose was that he -let the truth come mightily, just as he felt and believed it, with a -swing and a vigor which was the outburst of his own majestic soul. It -was this which won his victories. It was this power of sincerity which -made him the counsellor of Theodosius and the instructor of Gratian as -well as the guardian of Valentinian II. It was this unshrinking -forwardness of movement which led him to oppose the rebuilding of the -Jews’ synagogue; they had denied the Lord Jesus—let their house burn! -But a victory more Christian was gained when thirty days of respite were -fixed by his intercession between the sentence and execution of -criminals. And although the defence of “Virginity,” as Ambrose conducted -it, was the mainspring of the conventual idea, and was afterward -vigorously used for that purpose, it is again plain that he advocated -what he believed and what he himself devoutly practised. He shines upon -us, from every angle of vision, as a character most pure, serene, and -brave. - -The siege in the basilica at Milan had an important bearing on the whole -future of the Christian Church. Augustine tells us how his mother Monica -had followed him to Milan, and how when there “she hastened the more -eagerly to the church and hung upon the lips of Ambrose.” (_Aug. Conf._, -B. vi.) “That man,” he continues, “she loved as an angel of God because -she knew that by him I had been brought to that doubtful state of faith -I now was in.” She evidently anticipated that so eloquent a preacher -would complete the work that he had been permitted to begin. As for -Augustine himself, he felt “shut out both from his ear and speech by -multitudes of busy people whose weaknesses he served.” - -How finely, by the way, this very expression illustrates the greatness -of Ambrose’s character and the unselfishness of his life! We get also a -picture of the man as a student—one whose voice would become worn by any -extended public speaking, and who therefore read to himself in his -private studies in a manner unusual apparently in that age—namely, as we -do now, without opening his lips or articulating the words. The effect -of Justina’s persecution is also given most graphically. (_Aug. Conf._, -B. ix.) For Augustine, having first told us how these heavenly voices -fell upon his ear, says that his mother “bore a chief part of those -anxieties and watchings” and “lived for prayer.” At this date, he -emphatically declares, “it was first instituted that after the manner of -the Eastern churches, hymns and psalms should be sung lest the people -should wax faint through the tediousness of sorrow; and from that day to -this the custom is retained, divers (yea, almost all) congregations -throughout other parts of the world following herein.” It is he, -moreover, who tells us that the two martyrs’ bodies were transferred to -that Ambrosian church erected in 387, and where afterward were placed -the bones of its great founder; which was spared by Barbarossa in 1162, -and which, as the church of San Ambrogio, still occupies its old site in -Milan. Thus we have the most important of contemporary testimony to some -of these troublous scenes. - -Of the Ambrosian hymns themselves a great deal may be said. It is better -to confine one’s self rather, therefore, to results than to the long -processes which have led thither. But it is impossible to agree with Dr. -Neale and Archbishop Trench, who say of them that “there is a certain -coldness in them—an aloofness of the author from his subject.” This is -one of those bits of critical misapprehension which lead us to doubt the -infallibility of even so admirable a judgment as that of the warden of -Sackville College. The truth is that Dr. Neale admired gorgeousness and -the splendor of ritual. He praises the _Pange lingua_ of Aquinas -altogether too much and he praises Ambrose altogether too little. A -simple and reverent spirit cannot be said to experience, as he does, a -“feeling of disappointment” before this which he calls “an altar of -unhewn stone.” This single phrase exposes the delusion. “_Unhewn_ stone” -is not to Dr. Neale’s nor to Archbishop Trench’s churchly taste, while -it is precisely upon such an altar as that (Ex. 20:25) that God was -ready to let His flame descend. The latest judgment—that of Mr. -Simcox—(_Latin Literature_, vol. ii., 405) is decidedly preferable: -“They all have the character of deep, spontaneous feeling, flowing in a -clear, rhythmical current, and show a more genuine literary feeling than -the prose works.” To any one who is at all familiar with the Ambrosian -hymns this will at once commend itself as the better criticism. - -We may pause a moment to inquire about the chants which bear his name, -but we shall have slight enough information. Four tunes are traditional: -the Dorian, Phrygian, Lydian, and Mixed Lydian. What these were and how -they were sung, we do not accurately know. We do know, however, that -Ambrose employed but four notes (the _tetrachord_) where we have -subdivided the various tones into the octave. The Germans do not profess -to tell us anything more definite than this. - -The actual hymns are to be reckoned up in several ways. First comes the -mass of _Ambrosiani_, including hymns of Gregory the Great and of other -and much later authors. Many have been foisted into this category -because they were found in old breviaries and manuscripts. Then from -these we may separate the _presumed originals_—of which a large -proportion are now known to belong to other writers. These -misapprehensions are due to such compilers as Fabricius, Cassander, -Clichtove, and Thomasius, who were not invariably correct and who -perpetuated their designations through later works. Still a third class -are the _possible originals_, selected by the judicious but not always -accurate zeal of the Benedictines of St. Maur when they edited the -collected works of the great bishop. And last of all can be placed the -_probable originals_—those hymns which are authenticated by Augustine -and by St. Caelestin (A.D. 430), together with those in structure -closely resembling them. - -For our own purposes a fifth class can even yet be formed from the last -named group—the _undoubted originals_, which will comprise only those -attested by contemporary authority. - -The list would stand then in the order of authenticity, about as -follows: - - - I. - - Attested by St Augustine. - _Deus Creator omnium_, - _Aeterne rerum conditor_, - _Jam surgit hora tertia, Qua_ - Referred to directly by St. Caelestin. - _Veni Redemptor gentium._ - -These are the _undoubted_ hymns and the only hymns to be safely assigned -to Ambrose. - - - II. - - _Aeterna Christi numera, et martyrum_, - _Illuminans altissimus_, - _Orabo mente dominum_, - (from _Bis ternas horas_,) - _Splendor paternae gloriae_. - -These are the _probable_ hymns. - - - III. - - _Apostolorum passio_, - _Conditor alme siderum_, - _Consors paterni luminis_, - _Hic est dies verus Dei_, - _Jam lucis orto sidere_, - _Nunc sancte nobis Spiritus_, - _O lux beata Trinitas_, - _Obduxere polum nubila coeli_, - _O rex aeterne domine_, - _Rector potens, verax Deus_, - _Rerum Deus tenax vigor_, - _Somno refectis artubus_, - _Squalent arva soli pulvere multo_, - _Summae Deus clementiae_, - _Tristes erant apostoli_. - -These have, for one reason or another, been assigned to Ambrose. It is -to be remembered that the _Tristes erant_ is a part of the _Aurora lucis -rutilat_, and that in many cases the hymns are very much intermingled. A -rigid designation is therefore impossible. The fourth class comprehends -what may be called _Ambrosiani_—the Sedulian and Gregorian and other -hymns being simply excluded from the list. - - - IV. - - _Aeternae lucis conditor_, - _Agnis beatae virginis_, - _Apostolorum supparem_, - _A solis ortus cardine Et usque_, - _Aurora lucis rutilat_, - _Bis ternas horas explicans_, - _Certum tenentes ordinem_, - _Christe coelorum conditor_, - _Christe cunctorum dominator alme_, - _Christe qui lux es et dies_, - _Christe rex coeli domine_, - _Christe redemptor gentium_, - _Cibis resumptis congruis_, - _Coeli Deus sanctissime_, - _Convexa solis orbita_, - _Dei fide, qua vivimus_, - _Deus aeterni luminis_, - _Deus qui certis legibus_, - _Deus qui claro lumine_, - _Deus qui coeli lumen es_, - _Dicamus laudes Domino_, - _Diei luce reddita_, - _Fulgentis auctor aetheris_, - _Gesta sanctorum martyrum_, - _Grates tibi Jesu novas_, - _Hymnum dicamus Domino_, - _Immense coeli conditor_, - _Jam cursus horae sextae_, - _Jam lucis splendor rutilat_, - _Jam sexta sensim volvitur_, - _Jam surgit hora tertia, Et nos_, - _Jam ter quaternis trahitur_, - _Jesu corona celsior_, - _Jesu corona virginum_, - _Jesu nostra redemptio_, - _Magnae Deus potentiae_, - _Magni palmam certaminis_, - _Mediae noctis tempus est_, - _Meridie orandum est_, - _Miraculum laudabile_, - _Mysteriorum signifer_, - _Mysterium ecclesiae_, - _Nox atra rerum contegit_, - _Optatus votis omnium_, - _Perfectum trinum numerum_, - _Plasmator hominis Deus_, - _Post matutinas laudes_, - _Rerum creator optime_, - _Sacratum hoc templum Dei_, - _Saevus bella serit barbarus horrens_, - _Stephano primo martyri_, - _Telluris ingens conditor_, - _Te lucis ante termium_, - _Tempus noctis surgentibus_, - _Ter hora trina volvitur_, - _Ternis ter horis numerus_, - _Tristes nunc populi, Christe redemptor_, - _Tu Trinitatis unitas_, - _Verbum supernum prodiens, a Patre_, - _Victor, Nabor, Felix pii_, - _Vox clara ecce intonat_. - -While these are often known to be mere paraphrases of Ambrose’s own -homilies, or imitations of his hymns, they are as frequently found to -possess his spirit and almost the very forms of his verse. Thus Daniel -says of the _Ter hora trina_ that it is “not unworthy of Ambrose -himself.” We also find many cases where the Roman Breviary has altered -the first line as well as changed the arrangement of the stanzas. - -The last class are those hymns, formerly called Ambrosian, but now known -to be the work of other hands. They are given with their authors’ names -appended. - - - V. - - _Ad coenam Agni providi_.(_Ad An ancient hymn, older possibly than - regias Agni_.) Ambrose or Hilary. - _Aeterna Christi unmera nos_. A mediaeval patchwork. - _Aeterna coeli gloria_. An Abcedary of later date. - _Agathae sanctae virginis_. Found at Milan among Ambrosian hymns. - _Almi prophetae progenies_. Time of Ennodius, sixth century. - _Amore Christi nobilis_. Versification of Ambrose on the - Incarnation, cap. 3. - _A solis ortus cardine, Ad “An Abcedary arranged by - usque_. Sedulius.”—Neale. - _Aurora jam spargit polum_. “Incognitus auctor.”—Cassander. - _Bellator armis inclytus_. “Ein altes Lied.”—Mone. - _Ex more docti - mystico_.—Gregory. - _Fit porta Christi pervia_. Part of _A solis ortus_.—Sedulius. - _Jam Christus astra ascenderat_. —Gregory. - _Lucis creator optime_. —Gregory. - -Here, then, we have what may be called substantially the earliest -hymn-book of the Latin Church. Of course there were other hymns which -were very soon separated and properly assigned, but not until the -fifteenth century was any intelligent analysis attempted, and it is even -now—as can be easily seen—a matter not of dogmatic certainty, but of -scholarly authority and inherent probability. It may not be improper to -add, however, that in these hymns we find some of the purest and most -pious of praises. The _honor_ of the Virgin Mother and of the saints has -not yet been attempted. The martyrs, Stephen and Agnes and Agatha, are -alone mentioned, if we except an occasional and somewhat doubtful -tribute to others. These are hymns of worship and of prayer—of adoration -and of fellowship. - -As a handful of grain from a great granary, here are four versions of -hymns counted as among Ambrose’s best: - - - DEUS CREATOR OMNIUM. - - Maker of all, the Lord, - And ruler in the height, - Thy care doth robe the day in peace, - Thou givest sleep by night. - - Let rest refresh our limbs - For toil, though wearied now, - And let our troubled minds be calm, - And smooth the anxious brow. - - We sing our thanks, for day - Is gone and night appears; - Our vows and prayers in contrite hope - Are lifted to thine ears. - - To thee the deepest soul, - To thee the tuneful voice, - To thee the chaste affections turn, - In thee our minds rejoice. - - That when black depths of gloom - Have hid the day from sight, - Our faith may tread no darkening path, - And night by faith be bright. - - And let no slumber seize - That mind which must not sleep, - Whose faith must keep its virtue fresh, - Whose dreams may not be deep. - - When sensual things are done - Our loftiest thought is thine, - Nor fear of unseen enemies - Can break such peace divine. - - To Christ and to the Father now, - And to the Spirit equally, - We pray for every favoring gift, - One God supreme, a Trinity. - - - SPLENDOR PATERNAE GLORIAE. - - O splendor of the Father’s face, - Affording light from light, - Thou Light of light, thou fount of grace, - Thou day of day most bright. - - O shine upon us, perfect Sun, - With lasting brightness shine; - Let radiance from the Spirit run, - Our senses to refine. - - To thee, our Father, do we pray, - Whose glory endeth not, - That thine almighty favor may - Remove each sinful spot. - - He fills our deeds with heavenly strength, - He blunts the look of hate, - He ends our weary lot at length, - Or gives us grace to wait. - - - HIC EST DIES VERUS DEI. - - This is the very day of God, - Serene with holy light, - On which the pure atoning blood - Has cleansed the world aright. - - Restoring hope to lost mankind, - Enlightening darkened eyes, - Relieving fear in us who find - The thief in Paradise. - - Who, changing swiftly cross for crown, - By one brief glance of trust, - Beheld God’s Kingdom shining down, - And followed Christ the Just. - - The very angels stand amazed, - Beholding such a sight, - And such a trusting sinner raised - To blessed life and light. - - O mystery beyond our thought, - To take earth’s stain away, - And lift the burden sin hath brought, - And cleanse this coarser clay. - - What deed can more sublime appear? - For sorrow seeks for grace, - And love releases mortal fear, - And death renews the race. - - Death seizes on the bitter barb, - And binds herself thereto, - And life is clad in deathly garb, - And life shall rise anew. - - When death through earth has made her path, - Then all the dead shall rise, - And death, consumed by heavenly wrath, - In groans, and lonely, dies. - - - O LUX BEATA TRINITAS. - - O blessed light, the Trinity, - In Unity of primal love— - Now that the burning sun has gone, - Our hearts illumine from above. - - Thee, in the morn with songs of praise, - Thee, at the evening time, we seek; - Thee, through all ages we adore, - And, suppliant of thy love, we speak. - - To God the Father be the praise, - And to his sole-begotten Son, - And to the Blessed Comforter, - Both now and while all time shall run. - -The closing scenes in the life of the great bishop were such as became -his past. His funeral address over his brother Satyrus is like that of -Bernard over his brother Gerard, or like that of Melanchthon above the -dead Luther. His eulogy of Theodosius, whom he survived but two years, -is conceived in a strain of lofty poetry, several paragraphs opening -with the repeated phrase _Dilexi virum illum._ I loved that man! - -Ambrose died on the night after Good Friday, A.D. 397. Paulinus, his -biographer, was taking notes of the commentary pronounced by his dying -master on the 43d psalm. It was a scene like that at the deathbed of the -Venerable Bede. The failing bishop said that he heard angelic voices and -saw the smiling face of Christ; and the reverent scribe avows that the -face which looked on his own was bright, and that around that aged head -shone until the very last an aureole of glory. - -Let us allow much charity to the miracles and to the superstition of -that time, but let us also remember the gravity and sweetness of the -poet-bishop. For it is no wonder that when he lay in state in the great -cathedral with quiet, upturned face, little children were moved by his -gentle dignity of countenance and men and women, affected by this holy -presence, put away their sins, and were baptized as followers of the -dead man’s faith. - - - - - CHAPTER VI. - PRUDENTIUS THE FIRST CHRISTIAN POET. - - -Aurelius Prudentius Clemens has received rather more than his due share -of renown. His works have been edited by the most careful scholars. -There is a beautiful little “Elzevir” upon which Heinsius expended his -labor and which was printed at Amsterdam in 1667. There is an “Aldine,” -4to, Venice, 1501. But the most elegant is that of Parma (1788, 2 vols., -4to), edited by Teoli; and the best is regarded as that of Faustinus -Arevalus, the Spaniard, Rome 1788-89, also in 2 vols. 4to. If to these -we add the most _accessible_ collection of his writings, we shall find -it in the fifty-ninth and sixtieth volumes of Migne’s _Patrologia_. The -text of these various editions is derived from what is called the Codex -Puteanus, now in the Paris Library—a manuscript dating into the fifth or -sixth century. In all, there have been nearly a dozen of them, of which -that of R. Langius (1490, 4to) is the true _princeps_—the very earliest. -And in the matter of editorship, it is worthy of note that Erasmus did -not disdain to expend his fine classical skill upon the hymns for -Christmas and the Epiphany. - -If we ask Bentley his opinion of Prudentius he tells us that he is “the -Horace and Virgil of the Christians.” Milman declares that he was “the -great popular author of the Middle Ages,” and that “no work but the -Bible appears with so many glosses [commentaries] in High German.” “T. -D.,” away back in 1821, when dear old Kit North was editing _Blackwood_, -furnished that periodical with some poetical translations and remarked -that Prudentius was “the Latin Dr. Watts.” In La Rousse he obtains the -credit of being “the first Christian poet.” Among the earlier -contemporaneous, or slightly subsequent references his name is preceded -by the magic letters, “V. C.,” standing not, as some have thought, for -_Vir Consularis_, a man who had enjoyed the consulship, but for _Vir -Clarissimus_, a person of high distinction. It is reserved for the -“worthy and impartial” Du Pin to formulate a judgment more in accord -with the true facts of the case. “Prudentius,” saith Du Pin, “is no very -good poet, he often useth expressions not reconcilable to the purity of -Augustus’s Age.” - -The value of his poetry turns largely upon its theological and -historical merits—both of which are considerable. It is not structurally -perfect by any means, and yet it has furnished several very lovely hymns -to the Church—graceful and delicate, rather than strong or inspiring. - -In giving him his name it is safe to take that which is usually adopted: -_Aurelius Prudentius_, surnamed _Clemens_ or the Merciful. To this has -occasionally been prefixed _Quintus_ or _Marcus_, but neither has -sufficient authority in its favor. He was a Spaniard, and the main facts -concerning his life are learned from his own metrical preface to his -poems. Probably few questions have been more closely discussed by the -learned than this of his birthplace. The internal evidence is heaped up -on either side until it is seen that Calahorra [Calagurris] is probably -where he was born, while Saragossa [Caesarea-Augusta] was “his city” and -the place with which he was most identified. - -He was doubtless of good family. Those industrious and microscopic -editors who have devoted themselves to his fame have laid great stress -upon the names _Aurelius_ and _Clemens_. The _Aurelii_, they say, were -distinguished and well-born people. The _Clementes_ were also of notable -memory. And there were two _Prudentii_ beside himself who obtained -rather more than ordinary distinction. Indeed, there were some five -_Prudentii_, early and late, and one of them, _Prudentius Amoenus_, -tried, indifferently badly, to climb to fame by an abridgment of his -predecessor’s history of the Old and New Testaments. In this he was so -successful that the original is now lost, the condensation alone -remains, and our Prudentius is often known as _Prudentius Major_, to -differentiate him from this troublesome _Minor_, who was a preceptor of -Walafrid Strabo. In regard to two other hymns—the _Corde natus_ and the -_Vidit anguis_—an element of doubt has been introduced by this same -person. Faustinus Arevalus was nothing if not a hymn-tinker (see -_Christian Remembrancer_, vol. xlvi., p. 125 _ff._), and it is possible -that these by such careless editorship have been incorporated into the -text of the true Prudentius from the pages of his namesake and imitator. -The hymn _Virgo Dei genitrix_ (of the fifteenth century) is ascribed to -another of the five Prudentii. - -This sort of blunder is by no means unusual. We have an instance in -point with reference to the very Consul Salia in whose consulship our -poet tells us that he was born. A similarity between _Coss. Salia_ and -_Massalia_ misled the learned. They saw in this a proof that Massilia -(Marseilles) was his birthplace, and Prudentius was at once claimed for -France. But we have now unravelled and disentangled the greater part of -this obscure coil. Flavius Philippus and Flavius _Salia_ are known to -have served conjointly in the year 348, and hence the industry of Aldus -Manutius and Labbeus (Labbèe) has been thrown away and their false -conjecture has been abandoned. - -Prudentius himself tells us nothing about his family, beyond what we -derive by inference. The deeper that we plunge into this labyrinth of -guesses the further we are from being settled in opinion. The -exhaustive—and, let us add, the exhausting—editor of the latest edition -finally calls a halt in the middle of his complicated Latin sentences -and avows himself utterly at a loss about the truth. There is then some -comfort left to us in cutting and untying these knots; for whatever view -we may advance has found distinguished and earnest championship already! -On the whole, Teoli appears a reliable leader, and him we have mostly -followed, as later authors, such as Professors Fiske and Teuffel, seem -to have done before us. - -Let us say, then, that he was born in 348, Philippus and Salia being -consuls, at Calahorra, which lies up the Ebro and to the northwest of -Saragossa. To-day Calahorra is a small place of a few thousand -inhabitants, but it furnishes two other notable facts to history in -addition to its claim to be the birthplace of Prudentius. It was this -little fighting town which resisted Afranius, whom Pompey sent to take -it in 78 B.C., and it was then that the citizens ate their wives and -children sooner than surrender. Besides this somewhat doubtful glory it -produced Quinctilian; while Tudela, which is between it and Saragossa, -gave a name to the learned Jew, Benjamin of Tudela, whose ideas about -the Tower of Babel have become as classic as Prudentius’s hymns or as -the Maid of Saragossa herself. It may be added that paganism was very -early abandoned in all this region. - -The parents of Prudentius gave him a good education. He possessed, says -Teoli, _ingenium acre, disertum, ferax_—talent that was keen, eloquent, -and fruitful. But at the rhetoricians’ schools, which he attended about -the age of seventeen, he found little that was commendable in manners or -morals. It would appear that he gave the rein to his vices and that his -life was not very rapidly turned into the ways of Christianity. - -He was at first called to the bar and made judge in two towns of -considerable size, which may perhaps have been Toledo and Cordova. About -the year 400 he is supposed to have gone to Rome and to have been -favorably received by Honorius the Emperor, who then promoted him to -some sort of honorable office in his native country. At fifty-seven -years of age, as he himself tells us, he began to cultivate literature. -He had retired from active life, much as Chaucer did in later days. From -this period onward he lived in quiet; he “fled fro’ the presse and dwelt -in soothfastnesse,” like the father of English verse. He gave himself to -sacred things—to hymns in honor of God and of the saints, and to poems -against paganism and in favor of Christian duty. - -His poems have Greek titles. First comes the _Psychomachia_ (the Battles -of the Soul)—in hexameter—treating of the conflict in a Christian soul -between virtue and vice. The contrasts are arranged somewhat like those -of Plutarch between the Greek and Roman leaders, only, of course, the -antithesis is decidedly against the vices. Here stand Faith opposed to -Idolatry, and Chastity facing Impurity, and Patience resisting Anger, -and Humility contrasted with Pride, and Sobriety pre-eminent over -Excess, and Liberality vanquishing Covetousness, and Concord healing the -wounds caused by Dissension. There are nine hundred and fifteen lines in -the poem. - -The _Peristephanon_ (Concerning Crowns) has twelve hymns in honor of -various martyrs. Mr. Simcox notes that these are almost idyllic in form, -and that there is much made of the white dove which flies from the -burning pile about St. Eulalia and of the violets which the girls should -bring to the tombs of the virgin martyrs. It may be interesting to name -the martyrs thus celebrated. There were two from Calahorra; then -Laurentius and Eulalia; eighteen who suffered at Saragossa; Vincentius, -and finally Fructuosus and Quirinus, bishops both. - -Then comes a poem on the Baptistery at Calahorra (translated in -_Blackwood_, vol. ix., p. 192), with a description of the deaths of -Cassian, Romanus, Hippolytus, Peter and Paul the apostles, Cyprian and -Agnes. These poems, it should be said, are various in metre and some are -quite long. - -The _Cathemerinon_ (a Book of Hours) is the real mine whence the most of -the hymns which were composed by Prudentius are taken. In this we have -hymns for cock-crowing and morning; before and after food; at the -lighting of the lamp; and before retiring to rest. With these are joined -others for the use of those who are fasting, and at the conclusion of -the fast; for all hours and at the burial of the dead; the work ending -with hymns for Christmas and Epiphany. - -The _Apotheosis_ consists of poems relating to the errors of all the -heretics that can be named—Patripassians, Arians, Sabellians, -Manichaeans, Docetae, etc. The value of this to ecclesiastical history -is easily perceived. It has more than a thousand hexameters and it -treats additionally of the nature of the soul and of sin and of the -resurrection. - -The _Hamartigenia_ (the Origin of Evil) takes up original sin as against -Marcion; and the _Dittochaeon_ (which possibly means Double Food) is the -abridgment of Old and New Testaments. This last is a sort of religious -picture gallery ranging from Adam to the Apocalypse in hexametrical -epigrams. There is reason to doubt whether it be what Prudentius -originally composed. If he followed his usual vein of abundant verse, -there is no question but that these half a hundred epigrams would be -more popular than his very extensive poetical treatment of such -subjects. - -It is left us to mention the two books against Symmachus, the Roman -senator, whom Ambrose so earnestly and successfully opposed. Symmachus -had purposed to restore the idols, revive the revenues of the pagan -temples, and generally to cast out Christianity from Rome. The poetry of -Prudentius is again valuable here, for it plunges into the origin and -baseness of idolatry, describing the conversion of Rome, and presenting -a picture of the times which is invaluable to the historian. It is from -the pages of Prudentius that we learn the cruelty of the purest of the -Roman women, when - - “The modest vestal, with her down-turned thumb - Urges the gladiator to his stroke - Lest life may lurk in any vital place!” - -One line in our author’s hymn in honor of St. Lawrence preserves an -historical fact which was not appreciated in its full significance until -our own times. He says, _Aedemque Laurenti tuam Vestalis intrat -Claudia_—“Claudia, the Vestal Virgin, enters Thy House.” In 1883 there -was discovered in the _Atrium_ of the Vestals a pedestal of a statue -dedicated to one of the heads of the order, from which her name had been -effaced purposely. Nothing of it was left except the initial C., while -there still remained the praise of “her chastity and her profound -knowledge in religious matters” (_Ob meritvm Castitatis Pvdicitiae adq. -in Sacris Religionibusqve Doctrinae Mirabilis_). The statue was erected -in the year 364, and the order was abolished by the younger Theodosius -in 394, so that her conversion must have taken place between those two -dates. The conversion of a person filling a place of such high honor in -pagan eyes, of a _Vestalis maxima_, must have been a severe blow to the -pagan party, which in Rome was making a fierce but hopeless fight for -the old worship. Yet we find no other reference to it in literature, -unless the letter of Symmachus to a Vestal, of whom he had heard that -she meant to withdraw from her order, was addressed to Claudia. See -Professor Lanciani’s _Ancient Rome in the Light of Recent Discoveries_, -pp. 170-72 (Boston, 1888). - -It is uncertain in what year or in what part of Spain Prudentius died. -Conjecture varies between 410 and 424 A.D. This infinitude of filmy -particulars causes one to feel as if he were walking through spider-webs -of a morning in the country. This hard, practical nineteenth century -only experiences a sense of annoyance as it encounters the elaborate -nothings of that strangely laborious, all-gathering scholarship which -prevailed in the sixteenth and seventeenth. To create any intensity of -interest to-day requires an imagination which would sacrifice truth to -attractiveness. - -But certainly, from what we can see of the man in his works, we can have -no hesitation in pronouncing a verdict highly favorable both to his -poetry and his piety. As governor of important towns he merited—or he -would scarcely have received—his title of “the Merciful.” As a close -observer of his time and a student of its thought, he has preserved for -us what we cannot spare. It is he who in the _Jam moesta quiesce -querela_ struck the first notes which were to vibrate in the _Dies -irae_. It is he again who in the _Ales die nuntius_ anticipated Henry -Vaughan and his - - “Father of lights, what sunny seed, - What glance of day hast thou confined - Into this bird!” - -The hymn is as follows: - - “The bird, the messenger of day, - Cries the approaching light; - And thus doth Christ, who calleth us - Our minds to life excite. - - “Bear off, he cries, these beds of ease - Where lie the sick and dumb; - And let the chaste and pure and true - Watch, for I quickly come. - - “We haste to Jesus at his word, - Earnest to pray and weep, - Such fervent supplication still - Forbids pure hearts to sleep. - - “Disturb our dream, thou holy Christ, - Break off the night’s dark chain; - Forgive us all our sin of old, - And grant us light again.” - -And so it is still he who casts the ray of his fancy upon Bethlehem and -upon the Transfigured Christ. Here is the _Quicumque Christum quaeritis_ -in proof of his real genius: - - “O ye who seek your Lord to-day, - Lift up your eyes on high, - And view him there, as now ye may, - Whose brightness cannot die. - - “How gloriously it shineth on - As though it knew no dearth: - Sublime and lofty, never done, - Older than heaven and earth. - - “Thou art the very King of men, - Thy people Israel’s King, - Promised unto our fathers when - From Abraham all should spring. - - “To thee the prophets testified, - In thee their hearts rejoice— - Our Father bids us seek thy side - To hear and heed thy voice.” - -I have changed the two last stanzas into the second person instead of -the third. Otherwise the rendering is a faithful and literal version of -the hymn. This, then, is a good proof of the genuine ring of true metal -to be found in Prudentius. - -The variety and flexibility of his measures, in spite of archaic or -post-classical words and phrases, deserves our highest praise. He is a -writer of the “Brazen Age,” but he has not sunk far from the “Silver,” -nor exactly into the falchion sweep of the more brutal “Iron” time. - -Here is another of his hymns, the _Nox et tenebrae et nubila_, which has -obtained a place in the Roman Breviary: - - “Night, clouds and darkness, get you gone! - Depart, confusions of the earth! - Light comes; the sky so dark and wan - Brightens—it is the Saviour’s birth! - - “The gloom of earth is cleft in twain - Struck by that sudden, solar ray; - Color and life return again - Before the shining face of day. - - “Thee, Christ, alone we seek to know, - Thee, pure in mind, and plain in speech; - We seek thee in our worship, so - That thou canst through our senses teach. - - “How many are the dreams of dread - Which by thy light are swept apart! - Thou, Saviour of the sainted dead, - Shine with calm lustre in the heart!” - -The same leading idea of the analogy of the natural light with the -spiritual runs through the following: - - “Lo the golden light appears, - Lo the darkness pales away - Which has plunged us long in fears, - Wandering in a devious way. - - “Now the light brings peace at last, - Holds us purely as its own; - All our doubts aside are cast, - And we speak with holy tone. - - “So may all the day run on - Free from sin of hand or tongue, - And our very glances shun - Every form and shape of wrong. - - “High above us One is set - All our days to know and mark, - And our acts he watches yet - From the dawning to the dark.” - -Prudentius undoubtedly exhibits the early traces of observances which -are peculiar to the Roman Catholic Church. In one of his hymns (the -_Cultor Dei memento_) he advises that the sign of the cross be made upon -the forehead and above the heart: - - “Frontem locumque cordis - Crucis figura signet.” - -But we have not the space, nor is this the proper occasion, to follow -him through those matters which belong to the church historian more than -to the hymnologist. We must leave him to end his days in undisturbed -quiet, a good deal after the manner of Chaucer, as indeed we have -already hinted. He is said to have died in the neighborhood of the year -405 in Spain. Our information is largely conjectural and affords us no -certainty about his closing years. - -That a poet who still dwelt amid the sculptured coldness of the pagan -past should have written such hymns, is a proof of what Christianity was -then achieving. She had banished from the chilly apartments of -literature the ancient _focus_ with its feeble charcoal and its mephitic -smoke. Instead of this she had created the cheerful _hearth_, on which a -pure fire of devotion was kindled and whose ascending flame swept off -the immoral vapors of the time. Prudentius, in a word, made scholarship -and religion companions instead of enemies; and brightened classic -prosody by the presence of a living faith. - -To Prudentius also more hymns have been ascribed than he ever wrote, but -after these have been weeded out, there are left: - - _Ales diei nuntius_, - _Nox et tenebrae et nubila_, - _Sol ecce surgit igneus_, - _Intende nostris sensibus_, - _O crucifer bone, lucisator_, - _Pastis visceribus, ciboque sumpto_, - _Inventor rutili dux bone luminis_, - _Ades pater supreme_, - _Cultor Dei memento_, - _O Nazarene lux Bethlem verbum Patris_, - _In Ninivitas se coactus percito_, - _Christe servorum regimen tuorum_, - _Da puer plectrum_, - _Corde natus ex parentis_, - _Deus ignee fons animarum_, - _Jam moesta quiesce querela_, - _Quid est quod arctum circulum_, - _Quicumque Christum quaeritis_, - _O sola magnarum urbium_, - _Audit tyrannus anxius_, - _Salvete flores martyrum_, - _Qui ter quaternus denique_, - _Felix terra quae Fructuoso vestiris_, - _Lux ecce surgit aurea_, - _En martyris Laurentii_, - _Beate martyr prospera_, - _Noctis terrae primordia_, - _Obsidionis obvias_, - _Hymnum Mariae Virginis_, - _Germine nobilis Eulalia_, - _Scripta sunt coelo duorum_, - _Innumeros cineres sanctorum_. - - - - - CHAPTER VII. - ENNODIUS, BISHOP OF PAVIA. - - -Rambach says, in his Anthology, that none of the hymns of Ennodius have -been adopted by the Church. “Nor have I,” adds Daniel, “found in any -breviary a verse of Ennodius. Yet,” he continues, “since there are many -of them in the collection of Thomasius, which have been taken from the -Mozarabic Breviary, it seems to me certain that in some countries they -were formerly employed by the Church.” Some corruption has also taken -place in the text. And, in short, these hymns have never appeared either -devout or original enough to secure the suffrages of the faithful. - -The reason for their emptiness is not far to seek. Their author was a -man of great celebrity but of little piety. His reputation, too, is that -of an ardent ecclesiast, who managed to climb the heights of saintship -by working in the interest of the Roman pontiff. He labored to maintain -the supremacy of the Pope—upon whom, it is said, on good authority, that -he was the first to bestow the world-wide appellation of Papa (Pope)—and -to effect the union under this one religious head of both Greek and -Roman churches. To this single cause, with its double aspect, Ennodius -gave his talents and his zeal. He was so far successful that he gained -honor and position for himself, however he was prospered in his other -plans. - -He was a person of sufficient prominence for Italy and Gaul to contest -the honor of his birth. It would appear, however, that Gaul has the best -title to whatever credit his nationality may give. The works on -hymnology do not mention him, and the only notices of his life and -writings are to be found in out-of-the-way corners of books on Latin -literature and in the controversial pages of Church historians. Those -who attack and those who defend the papal claims, are in the habit of -mentioning the two embassies of Ennodius as notable points in their -argument; but the man is lost from sight in the paramount importance of -his mission. It cannot be so with us, to whom his personal character is -the topic of interest, and who care only for his circumstances as these -develop him to us upon his hymnologic side. - -Ennodius has himself informed us that he regarded Arles as his native -place. We also know that he was born in 473, because he died in 521 at -the age of forty-eight. His family was highly respectable, if, indeed, -it was not actually illustrious. Our poet always shows a familiarity -with the affairs of good society; and in those times good society had -only one meaning. It was a society which educated its scions in the -polite learning of Greece and Rome, and which made much of the ability -to speak and write the Latin tongue. It is scarcely to be questioned -that this was the theory on which the early education of Ennodius -proceeded. He was sent to Milan in order to become versed in what was -called humane learning. If he is himself to be believed he acquired both -bad and good in this school. He laments with a mock humility (for so it -would appear by his later literary derelictions) that he had obtained a -great deal of wicked and ungodly information; and really no one can read -some of his nasty epigrams and doubt his assertion. For, whether it was -permissible to a saint or not, it is a fact, that the editors of his -works have not scrupled to print some exceedingly profane and improper -pieces which are undoubtedly the product of his pen. - -His aunt, who was bearing the cost of this admirable instruction, died -in 489—that is, when he was sixteen—and he was left without means to -proceed with his studies. He avows that he had come to detest the very -name of liberal education, and this, under the circumstances, cannot -well be regarded as anything very surprising. We soon after find him -married to a lady who is described as of a “most noble” and therefore -highly appropriate family. She was, moreover, “very rich”—another -satisfactory point. With this wealthy and fashionable wife, Ennodius -rapidly obtained a view of earth, and what earth can give, which was so -far limited in that the money did not equal the desires of the married -pair. It ran low and the bitterness of financial perplexities mingled -with the cup of their happiness. Judging the husband by his epigrams he -was pretty fairly exhausted by the speed of their career, and was quite -ready to shake off the encumbrance of a family and devote himself to the -lofty purpose of being supported by somebody else. An unprejudiced mind -fails to see in this any particular “admonition” or “example” to his -age. It is merely the selfish escape of a worldly but embarrassed man. -Divorces were not available then with the ease with which a less -scrupulous and more intellectual generation can now procure them. The -proper, and, indeed, the meritorious way, was to slip into a cloister -and become one of that vast army which was soon to be the tower of -strength of the Pope. He himself ascribes this step to a serious illness -in which he had been healed through the miraculous interposition of St. -Victor, after the doctors had given up his case. - -Ennodius now attached himself to the person and fortunes of Epiphanius, -the Bishop of Pavia. He was placed under the tutelage of one Servilio, -who taught him theology according to the methods and opinions then in -vogue. His wife meanwhile had made the best of it after the same -fashion, and had gone into a convent, where all trace of her vanishes in -that monotone of gray walls, chanted services, and ceaseless devotion. -At least no individuality resembling her ever henceforth emerges from -that uniform procession which passes by us, in this and later centuries, -as the long line of hooded figures moves athwart Dante and Virgil in the -“Purgatorio.” - -But the career of Ennodius now begins. He is the bishop’s chosen -companion, the associate of his expedition to Briançon in Burgundy in -behalf of certain prisoners; for in those days the spiritual hand was -often laid with a mighty grip on the secular arm. The poet was by this -time a deacon, having been ordained thereto by his kind friend the -bishop. And the duties of this private secretaryship were so pleasant -that it is evident no one would willingly surrender them for a cold cell -and matins early in the morning. The glimpses which we get of Ennodius -do not encourage us to esteem him an ascetic, or to think him lacking in -zeal for personal comfort. He was the literary adjunct of a remarkably -amiable prelate, with whom he was on terms of intimacy which made his -own life no care at all, and his meat and drink no problem whatever! -From 494, then, he continued still to occupy this post of trust and -ease. We are told that the bishop persuaded him to it, but there can be -no reasonable objection to our believing that the bishop had no -unwilling listener. - -The literary capacity of Ennodius next attracts attention. His patron -(who must not be confused with the great Bishop of Salamis, the author -of the famous _Heresies_, who belongs to the previous century) died -before 510. Maximus III. had succeeded Epiphanius, and after his death -our Ennodius, in 510 or 511, was selected for the vacant diocese. The -name of this episcopate was Ticinum, or, as we now style it, Pavia. It -is plain that the bestowal of this dignity was hastened by the fact that -our scholar while still a deacon had defended Pope Symmachus before the -Roman synod called “Palmare,” and so effectually that the discourse was -entered on the acts of the council, where it still appears. The Pope had -been charged with crimes, and a synod convoked by the heretical -Theodoric was to decide the case. The date was October, 501. The place -was a portico of the church of St. Peter at Rome to which this name of -Palmare was usually given. And the speech is historic inasmuch as it is -the earliest recorded instance of that assertion of supremacy on the -part of the Roman pontiff which frees him from any responsibility to -earthly rulers. Ennodius thus became the advocate of this dogma, and -upon the broad wings of papal favor he soared to the high station which -his patron Epiphanius had quitted. - -This burst of declamatory eloquence did not come without preparatory -training. Ennodius had been exercised in the art of declamation in his -youthful days and, as a deacon, he was able to utilize his knowledge. In -510 or 511, not long after his elevation to the mitre, he wrote the life -of his friend and predecessor. And this he followed with divers -performances of a literary character which were generously applauded. He -became a sort of hero in the world of letters, and whatever he was -pleased to compose was heartily commended. - -In 515 it was natural that such an advocate of the absolute domination -of the Roman pontiff should be selected to help in the effort to reunite -the Eastern Church to the Western. The ambassadors were himself, the -Bishop of Pavia; Fortunatus, Bishop of Catania; Venantius, a presbyter; -Vitalis, a deacon, and Hilarius, a notary and scribe. These names -themselves reveal a not infrequent source of confusion to students of -that distressingly barren period, when it was regarded as a very -pleasant compliment to call the son of a nobody by the distinguished -appellation of some great person in the Church. In this manner Hilary -and Fortunatus suffered then, and modern scholars have been often vexed -and perplexed since, especially when dates come near together. It hardly -needs to be added that these wearers of illustrious names have only that -meed of renown, such as it is. - -The purpose of the embassy was to obtain from the Byzantine Emperor -Anastasius, at that time a man of great age, the recognition of -Hormisdas, the ruling Pope, as the supreme religious head of both -empires. It was a delicate negotiation, and it demanded a perfectly -incorruptible adherence to the interests of Rome. In this respect -Ennodius stood pre-eminent as what Mosheim styles an “infatuated -adulator of the Roman pontiff,” and as a master of the style then -required in a diplomat. He had (in 503) eulogized Pope Symmachus, -calling him “one who judged in the place of God” (_vice Dei judicare_) -and again (in 507) he had published a panegyric on Theodoric, the Gothic -King of Italy, which had all the absurd flattery of that species of -composition. To crown these he was the obedient occupant of the see of -Pavia. He was therefore just the man to do the work of the relentless -and uncompromising Pope. - -Caelius Hormisdas was a man who never yielded, never forgot, and never -relaxed a purpose. Such men, backed by a sufficient power, wring from a -reluctant world about all that they have determined to secure. But to -the obstinate will of the Pope was opposed the no less obstinate will of -the old Emperor—now fully eighty-five years of age—and quite as grim in -his methods as any Hormisdas. It was to be a battle of giants and the -intermediates might look for little favor. The opportunity for the -negotiation itself happened to occur in an unusual way. Vitalianus, -commander of the Imperial Byzantine cavalry, had taken arms against the -Emperor; had defeated and put to death Cyril, the opposing general, and -had then marched to the very gates of Constantinople. The victor was -proposing to color his rebellion by a pleasant pretext of helping the -orthodox; and the old Emperor, therefore, turned the edge of his own -humiliation by agreeing to a correspondence with the Pope. - -Anastasius began to carry out his share of this unpleasant business by -appointing a council to meet at Heraclea, in Thrace, on July 15th, 515, -and asking for commissioners to be sent from Rome. The venerable fox -knew perfectly well that he had not allowed time enough for the proper -instruction of these delegates, nor for them to make the long journey. -But Pope Hormisdas appointed them, and they proceeded to the imperial -court, utterly indifferent as to the time of the council, and without -any apologies for their delay which history deigns to record. They went, -indeed, in a very haughty spirit, and did not even commence their -expedition before August 12th. - -When they reached the Emperor they asked, or rather demanded, that he -should assent to the letter of Pope Leo, who was the first to claim this -submission from the East. They insisted, furthermore, that this -heterodox monarch should accept the definitions of the famous Council of -Chalcedon, A.D. 451, which relate to the nature and personality of -Christ. The schism between East and West had now lasted for thirty-one -years, and a certain Acacius, Bishop of Constantinople, who had been a -most persistent opponent of the demands of Leo the Great, was still a -thorn in the Roman pontiff’s side. - -But Anastasius received the ambassadors with just as proud a spirit as -they had shown to him. He would neither yield to Leo nor to Chalcedon, -nor would he anathematize Acacius. Ennodius and his companions returned -to Rome without accomplishing their mission, and the Emperor sent -letters after them by Theopompus and Severianus, principal men of his -court. When these reached Rome they were badly received by Hormisdas, -and found that nothing would answer except the excommunication of -Acacius. With this _ultimatum_ they got back, somewhat crestfallen; and -poor Acacius (who was not half so bad as his papal foe) was once more -threatened with banishment to eternal fires. - -Anastasius, however, was not at all inclined to hand over his bishop to -the mercies of Hormisdas. He stoutly refused and continued to refuse -throughout the ensuing correspondence. About two hundred monks and -archimandrites (heads of monasteries) sent from Syria a letter to the -Pope which was directed against the patriarch of Antioch, Severus by -name, and which gave in their own allegiance to the Western Church. -Nevertheless, the Emperor still maintained the cause of Acacius, -although he must have seen that the Pope was as determined as ever to -carry his point and that there was now a great deal which was working in -favor of the papal plans. When the Syrians addressed their letter to the -“Most holy and blessed Hormisdas, Patriarch of the whole earth, holding -the see of Peter the prince of the apostles,” it spoke volumes for what -the Pope had been able to effect by his agents and representations in -the East. But the Emperor would not yield the point and act upon the -conciliatory policy of the heretical Theodoric of Italy, which was that -they might settle religious matters in their own fashion, provided they -honored absolutely his temporal sway. - -A second embassy was set on foot consisting of Ennodius and Peregrinus, -Bishop of Misenum. By these ambassadors letters were sent renewing the -old conditions and avowing that nothing would be satisfactory short of -the complete banishment of that pestilent wretch Acacius. This was too -much for the Emperor to bear. He angrily dismissed the legates, shipping -them off in an old and leaky vessel, and giving a special order to -Demetrius and Heliodorus to see that they did not set foot in his -dominions after they had once sailed for home. Behind the flying -ambassadors followed a document which expressed the royal mind with -force and vigor. After comparing the conduct of the Pope very -unfavorably with that of Jesus Christ, the Emperor proceeds to say: “We -shall give you no further trouble, it being in vain for us to pray or -entreat you, since you are obstinately determined not to hearken to our -prayers and entreaties. We can bear to be despised and affronted, but we -will not be commanded.” - -This was dated July 11th, 517, and reveals an unexpected dignity in the -old Emperor, and it makes us glad to record that, while he lived, the -Bishop of Constantinople was at least preserved in a salvable state. - -But when Anastasius died, then Hormisdas began again upon Justin, his -successor, and never stopped until Acacius was struck from the roll of -bishops and until the East acknowledged the spiritual supremacy of the -West. That the victory was of no long continuance or of any enormous -value, does not prevent us from noticing that it gave to Magnus Felix -Ennodius his permanent place in the Roman calendar, and did everything -for his literary and ecclesiastical comfort. He was well rewarded for -his devotion to the cause. - -Anastasius reigned 491-518, and Hormisdas, who had once been married and -had a son, who also became Pope, ruled in his sphere from 514 to 523. -Thus he had nearly five years wherein to rejoice over his obstinate dead -enemy. And Ennodius possessed his soul in peace and turned his attention -once more to polite literature. - -Of the writings which he has left to us, the principal are the life of -Epiphanius; another of Antonius of Pannonia, a hermit at Lake Como and -then a monk at Lerins; together with a _Eucharisticum de Vita sua_ and -the apology and panegyric mentioned above. Add to these nine books of -letters, “weighed down with emptiness,” and various itineraries, -declamations, and poetical pieces, and you have all he did. The letters -are most unsatisfactory when we remember that he was the friend, and -perhaps the relative, of men like Boethius, Faustus, Avienus, Caesar of -Arles, Aurelian, and of bishops and other prelates without number, and -lived in Italy under the great Theodoric. He is utterly lacking in -contemporary portraits, and his accounts of his three journeys give us -nothing valuable. All is stilted, unnatural, and dull. He was not much -of a traveller at best. A trip into Burgundy, another across the Po to -see his sister, and one from Rome by sea, make up the list of which he -kept any trace in his writings. He is in no haste to detail the sayings -and doings at Constantinople! But it should be said that these -performances with the pen were previous to his elevation to the mitre. -Afterward he doubtless composed only hymns and epigrams—the hymns being -decent and the epigrams very much the reverse. The German scholar -Teuffel looks upon his productions as an “important source of history” -for some enigmatic reason of his own, but Simcox very justly scouts -them; and the Romanist Berington asserts that he rises “with weariness” -from their perusal. I must personally declare that they exhibit neither -skill, taste, nor information. They are jejune and empty to a marvellous -degree; and for complication of sentences and unclassical phraseology, -they are equal to the stupidest books of a later day. And nothing worse -than this can be said by any critic. - -The _Eucharisticum_ is an insincere sort of thanksgiving for his -restoration to health, and very far behind the style of Augustine which -it copies. It gives us a few particulars of his personal history, but it -is prosaic and Pharisaic, and full of a mock humble glorification of the -blessed Victor the Martyr, by whose intercession he is now convalescent. - -The hymns are a trifle more hopeful, and really merit our notice. They -are by no means the “dozen tame hymns” of which Simcox speaks so -contemptuously. There are sixteen of them and three are quite good. -Here, for instance, is the _Christe lumen perpetuum_: - - “O Christ, the eternal light - Of every sun and sphere, - Illumine thou our mortal night - And keep our spirits clear. - - “Let nothing evil smite, - Nor enemy invade; - And let us stainless be, and white, - By nothing base betrayed. - - “Guard thou the hearts of all, - But chiefly of thine own; - And hold us, that we may not fall, - Through thy great might alone. - - “That so our souls may sing, - When favoring light they see; - And every vow and tribute bring - To God in Trinity.” - -The _Christe precamur_ is quite as good: - - “To thee O Christ we ever pray - And blend our prayer with tears; - Thou pure and holy One, alway - Protect our night of years! - - “Our hearts shall be at rest in thee; - In sleep they dream thy praise, - And to thy glory, faithfully, - They hail the coming days. - - “Give us a life that shall not fail; - Refresh our spirits then; - Let blackest night before thee pale, - And bring thy light to men! - - “Our vows in song we pay thee still, - And, at the evening hour, - May all that we have purposed ill - Be right through sovereign power!” - -There is yet one more hymn which seems worthy of a place in our regard. -It is the _Christe salvator omnium_: - - “O Christ, the Saviour of all, - Thou Lord of the heavens above; - We ask thy glorious aid - Before the day shall remove. - - “The sun is hastening down; - His light is sunk in the west; - He hideth the world in gloom, - According to God’s behest. - - “Do thou, most excellent Lord, - As we thy followers pray, - To us, all weary with toil, - Grant quiet night on our way. - - “That day, from our darkening hearts, - May never withdraw her light; - But, safe in thy guardian grace, - Thy love illumine our night.” - -The poetical and spiritual range of these lyrics is not extensive, of -course, but it is a vast improvement on those “uncleanly imitations of -Martial,” or such involved and heartless tricks of verse as he sometimes -essays. But he became a saint, and that must suffice! His life has been -written by Sirmond; and his times and life together have occupied the -attention of Fertig (Passau, 1855). He died at Padua, as we are credibly -informed, on July 17th (XVI. Kal. Aug.), 521, and this date is assigned -to him in the Roman Catholic calendar of saints. His epitaph, according -to Despont, who wrote in 1677, was still to be found in the church of -St. Michael, and testimonies to his services are among the acts of the -Fifth Synod of Rome, and are included in the public papers of Hormisdas. - -When you break open the important historical facts with which he was -identified, then like the toad from the stone, comes forth Ennodius. And -like that toad, though “ugly and venomous,” he yet “wears a precious -jewel in his head.” - - - - - CHAPTER VIII. - CAELIUS SEDULIUS AND HIS ALPHABET HYMN. - - -Latin hymnology gives a distinguished place to a hymn of twenty-three -stanzas, each stanza containing four lines and beginning with a letter -of the alphabet in regular order. Thus from A to Z all the letters -appear except J, U, and W. Caterva is spelled Katerva, to answer for K. -Y is represented by _Ymnis_, which is another form of _Hymnis_. And at -last _Zelum_ concludes the list. The author struggles with a difficulty -when he takes _Xeromyrrham_ to answer for X, but otherwise the ideas and -versification are so excellent as to have made the hymn classic. The -Roman Breviary uses two selections from it. One commences _A solis ortus -cardine, ad usque_, and the other, _Hostis Herodes impie_. The general -subject is the Nativity, but the poem soon proceeds to the Miracles of -our Lord, and closes with an ascription of praise for His Resurrection. - -There can be no doubt about the authorship. Old manuscript codices, and -the tradition of the Church, assign it definitely to Caelius -Sedulius—sometimes called Caius Caelius Sedulius—who flourished near the -middle of the fifth century. But his personal history is much harder to -come at, and the few facts which we possess only stimulate our curiosity -to know more. And besides, he is so entangled with another Sedulius—also -a poet, also a celebrated author, also a Scot, and also involved in much -obscurity—that nearly every notice of his name contains more or less of -error. This second Sedulius, however, wrote no hymn which has survived, -and therefore needs no further mention. He is always named Sedulius -_Scotus_, to distinguish him from our Sedulius, who is invariably called -_Caelius_ Sedulius. He flourished somewhere between 721 and 818, while -the best ascertained date of his predecessor’s life appears to be 434. - -Our sources of information regarding Sedulius are Isidore of Seville and -Fortunatus of Poitiers. Jerome (Hieronymus) left a catalogue of authors -from the time of St. Peter to his own day. This was continued by -Gennadius, as Notker of St. Gall tells us, and then it was still further -extended by Isidore. Neither Jerome nor Gennadius mention our poet; the -first because he died in 420, before Sedulius had achieved distinction, -and the second possibly for the same reason, as his death occurred about -496 at Marseilles. Isidore (who died 636) then undertook to supply the -deficiencies of the catalogue and inserted a brief note respecting -Sedulius. - -Earlier than Isidore, however, is Fortunatus (530-609), who names our -author as one of the five first Christian poets. Juvencus he dates at -330 A.D.; Sedulius flourished in the first half of the fifth century; -Prudentius was converted in 405; Paulinus died in 458, and Arator was at -his zenith in 560. This would seem to fix pretty closely the period to -which Sedulius belongs. - -References in the manuscripts are of no additional value. They tell us -that he was a “Gentile layman,” or, in other words, a person not of -Italian birth; that he learned philosophy in Italy; was converted and -baptized by Macedonius, a presbyter; and that he wrote his theological -works in Arcadia, or, as some say, Achaia. The Vatican “Codex of the -Queen of Sweden” calls him a “verse-maker” and “teacher of the art of -heroic metre.” Another codex adds that he also taught other varieties of -metrical composition, and that all this happened in the days of the -younger Theodosius, son of Arcadius, and of Valentinian, son of -Constantine. Of his specific writings still another codex states that he -“put forth in Achaia this book against error and composed in verse a -commendation of the Christian faith.” - -Some Sedulius, “notable for his writings,” appears to have found his way -into Spain where, in the year 428, Isicius, a Palestine monk, who had -become Bishop of Toledo, detained him for his good fellowship at Toledo. -With him is said to have tarried a certain Bishop Oretanus, and the -inference is that these three worthies held numerous symposia upon -theology and literature. But the story is denied by Nicolaus Antonius, -the historian of old Spanish scholarship. - -Those minute and laborious investigators, the Benedictines, have, with -ant-like patience, threaded every corner of the labyrinth in which these -stray facts are gathered. They assert that Macedonius probably received -him after he had been baptized by some one else. And while we do not -know under what master he studied theology, nor even where the school -was located, we know that Sedulius became presbyter in a church whose -bishop’s name was Ursinus, and where Ursicinus, Laurentius, and -Gallicanus were his co-presbyters. - -Ussher relates that the epithet _Scotigena_—the Scot—was frequently -applied to him. Trithemius gives us to understand that he was led by -love of learning to visit France, then Italy, then Asia, and then -Achaia, and that his reputation was gained in the city of Rome. Sixtus -Senensis compares him to Apollonius of Tyana in his zealous pursuit of -wisdom; and enlarges the list of countries which he traversed by adding -Britain and Spain. Under Theodosius and at Rome, he too declares -Sedulius to have been famous in prose and verse. But Ussher first -claimed him for Britain; and Ussher it was who maintained that he was a -pupil of that Hildebert who ranks among the earliest of the Irish -bishops. It must not be forgotten that somewhere in Britain in those -days there was the light of Christianity, for in 432 St. Patrick set out -from Scotland “to convert Ireland.” Nor can we omit to notice that -Ussher styles Sedulius “Scotus Hybernensis,” thus originating the -expression “Scotch-Irishman,” but using it in exactly the reverse of its -modern sense. - -So far as these partial facts and conjectures go we are safe in -affirming that Sedulius was a learned and studious person, probably an -Irishman—for at that time Scot and Irishman were synonymous—and that he -gained renown about the year 434, having studied in Italy, travelled -extensively, and been a resident in Achaia. The temptation is, however, -irresistible to make him Irish rather than Scotch, upon the strength of -the most ancient “bull” on record. It is found in the Alphabet Hymn and -reads thus: - - “Quarta die jam foetidus - Vitam recepit Lazarus, - Cunctisque liber vinculis - Factus superstes est sibi.” - - “Upon the fourth day Lazarus - Revived, though all malodorous; - And freed from the enchaining ground - Himself his own survivor found!” - -The writings of Sedulius are more numerous than might be supposed. Those -which have been preserved are nine, two in verse and the rest in prose. -The most elaborate is a commentary on the four Gospels, dedicated to the -abbot Macedonius and to which he prefixed his _Carmen Paschale_. He also -wrote on the Pauline Epistles, as did his namesake of the ninth century. -To Theodosius he addressed a book. He wrote treatises on the books of -Priscian and Donatus, the grammarians. He also treated of the miracles -of Christ in prose and sent out many “epistles of Sedulius Scotigena.” -His poetry is comprised in the Alphabet Hymn; in the _Carmen Paschale_ -whence we get nothing for hymnology except the hexameter _Salve Sancta -Parens enixa_ (_puerpera regem_); and in the Elegy, from which comes the -_Cantemus socii_. - -The _Carmen Paschale_ is an epic in the Virgilian style. The Elegy is an -exhortation to the faithful. But the Alphabet Hymn has enriched the -Church with two lyrics, one on the Nativity and one on the Slaughter of -the Innocents. By placing the first stanza side by side with the first -stanza of the famous Ambrosian hymn, it is easily seen that they are the -same. - - - _Ambrosian._ - - “A solis ortus cardine - Et usque terrae limitem - Christum canamus principem - Natum Mariae virginis.” - - - _Sedulian._ - - “A solis ortus cardine - Ad usque terrae limitem - Christum canamus principem - Natum Maria virgine.” - -But this is no unusual occurrence in days when the language of the -Psalms was employed in the Ambrosian hymns, and when the Ambrosian hymns -themselves furnished a convenient foundation for the later praises of -the Church. Not only did Sedulius imitate them closely, but Ennodius, -Fortunatus, Gregory, Bede, Rabanus, and Damiani—with many other unknown -writers—studied and copied their metre and expression. A curious -instance of this same copying and following can be found in our own -hymn. In it the stanza, _Ibant magi quam viderant_, contains two lines -which have been inserted bodily in a production of the fourteenth or -fifteenth century. It is true that they are very suggestive and -beautiful, but when Sedulius wrote - - “Stellam sequentes praeviam - Lumen requirunt lumine,” - -he wrote what was original with him, but which was sheer theft in the -hands of the author of _Hymnis laudum preconiis_, who nevertheless takes -the couplet to grace the feast of the Three Kings. - -Latin hymns are by no means all beautiful or all graceful. The earlier -pieces appear and reappear—fragments from the better workmanship of the -past—throughout the Dark Ages. And here we must leave Sedulius. If he -was indeed the companion of Hildebert, his story belongs to that -fabulous age of the British Church when bishops were but simple pastors -and when great purity and truth prevailed. In the Alphabet Hymn there -are references to the direct Scripture narrative; to the “enclosed John” -who greets the Saviour; to Him fed with a little milk, who Himself feeds -the birds; to the great Shepherd revealed to shepherds; to Herod who -seems to fear a King who does not covet earthly dignities; to the Magi -who seek their Light from the light; to the healing of the sick and the -raising of the dead; to the water that blushes into wine, as perhaps -Crashaw had read; to Peter who fears by nature and walks the wave by -faith; to Lazarus “his own survivor;” to Judas the _carnifex_ who -professed peace by his kiss which was not in his soul; to Him who -triumphing over Tartarus returned of Himself to heaven. Such is the -hymn, and upon reading it one is not surprised that Fortunatus called -its author _Sedulius dulcis_—the sweet Sedulius. Nay, Rudolph of -Dunstable goes so far as to perpetrate a pun, and declares that Sedulius -_sedulously_ sings of things that are old and new. And the dear man of -God, Dr. Martin Luther of blessed memory, who had no relish for -Ambrose’s hymns, called our Irishman a _poeta Christianissimus_, and -translated into his massive German both the hymns the Breviary had -extracted from his chief poem. - - - - - CHAPTER IX. - VENANTIUS FORTUNATUS THE TROUBADOUR. - - -Venantius Honorius Clementianus Fortunatus was a man not satisfied with -four names. In jest or earnest he assumed another, Theodosius. In point -of time he had an interesting position; in regard to residence his story -becomes really valuable; and when we add that he gave to the Church -several of her best-known hymns, he appears before us as a person -unfamiliar, but highly attractive. - -If, as we have reason to think, he came into France in 566 or 567, at -the age of thirty-five or thirty-six, we must suppose him to have been -born about 531. He was an Italian of Treviso, which is not far northwest -of Venice and northeast of Padua. Of his parentage and early education -(except the fact that he was trained at Ravenna) we are ignorant; but he -is said to have been acquainted with Boethius, a thing hard to believe, -for the philosopher perished in 524. We are left in some doubt whether -he had set forth from Italy because the Lombards were about to invade -his part of it, or whether religious motives were at the bottom of this -“exile,” as he is very ready to call it. - -Judging his unknown past by his better-known later history, he was a man -of affable and genial character, who could pay for all favors in the -small coin of panegyric, and whose pen filled his pocket and procured -him the hospitality of the rich and the great of the earth. We know he -could sing, for he says so himself; and he could also turn verses so -sweet and mellow that even the poorest of them were learned by his -admirers and recited again with much delight. Now it happened that his -eyes were affected, and his friend Gregory of Tours sent him some of the -blessed St. Martin’s holy lamp-oil. When this was rubbed upon them—and -it was doubtless good oil, and therefore not an objectionable -ointment—he was greatly helped. He consequently showed his gratitude in -two ways: by making a pilgrimage to the blessed St. Martin’s own town, -and by writing the blessed St. Martin’s biography. This last he -accomplished to the extent of four books of verse, employing, without -any apparent scruple, the much more classic and elaborate treatise of -Sulpicius Severus as the groundwork of his own. It was this journey -which raises the question whether he was avoiding the Lombards or -performing a pious vow when he entered France. Perhaps in this, as in -other events of his life, the religious garment covered the secular -desire. - -From his native country, then, he made his way into another and less -cultivated region. There was a Gallo-Roman society at the time, very -much as there now are groups of educated persons in Siberia, or in the -seaboard cities of China. A certain freemasonry of intelligence passed a -literary man along from castle to cloister and from cloister to court. -It was a period when classic learning was at its lowest ebb, and when -the Romance tongues, like the second growth of a forest, were thickly -clustering in upon the few survivors of the ancient groves of -literature. The sixth century was removed from the past, but had not -attained to much on its own account. - -Yet we must not think that this century was barren of beginnings. The -Merving kings—Clovis, and Childebert, and Clotaire the First, and -Charibert—had now given place to Chilperic on the throne of France. -Indeed, some writers are inclined to make this sixth century the true -commencement of the Middle Ages, and it is very certain that we can see -a great deal in the story of Fortunatus which is mediaeval. Moreover, -Mohammed was born in 570, at Mecca, while our future bishop was -traversing Gaul. And nearly contemporary with our author’s birth—that -is, in 533—comes the announcement of the supremacy of the Roman bishop, -which culminated in 590 in the strong administration of Gregory the -Great. Fortunatus lived, therefore, in days when Latin Christianity was -taking shape, and when the most aggressive of false religions was -springing up. We have indeed said, in effect, that the Western Empire -was at an end, and that the Monarchy of France had begun in 476. - -Thus, as he looked backward, the Italian refugee could recall the -successive blows of barbarian swords—the swords of Alaric, and Genseric, -and Attila, and Odoacer—under which Rome had fallen. When Alboin started -his raid from Pannonia in 568, with Lombards (Longobardi) and Gepidae -and twenty thousand Saxons, it was surely enough to make a troubadour -take refuge at Tours. - -Our materials for the biography of Fortunatus from this point in the -story become more available. He kept an itinerary, which was lost; but -he wrote often to Gregory of Tours, and this seems to be the only -correspondence which he conducted in a natural and ordinary manner. From -it we learn that he crossed the mountains in a “snowy July,” and had -written either “on horseback or half asleep.” He passed some time at -Metz and Rheims. His days and nights were spent in travelling and -feasting and in preparing songs and odes, to the consternation of his -modern biographer, Luchi, who does not find much evidence of piety in -these proceedings. - -Fortunatus is his own exponent, and his language, literally translated, -gives us a vivid picture of the way in which he made friends with -everybody. “Travelling among the barbarians” (he writes to Gregory), “on -a long journey, either weary of the way or drunk beneath the icy chill, -at the exhortation of the muse (I know not whether more cold or sober), -a new Orpheus I gave voices to the wood, and the wood replied.” The -sentence illustrates not merely his experience but also his style of -composition, which is turgid and frequently obscure. His panegyrics, for -example, abound in the most fulsome flattery, arrayed bombastically in a -string of nouns, verbs, and adjectives half a page long. The real idea -walks within much of his Latin, like a pigmy in a great court train, -ridiculously small and ridiculously pretentious. - -Sometimes these same expressions of our poet betoken a convivial -familiarity with his friend Gregory of Tours, which is not precisely -canonical. Many post-classical words appear, and phrases which no -grammarian would easily justify. The man is full of sly hints of good -eating and drinking, and has a high-flown style of compliment, as when -he writes to Lupus, “As often as I put together the parts of your -discourse, I thought that I reclined upon ambrosial roses.” To Sigismund -and Aregesles, two brothers, he declares that, “This sweet letter -reveals to me the names of friends. Here is the brilliant Sigismund, and -here is the modest Aregesles. After Italy, O Rhine, thou givest me -parents, and by the coming of these brothers I shall be no longer a -stranger.” In fact, he picked up “brothers” and “parents” with charming -facility, and had a dexterity in drawing a corner of the mantle of royal -favor over him which any courtier might covet. - -Thus he went—we cannot well detect in what order or by what method, but -pretty conclusively as a troubadour might have done—all through France. -Like Chamisso, he proposed to - - “Take his harp in his hand - And wander the wide world over, - Singing from land to land.” - -With Sigebert, King of Austrasia, he contracted quite a friendship, and -being at Poitiers when Gelesuintha was put to death, he lamented her in -verses which pleased Sigebert, her brother-in-law and avenger, greatly. -He also became well acquainted with Euphronius of Tours, nephew of St. -Gregory, the bishop, and thus laid a good foundation for ecclesiastical -preferment. But it was to Poitiers that he gradually drifted, and there -circumstances fixed him for the most of his life. - -We may safely conclude that Tours, which is not a great distance off, -first attracted his wandering feet. He had a duty to the blessed St. -Martin’s holy lamp and to the blessed St. Martin’s holy memory, and -these devout proceedings were more than sufficient to commend him to a -hospitable bishop. Contemporary accounts of him are lacking, if we -except the brief notice of Paul the Deacon, which cannot properly be -called contemporary, as it is in his history of the Lombards, which was -prepared in the first half of the eighth century. But Fortunatus again -comes to our rescue with quite a goodly supply of verses and with some -epistles which show that the life of that period was a curious resultant -between the Roman and barbarian ideas. It ought in honesty to be added -that Brunehilda was no saint, and that the court of the Merovingians was -so barbaric that it stood by and saw her torn to death, at eighty, at -the heels of a wild horse; and this was later even than Fortunatus’s -day. - -By this time Treviso (Trevisium) had been regularly attacked by the -Lombards, and the pilgrimage, which had changed to a pleasure-trip, -changed again to a residence. He speaks of himself later as having been -“for nine years an exile from Italy,” and his only reference to his -family that is discoverable is when he tells the Abbess Agnes that she -is as dear to him as his own sister Titiana. He is a poet driven like a -leaf before the storm, and he is whirled first into Tours and then into -the safe eddy of Poitiers, which he celebrates reverently in song as the -home of the great Hilary. - -His royal friendships are made apparent by _epithalamia_—especially that -on the marriage of Sigebert and Brunehilda—and by various odes. But now -comes the real romance of our poet’s life. Clotaire the First had -married a fair woman named Radegunda, whose piety gave him not a little -trouble. She was determined to keep all her vigils and fasts and to -exert herself in works of charity, even to the scrubbing of the base of -the altar with her own hands. It was one of her greatest pleasures to -take leprous women in her arms and kiss them, and when one of the lepers -said to her, “Who will kiss you after you embrace us?” she “answered -benevolently, that if others will not kiss me, it is truly no affair of -mine.” - -It would be beneath the dignity of this narrative, if it were not a -portion of her own life in the Latin, for us to record the incident -which helped to cause her separation from her husband. She had arisen at -night and came back thoroughly chilled, and with her feet properly cold. -Clotaire growled out that he would sooner have a nun for a wife -(_jugalem monacham_) than such a queen. So she took him at his word, -founded a convent at Poitiers, and distinguished herself to later -generations by many noble works. - -Over this convent she placed her maid Agnes, and served her former -servant with profound humility and obedience, albeit she must always -have been herself the ruling spirit of the place. With Fortunatus she -formed a close friendship. And as this is the beginning of the -conventual and ecclesiastical side of his career, we may as well bring -the story up to its parallel point in current history. - -Gregory, Archbishop of Tours and historian of France, always addresses -his friend Fortunatus as _presbyter Italicus_. That Fortunatus embraced -the monastic life at Aquileia (about 558-59) has been maintained, and -the opinion is also fairly defended that he was enrolled as a “cleric” -at Poitiers, although he was _novus_, or a “new-comer,” there. He had -evidently some _quasi_ ecclesiastical connection, and those were days -when the celibacy of the clergy was much mooted, but when the wandering -monks had not yet been held to the stringencies of the monastic orders. -If we ask Fortunatus why he remained in Gaul, he replies that Radegunda -retained him there “by her prayers and vows.” It is conjectural that he -was first chaplain to the convent, and it is certain that then he was -elevated to the rank of Bishop of Poitiers. - -To this daughter of Berthar, King of the Thuringi, our troubadour now -paid his devoirs. Often at “the convivial banquets of the barbarians” he -had “poured forth his verses.” He was now to become the devoted cavalier -of a queen and an abbess, and to furnish literature with some very -unique specimens of religio-amatory verse. - -The life of Radegunda, written by Fortunatus and amplified by the nun -Bandonivia, furnishes many interesting facts about this holy woman. She -took her final resolution to separate from her husband after he had -unjustly put her brother to death. On this she went to St. Medard and -declared her intention of celibacy, and thence to the church of St. -Martin, at Tours, where she made her formal vows. From this she retired -to her villa called Suedas, near Poitiers, which she turned into a -convent. Thither in 569 the Emperor Justinus (Justin II.) sent rich -presents, one being a portion of the true cross. This inspired -Fortunatus with a new song, and he broke out in the _Vexilla Regis_, -which is surely one of the most stirring strains in our hymnology. - -The following version expresses literally and without modification the -ideas set forth in the Latin: - - - “VEXILLA REGIS PRODEUNT.” - - The royal banners forward fly; - The cross upon them cheers the sky; - That cross whereon our Maker hung, - In human form, by anguish wrung. - - For he was wounded bitterly - By that dread spear-thrust on the tree, - And there, to set us free from guilt, - His very life in blood he spilt. - - Accomplished now is what was told - By David in his psalm of old, - Who saith,[5] “The heathen world shall see - God as their King upon the tree.” - - O tree, renowned and shining high, - Thy crimson is a royal dye! - Elect from such a worthy root - To bear those holy limbs, thy fruit. - - Blessèd upon whose branches then - Hung the great gift of God to men; - Whose price, of human life and breath, - Redeemed us from the thrall of death. - - Thy bark exhales a perfume sweet - With which no nectar may compete; - And, joyful in thine ample fruit, - A noble triumph crowns thy root. - - Hail, altar! and thou, Victim, hail! - Thy glorious passion shall not fail; - Whereby our life no death might lack, - And life from death be rendered back. - - O Cross, our only hope, all hail! - In this the time when woes assail, - To all the pious grant thy grace, - And all the sinners’ sins efface! - -At this time Fortunatus also composed a long poem of thanks to Justin -and Sophia for gifts sent to himself, by which it would appear that he -was tolerably well identified with the interests of Radegunda and her -convent. - -From this date onward his friendship with Agnes and Radegunda exposed -both him and them to very considerable comment. He even refers to it in -one of his poems, addressed to the abbess, in which he protests the -purity of his conduct. But it is not hard to see how his expressions -might be misunderstood. They are frequently fervid beyond the courtesies -of compliment, and they remind us all the while of those singers of the -eleventh and twelfth centuries who begin with William, Count of this -very city of Poitiers (1071-1127), and who have made the name of -“troubadour” synonymous with the praise of love and beauty. Fortunatus -calls on Christ, and Peter, and Paul, and Mary to witness the entire -propriety of his love for Agnes and Radegunda, but he follows it with -lines which Bertrand de Born or Alain Chartier might have composed. - -Really there is a great deal of this exuberant poetry in the worthy -chaplain. He wrote every sort of odd acrostic on the holy cross, -reminding us in more ways than one of Damasus, or of the later cavalier -poets of England. He tells Radegunda, who seems his principal star, that -everything is alike when he does not see her; that although the sky is -cloudless, yet, if she is absent, “the day stands without a sun.” He -excuses himself in other verses for sending her violets instead of -lilies and roses. Any incident in which Radegunda plays a part is enough -to turn the poetic stream upon the mill-wheel of his verse. If there are -flowers on the altar; if there are flowers sent by her to himself; if -she has retired from the world to perform her vows; if she has returned -again to the public gaze, and especially if he has been at a little -dinner or has received some agreeable little dishes—then the bard -strings his harp! - -It is quite amusing to read some of these effusions. He advises -Radegunda, as Paul did Timothy, to drink wine on occasion. And when the -queen and the abbess conspire to make his life pleasant he has plenty of -metrical gratitude to offer. They send him butter (_butyr_) in a lordly -dish; they furnish chestnuts in baskets woven by their own hands; they -provide milk, and prunelles, and olives, and eggs. For all these he -renders thanks in kind. Never were eggs and butter sung in a loftier -strain! But sometimes the poet descends a trifle from his elevated -phrases. He says pathetically in one of these effusions that they sent -him “various delicacies for his full stomach” (_tumido ventre_), and -that he got asleep after it and failed to furnish the appropriate -verses. He laments this in proper metre, declaring that he had opened -his mouth and shut his eyes (the old gormandizer!) and had eaten on, -regardless of his duty. And for this he craves forgiveness from his -_beata domnia_ [it ought to be _domina_] _filia_—his blessed -queen-daughter. But be good enough to observe that his own gifts in -return are very small, and that he is always apologizing and hoping that -they may not be rejected. Truly this was such a man as Sir Walter Scott -has sung, for - - “The best of good cheer and the seat by the fire - Was the undenied right of the barefooted friar.” - -Only it may be safely questioned whether our Fortunatus was any more of -an ascetic than Damasus himself. One almost wishes for an historical -picture—and it should be a good theme, by the way—in which Fortunatus -and his two friends appear. It should be that celebrated feast which he -describes [J. P. Migne: _Patrologia_; _Opera Fortunati_, Lib. xi., cap. -ii.], where Agnes had adorned the tables and the apartment with “every -species of blossoming plant;” where the rich wines, and the generous -fare, and the crystal, and the gold, and the flowers should brighten the -fine hall of the chateau; and where, perhaps, the ecclesiastic should -take his small harp and strike its strings with a delicate hand, while -the fair face of Agnes and the darker beauty of Radegunda should inspire -his song. - -One traces to this mellow undercurrent of human life the swing of his -best lyrics—the _Pange lingua gloriosi praelium certaminis_ and those -hymns to the Virgin of which he was the earliest promoter. No ene can -doubt the influence of these women upon the _Ave maris stella_ or the -_Quem terra pontus aethera_. Say what we please about his piety, he has -written what will live with the best. And to compare him to the -melancholy Cowper, as Mrs. Charles has done, can only be characterized -as a most amusing misconception. - -We know nothing of him as bishop further than the fact that the office -became vacant in 599, and he was an available as well as distinguished -candidate. Surviving Radegunda, who passed away in 587, he died about -609, full of years and honors—the last of the classics and the first of -the troubadours; the connecting link between Prudentius and the Middle -Ages; the biographer of some of the saints and the interested collector -of many legends of their miracles; and, finally, the first of Christian -poets to begin that worship of the Virgin Mary which rose to a passion -and sank to an idolatry. Venantius Fortunatus was neither a bad man nor, -in the highest sense, a holy man. But he was a poet in spite of his -barbaric Latin, and a writer of hymns which live to-day, long after the -particulars of his career are forgotten. - - - - - CHAPTER X. - GREGORIUS MAGNUS [540-604]. - - -The materials which are at hand for the life of Gregory the Great are, -if anything, too numerous. In their original form they include all that -Paul the Deacon (quoted by the Venerable Bede) and John the Deacon -(quoted by everybody) have chosen to relate. And these have been so -anxious to do entire justice to the great Pope that they fill their -pages with miracles, wonders, and signs, as well as with the authentic -facts of history. But Gregory carved for himself such a niche in the -temple of fame that we are not likely to go very far astray in searching -for the proper estimate of his work. - -It may be safely assumed that from this pontificate dates the supremacy -of the Roman see. It was Gregory whose missionary spirit opened the -doors of Britain to the truth. It was he who, without asserting any -superior claim, opposed successfully the encroachments of the Greek -patriarchs. And it was again he who gave to the Church her sacred -melodies. - -He was born, says Paul the Deacon, in the city of Rome, of a father -named Gordianus and a mother named Sylvia. These people were of the -Anician family and were also of distinguished religious descent. -Felix—fourth of the name and Pope under the title of Felix III.—was his -_atavus_, or great-great-great-grandfather. The very name Gregorius our -worthy deacon declares to be the Greek equivalent of the word -“Watchful.” - -The child of such a house would be well nurtured in all the learning of -the time. Hence, he was trained in grammar, rhetoric, and dialectics—the -ancient _trivium_ or complete course of liberal education. Naturally, -too, he became an excellent scholar. And when he grew up he was called -to an important post in Roman civil affairs. He became praetor of the -city—a city which was subject to Byzantium and exposed to incursions of -various barbarian invaders. The Lombards, indeed, attacked it during his -praetorship. - -At this period of his life his love for display was as remarkable as his -subsequent simplicity. He delighted in rich attire and surrounded -himself with the pomp and circumstance of his position. A rich man and a -rich man’s son, he was thoroughly in sympathy with passing affairs, and -as Rome bloomed the more vigorously above her own decay, he was himself -one of those “flowers of evil” whose gaudy hues brightened the scene. -But at the same time he became accustomed to the management of large -affairs, and his administration secured to him the good will of his -associates and subordinates. It can often be noticed that these early -Fathers came to their power in the Church after having been strictly and -carefully trained in the world. Hilary and Ambrose were as conspicuous -examples of this foreordination as was Gregory the Great. - -Not long previous to this time—for it had been about the year of -Gregory’s birth—Benedict had reformed the monastic order. His work, to -put it briefly, consisted in guarding the entrance to monasticism and in -regulating the hours, habits, and customs of those celibates who -professed such a vocation for the religious life. From his wise and -systematic arrangements, which have been but little improved upon though -often reinforced by “reformations,” monasticism derived that adaptation -to the active and practical life of the West, which it had lacked in the -preceding centuries. Indeed, he so far reacted against the contemplative -idleness of the East, as to aim rather at an industrial than a learned -order. But his successors corrected this defect, and gave the order the -literary and educational character which has been its greatest claim to -the gratitude of Christendom. Thus it came to be that the Benedictine -Fathers became the order of scholars, the editors of the Fathers, of the -_Acta Sanctorum_, and of the _Histoire Litteraire de France_. The -permanent revenues, the fixity and quiet of these monastic lives, the -slow coral-building of these unknown workers, have resulted in gathering -for us all that the mediaeval historian can desire upon the religious -side. And it is here that, delving amid the dust of these mountainous -masses of literature, the student of Latin hymnology will find his -rarest delight. For these acute scholars have literally picked up and -printed, yea, and what is more to the purpose, they have indexed and -classified—whatever he can wish in the way of productions in prose and -verse by any known author. The old MSS. are strained through into -readable type. Their contents are sorted and sifted. And he who pores -over these pages will rise from them at length with a profound -conviction that the scholarship of the Latin Church, and particularly -the Benedictine Order, deserves well from the world of letters and -merits the admiration of the Church Universal. - -Into such an order as this—an order of which he was to be one of the -most illustrious lights—a divine impulse was pressing Gregory. He grew -more closely attached to the Benedictines of Monte Cassino. His -religious relatives encouraged his evident zeal. And thus after -vibrating like a bee between the odorous rose and the honey-giving -clover, he settled upon the humbler and sweeter flower and let the world -go by. - -The Arian Lombards had encamped upon that region which we after their -name now call Lombardy. The Roman bishops were already the prop of the -heathen state against the semi-Christian invaders; but with Lombards, -and those whose religion was only a fiction, their influence was -deplorably slight. Yet as Christianity increased, according to George -Herbert’s simile, - - “Like to those trees whom shaking fastens more,” - -the Church became doubly influential through the skill of Gregory. He -felt religion to be the source of the truest strength and thus he turned -his wealth and his life into its treasury. - -In the year 575 he took his great revenues and endowed six new -monasteries in Sicily. Then he established a seventh, devoting it to the -honor of St. Andrew; and this was at Rome, in his own palace on the -Coelian hill. The populace who had seen him in silk and jewels now -beheld him, a poor monk of the Benedictine Order, serving the beggars at -the gate. In humility of demeanor and in simplicity of food he became a -model to his fellow-monks. He attended the sick in his new hospital. He -ate only the dried corn, or pulse, which his mother sent to him already -moistened in a silver bowl. This bowl or porringer was the only relic of -his departed splendor, and we are told that he did not keep even this, -but gave it at last to a shipwrecked sailor for whom he had no money, -and who begged importunately from him when he was writing in his cell. - -The intensity of his devotion led him into great austerities of fasting -and prayer and study of the Scriptures. He outdid the others in his -abstinence from food and ended by ruining his health, so that he entered -the papacy with a broken constitution. When he most needed the support -of a vigorous body it was therefore denied to him. - -The history of his gradual elevation is suggestive. Pope Benedict I. -made him one of the seven cardinal deacons, and gave him charge of one -of the seven principal divisions of the city. Pelagius II. chose him to -head an embassy to Constantinople in 578 to congratulate Tiberius on his -accession to the throne. For six years he remained abroad on this and -similar service, and returned to Rome to be elected abbot of St. -Andrew’s monastery. Here he was perfectly happy. In his _Dialogues_ he -speaks of the serene life and death of several of his brethren, and his -latest biographer (Rev. J. Barmby) is never tired of relating how the -great Pope perpetually looked back with regretful love to those quiet -and happy days of peace with God and man. - -It was then that the famous incident occurred which has made historic -his missionary zeal, and has handed down three Latin puns as a proof -that a man can be witty as well as earnest. - -The slave market at Rome had received some new captives—alas! when was -it not the scene of fresh wretchedness in those awful times? But these -were of remarkable beauty and fairness of skin, and John the Deacon -shall tell us of them in his own words:[6] - -“Perceiving among the rest certain boys for sale, white of body, fair in -form, and handsome in face, distinguished moreover by the brightness -(_nitore_) of their hair, he asked the merchant from what country he had -brought them. He answered, ‘From the island of Britain, whose -inhabitants all display a similar beauty (_candore_) of face.’ Gregory -said, ‘Are those islanders Christians or do they yet hold to their pagan -errors?’ The merchant replied, ‘They are not Christians, but are -entangled in their pagan delusions’ (_laqueis_). Then Gregory, groaning -deeply, said, ‘Alas! for shame! that the prince of darkness should own -those splendid faces; and that such glorious foreheads (_tantaque -frontis species_) should express a mind vacant of the inward grace of -God!’ Then he asked the name of their tribe. The merchant responded, -‘They are called Angli.’ Then he said, ‘They are well called Angli, as -though they were angels (_angeli_) for they have angelic faces; and such -as these should be fellow-citizens of the angels in heaven.’ Again, -therefore, he inquired what was the name of their province. The merchant -told him ‘Those provincials are called Deiri.’ Then Gregory said, ‘They -are well called Deiri, for they must be snatched from wrath (_de ira_) -and gathered to the grace of Christ. The king of that province,’ he -continued, ‘how is he named?’ The merchant replied, ‘He is called -Aelle.’ And Gregory, alluding to the name, said, ‘It is well that the -king is called Aelle. For _Alle_luia in praise of the Creator must be -sung in those parts.’” - -Such was the commencement of that Christianizing process which -eventually brought Anglo-Saxon monks to Rome for education—not that Rome -was the chief source and centre from which the work of Christianizing -the English was effected. That strangely organized Church, which Patrick -had established in Ireland and Columcille (Columba) had propagated to -Celtic Scotland, was the missionary Church of that age. Its zeal carried -the faith to Scandinavia in the person of its royal converts, the two -Olafs, besides Christianizing the Norsemen of Ireland and the lesser -islands. Its missionaries poured southward across the lines that -sundered Saxon from Celt, and co-operated mightily with the more languid -efforts of the Kentish Church established by Augustine. And up to the -Synod of Whitby in 664, Patrick rather than Peter was the saint who -stood the highest in the esteem of English Christians. - -Yet it would be unfair to rob Gregory and Augustine of the honor of -having begun the work, and begun it on a higher and more permanent level -than was possible to the Irish Church. After all, Rome stood for a wider -conception of Church and social order and a broader Christian culture. -It is to her victory that we owe Bede and the great Churchmen, who -adapted the learning and lore of the Latin world to the needs of English -Christendom. And so in Augustine’s mission we may see the apostolic -succession, in a broader sense of the word than the technical, carried -to England, to be transmitted in turn to America. England acknowledged -the gift in the establishment of the tax called “Peter’s Pence” for the -care and support of pilgrims to Rome, and the support of clerics, who -went to study in the Saxon school established in Rome. To this we may -trace, perhaps, the spread of hymn-writing from Rome to England, whose -results are gathered into the Missals and Breviaries of Sarum, York, and -Hereford, and that elaborate compilation, “The Hymns of the Anglo-Saxon -Church,” which Rev. J. Stevenson edited for the Surtees Society. - -The mission of Augustine led to far-reaching consequences. One was that -the higher classes of Great Britain turned toward Rome as the centre of -the world, and one of the remoter consequences of this missionary -expedition was the recognition of the papal supremacy. But in his -highest flight of authority Gregory the First never assumed nor felt the -consciousness of power which caused Gregory the Second to write to Leo, -the Isaurian: “All the lands of the West have their eyes directed upon -our humility; by them we are considered as a God upon earth.” No, nor -did he press his claims as did his other successor, Gregory VII., some -times known as Hildebrand. - -Indeed, Gregory I. in his desire to save these beautiful captives -offered himself to Pope Pelagius as a missionary, and even obtained his -consent to the expedition. But we are informed that the people -surrounded the pontiff on his way to St. Peter’s and begged him to -recall their favorite. So that Gregory had gone but three days’ journey -before he was overtaken and brought back, almost forcibly, to his -monastic home. The scheme of saving Britain was thus deferred but not -given up; and when the cardinal-deacon became Pope it was again revived, -and with success. - -In the year 590 Pelagius II. died of the plague. His chair was no sooner -empty than Gregory was seen to be the choice of everyone—senate and -people and clergy. He was accordingly elected, and then—for such was the -feeling in those days—he resisted the honor with all his might. Like -Ambrose he fled from the city; he disguised himself; he even wandered in -the woods. But it was one of the old principles that the more the elect -refused the more their calling and election were to be made sure to -them. And therefore, he was found at last, after a thorough search, and -was led, literally in tears, back to Rome. He had begged the Emperor -Maurice not to confirm this appointment, but it was to no effect that he -pleaded for release. His quiet, peaceful days were over, and he was -placed at the helm of the ship of the Church to steer her, and the -commonwealth which was her freight, through floods of barbarians and -into safer seas. I am using his own figure: “I am so beaten by the waves -of this world,” he wrote, to his friend Leander, “that I despair of -being able to guide to port this rotten old vessel with which God has -charged me. I weep when I recall the peaceful shore which I have left -and sigh in perceiving afar what I cannot now attain.” - -He took his seat in the midst of the plague. Eighty persons in the -processions which he organized at seven points in the city to pray at -the church of Santa Maria-Maggiore for its cessation, died of the -disease during their very progress. Each procession met the others at -this church of St. Mary. One consisted of secular clergy; another of -abbots and monks; a third of abbesses and nuns; a fourth of children; a -fifth of laymen; a sixth of widows, and a seventh of matrons. And thus -arose the story about the angel whom Gregory believed that he saw above -the summit of the Mole of Hadrian, and who there stood and sheathed his -sword. This legend gave to that structure the name of the Castello di -San Angelo, the Castle of the Holy Angel. - -The Lombards were Gregory’s first care. He corresponded with -Theodolinda, their queen, and she became his constant friend and his -advocate with the king. He finally obtained from King Agilulf (her -second husband) a special truce for Rome and its neighboring territory—a -most delightful relief from the terrors of the last thirty years. - -Moreover, he directed his attention—as Hormisdas had done before him—to -the struggle which was never at rest between the Greek and Roman -churches. The Patriarch of Constantinople was determined to assert his -own superior claims to the veneration of the faithful. Hormisdas had -avowed—but never vindicated—the supremacy of the Pope. But his title of -_Papa_ was the result of mere adulation and never of general consent. -And the patriarch happened to be at this time the strong-willed John the -Faster—an austere and pugnacious man. It was natural therefore that he -should claim the title of Universal Bishop, and it was equally natural -that Gregory, without demanding anything especial for himself, should -resist John. - -In this controversy—and in those others where his works bear testimony -to his literary and political skill—we see Gregory at his best. He is -not deficient in satire; occasionally he indulges in playful humor; but -he never forgets principle nor flinches from the prosecution of his -cause. It cannot be said of him that he proposes to overrule the civil -authorities, but he unquestionably tells them some exceedingly plain -truths. To the Emperor Maurice he wrote remonstrating against his -refusal to allow a soldier to become a monk: “To this by me, the last of -His servants and yours, will Christ reply, ‘From a notary I made thee a -count of the body-guard; from a count of the body-guard I made thee a -Caesar; from a Caesar I made thee an emperor; nay, more, I have made -thee also a father of emperors; I have committed My priests into thy -hand; and dost thou withdraw thy soldiers from My service?’ Answer thy -servant, most pious lord, I pray thee, and say how thou wilt reply to -thy Lord in the judgment, when He comes and thus speaks.” In this style -he alternately appealed and remonstrated in his dealing with the powers -that be. - -To John the Faster, however, he administered gall and honey—sometimes -separately and sometimes mixed together. “Your holy Fraternity,” he -says, on one occasion, “has replied to me, as appears from the signature -of the letter, that you were ignorant of what I had written about. At -which reply I was mightily astonished, pondering with myself in silence, -if what you say is true, what can be worse than that such things should -be done against God’s servants and he who is over them should be -ignorant?” Two monks had in fact been beaten with cudgels for heresy and -finally resorted to Rome in defiance of John, where Gregory pardoned and -restored them. The Pope continues: “But, if your holiness did know both -what subject I wrote about and what had been done, either against John, -the Presbyter, or against Athanasius, monk of Isauria and a presbyter, -and have written to me, ‘I know not,’ what can I reply to this, since -Scripture says, ‘The mouth that lies slays the soul?’ I ask, most holy -brother, has all that great abstinence of yours come to this, that you -would, by denial, conceal from your brother what you know to have been -done?” - -If we are, in spite of this plainness, disposed to be severe upon -Gregory’s subservience to the civil power of the Byzantine Court, we -shall find an instance in his behavior toward Phocas. This man had -murdered the Emperor Maurice, gouty and helpless as he was; and had -previously put his six sons to death before his eyes. The good old -emperor died like a hero, repeating the words of the psalm, “Thou, O -Lord, art just, and all Thy judgments are right.” And we need only to -turn to Gregory’s writings to prove that the dead man was his friend and -had done him many a kindness. - -Notwithstanding these gracious and excellent memories of the late -emperor, the Senate and people had hailed the advent of Phocas with -rapturous delight. His image and that of his wife had been sent to Rome, -and now, with the uproar rising to his windows, Gregory descended to the -common level of detestable approbation, and caused these images to be -carried into the oratory of the Lateran palace. “This,” says one of his -biographers, “is the only stain upon the life of Gregory. We do not -attempt either to conceal it or to excuse it.” True, Maurice had been a -vexatious old man, and his piety, while it was undeniable, was -nevertheless somewhat acrid. But the Bishop of Rome should have had -sufficient strength at least to repress any tumultuous joy over an act -of murderous ambition and hateful selfishness. This, however, is the -weakness of many a prelate. In the hour of trial he bends like a reed to -the blast, when we should expect him to be an oak, and trust to his -roots to grapple him safely down to the firm earth of principle. This -great blot, conceded by all candid historians, remains upon his memory. - -It is a better picture for us to view when, forsaking his trust in the -mercy of barbarians or the senility of despotic power, Gregory looked -outward to the new nations and sought to furnish the Roman Church with -fresh vigor and vital help from this unwasted source of strength. He -corresponded with Childebert II., the unfortunate young King of -Austrasia, the son of the notorious but intellectual Brunehilda. With -him and with the French bishops he labored to secure the destruction of -“simony,” by which was meant the bargain and sale of ecclesiastical -positions. He also strove to prevent laymen from being elevated to the -episcopate, though he should have remembered that Hilary of Poitiers was -a notable argument against his fears. - -He also attended to the religious matters of Spain. This province had -ceased to be Arian in 587 with the accession of Recared; and with it and -with Istria he was entirely successful in his methods of unity and -peace. He also overcame the Donatist party in Africa, who had for years -been ordaining their own bishops side by side with the regular -succession, and sometimes in actual alternation with them. - -To crown all, he organized a mission to the distant island of the -fair-faced Angli in 596, the very date at which the young Childebert -perished by poison in the twenty-sixth year of his age. Then it was that -Augustine, after one recoil which showed that he was not quite up to the -mark of Gregory’s zeal, finally set out in earnest with forty -companions. The month was July. The mission was almost an embassy. It -went through the intervening kingdoms endorsed to and by their kings. -And it went to cheer the little feeble remnant of the Celtic Christians -who had escaped the Saxon sword, and to draw from the Venerable Bede his -grateful tribute to the man who had already well deserved the title of -great. “For,” says Bede, “if Gregory be not to others an apostle, he is -one to us, for the seal of his apostleship are we in the Lord.” - -When we remember, also, his secular services in saving Rome from sack -and pillage, we cannot but perceive that he was laying, broad and deep, -the foundations of that temporal authority which the Pope of Rome was -soon to claim. The revenues of the Roman bishop were growing enormously. -He had in Sicily and elsewhere his agents and stewards (_defensores_). -He was rapidly arising to a position of almost independent dignity. His -deference to kings was only that of Christian courtesy and love. In -another man some of this might have been disfigured by self-seeking and -moral obliquity of purpose. In Gregory we find, throughout his career, a -noble integrity which was certainly austere enough, but which was in the -main pure and free from spot. His weakness was that of overconciliation, -of which the case of Phocas is a flagrant example. But his strength was -in his just judgment and in his masterful manipulation of the materials -before him. - -In his way, too, he saved Christian art as well as Christian music. He -condemns the Bishop of Marseilles (Massilia) for having broken some -statues of the saints. And while his remonstrance may perhaps be quoted -in favor of image-worship, it certainly cannot be quoted for that blind -iconoclasm which would destroy pagan beauty before the shrine of -Christian ugliness. In the association of his name with the Gregorian -chant he did almost as great a kindness to the Church as did Ambrose -when he brought to her services the Greek hymns of the East. - -He was a sick man while he labored at these matters of devotion and -duty. Rheumatic gout attacked him and crippled his joints. We must add -to this that he was not without enemies, and not without many a little -sting and thrust of vicious tongues and pens. But he endured to the end, -and he probably was sincere when he wrote himself down as _Servus -servorum_—though there have been other popes since his day to follow the -custom, and who were the “servants of servants” only according to the -“devil’s darling sin, the pride that apes humility.” - -Thirteen years he held the keys of St. Peter. Busy until the last -moment, he wrote or dictated the correspondence which was required. But -the disease which was upon him steadily increased until, on March 12th, -604, he was released from suffering and from care. His portrait shows -him as a man with high and wrinkled forehead; a thin beard around the -cheeks and chin; large, deep-set eyes; straight and manly nose, and a -singular lock—almost like that in the conventional portrait of Father -Time—upon his brow. There are a great many doctors of divinity who do -not a little resemble him to-day. It is a good face, but a somewhat -stern and severe one—of the sort to make credible the story that he had -a special whip for his choristers, and used it when it was needed. - -His works fill several volumes in the _Patrologia_. His _Morals_, a -commentary upon Job, is the very best of his books; but he was probably -ignorant of both Hebrew and Greek, and hence his comments on Scripture -are rather more homiletical and practical than scholarly. The _Pastoral -Rule_ was translated into Saxon by King Alfred, who admired its -practical wisdom, and sent a copy to every bishop in his kingdom; under -Charles the Great also it was much esteemed in France. His _Letters_ are -the great mine of information upon his personal opinions and methods. -The _Dialogues_ were addressed to Theodolinda, and in these we find some -superstition; and indeed a fondness for saints’ miracles and a weakness -for relics were characteristic of his otherwise sensible conduct. He -wrote but nine hymns which are authentically traceable to his pen. They -are the _Primo dierum omnium_; the _Nocte surgentes vigilemus_; the -_Ecce jam noctis_; the _Lucis Creator optime_; the _Clarum decus -jejunii_; the _Audi benigne Conditor_; the _Magno salutis gaudio_, the -_Jam Christus astra ascenderat_, and the _Rex Christe, factor omnium_. -With a lesser degree of probability he has been named as the author of -the _Aeterne Rex altissime_; the _En more docti mystico_; the _Lignum -crucis mirabile_; the _Noctis tempus jam praeterit_; the _Nunc tempus -acceptabile_; and the _Summi largitor praemii_. - -Of these the _Rex Christe, factor omnium_ delighted Luther so much that -he declared it in his impetuous way “the best hymn ever written”—an -opinion which he would find few nowadays to endorse. Gregory disliked -pagan literature and cultivated the style and prosody of Ambrose. It is -possible, therefore, that among the Ambrosian hymns there may be those -which he has written and which are credited to an earlier date. But the -cause of hymnology suffers little by the loss. He was not a poet; but as -the man who made the papacy a thing and not a name—as the man who -evangelized Britain—and as the man who gave the Gregorian tones to the -praises of the Church, he will be held in kindly and lasting -remembrance. There was in him a vein of peculiar sarcasm as well as of -deep earnestness and of great sagacity, yet his literary merits are not -to be weighed against those words and actions written viewlessly on the -air, but which still effectually vibrate through the polity of the Roman -Catholic Church. - - - - - CHAPTER XI. - THE VENERABLE BEDE. - - -It happened with Bede as with some other Latin hymn-writers—there were -several persons who had the same name as himself. Hilary and Fortunatus -and Notker are not the only cases of confusion, for there were certainly -three Bedes, and they were not long removed from each other in point of -time. Beda Major—the elder or greater Bede—was a presbyter and monk of -Lindisfarne, commemorated by his more celebrated namesake. Another was a -holy man of the time of Charles the Great. But our own Beda or Bedan was -a presbyter and monk of Jarrow, and is distinguished from the rest by -the title of “Venerable,” which he shares with Peter the Venerable of -Cluny. - -There are few finer figures in early English history. Sprung from pagan -and utterly illiterate ancestry, he has taken his place as an historian, -a scholar, a natural philosopher, and a poet; and in every department of -this varied knowledge he has shown his ability and industry. English -literature recalls him; English history praises him; English scholarship -has elaborately edited his writings, and English patriotism has -affectionately honored his memory. - -Cuthbert, his disciple, who wrote his life, begins his narration in the -following words: - -“The presbyter Beda, venerable and beloved of God, was born in the -province of Northumbria, in the territory of the monasteries of the -Apostles Peter and Paul, which is in Wearmouth and at Jarrow, in the -year of our Lord’s incarnation the six hundred and seventy-seventh, -which is the second year of the solitary life of St. Cuthbert.” It also -was the ninth year after the reduction of Saxon England to the Roman -obedience at the Synod of Whitby. - -Bede himself relates that when he was seven years of age the care of his -education was committed by his relatives to the Abbot Benedict and -afterward to the Abbot Ceolfrid. He adds that from that date to the time -at which he prepared the accompanying list of his works he had spent his -days in the same place. His existence was passed in meditating upon the -Holy Scriptures; and he “found it sweet,” in the midst of his observance -of the conventual discipline and daily chanting in the church, “either -to learn, or to teach, or to write.” The choice of this word “sweet” -(_dulce_) is significant, for no man could more carefully have mingled -the sweet with the useful. A gentle spirit breathes across his studious -pages, as over the rough beards of the yellow grain a breeze moves and -sways them, harsh though they are, in graceful waves. For he loved -learning with a perfect avidity. His works reveal his desire to -accumulate it—to teach it again in plain and simple fashions—and this -benevolent desire redeems many a tedious discourse. - -This life of his was devoid of personal incident. He includes nothing of -his individual history in the little notices which he makes of -contemporary events, and he is singularly silent even about the affairs -of which we should think he would naturally speak. The light which we -get upon his surroundings and circumstances we must, therefore, derive -from other sources, but fortunately these are at hand. We know, for -example, that Benedict Biscop, who founded those twin monasteries in -which Bede dwelled all his life, was himself a remarkable person. He was -of noble birth, and gave up place and ambition in the court of the king -to proceed to Rome, there to be trained as a monk, and then to return -and found Wearmouth in 674 and Jarrow in 682. To the second of these -religious establishments, situated upon the Tyne, Bede was transferred -under Ceolfrid, its first abbot, and there thenceforth he remained. We -are even able to determine his usual food as a school-boy, for, says his -latest biographer, Rev. G. F. Browne, “we have a colloquy in which a boy -is made to describe his daily food in his monastery. He had worts -(_i.e._, kitchen herbs), fish, cheese, butter, beans, and flesh meats. -He drank ale when he could get it, and water when he could not; wine was -too dear.” There is, indeed, in these Saxon monasteries the honest and -hearty food which belonged to their age and people. Cedric the Saxon, in -Sir Walter Scott’s novel of _Ivanhoe_, represents very fairly the -popular feeling on the subject. Chaucer, too, can be quoted upon this -same profusion and the generosity of the time. Of the Franklin he says: - - “It snowed in his house of meat and drink.” - -With such a patron as Biscop the monasteries never lacked any good -thing. He brought back from the Continent the best matters of the -period—books, pictures, relics, skilled mechanics, makers of stained -glass, and choir-masters. He saw before him a land in which the monk was -to be the conservator and promoter of learning. And in carrying out this -purpose he did more than plant a monastery, for he planted and reared a -man. We have the word of that historian whose life and death so nearly -approach those of his favorite author, when we declare that “prose took -its first shape in the Latin history of Baeda.” For John Henry Greene -closed his history of the English people much as Bede ended his own -career, weary with his labor and yet completing what he had begun. - -That which lies before us is what Greene finely styles “the quiet -grandeur of a life consecrated to knowledge.” It was no hoarding, -avaricious, trilobite life to be fossilized for future ages in the dead -strata of ecclesiastical records. Instead, it concerned itself with all -learning; and though it perished in the blackness of a general -ignorance, it is a source of light and force to-day. - -But let us return to Bede’s brief points of change. While he was still a -boy, the monastery was desolated by one of the great plagues which -followed the Synod of Whitby, and every monk who knew how to sing in the -choir, except the Abbot and Bede, were among the victims. Unaided these -two struggled with the double task of teaching the others to sing and -keeping up the monastic services in the mean time. The antiphons they -had to abandon, but they struggled through the Psalms, often weeping and -sobbing as they sang. At nineteen—six years before the usual age—he -became a deacon; at thirty he was a priest; at fifty-nine he died. He -acquired his Greek through the agency of Archbishop Theodore, who had -come from Paul’s city of Tarsus in Cilicia. There were many in England -who actually spoke in that tongue, owing to his encouragement of it. And -Bede was no mean nor small factor in its diffusion, for he taught at -Jarrow a school of six hundred monks, besides an uncounted number of -strangers who sought his instruction. The genealogy of school masters is -truly suggestive. From Bede to Alcuin, from Alcuin to Rabanus Maurus, -from Rabanus and his liberal methods on to the times of Abelard and the -free inquiry; so the torch of learning passes down the generations. And -when we remember Alcuin’s commendation of Bede and Rabanus Maurus’s -instruction by Alcuin, we cannot doubt the close connection of these -three earliest names. Abelard really revived the bolder and broader -style which had been opposed at first in the Abbey of Fulda. - -How the monk ever found time for his accomplishment of study and writing -among his constant labors—his chanting and his teaching and his frequent -preparation of homilies—it is indeed hard to discover. But he wore away -the thin scabbard of the body by the keen edge of his sheathed and -unsheathed mind, until he died before his days were truly done. How -often must we lament the incredible monotony and weary routine of these -noble lives! How much more, we say to ourselves, they could have -achieved under better and freer conditions! But perhaps not. Perhaps -this very constriction was a source of strength; and perhaps the severe -stress which finally broke this noble student was, after all, the -creator of his best powers and the director of his finest energy. - -Did he ever visit Rome? Monks from the Anglo-Saxon monasteries went on -pilgrimage back and forth, but if he went with them neither he nor they -have mentioned it. Yet there is a letter of Pope Sergius to Ceolfrid -which hints at such a journey, and might easily furnish a ground for the -opinion. On the whole, we must consider Bede as an unflickering light, -burning itself away at Jarrow, but illuminating all England with its -rays. It is not because of deficiency in acquirement that we deny these -traditions. He knew all that was then current. His writings are an -encyclopaedia of universal learning. Honorius of Autun says of him, -_scripsit infinita_—he wrote incalculably much. Lanfranc cites his -_Ecclesiastical History of the English Nation_. Alcuin compares him to -the Younger Pliny, and quotes him with great delight as “Magister Beda.” - -The hymns ascribed to the Venerable Bede, on what appears to be good -authority, are the following: - - _Adesto, Christe, vocibus_, - _Apostolorum gloriam_, - _Emitte, Christe, Spiritum_, - _Hymnum canamus gloriae_, - _Hymnum canentes martyrum_, - _Illuxit alma seculis_, - _Nunc Andreae sollemnia_, - _Praecessor almus gratiae_, - _Praecursor altus luminis_, - _Primo Deus coeli globum_, - _Salve tropaeum gloriae_. - -Also, but more doubtfully: - - _Apostolorum passio_, - _Inter florigeras_. - -His Ascension hymn, - - _Hymnum canamus gloriae_, - -in its abbreviated form, spread beyond the bounds of English use, and -found favor with the Churches of the Continent. It has simplicity and -directness, if not much poetic force and is too prolix for Church use in -its original form. Mrs. Charles’s version, “A hymn of glory let us -sing,” is well known. Next to it stands his - - _Hymnum canentes martyrum_, - -known to English readers by the admirable version in _Hymns Ancient and -Modern_, which begins, “A hymn for martyrs sweetly sing.” A third -notable hymn is that to the Cross: - - _Salve tropaeum gloriae_, - -in which he embodies the beautiful legend of St. Andrew’s death. - -The notable thing about all Bede’s hymns is the influence which the old -forms of Teutonic poetry—the alliterative staff-rhyme—have exerted on -their construction. We can even trace an approximation to alliteration -in his verses, while rhyme is rather an accident than an object. The -verses of Beowulf and of Caedmon were in his mind when he wrote. That he -could use the classic metres also, we see from his poem in hexameters on -the life of Cuthbert of Lindisfarne, the great Scoto-Irish saint, whose -deeds still filled the North with their echoes. - - - - - CHAPTER XII. - RABANUS MAURUS, AUTHOR OF THE “VENI, CREATOR.” - - -None of the great Latin hymns is more regarded than the _Veni, Creator -Spiritus_. The _Dies Irae_ may be grander; the _Veni, Sancte Spiritus_ -may be sweeter; the _Ad perennis vitae fontem_ may be lovelier; the -_Stabat mater_ may be more pathetic, but, after all, the _Veni, Creator_ -holds a place of equal honor in the estimation of the Church. The Church -of England, while rejecting every other Latin hymn from her services, -nevertheless retained this in the offices for the ordering of priests -and consecration of bishops. This is only the carrying out, indeed, of -the account given by the famous but unknown monk of Salzburg who -rendered so many of the Latin hymns into the old High-German tongue. He -says, “Whoever repeats this hymn by day or by night, him shall no enemy -visible or invisible assail.” This has always been the repute of the -hymn, and there is no doubt that this attended it on its journey down -the ages in the worship of the Church. - -Its authorship, however, has been less carefully preserved than its -text, which is notably free from mutilation and obscurity. It is really -singular to find a hymn which has been so universally employed, and -which has escaped in such a marvellous manner from the profane meddling -of prosaic or bigoted revisers. Its doxologic final stanza is one which -is not often to be found elsewhere—as though the hymn had taken and -maintained a place apart. If it were the product of the Ambrosian age -this would not be likely to have occurred, for all those doxologies are -formal and interchangeable to a marked degree. But this is the -appropriate conclusion of a unique ascription of praise to the third -person of the Trinity. - -Its date is thus, to some extent, fixed for us. We cannot refer it to -the days of Ambrose, and, since it is found in nearly all the twelfth to -fourteenth-century breviaries, we are unable to attribute it to the -period of the Renaissance. Its very verse would prevent this, if nothing -else did. The word _spiritalis_ is a barbarism—an altogether -post-classical expression. The true usage is that in which the genitive -case is employed, thus “spiritual delight” would be _animi felicitas_, -not _spiritalis_ (or _spiritualis_) _felicitas_. _Perpetim_ is also a -word which purists of the new classic revival would avoid if they could. -So, too, there is a certain amount of stress to be put upon the scanning -of _Paraclitus_—where the _i_ is long, though Prudentius in the fifth -century and Adam of St. Victor in the twelfth both make it short. It has -therefore been said that the hymn was composed by a person who was -skilled in the Greek language. This altogether depends on the question -whether he pronounced the word by accent or by quantity. But still it is -not to be denied that the prosody of the poet gives us reason to think -that he did pronounce the word with the accent on the η. If this be so, -it would follow that he was a man of rare and fine scholarship in -comparison with the contemporaneous learning. - -Another criticism is purely theological and aids in fixing the date by -the history of doctrine itself. At the Council of Toledo A.D. 589, the -word _filioque_ was added to the Creed to indicate the faith of the -Church in the procession of the Holy Spirit from both the Father and the -Son. This hymn preserves this point of the orthodox belief with such -care that there can be no doubt of its being subsequent in time to the -date of that council. - -In coming more particularly to the various authors who have been -credited with its composition, it may be well to attend to each claim as -it is put forward in some sort of chronologic order. - -George Fabricius of Chemnitz (1564) was ready enough to ascribe it to -Ambrose himself. The only ground for this conjecture is the structure of -the verse. And this is no more a proof of authorship than that a hymn -written in what we call “long metre” must be, because of that fact -alone, the production of Isaac Watts. On the other hand, it is plain -that the theological allusion and the doxology, when taken together, -remove the hymn far enough away from the days of the great Bishop of -Milan. - -In later times of more critical scholarship the learned and accurate -Professor Hermann Adalbert Daniel has devoted much study to the hymn, -and has reached the conclusion that it belongs to that king whom the -Germans are never tired of praising—Charles the Great (Karl der Grosse), -by the French called Charlemagne. Led by his illustrious opinion the -compilers and translators have, without another question, set it down -for Charles’s work. So it has gone; the minor German collators, like -Königsfeld and others, following peacefully in the rear of an original -investigator. This was not true, however, of men who hunted for proof on -their own account, as, for instance, Mone and Wackernagel. But it is -distinctly true of the English scholars, among whom Archbishop Trench -appears to carry the most prevalent influence. They usually assent -without a murmur to this conjecture of Daniel indorsing Thomasius, who -was, so far as can be discovered, the parent of the opinion. The only -real exception is the Scotch hymnologist, Dr. H. M. MacGill, who doubts, -but conforms to the opinion which is in vogue. - -The grounds of this general confidence in Charles’s authorship it may be -proper to mention here in brief. We know it is said that he was a patron -of learning, a friend of scholars, and a devout believer in the orthodox -theology. In the year 809 he took an active part in a synod at -Aquisgranum which affirmed the doctrine that the Holy Spirit proceeded -from both the Father and the Son. There is, furthermore, a statement, -quoted by Cardinal Thomasius from the _Acta Sanctorum_, which goes in -the direction of a positive assertion. In the life of the Blessed Notker -it is said that this hymn was composed by Carolus Magnus. - -Now it has never been established that Charles was even a ready writer -of prose, to say nothing of verse. Berington, following Einhard, -Charles’s secretary, says in his _History of the Literature of the -Middle Ages_ (1814), that Charles was not a literary man. “He seems -never to have acquired the easy practice of writing,” is his strong -language (p. 102). The hymn, on the contrary, bears the evident marks of -accustomed skill and practice in the art of verse as well as the -accuracy of a mind trained in theologic discriminations. Moreover, if -Maitland (he of the Dark Ages) is to be credited, then this life of the -Blessed Notker, by Ekkehard Junior, is full of errors, of ignorance, and -wilful design. It naturally celebrates whatever is likely to add to the -credit of St. Gall. Hence we need not be astonished when it tells us -that Notker composed the sequence, _Spiritus Sancti adsit nobis gratia_, -and sent it to Charles the Great, receiving in return his composition -the _Veni, Creator Spiritus_. Nor should we be surprised when this turns -out (as it is now conceded to be) a mere legend without any historic -basis. When Thomasius follows this story, and Daniel follows Thomasius, -and Trench follows Daniel, and the compilers follow Trench, it really -appears that but little independent judgment has been exercised on the -subject. - -Notker died in 912, and as Charles the Great was dead in 814, the absurd -anachronism of the Ekkehard legend is clear to a glance. It should -perhaps be added that Trench, although allowing Charles as author, -believes the hymn to be possibly of earlier date. - -Mone takes a new departure when he gives up the common opinion and -announces that the hymn ought to be assigned to Gregory the Great -(540-606). In his first volume he taxes Daniel with having been -altogether too prompt to agree to the cardinal’s dictum. He finds no -reason to give the hymn to Charles, but he regards the classical style -of its composition to be very fitting to the culture and well-known -powers of Gregory. He rejects the doxology _Sit laus_, etc., and -considers, very justly, that the stanza _Per te sciamus_, etc., is the -true conclusion of the hymn. - -Wackernagel agrees with Mone. He thinks that the only way in which -Charles could have secured the authorship would have been by getting the -composition effected by the intervention of Alcuin. He therefore -believes that Gregory was the poet of the _Veni, Creator_, and so -publishes it in his exhaustive work upon the German church hymns. -Professor March, always careful and scholarly in his assignments, adopts -this opinion also. - -Against the Gregorian authorship, supported as it is by such eminent and -independent scholars, one must be slow to contend. But in fact there is -no great similarity between the hymn before us and those of Gregory. The -great Pope is not a great poet. He has not written one hymn which has -really endured. The _Audi benigne Conditor_ is quoted freely, and the -_Rex Christe, factor omnium_ received Luther’s highest approbation. But -these and other hymns from his pen are imitations of Ambrose—almost -slavish imitations. The lofty and grand largeness of the _Veni, Creator_ -is wanting to them all. The argument, good as it may seem, is only -negative. The inference is that the hymn was written by him—nothing -more. On the same grounds we might as well go back to old George -Fabricius and give it into the hands of Ambrose as he did. The truth is -that Gregory’s writings do not contain it, and why they should not, if -he were its actual author, it is hard for any one to understand. - -But we are not at the end of the inquiry yet. We positively know certain -facts. These are: That the earliest mention of the hymn is in the -_Delatio S. Marculfi_, A.D. 898; that it is found in the breviaries of -the twelfth to fourteenth centuries; that its author was a skilled -theologian and probably a master of the Greek language; that he was a -poet in the true sense and therefore quite certain to have written other -hymns and poems; that it was so soon and so generally adopted as to -prevent any corruption of its text; that all these ascriptions of it to -this or that person are nothing but tradition; and, finally, that the -hymn has such spiritual worth and power as to mark it for the production -of a devout as well as scholarly mind. All these requirements are met in -Rabanus Maurus, Bishop of Mainz, pupil of Alcuin, and laureate after -Alcuin and Theodulphus. - -There was a certain Christopher Brower, a Jesuit and a profoundly -learned scholar, who was born in 1559 at Arnhem in Gelderland. In the -year 1580 he went to Cologne in pursuit of his studies. Then he studied -philosophy at Trier, and eventually became rector of the college at -Fulda. Here he wrote four books upon antiquarian topics. His diligent, -exhaustive style can be judged by the fact that he spent thirty years -upon a history of Trier. His _Antiquitates_ were printed in 1612, but in -1603 he had edited the writings of Fortunatus, and this book was -reissued in 1617, the year of his death, by Joannes Volmar at Cologne. -This edition has an appendix of 150 pp. 4to., in which is contained the -entire series of hymns and other poetical compositions which were due to -the aforesaid Bishop of Mainz, Rabanus Maurus. It was edited from a very -old MS. of undoubted veracity, and it contains the _Veni, Creator_ in -the precise text which we now employ. It is to be noticed that it does -not recognize the doxology _Sit laus_, etc., and this Mone assures us -was composed at a later period by Hincmar of Rheims, and is, as we have -said, unique. But it accents Paraclitus upon the second _a_ and not upon -the _i_. - -The stanza _Da gaudiorum_, etc., was rejected some time ago by the best -scholars. It is from a hymn of later date. And we therefore find the -version which appears in Brewer’s editions of the poems of Rabanus -Maurus to be consonant with the most intelligent criticism of the text -of the _Veni, Creator_. - -The hymn itself we can assign with very considerable certainty to the -author in whose pages it again is apparent, and we may believe in the -accuracy and scholarly acuteness of the Jesuit antiquarian. - -It will not be amiss if we set our reasons in order, for a -long-established delusion is as hard to overthrow sometimes as the -stubbornest fact. They are such as the following: - -1. The hymn is found in the writings of Rabanus Maurus, in a codex which -Brower calls “very ancient and well approved.” - -2. It is the precise paraphrase of the learned bishop’s chapter on the -Holy Spirit. Thus he begins the chapter with an assertion of the -procession of the Holy Spirit from both the Father and the Son. He then -calls this Spirit _donum Dei_, and several times repeats the phrase. He -argues that the Spirit is coequal and coeternal God. He then discusses -the term _Paraclete_, and proceeds to speak of the _septiformis_ nature -of His power. Next follows a most significant and unusual -expression—namely, that the Holy Spirit is _digitus Dei_—the finger of -God. And the consecution and coincidence of thought is still further -increased by an allusion to the grace which bestowed the gift of -tongues. He then speaks of the Spirit as fire—which accords with the -word _accende_—and then he explains the simile of water, which -corresponds with the word _infunde_ and with the previous phrase _fons -vivus_. He also quotes from the Gospel of John to show that this “living -water” means no more nor less than the Holy Spirit. These coincidences -are doubly remarkable, for they not only exhibit the same ideas—some of -which, by the way, are quite uncommon—but they also set them forth in -the precise order in which the good bishop employs them in his hymn. It -is as if, being aroused and animated by his great and noble theme, he -had turned to verse as an appropriate medium of lofty praise and had -sung from his heart this immortal hymn. - -3. To these reasons we may add a third—that the internal structure of -the hymn shows its author to have been a person of theological -soundness, spiritual insight, scriptural knowledge, genuine scholarship, -and a natural poetical capacity. These facts again agree with what we -know to have been the talents and learning of Rabanus Maurus. - -4. If Gregory had written this hymn it would have appeared at an earlier -date and would have been undoubtedly attributed to its illustrious -author; whereas it is not in his carefully compiled writings nor is it -accredited to him by Thomasius or any hymnologist before the time of -Mone and Wackernagel. - -5. Charles the Great had not the learning, and both he and his grandson, -Charles “the Bald,” are named on the strength of a long-exploded and -always anachronistic tradition. - -6. Ambrose is out of the question by the theological limitation of the -stanza _Per te sciamus_, etc. - -7. Finally, we have the right to believe that a man whose other hymns -have been so extensively, though anonymously, introduced into the -worship of the Church, was entirely competent to frame this present -hymn. - -This last point is worthy of more than this terse remark. Rabanus -composed the hymns, _Adest dies sanctus Dei_, _Festum nunc celebre_, -_Fit porta Christi pervia_, _Tibi Christe splendor Patris_, _Christe -Redemptor omnium_, and _Jesu Salvator saeculi_, all of which display -great powers of sacred poetry and two of which are beyond any possible -doubt his authentic productions. Of the twenty-nine hymns found in -Brewer’s codex there are two which have been credited to Ambrose beside -the _Veni, Creator_, and there are seven which are classed by Daniel and -Fabricius as belonging between the tenth and fourteenth centuries and to -unknown authorship. The codex adds to our previous list eight entirely -new poems, and two others which raise a question on which we may pause -for a moment before conceding the current opinion. - -The first of these hymns is the _Altus prosator_, of which the codex -gives us a much fuller and longer version. It is called ordinarily the -“Hymn of St. Columba,” and was reprinted by Dr. Todd from the _Liber -Hymnorum_ of old Irish hymns in the library of Trinity College, Dublin. -Our present line of inquiry would lead us to assign it to Rabanus, and -thus do away with the mere conjecture which makes Columba its author. - -The second hymn is that usually credited to Elpis, the wife of Boethius. -But the designation of this hymn is as fanciful as the other. Brower in -his loyalty to the Church will not impugn the authorship which is -commonly received, but he is constrained to admit that a stanza is -appended which the popular version entirely omits. It seems far more -reasonable to think that Rabanus composed the whole hymn than that he -only added a few verses at the end. What Rabanus Maurus really did was -to construct an _hymnodia_ which had an appropriate sacred song for -every season. He was a poet and he lauded the verses of Hilary and of -Ambrose. Had he intended to make selections he would not have omitted -them. But he has certainly put his own compositions into this list. -Therefore it follows that he may well have included more than was at -first supposed. And when it is plain—for the index of hymns makes it -plain—that not one single hymn of the twenty-nine is the undoubted and -absolute property of any other poet, we are safe in assuming that they -all are what the codex declares them to be—the actual productions of the -Bishop Rabanus. - -The hymn _Fit porta Christi pervia_ occurs in the midst of the Ambrosian -_A solis ortus cardine, et usque_, and was there inserted by the -Benedictines of St. Maur. Daniel says it is an entire hymn as it stands. -And so say we who find it standing alone in the codex of Brower. - -At once, then, Rabanus Maurus ascends from comparative obscurity to a -front rank among hymn-writers. And we are ready for all the light upon -his personal history which we can obtain. - - - VENI, CREATOR SPIRITUS. - - Veni, Creator Spiritus, - Mentes tuorum visita, - Imple superna gratia - Quae tu creasti pectora. - - Qui Paraclitus diceris, - Donum Dei altissimi, - Fons vivus, ignis, charitas, - Et spiritalis unctio. - - Tu septiformis munere, - Dextrae Dei tu digitus, - Tu rite promissum Patris, - Sermone ditans guttura. - - Accende lumen sensibus, - Infunde amorem cordibus, - Infirma nostri corporis, - Virtute firmans perpetim. - - Hostem repellas longius, - Pacemque dones protinus, - Ductore sic te praevio - Vitemus omne noxium. - - Per te sciamus da Patrem - Noscamus atque Filium, - Te utriusque Spiritum, - Credamus omni tempore. - - O Holy Ghost, Creator, come! - Thy people’s minds pervade; - And fill with thy supernal grace - The souls which thou hast made. - - Thou who art called the Paraclete, - The gift of God most high; - Thou living fount, and fire, and love, - Our spirit’s pure ally; - - Thou sevenfold Giver of all good; - Finger of God’s right hand; - Thou promise of the Father, rich - In words for every land; - - Kindle our senses to a flame, - And fill our hearts with love, - And through our bodies’ weakness, still - Pour valor from above! - - Drive farther off our enemy, - And straightway give us peace; - That, with thyself as such a guide, - We may from evil cease. - - Through thee may we the Father know, - And thus confess the Son; - For thee (from both the Holy Ghost), - We praise while time shall run. - -Rabanus Maurus, teacher and Abbot of Fulda and Archbishop of Mayence -(Mainz), was commonly called the “foremost German of his time.” Though -the centuries have somewhat obscured the lustre of his renown, they have -not deprived him of his place in history, nor have they dissociated his -name from that of his instructor, prototype, and model, the great -pedagogue Alcuin. - -Of the birthplace of Rabanus we have no certain knowledge. Some have -said that he was Scotch or English, others that he was French; but the -more reliable authorities are convinced that he was a German, born -either at Fulda or Mainz. The epitaph written by himself affords -probably the solution of the question. It was composed at Mainz while -its author was archbishop, and contains these words: - - “Urbe quidem hac genitus sum, ac sacro fonte renatus, - In Fulda post haec dogma sacrum didici.” - -That is, he was born at the place where he was writing these verses—most -likely Mainz—and there he was baptized. Afterward he was educated in -Fulda. An additional reason for this belief is that his father was of a -family known in the records of Mainz. - -Trithemius says that Rabanus was born in 788 _quarto nonas Februarii_, -the second of February. Mabillon adds, “I do not know whence he got the -day; the year is probably pretty close.” But the year itself, on the -strength of internal evidence found in the man’s writings and in the -monastic rules regarding the holding of office before the attainment of -a fixed age, Mabillon places at 776. This extension of twelve years is a -very important affair since it makes Rabanus a monk of thirty-three at -the date of the Council of Aquisgranum (Aix-la-Chapelle or Aachen), -called by Charlemagne to reannunciate the doctrine of the procession of -the Holy Spirit. - -The name of Rabanus’s father was Ruthard and his mother was christened -Aldegunde. “She was a woman of the most honest conversation,” as -Trithemius declares, the fit helpmeet of a man “rich and powerful, who -for a long time served in the wars under the Frank princes.” There was a -brother, doubtless an elder brother, called Tutin, a person “noble among -the first,” and perhaps the father of a nephew, Gundram, whom Rabanus -mentions as the royal chaplain of Lewis of Germany. - -The lad Raban—“the raven”—took on his dark garments at nine years of age -and went to be a little shaveling monk at Fulda. There he continued, -patiently toiling on at his studies according to the methods of a -benighted time, and it is plain that he progressed so well as to get the -favor of his abbot, Ratgar. Since Ratgar took office in 801 or 802, and -Alcuin died in May, 804, it must have been at or about the twenty-fifth -year of his age that Rabanus was directed to put himself under the care -of Alcuin. A record which has been preserved shows that in 801 our poet -had been made a deacon at Fulda, and it is natural for us to look upon -this journey to the monastic school of St. Martin at Tours as an honor -given to one who had already earned some distinction in scholarship. - -Be this as it may it is certain that nearly the latest work of Alcuin’s -life was the preparation of the successor to his own ideas who should -hold high the torch of knowledge to his land and generation. To -him—though the old eyes at Tours should not see it—was to succeed -Walafrid Strabo, and to Walafrid Strabo were to be added the scholars of -St. Gall, and notably the marvellous cripple Herman of Reichenau. Ratgar -now was busy building a great church, and architectural notions befogged -his brain. But he had built better than he was aware when he sent off -Rabanus and Hatto to sit at the feet of the man who had brought the -system of Bede the Venerable into Gaul, and who was to commit his own -enthusiasm for learning to a greater scholar than Paul Winfrid, the -Deacon. - -This Hatto was not the infamous bishop of the Rat Tower whom Southey has -immortalized in blood-curdling verses. That notorious prelate was indeed -Abbot of Fulda and Bishop of Mainz, but he died in 969 or 970, and the -swarming rats which devoured him for his avarice in keeping the corn -from the poor owe their original celebrity to those curious volumes, the -_Centuries of Magdeburg_. So far as we can discover, the Hatto who -accompanied Rabanus became neither famous nor infamous, unless it be -something to have obtained the abbacy of Fulda when his friend laid it -down. - -In 804 Rabanus returned to Fulda. He had profited by the instruction he -had received, and was now the fittest person to be put at the head of -the school in the cloisters. To his original name the old teacher had -affixed the honorable title Maurus, and to this again Rabanus himself -added the descriptive adjective Magnentius. So that Rabanus Maurus -Magnentius is the full appellation of the man henceforth to be styled -with the largest truth, _Primus Germaniae preceptor_. This giving of -names was one of the features of those times. Alcuin was called Albinus -Flaccus, Paul Winfrid was known as Bonifacius, and Ratbert, the advocate -of transubstantiation, became Paschasius. Besides this, the spelling of -proper names was very much at sea. Thus, to the R of Rabanus there was -prefixed or suffixed a Greek “rough breathing,” making it HRabanus or -Rhabanus, precisely as we some times find HLudovicus or HLotharius. - -It is at this time that the true skill and ability of Rabanus appear -before us. He was the first person to establish a school in Germany -which had in it the promise of modern education. He allowed pupils to -attend and be trained in the cloisters who had no vocation for a -monastic life. In point of fact he was the real founder of the school -system of Germany, and his fellow-countrymen have not been slow to -accredit him with the achievement. His life and accomplishments have -employed the pens of Buddeus, Schwarz, Dahl, Bach, Kunstmann, Spengler, -Köhler, Richter, and other writers on the history of _paedagogik_.[7] It -is beyond debate that the school at Fulda was a most remarkable place. - -Rabanus was not the only teacher in the school. He was assisted by his -faithful friend Samuel of Worms, a fellow pupil under Alcuin. Together -these men developed and enlarged the minds of many of the future nobles -of Germany, and laid in Bible study and in the advanced opinions which -they announced, the foundations for a nation the most scholarly of any -on the earth. In these classes were to be seen such disciples of the new -learning as Walafrid Strabo, Servatus Lupus, Einhard (who subsequently -sent thither his son Wussin), and Rudolf who wrote the life of his -preceptor. - -Leaving the manner of that ancient school life for the present, we are -struck with astonishment at the broad and liberal tone of the -instruction. Rabanus followed Bede in providing an encyclopaedia of -human knowledge for his pupils. He entitled it _De Universis_ and based -it on the previous work of Isidore of Seville. Additionally he abridged -the grammar of Priscian, a treatise which furnished, even as late as the -days of Richard Braythwaite and his _Drunken Barnabee_, the suggestive -line, - - “Fregi frontem Prisciani.” - - “I’ve broke Priscian’s forehead mainly.” - -He also furnished a text-book in arithmetic, drawn mostly from Boethius, -and an etymology in which he depends to some extent on Isidore. He -utilized Bede for chronology, and Gregory for ecclesiastical forms, and -Augustine for doctrine, and Cassiodorus for commentary and exegesis. - -Moreover, he was free from much of the superstition of his age. He -objected to giving the liver of a mad dog to one who had been bitten by -it—that being then held a perfect cure. His letters show an independent -and almost an audacious mind. In all religious discussion his motto was, -“When the cause is Christ’s, the opposition of the bad counts for -naught.” In statecraft—for ecclesiastics were chief movers in these -affairs—he held with Ludwig the Pious. He wrote a great deal in the way -of Scripture commentary, and his intellect was of a mystical order. He -delighted in allegories, in enshrining the bones of saints and -confessors, and in making the most marvellous and intricate anagrams and -arrangements of verses and letters upon the subject of the Holy Cross, -whose praise he has elaborately set forth. Wimpfeling may well style -this production a “wonderful and highly elaborate work.” It dates from -the year 815, and no modern reader can view it without dismay at its -enormous expenditure of labor. - -A man like this in the teacher’s seat of Fulda would not be long in -obscuring by his manifest talents the feebler light of his abbot. So -Ratgar found, and devoted himself and his monks with mistimed zeal to -the erection of a great addition to the cloister church. He grudged the -time given to the studies of the school. He would much prefer to have -had the full control of all that was passing in the cloisters, but this -was plainly impossible. So he devised a very satisfactory way of -interrupting the success of Rabanus. He took the books from the scholars -and he even forbade them to the teacher. This was the cause of some -pathetic verses in which Rabanus sets forth his petition for their -return. “Let thy clemency,” he exclaims, “concede me books, for the -poverty of knowledge suffocates me.” One grates his teeth in reading -farther on the words, “Whether you do this or not, yet let the divine -power of the Omnipotent always afford you all good things and complete a -good fight with an honest course, that you may ever be with Christ in -the height of heaven.” - -Ratgar was a tyrant; there was no doubt of that. The only question was -how long this tyranny would survive the loss of students and the -defection of the monks, who had already begun to complain and resist. -There was not any hope, however, that this line of conduct would be -materially altered, and here again we have verses of Rabanus, lamenting -in moving terms the loss of scholars and the demoralization of the -school. It is not at all unlikely that the praises of the Holy Cross -were the solace of the poor pedagogue who had lost his favorite volumes. -He could scarcely otherwise have found the leisure for this elegant -trifling. - -The poem just mentioned is imperfect. It breaks off abruptly and the -conclusion is missing. What it may have had to do with the outcome of -Ratgar’s tyranny we therefore cannot say, but the times upon which the -monastery had fallen were very grievous; and in 807 there was a -pestilence which depleted the list of monks from four hundred down to -one hundred and fifty, and these must, of course, have been more pressed -by the manual labor than ever. They toiled as did Israel in bondage, and -yet the end had not come. It was a period of the worst sort of misrule, -paralleled later at Cluny and not unknown in other conventual -establishments. In 814 Rabanus was ordained priest on December 23d, and, -as is supposed, after his withdrawal for a time from the monastery to -the refuge offered by a friend’s house. From a passage in one of his -commentaries it has been inferred that he used this suspense of his -labors to make a journey to Palestine. - -In 811 there was, says Dahl, a great confusion (_Verwirrung_) in the -cloister. A libel was sent to Charles the Great criticising the conduct -of Ratgar—“libel” being used in its old sense of “little treatise.” -Nothing, as it would seem, was done about this, although the ordination -of Rabanus may have been a link in the chain. - -But when Ludwig the Pious (Ludwig der Fromme) came to the kingdom Ratgar -was summarily deposed, and Egil, a kindly, book-loving man, created -abbot in his stead. This occurred in 817, three years after Ludwig began -to reign. All difficulties were now over. The school was reopened with -greater prosperity than before. The library was increased. The secular -scholars were taught outside the walls, for the number of students -surpassed the accommodation. And, in a word, Ratgar had merely held back -a constantly augmenting torrent which now poured itself in in an -intrepid tide. When Martin Luther, centuries later, cries out for -intelligent instruction and for the extension of the school system of -Germany, he is but repeating the cry which swelled in the ears of Ratgar -and drove him before it with execration from his abbacy. - -In 822, when Egil died, by common consent Rabanus was invested with the -dignity of abbot. For a time things went smoothly enough, and such -scholars as Walafrid Strabo, Servatus Lupus, and Otfried of Weissenberg -were the glory of the Fulda schools. But the pendulum swung too far in -the rebound from Ratgar’s illiterate policy. The monks were kept at -writing and teaching with too little discrimination as to their tastes -and capacities. They began to grumble that the material interests of the -monastery were neglected, and that Fulda might be growing rich in books -and in bookworms, but was in danger of becoming poor in everything else. -The disaffection found a support in Archbishop Otgar of Mainz, a busy -political prelate, who seems to have become jealous of the prominence of -Rabanus. As a supporter of Lothar and of the policy of imperial unity, -he was in politics on the other side from Rabanus. Our abbot was a -Nationalist and a Home Ruler. He wished to foster the cultivation of the -German tongue and to maintain the distinctness of the German nation. He -had stood by poor, weak Ludwig the Pious, whose sorrow it was to have -succeeded to the work of Charles the Great. He addressed to him a letter -of consolation in his troubles, and wrote a treatise: _De Reverentia -Filiorum erga Patres et Subditorum erga Reges_, to recall his unfilial -children to a sense of their duty. In Ludwig the German he recognized -the most dutiful of the three. So when the Emperor Ludwig died in 840, -he supported the younger Ludwig in the demand for virtual German -independence against the high-handed imperialism of his elder brother -Lothar. He thus shared in the triumph of the victory at Fontanetum, -followed by the Compact of Verdun (843), which practically put an end to -Karling imperialism, and secured the national independence of France and -Germany. But in the mean time Otgar enabled the illiterate party at -Fulda to drive Rabanus into exile, and when he came back he found the -brethren had chosen another abbot, Hatto, in his stead. Waiving his own -rights, and laying aside all grudges, he betook himself to his books in -a priory or something of the sort on Mount St. Peter, not far off, and -resumed the work of teaching. Here he is thought to have composed his -great philosophical treatise on the All, which marks a distinct advance -in the development of mediaeval metaphysics and logic. Indeed, there was -but one thinker of the ninth century who surpassed him in penetration -and learning—the wonderful Irish monk, John Scotus Erigena, who wrote -Latin but thought in Greek and was filled with all the wisdom of the -Hellenes, from Plato to Dionysius the Areopagite. - -In 847 Archbishop Otgar died, and Ludwig the German elevated his friend -Rabanus to the see of Mainz, the metropolitan see of Germany. Since -Boniface, the Anglo-Saxon “Apostle of Germany,” who had succeeded to -this dignity a century earlier, there had been no man of such eminence -at the head of the German Church, nor have any of his successors -surpassed him. His first care was the restoration of the discipline, -which had decayed under the confusions of those dark days of civil war. -A great synod met at Mainz in October, Rabanus having been consecrated -in June. Besides the prelates, abbots and monks of all orders attended, -and the canons adopted had reference to stricter life as the obligation -of the clergy. - -The year was not over before news of fresh trouble reached him. One of -his own pupils at Fulda, the monk Gottschalk, a man of restless -intellect, was reported as spreading an exaggerated version of -Augustine’s doctrine of absolute predestination, and one which -threatened to overturn the very idea of human responsibility. Gottschalk -evidently was one of the people who love to walk on the fence rather -than in the road—to carry every principle with ruthless logic to its -remotest conclusion. The first news of his extravagances reached Rabanus -in a letter from Italy setting forth the doctrines his former pupil was -teaching. He at once responded in a letter (or rather a treatise) taking -the same ground as the semi-Pelagians had done in the controversy with -the school of Augustine, ground sanctioned by Gregory the Great, Beda, -and Alcuin, although thought unsafe when first defended by Gennadius and -John Cassian. Gottschalk seems to have accepted the reply as a sort of -challenge. The next year, 848, he made his way to Mainz, and when -Rabanus called together an assembly of churchmen and laymen—not a -regular synod—he appeared before it with a confession of his faith in -which he replied to the arguments of Rabanus. The assembly failed to -convince him of his being in error, and at the king’s suggestion a -pledge was exacted of him that he would never return to Germany. Hincmar -of Rheims, the metropolitan of the Church of France, made sure of his -keeping this pledge. As Gottschalk was handed over to him by King -Ludwig, with a letter of explanation from Rabanus, he had him condemned -by the Synod of Quiercy (853) to deposition from the priesthood, -corporal chastisement until he should burn his confession with his own -hands, and lifelong imprisonment. So ended, in 867, this Calvinist of -the ninth century, without much credit to anybody who had a hand in his -fate, but with least of discredit to Rabanus. - -In 852, by order of King Ludwig, another synod convened at Mainz, to -discuss, it is supposed, the doctrine of transubstantiation, which -Paschasius Radbertus of Corbie had been setting forth in his treatise, -_De Corpore et Sanguine Christi_. Our Rabanus resisted the new dogma, -declaring that the participation of the Lord’s body and blood in the -sacrament is “not carnal but spiritual.” Nor is this the only point of -his agreement with Protestant teaching. Especially in his assertion that -the Bible is a book for every Christian, and clear and intelligible as a -rule of faith, he anticipates Luther. - -In 850 a great famine desolated Germany, in whose course people were -driven to the terrible deeds which sometimes characterize such times. -Rabanus did his possible to relieve the terrible needs of his flock. -Three hundred of these poor people were fed daily from his resources as -archbishop, and his heart went out in pity to the multitudes he could -not aid. Pitiful scenes he must have witnessed. One poor woman fell dead -as she staggered to his threshold, with a babe at her breast. His -charity was too late to save her, but her child was rescued. - -He lived six years more, seeing his diocese recover from the desolation -of that terrible winter, cherishing the literary and educational work of -the monasteries on the lines laid down in his _De Institutione -Clericorum_, keeping his clergy up to the ideal of the priestly life as -defined in his _De Disciplina Ecclesiastica_, and civilizing the rude -people of his great diocese. He died in 856, in his eightieth year, and -was buried in St. Alban’s church in Mainz. In the era of the Reformation -his bones were transferred to St. Maurice’s church in Halle. As Rome has -not inscribed the opponent of transubstantiation in the list of her -saints, they are allowed to rest together in peace, instead of being -distributed through a long series of churches as relics. - -He had composed for himself an epitaph, as was the fashion of those -days, but it is pleasanter to read than some of those exaggeratedly -humble and prosaic treatises concerning which we hardly know whether -most to stand amazed at the badness of the Latin or the meanness of the -piety. Rabanus avoids these objectionable features. His language is that -of a poet and his sentiments those of a sincere Christian. Particularly -there are two lines which are notable because they give us a glimpse of -his personality: - - “Promptus erat animus, sed tardans debile corpus; - Feci quod poteram, quodque Deus dederat.” - - “Quick was my mind, but slow was my body through weakness; - That which I could I have done, and what the Lord gave me.” - -One of his latest bequests was that of his books, which he devised, like -a true scholar, partly to his old abbey of Fulda and partly to the -monastery of St. Alban at Mainz. - -John Trithemius eulogizes him in words which may, perhaps, be -transferred into our pages from their original Latin as a specimen of -the praise which Rabanus has always received—praise that is indeed -worthy of the man who wrote the _Veni, Creator_. - -“Rabanus was first among the Germans; a scholar universally erudite; -profound in science; eloquent and strong in discourse; in life and -conversation he shone as most learned, religious, and holy; he was -always a prelate dignified, affable, and acceptable before God.” - -This same Trithemius gives us a little notion of the bishop’s -appearance. In body, he says that he was tolerably robust; of a -sanguine, bilious temperament; rather fleshly in person than inclined to -meagreness (_macilentus_); with a “courageous and great” head; and of a -well-proportioned figure. - -Of the other writings of Rabanus it is sufficient for us to name his -compendium of the grammar of Priscian; his great work upon _The -Universe_; his treatise upon the _Praises of the Holy Cross_, and his -elaborate commentaries upon the various books of the Bible. He also -prepared homilies and sundry compositions relative to ecclesiastical -matters. In the _Patrologia_ of Migne it requires six closely-printed -volumes to cover his contributions to sacred literature. Especially we -have occasion to note his theological writings, as it is in these that -his spiritual character is most apparent. - -His works mostly are dead enough to modern interest, but not all. German -philology honors in him a great churchman who shared Charles the Great’s -respect for German speech and culture, and at whose feet Otto of -Weissenburg, the poet of the _Krist_, sat. German pedagogics recognizes -in him the first _Praeceptor Germaniae_, who transplanted to Fulda the -generous plans of education which Charles conceived, and which Alcuin -executed at Tours. German philosophy recognizes in him the first -forerunner of the great series of her metaphysicians. But to us he is -Rabanus the poet, who acquired the art of verse under Alcuin, who used -it at times to little purpose as in his _De Laudibus Sanctae Crucis_, -but who in a happy hour wrote the _Veni, Creator Spiritus_. - - - - - CHAPTER XIII. - NOTKER OF ST. GALL, CALLED BALBULUS. - - -In the life of Notker, written by Ekkehard (Eckhardt) the Younger, who -was Dean of St. Gall in 1220, we have a perfect mine of garrulous gossip -and of chattering, pleasant romance. It has been called “one of the most -delightful of mediaeval memoirs;” though we are very little disposed to -accept a large share of it as solid fact. There is in it much confusion, -both of dates and names. From one of its stories came the designation of -Charles the Great (“the Emperor Charles”) as the author of the _Veni -Creator_, a point which we have treated more fully in the chapter upon -Rabanus Maurus. The copyist is mainly accountable for these blunders, -some of which are so grossly anachronistic as to be at once corrected by -their reader; and others are so puerile that no one can easily be -deceived. - -Since it is to Notker that we owe the “sequence” in its full -development, it may be as well for us to let Ekkehard sketch his -character at full length. The biography is in one of the April volumes -of the _Acta Sanctorum_ of the Bollandist Fathers—a great white-covered -folio which displays the immense research of its editors. For those who -are less inclined to the Latin language in its monkish form, there is -the admirable abridgment by Baring-Gould, known as the _Lives of the -Saints_—a compilation which must be always distinguished from the work -of the same title by Alban Butler. From these sources a great deal of -truth and falsehood, fact and fiction, real record and unreal romance, -have flowed forth upon the world. We cannot but speak reverently and -kindly of such noble endeavors as those of Dr. Neale, but here, at the -very outset, it must be understood that he has been altogether too much -swayed by peculiar opinions for his ideas upon sequences—and upon Notker -also—to have the weight of absolute authority. - -Notker himself is to be discriminated from another Notker of the same -religious house of St. Gall, who is generally known as “the Physician.” -This one is Balbulus, or “the Stammerer,” who is sometimes called -“Vetustior,” the Elder, to distinguish him from his nephew, Notkerus -Junior. He came, Ekkehard asserts, of noble and even royal parentage, -being probably born about the year 850. At an early age he entered the -monastery of St. Gall, in Switzerland, which had been founded by Gallus, -the Irish saint, a disciple of Columbanus, in the seventh century. This -celebrated man died, A.D. 640, at the age of ninety-five, and his life -was written by Walafrid Strabo in two books; the martyrology recording -his death upon October 16th. St. Gall itself is now a town of some -fifteen thousand inhabitants, and the capital of the canton to which it -has given its own name. But the abbey was suppressed in 1805, though the -library, filled with valuable manuscripts, still remains. From these -ancient parchments P. Gall Morel, Librarian at Einsiedeln, has -resuscitated many sequences and hymns formerly employed in their -services. - -The Sangallensian poets are not, however, very numerous. Hartmann was -probably the earliest composer of a “sequence”—a style of sacred poem -which we shall consider presently. Then came Notker Balbulus, who has -the greater renown. Tutilo and Ratpert and Walafrid Strabo complete the -list. St. Gall was for years a noted centre of learning. It is well -situated, and from its towers the waters of the Boden-See (from which it -is distant but a few miles) can be readily discerned. - -Here, then, Notker began his religious life. He had probably seen the -light in the green and fertile Thurgau not far away from St. Gall. And -his talents were soon so noticeable that he rapidly advanced in the -esteem of his associates. Meanwhile—for the Irish and Scottish monks -made this a thoroughfare on their pilgrimages to Rome—there came along -an Irish bishop named Mark, whose nephew, Maengal, strongly aroused the -admiration of Notker. Maengal’s music especially affected him, and he -devoutly prayed God to let the Irishman tarry with them at St. Gall. -This indeed happened, and Maengal, rechristened Marcellus, remained in -Switzerland. - -This good tutor now undertook the musical training of Notker, Ratpert, -and Tutilo. And from this beginning arose the choral school of St. Gall. -Ekkehard’s history of it is most suggestive. It was originally begun, he -says, for the study of the Gregorian tones, but these Swiss people had -by degrees lost the sweetness of the old Pope’s music. And he borrows -the language of John the Deacon, in his life of Gregory, to satirize the -“thundering voices” with which such “Alpine bodies” failed to secure the -proper modulation. I borrow Baring-Gould’s idiomatic rendering of this -significant passage. It runs as follows: - -“The barbarous hugeness of those tippling throats, when endeavoring to -utter a soft song full of inflections and diphthongs, makes a great -roar, as though carts were tumbling down steps headlong; and so, instead -of soothing the minds of those who listen, it agitates and exasperates -them beyond endurance.” - -Such was the character of church music when the song school of St. Gall -was started. The monks had already been so fortunate as to secure one of -the two Gregorian antiphonaries sent by Pope Adrian to the Emperor -Charles the Great. The occurrence was curious enough to be chronicled, -and the story merits our own repetition. Metz had been the German music -centre, but when the French music clashed with that which was considered -the correct and Gregorian method, Charles again solicited from the Pope -two priests who were thorough musicians, and should put Metz and her -school above criticism. These two men, by name Peter and Romanus, set -out thereupon, but took a heavy cold between them at Lago Maggiore -(_aere Romanis contrario quaterentur_). Peter soon recovered, but -Romanus advanced from a mere cold into an actual fever, and remained at -St. Gall with one of the antiphonaries, while the disgusted Peter, who -claimed both copies, was forced to proceed alone and with a single -manuscript to Metz. - -St. Gall was sufficiently attractive to Romanus for him to make no -effort to leave it when he grew convalescent. And these compositions and -melodies of his were the foundation upon which, in later years, Notker -and Hartmann and the others built their sequences. That which Maengal -now effected was the real beginning of that system of music which is so -elaborately treated by Dr. Neale in his preface to the second volume of -Daniel’s _Thesaurus_. Perhaps more has been made of it there than it -really deserves. It is certainly too far out of the line of this inquiry -of ours for us to discuss the point technically. One of the best -definitions of the sequence is, however, that of Mabillon, who calls -such compositions “rhythmical prayers” (_rythmicae preces_). - -Notker became easily—so Ekkehard asserts—the finest musician about the -abbey. He was also a bright and rather witty man. When Augustine was -asked what God was doing before He created the world, he replied that He -“was building hell for such vain and frivolous spirits” as that of his -questioner. The chaplain of Charles the Fat put a similar inquiry to -Notker, and got quite as brief a retort. He asked, “What is God doing -now?” And Notker stammered out, “Just what He has always done and always -will do; He is putting down the proud and exalting the humble!” - -There is another of these queer anecdotes which will serve to show that -the old monks were by no means destitute of a sense of humor. A certain -young Salomon, son of the Count of Ramsweg, was a student of the abbey -school, and something of a snob among his fellow-scholars. Notker, -Ratpert, Tutilo and Hartmann were of as good family as he, and they did -not enjoy his behavior. Finally, through favoritism, Salomon came to be -abbot of six monasteries and Bishop of Constance in addition. But in -spite of these dignities he had a singular predilection for the Abbey of -St Gall, and was accustomed to put on a surplice and go about the place -attending the offices like a regular monk—which, by the way, he had no -right to do. His old friends found this out, and raised so much of a -stir about it that he ceased from the practice. But at night he still -persisted in entering the abbey and aiding in the services. - -Rudiger, one of the confederates, was therefore set to watch for the -coming of the intruding bishop, and when Salomon slipped along toward -the church in the darkness the watcher suddenly thrust a light in his -face and saw who it was. Then this valiant Rudiger swore the largest -oath permitted in those sacred precincts, for he asseverated “by St. -Gall” that no stranger in their conventual habit should be around the -cloisters at night. Salomon offered endless apologies, and promised to -secure permission from the abbot before he wore the surplice again. And -he even turned his discomfiture into a partial victory by begging -Rudiger to present this request in his behalf. The petition, so voiced, -came duly before the “senate” of that monkish republic, which happened, -unfortunately for the avaricious and rapacious Salomon, to include his -four opposers—“Hartmann, who composed the melody to the _Sanctus humili -prece_; Notker the Stammerer, who made _Sequences_; Ratpert, who wrote -_Ardua spes mundi_, and Tutilo, who was the author of _Hodie -cantandus_.” These men finally allowed him to come in as usual, provided -he would entirely demit his canon’s raiment, and be nothing but a -Benedictine monk while within the walls. - -Somehow Salomon conceded even this, and one day brought a splendid -gift—a gold box encrusted with jewels and containing relics—which he -offered to the abbey. All this looked in the direction that the monks -feared; and they therefore rejected his present with some scorn. But it -did not take long to lift Salomon the Simonist to the Abbacy of -Reichenau, and then Archbishop Sfortto contrived at length to secure the -wealthy St. Gall for his favorite. Thus Salomon, the detested, became, -in spite of all opposition, the abbot of that celebrated cloister. - -But St. Gall itself had always prospered, apparently as the sun does -according to the theories of some astronomers, for it had been -continually receiving cometary accessions that dropped into it -unexpectedly. One such was an antiphonary, which, on the principle that -“to him that hath shall be given,” fell into the hands of these musical -monks through the burning of the Abbey of Jumieges in 851. This was the -true origin of the “sequence.” It solved the problem of Notker in a -novel manner when he finally examined it, for he had been puzzled at the -immense prolongation of the final syllable _ia_ in the _Alleluia_, which -was sung to cover the retreat of the deacon as he ascended to the -rood-loft to chant the Gospel. This _Alleluia_ came between the Epistle -and the Gospel, and as the deacon had some space to traverse, the _ia_ -was nearly interminable; for even a very few seconds became on such an -occasion a most perceptible and wearisome interval of time. - -This Jumieges antiphonary, in which words were fitted to the Gregorian -tones, suggested another treatment of the difficulty. Notker -consequently composed the _Laudes Deo concinat_, and afterward the -_Coluber Adae male suasor_. Iso, his master, approved of them, and -Maengal afterward gave him considerable help. The “sequence” in its -standard form had a “note to each syllable,” as in modern church music. -And this was the beginning of that Book of Sequences perfected by him in -887, and which has gained a merited prominence for the name of Notker -Balbulus. - -Ekkehard tells certain legends (which may or may not be trustworthy) -regarding the suggestion whence some of these sprung. The droning -rotation of a slow mill-wheel gave rise, he says, to the sequence -_Sancti Spiritus adsit nobis gratia_; and this is far more credible than -the additional information that Notker sent it to “the Emperor” Charles -and got back the famous _Veni Creator Spiritus_—a story which Mabillon -utterly confutes. This Emperor was certainly _not_ Charles the Great—who -was long ago dead—and it _might_ have been Charles “the Bald” or Charles -“the Fat” (the usurper), or Charles “the Simple,” but there seems an -antecedent improbability that any such nickname could belong to the -grave and great poet of that splendid hymn. And, indeed, we are now -positive that it is the composition of Rabanus Maurus, Bishop of Mayence -(Mainz), who died in 856. - -There is probably some show of reason in the idea that the groaning -machinery of a mill should have helped to originate the extended notes -of the sequence. The picturesqueness of the story is really its best -claim to our notice. I well remember a mill by which I used often to -pause in the stillness of night, listening to the wailing protracted -cadences of the huge wheel which slowly turned in its bed as the buckets -successively filled from the shut, but leaky gates. Hearing this, and -comparing it with the “sequence” of the Catholic service, or with the -long-drawn tones of a German choral, it is impossible not to be struck -by the resemblance. - -Then there is another story—indeed, there are several in the Latin which -could scarcely be inserted here—but there is certainly one other which -both Baring-Gould and Maitland have had sufficient geniality to extract. -It refers to the manner in which Notker, Ratpert, and Tutilo—“the three -inseparables”—attended to the eavesdropping of one of Abbot Salomon’s -spies. This spy was Sindolf, the _refectorarius_, or steward, a -sour-visaged, crab-appleish kind of man, who was never so happy as when -he had an evil speech to retail. He particularly delighted in fretting -the temper of the abbot with reference to these poets and musicians, but -they suspected his design and “set a watch because of him.” - -One evening after “lauds” the three were in the “writing-room” -(_scriptorium_) where the manuscripts were prepared and kept, busy with -their conversation and having thereto the permission of the prior. -Sindolf sniffed scandal in the air, and flattened his ear against the -opaque glass, where a convenient crack suffered him to listen to their -words. It was night, and Tutilo, a shrewd, lively fellow (_homo -pervicax_), was glad enough to get this occasion against the slinking -traitor. In the _Acta Sanctorum_, and again in Mabillon, copied into the -one hundred and thirty-first volume of Migne, we have old Ekkehard’s -grim report of this monkish fun. - -“There he is with his ear to the glass,” cried Tutilo. “Do you, Notker, -because you are a timid little chap (_timidulus_), go away into the -church. But Ratpert, my friend, take down the whip that hangs in the -chimney corner and run out-doors. And then comfort my heart (_cor meum -confortare_) by laying on to him with all your might (_esto robustus_). -For I, when you get close enough, will throw open the window in a hurry, -catch him by the hair and hang on with a will” (_ad me pertractum -violenter tenebo_). Off went the timorous Notker; out slipped the -cheerful Ratpert; open went the window, and the vigorous Tutilo clutched -Sindolf by ears and hair together! Then Ratpert rained on the lashes (_a -dorso ingrandinat_), and Sindolf twisted and howled and kicked, and -lights began to fly around, and the brethren came running. But Tutilo -held on and called for a light and shouted that he had caught the devil; -while Ratpert vanished into the night and Notker had entirely -disappeared in the church. “Where are Notker and Ratpert?” was the first -question. “Oh, they smelled the devil and ran away to ask succor from -heaven,” said Tutilo. “And here was I, left to do the best I could with -this thing that walks in darkness. And I believe an angel has been sent -to chastise him in the rear!” - -The sneaky Sindolf was completely abashed, but his temper did not -improve under the chastisement. Even Salomon, his patron, laughed at him -along with the others, which made the matter worse. So one day, finding -a beautiful copy of the Canonical Epistles in Greek which Liutward, -Bishop of Vercelli, had sent as a present to Notker, what does the -malicious wretch do but cut it to pieces with his knife! Ekkehard adds -that the mutilated copy could still be seen in the library of St. Gall. - -These two worthies, Ratpert and Tutilo, heartily deserve the place which -Ekkehard accords them in his life of Notker. Ratpert walked usually -between Notker and Tutilo; a very punctual, studious man who “wore out -two pairs of shoes in the year;” a man who seldom left the abbey walls, -and who regarded “expeditions” as being to the full “as dangerous as -kisses;” a negligent fellow about the offices and masses, claiming that -he taught them often enough to his pupils; and finally, a composer of -good litanies; dying October 25th, A.D. 900. - -Tutilo was a capital companion; genial and ingenious; capable of music -on all sorts of pipes and fiddles; who told a good story and made many a -good joke; active and agile in his figure, and withal a fine carver, -painter, and goldsmith. Some of his ivory carving still exists in the -town library of St. Gall—so one historian records in a foot-note—and he -was evidently a most skilful musician, whose hymn tunes, composed on the -_rota_, or small harp (the minstrel’s instrument in those days), were -always acceptable. He wrote _Hodie cantandus_, _Omnium virtutum gemmis_, -and _Viri Galilaei_. This last he sent to “King Charles,” who himself -composed a tune to which Tutilo set words called _Quoniam Dominus_. His -royal patron liked him well. “Curse the man,” he said one day, “he is -altogether too good a fellow to be a monk!” Ekkehard adds to this list -of compositions the sequence _Gaudete et cantate_ as a specimen of -Tutilo’s ability in a slightly different direction of music, declaring -that “any one who understands music” will notice and appreciate the -distinction. - -Hartmann was abbot after Salomon; a most learned man, and one who -perhaps contributed more to the development of the “sequence” than we -are now able to prove. - -Of Notker it is only fair to say that he gave to himself the name -_Balbus_, or Stammerer, which was changed, owing apparently to his small -stature, into the diminutive, _Balbulus_. When Innocent III. asked -Uadalric, then Abbot of St. Gall, what rank Notker had held in the -convent, the abbot replied that he was only “a simple monk,” but was -born of noble parents and was thoroughly holy and well educated. On -which the Pope declared that they were wretched and wicked people -(_nequissimi_), and would suffer for it (_infelices eritis_) if they did -not celebrate the festival of this man who had been “so full of the Holy -Spirit.” Julius II. commanded Hugo, Bishop of Constance, to inquire into -the matter. The result established him as a beatified confessor, and so -distinguished him by the prefix “Blessed” from Notker “the Abbot,” who -was his nephew, and died 973; Notker “the Physician,” who died 1033; -Notker “of Liege,” who died 1007, and Notker “Labeo,” who died 1022. B. -Notker Balbulus himself died in 912. Salomon, who was then his abbot, -died in 919, and in 921 Hartmann succeeded to the dignity. - -It would not be difficult to add to this account several superstitious -stories; how Notker broke his staff over a dog-devil which went howling -through the church; how he had some difficulty with another demon who -intermeddled with pen and ink; how he severely handled a flagitious -monk; and, generally, how he proved to be a moderate worker of miracles -and a pleasant colleague to the other cenobites. - -But we turn with a peculiar interest to that little sequence which has -made his name immortal. This _Media vita in morte sumus_ is the one -which meets us in the Burial Service of the Protestant Episcopal Church: - - “In the midst of life we are in death: - Of whom may we seek for succor - But of thee, O Lord, - Who for our sins art justly displeased?” - -It is there found in connection with a passage from the Book of Job, and -is followed by the _Sancte Deus; Sancte fortis; Sancte et misericors -Salvator, Amarae morti ne tradas nos_; which is in our translation, -“Yet, O Lord most holy, O Lord most mighty, O holy and most merciful -Saviour, deliver us not into the bitter pains of eternal death.” All -that Notker originally composed is that which is first mentioned above. -The rest came about as we shall presently see. - -The Rev. F. Proctor, in his _History of the Book of Common Prayer_, -states that this brief sequence—of which he does not appear to know the -origin—“was formed from an antiphon which was sung at Compline during a -part of Lent.” There is also a singular misapprehension by which the -“samphire gatherers” hanging over the cliffs of England at their -“dreadful trade” were credited with the suggestion. It was formerly -supposed that Notker watched them during their dangerous toil, and so, -by another equally strange inadvertence, the fact was taken as a proof -that he must have been himself a native or resident of Britain. This, -like the other legend of the twenty-year debate upon sequences, proves -on inquiry to have no foundation in fact. The story itself is a -sufficient explanation without any coloring whatever. It reveals to us -the poetic spirit of the devout man who beheld his fellow-creatures -poised between life and death, and wrote this short and exquisite -meditation thereon. - -“The holy Notker,” says Canisius, “made the ‘prose’ of the following -lament when the bridge [over the chasm] at Martinstobel was being -constructed in a precipitous and most dangerous place. But who added the -‘verses’ I do not know. I have quoted it from a most ancient codex, -where it is set to modern notes.” He then proceeds to give it in the -ordinary form. It is, as he says, a _prose_, and must be distinguished -from _verses_ of regular metre: - -“Media vita in morte sumus, quem quaerimus adjutorem, nisi te, Domine, -qui pro peccatis nostris juste irasceris.” - -Thus far Notker. Then occur the “verses” in three stanzas: - - “Ah homo, perpende fragilis, - Mortalis, et instabilis, - Quod vitare non poteris - Mortem, quocunque ieris. - Aufert te, saepissime, - Dum vivis libentissime. - Sancte deus. - - “Vae calamitas inediae, - Vermis fremit invidiae, - Dum audit flentem animam - Mortalis esse utinam! - Nec Christi fati gladius, - Transiret, et non alius, - Sancte fortis. - - “Heu nil valet nobilitas - Neque sedis sublimitas, - Nil generis potentia, - Nil rerum affluentia, - Plus pura conscientia - Valet mundi scientia. - Sancte et misericors Salvator, - Amarae morti ne tradas nos.” - -It is perfectly plain, then, that this “third sequence”—the _Media vita_ -being the second—is derived from the “verses” whose authorship Canisius -cannot discover, and the date of which cannot be far from the fourteenth -century. - -But when we imagine the good monk watching the workmen from the brink of -the Goldach, which hurries down through St. Gall toward the Boden-See, -we can bring to mind the whole picture. The present bridge is one -hundred and sixteen feet long and fully one hundred in height from the -swift little stream. It is of wood, and was constructed in 1468. Here, -dizzily balancing in mid-air, tradition says that a man, even as Notker -gazed, lost his footing and plunged into the abyss. The eternities came -together! A spark from the infinite kindled within the poet’s soul. -Heaven from on high beheld this single life suddenly hurled to ruin. -Earth from beneath reached up and seized upon the thing of earth. And -thus it was with us every moment! In the midst of life we were in death, -and from none could we seek for help save from God alone—that God, -displeased at sinners, who is the sinner’s only hope! - -Standing once before the graves at Gettysburg, the tall gaunt figure of -Abraham Lincoln paused upon such an eternal edge. His soul took in at -one sweep the heroic past and the historic future. And those words which -came, so men assure us, almost without premeditation from his lips are -the noblest utterance of our time. That compact, terse, brief expression -is the essence of national strength. The phrases are vivid with a -supernatural brightness: “Government of the people, for the people, by -the people must not perish from the earth.” It was so with Notker; and -now, wherever that beautiful service is uttered above the dead, the -forgotten monk of St. Gall speaks with a voice which touches unaltering -humanity, and utters that grave, great thought, preciously protected in -its small casket of language, that death is beneath and God is above, -and that all our hope must come from Him! - - - - - CHAPTER XIV. - WALAFRID STRABO. - - -Among the pupils of Rabanus Maurus was a boy afflicted with strabismus. -He was cross-eyed, or crooked-eyed in some manner, and this fixed upon -him the name of Strabo the “squinter.” Like many another monk in that -age, he has so sunk himself into his service as to have become a man -without a country and almost without parentage. Some therefore contend -that he was an Anglo-Saxon, once a monk in London and afterward educated -at St. Gall, Reichenau, and Fulda. An obscure tradition even makes him a -relative of the Venerable Bede. Another story assigns him to Haymo’s -family. Now, Haymo was a monk of Fulda about 850, a man of very liberal -opinions, learned, and truly catholic, especially in his denial of the -universal authority of the Pope and the doctrine of transubstantiation. -It is something of an honor to have been this man’s brother, and it is -no discredit to have been related to Bede. At any rate these guesses—for -they are little else—serve to show us the repute in which Walafrid -Strabo was held. - -More accurate investigation reveals a sentence in the preface to the -life of St. Gall which seems conclusive. In it Walafrid speaks of “us -Germans or Suabians.” Suabia is thus designated as his birthplace, and -we find his name among the list of those scholars who did credit to -their teacher Rabanus. - -His period is the middle of the ninth century, for in 842 he became -Abbot of Reichenau in the diocese of Constance, and he died in 849. -Dates like these are not hard to verify, for we have many chronicles and -records in which the Dark Ages laid the foundations of authentic -history. Here lie away in their narrow niches of brief reference many -illustrious people. And the work of the hymnologist consists often -enough in the same sort of research as secular history demands. Now and -then on the dead breast there is a little withered flower ready to -crumble into dust. - -That curious, peering Trithemius—to whom we are indebted for such -laborious inquiries concerning the men of this time—maintains that -Walafrid was “rector” of the school in the monastery of Hirschfeld. If -this be so it only confirms what we note again and again, that Alcuin -and Rabanus were the real instigators of German scholarship. And the -work from which we shall presently quote becomes more interesting to us -for this reason. - -Walafrid left a long catalogue of works behind him. He wrote a valuable -antiquarian treatise on the divine offices and usages of the Church. -Besides, he is accredited as the author of the lives of St. Gall, St. -Othmar, St. Blaithmac, St. Mamma, and St. Leudegaris. He also composed -various poems; a preface to the Life of Ludwig the Pious, and a -condensation of Rabanus Maurus’s Commentary on Leviticus. He compiled -the famous _Glossa Ordinaria_, which remained the standard commentary on -the Bible throughout the Middle Ages. He began the annals of Fulda, -which have since been continued by competent hands, notably those of -Christopher Brower. He has been called a “pretty good poet for his -age”—by which is meant that there was a scanty supply of poetry in the -ninth century—a fact which no one is competent to dispute. - -It goes without saying that his life was the life of an ecclesiast, -restricted to a Chinese minuteness of ritual, and permitting only such -visits and journeys as religious business justified. His death occurred -on one of these infrequent expeditions. It was in France, whither he had -gone—as we are expressly told—in order to hasten some ecclesiastical -affair. - -These are the meagre and unentertaining facts connected with the name of -Walafrid Strabo. He would not have deserved, nor would he have received -our notice if two of his hymns (the _Laudem beatae martyris_ and the -_Gloriam nato cecinere_) had not been preserved. These entitle him to -mention, and he promptly rises to genuine importance if we can agree -with Kellner (see _Bibliotheca Sacra_, January, 1883, p. 154), that a -recently discovered “diary” is from his pen. It is probable that, -whether it be authentic or not, it is strictly accurate in its relation -of the studies pursued in those schools. And if we assume it to be -credible we can revise our dates to correspond. - -Thus his school life began in 816, and after its close he went to Fulda, -thence to return to his old monastery in 842 as its abbot. These dates -are afforded by the document itself, which was originally published in -1857, as a part of the educational report of the Benedictine school of -St. Maria of Einsiedeln in Switzerland. It appears to me that its tone -and composition are not such as to justify the value which Kellner sets -upon it. Walafrid’s name was a convenient one, and this is doubtless no -more nor less than a clever historical romance. But it has been composed -in the very neighborhood of the scenes it depicts, and the advantages of -all the ancient MSS. and traditions have been incalculably great. - -The narrative is introduced by a modern preface which speaks of St. -Meinrad, the founder of Einsiedeln, as a contemporary of Walafrid. Then -we have a statement which tersely exhibits the plan and purpose of the -story: - -“In the dark hour when the Roman imperial throne collapsed on which -Theodoric the Goth had just seated his teacher Avitus, Manlius Boethius -committed his spiritual wealth to the Goth Cassiodorus, who transmitted -it to the sons of St. Benedict,” etc. - -“The seed of Christian instruction had been inherited by the sons of St. -Benedict from the age of martyrs and holy fathers. Great seminaries were -opened at Fulda, Weissenberg in the bishopric of Speyer, St. Alban in -Mainz, St. Gall, Reichenau in the bishopric of Constance, St. Maximin, -and St. Matthias in Trier, etc. To these establishments the sons of the -nobility resorted, while the Benedictines were their teachers and -fathers. Whoever saw one of these schools saw them all as to everything -essential. Accordingly, it is our purpose to describe one of -them—namely, the school of Reichenau, from which came the founder of -Einsiedeln, St. Meinrad, and Walafrid Strabo, who was his schoolmate in -Reichenau, and who, four years after him, assumed the Benedictine -dress.” - -Then follows an assurance to the “intelligent reader” that this account -“is not mere poetry,” but is “sustained by authoritative documents,” -among which are named the writings of Walafrid himself, of Bede, Alcuin, -Rabanus, and the collections of Pez, Metzler, and others. It is plain, -then, that Kellner has been misled, and that Professor J. D. Butler, of -Madison, Wis., who has made this clever translation from the German, has -been likewise deceived. Yet the historical importance of the “diary” -remains, and the writings of Alcuin, Bede, and Rabanus, with those of -Walafrid, give the original particulars and can be cited in proof. -Professor Butler adds a few pleasant details about Reichenau. It was -founded in 724, earlier than any neighboring convent except St. Gall. It -is on an island in the Lake of Constance, whose lake-girt limits are -about two miles by three. It became so rich that it acquired many other -properties, and its abbot could journey to Rome and never sleep a night -outside of his own domain. The old tower, built by Henry the Black, is -still standing, and among the cherished relics of the abbey is a piece -of green glass weighing twenty-eight pounds given by Charlemagne, who -thought it to be an emerald. There is also a supposititious water-pot -from Cana of Galilee, which evidently came from Palestine and shows the -mediaeval intercourse with the Holy Land. The revenues of the abbey were -not sequestrated until the year 1799. Such is a brief sketch of this -religious house which we shall again encounter in the story of Hermannus -Contractus. - -Walafrid’s narrative begins with the year 815. He saw the vast buildings -with surprise and was greeted by a throng of future schoolmates. His -teacher had several boys under his care to teach them to read. This he -did by the help of a wax tablet—the old Roman method. The letters were -scratched on the wax and erased by the blunt end of the pointed “style.” -Along with this elementary work came Latin, together with a German -primer—in both of which the boys were expected to read. - -At harvest time there was a short vacation. The boys rambled through the -fields and picked fruit and enjoyed themselves generally. - -The second year’s work was the learning of conversational Latin. This -was the language of daily intercourse and was employed to express all -wants. The grammar of Donatus was studied under a pupil-teacher, and the -cases and tenses were rigidly committed to memory. The rod was the -penalty for misbehavior. German phrases were translated into Latin and -some portion of biblical history was repeated to the scholars at night, -which they were obliged to tell again in the morning. - -Then follows a description of the dedication of the minster and of the -solemn effect of the great High Mass, at which time Walafrid resolves to -become a monk. - -The year 817 was occupied with grammar and orthography, and the use of -Latin was compulsory. Hitherto there had been a trifle of laxity and a -few lapses into German were forgiven. Now there was no exception to -scholars of this advancement. They wrote from dictation upon their -tablets, and the Psalter was in this manner transcribed and memorized. - -The fourth year (818) was signalized by the planting of the first -grape-vine on the island. Doubtless the fact itself is authentic, and is -here introduced owing to its date. And in this year the scholars attack -prosody. They study Alcuin (who wrote many verses), and the distichs of -Cato, and Bede’s _De Arte Metrica_. The earlier Christian poets—Prosper -and Juvencus and Sedulius—are mentioned. It is strange that the author -does not name Prudentius, who was far more of a classic than any or all -of these three. But it is quite correct to mention Virgil as a permitted -book, and the exercises in poetry in which all were engaged. - -In 819, the fifth year, the boys became pupil-teachers themselves. They -were further instructed in rhetoric, with illustrations from the Bible -to be paralleled from Statius and Lucan, whose works they were studying. -Other scholars again were set to work as scribes and copyists. The -amusements were the running of foot-races, quarter-staff playing, and -“dice,” by which we are probably to understand the very ancient game of -backgammon. And again, it is strange that no mention is made of the -games of ball, which were decidedly common in those days. - -The year 820 is consumed with rhetoric—with Cicero, Quintilian, and the -histories of Bede, Eusebius, Jerome, and others. The classic authors -were Sallust and Livy, with Virgil and (at last) Prudentius and -Fortunatus. - -In 821 comes Boethius, attended by more of Cassiodorus, and the pleasant -pastime of “dialectics,” or debating. In these debates the enthusiasm -was kindled for future controversies. And in other lines—as, for -example, in studies of the current legal codes, of the Salic and -Ripuarian Franks and Lombards—those who were to be rulers were -diligently trained. Here (for this is the exact account of that ancient -instruction) we see how the Church held sway over her former pupils, and -how the pupils became by and by the exponents of religious opinions and -subservient to ecclesiastical decrees. - -With 822 we have mention of rhetoric and logic, with oral and written -exercises, and in 823 the scholars took up and pursued the studies of -geometry and geography according to the light of that period. Then came -music with the various instruments, as organ, harp, flute, or trombone. -Finally, Walafrid is supposed to record his initiation into the reading -of Greek. From the MS. of Homer the boys were instructed, and the -account closes abruptly with a reference to the study of astronomy. - -Subsequent to this year, 825, Walafrid is believed to have passed -considerable time at Fulda with Rabanus Maurus. - -These were the ideas and educational methods of that period. Outside of -the monasteries and abbeys there was nothing that went on in the way of -learning. It needed special establishments, with great wealth, the -protection of kings and nobles, and the indefinable terrors of religious -authority to perpetuate scholarship. We may despise, as some writers -freely do despise, the bigotry and intolerance which obliterated fine -manuscripts of the classics to make room for monkish trifles. But we -cannot fail to discover the germs of the new poetry of the Church in -these unpromising times. Fortunatus and Prudentius were no bad -preceptors after all. And even if Walafrid Strabo was not much of a -poet, he has served our occasion as a pupil when he might not have -gained notice as a writer of hymns. - - - - - CHAPTER XV. - HERMANNUS CONTRACTUS AND THE “VENI SANCTE SPIRITUS.” - - -One of the surprises of history is the long-delayed honor which comes to -the modest and the meek. The notable and prominent attract to themselves -much of the repute of any age. They even gain the credit of achievements -to which they never put a finger. But by and by the “whirligig of time -brings in his revenges,” and they that were last become first. - -Thoughts like these are sure to come to us when we encounter such a name -as this of the poor cripple of Reichenau. Whatever fame he had in his -own day gradually disappeared and he has been only a shadowy figure for -many years. It is true that Ersch and Gruber, in their great -encyclopaedia, say of him that he is “one of the most meritorious men of -the eleventh century.” It is also true that Ussermann—himself an almost -forgotten authority—has labored to give Hermann his proper meed of -praise; and that the Benedictines have patiently collated many little -particulars concerning him. Yet he still remains locked up in Latin or -in German or in French; and English readers can be pardoned for being -utterly ignorant of him and of his works. - -This man merits no small share of our notice. He came of good blood, for -his father was the Count of Vöhringen in Suabia. He traced his kinship -to the famous St. Udalric, whose sister, named Leutgarde, is mentioned -(971) in the saintly bishop’s pages. Her son was Reginbald, slain in -battle against the Hungarians in 955. This Reginbald had a daughter -Bertha, who married Wolfrad, Count of Vöhringen, and died in 1032. -Wolfrad, dying in 1010, had a son Wolfrad, who married a lady named -Hiltrude and became the father of fifteen children—one of whom was -Hermann. This is the simplest form of a genealogy, which the learned -chronicler protracts in a marvellous manner, to the great confusion of -the modern mind. I have not cared to follow him into the remoter -affinities and alliances which add distinction to the poor little -paralytic child, who at seven years of age was carried to the great -school at St. Gall. - -I have said that Hermann was a cripple. He was so completely helpless, -indeed, that he could not move without assistance; and his days and -nights were full of pain. He was “hump-backed and bow-breasted, crippled -and lame.” (_Gibosus ante et retro, et contractus, claudus_. Pertz: -_Monumenta: Scriptores:_ V., 268.) But his mind triumphed over these -infirmities. A pathetic legend concerning him assures us that in the -visions of the night the Virgin stood before him, radiant and beautiful. -As in the old story about the choice of Hercules—which was probably the -origin of this—she offers him strength of body combined with ignorance -and weakness of mind; or wisdom and ability in a body which should be -deficient and sickly to the day of his death. This “second Hercules”—as -the chronicler admiringly calls him—promptly chose the last. - -He had been born (for his ancestral records and his own _Chronicon_ help -us to exactness) on July 18th, 1013. He was admitted to school, -probably, though not certainly, at St. Gall, on September 15th, 1020. -Hitherto his education had been absolutely neglected. He could not go -about alone nor even speak intelligibly (_Annales Augustani_ [1042-55]. -In Pertz: _Mon. Ger._, VII., 126) owing to his paralysis. But he had a -devouring desire for knowledge, and rapidly mastered Latin, Greek, -Arabic, and (probably) Hebrew, so that he possessed them equally well -with his vernacular speech. The convent was the only place for such a -poor little waif as he, and thus, within the learned cloisters of St. -Gall, he followed reverently upon the shining path of Notker and Tutilo -and Ratpert and Hartmann, and added his name to theirs in the -development of the sequences and antiphons of the Church. - -Nor was this all. He became an excellent historian, a distinguished -musician, and a renowned philosopher and theologian. In mathematics he -was equally skilled and ingenious. He is considered by some to have -invented the astrolabe, the first instrument by which the height and -distances of stars were calculated. Assuredly he wrote an exhaustive -treatise upon its use, whether he originated it or not; and it is said -that he added to his scientific studies the making of clocks and -watches. He has left us essays upon the monochord, on the squaring of -the circle, on computation and physiognomy and metrical rules and -astronomy. These are marked by the inferior attainments of the age, as -we might expect, but they display an amount of original research for -which we are unprepared. - -He was also an excellent scribe, and the library of St. Gall still -contains a copy of a work ascribed to Anselm of Canterbury written by -him in the fulfilment of a vow. He resembled the Venerable Bede in the -universality of his knowledge, and, like Alcuin and Rabanus Maurus, he -is one of the great teachers of his time. Always, during these darkening -years, there appears to have been some ministering priest in the temple -of education—some self-devoted, God-fearing man, who patiently kept the -altar-fire burning, and spent his life, to the utmost verge, in climbing -those altar-steps with fresh fuel for the flame. - -We do not know how much of this work was begun or completed during his -life at St. Gall. We are able to say that he translated Aristotle’s -Poetics and Rhetoric from the Arabic language, and this of itself should -award to him the very highest renown. It is impossible in a single -sentence to do justice to this achievement and we must take it more at -large. - -The dictator Sylla brought the works of the great Greek philosopher, -together with his library, to Rome, in the year B.C. 147. This was on -the capture of Athens, and these writings were still comparatively -unknown in Greece. The philosophy of the Peripatetic school was, of -course, familiar to their countrymen; but it was by and through the -Latin race and not the Greek, that the “Master of Syllogisms” was to -become most potent. Aristotle’s was the controlling system of the Middle -Ages. His rules of logic were imperative. They governed theology, and -indeed every other form of metaphysics. They restrained with an iron -grip the expanding ideas of men. It was against Aristotle, in the person -of William of Champeaux, future Bishop of Chalons and founder of the -school of St. Victor, that Peter Abelard laid his lance in rest. Even to -the days of Dean Swift these ideas bore sway, and when that brilliant -man sought his degree from Trinity College, Dublin, he was met by the -question whether he reasoned according to Aristotle. And his reply, that -he did well enough in his own fashion, was held to be little less than -atheism. Nor is this the only comparison which might be aptly instituted -between Swift and Abelard. - -So Aristotle had his authority and held his sceptre down almost to our -own time. But at the commencement his writings were either used in the -Greek language or in the Arabic. In the twelfth century the schools of -the Moors in Spain were the true centre of philosophy. They first -applied his teachings to theology, and to these schools resorted many -scholars from other parts of the continent. But such translations as -these travelling students brought home were probably of a sort to make -intricacy and subtlety more intricate and subtle. A fog had gathered -over Europe, and the Dark Ages are indeed no myth. There were few points -of light anywhere, and among these few were the bright spots called St. -Gall and Reichenau. - -Charles Jourdain asserts that only a part of Aristotle was known before -1200 A.D., and that this was through the translation of Boethius. (See -Ueberweg: Hist. Philos., I., 367.) So that if Hermannus Contractus -translated Aristotle at so early a date, it shows that his rendering was -in advance of most, if not of nearly all those which were used in the -Western schools. He had a brother, or uncle, Manegold, who died in -Palestine. He had another brother Werner, who afterward became a legate -to Gregory VII. (Hildebrand) in the fierce struggle between Pope and -Emperor in 1077. And he was further well placed both by his family -connections and his situation at a centre of learning, to secure the -best manuscripts and the best Arabic instruction. (See an elaborate -dissertation in Wegelin: _Thes. Rerum Suevicarum_, II., p. 120.) It -evinces decided wisdom and toil on his part to have undertaken and -completed this translation; and there is no doubt that the humble -paralytic from his bed of suffering influenced materially the scholastic -movements of the coming centuries. Could he have seen the swarming -thousands who built the abbey of the Paraclete; could he have witnessed -in vision the uprising of such schools as St. Victor in France and -Oxford in England; could he have heard Roger Bacon confess his -indebtedness to those pages; could he have foreseen the infinite -consequences both to the preservation and the hindrance of human -thought, with what strange zeal he would have traced each painful line! - -But he could not know it. He had removed at thirty years of age to his -perpetual celibacy at Reichenau—Augia the Rich, as it is called in the -Latin tongue. It is built on an island in the western arm of the Lake of -Constance. And there, with great mountains to gaze upon and fair waters -to catch for him the rosy light of evening; with the brethren of the -convent laboring cheerfully in their fields or toiling in their cells, -Hermann of Vöhringen, Hermann of Reichenau, Hermannus Contractus, -Hermann der Gebrechliche, Hermann the Cripple, spent his uneventful -life. - -Here he wrote the legends of some of the saints, and here he prepared -his valuable compendium of universal history. He calls it a _Chronicon_, -and condensed into its records the story of the world from A.D. 1 to the -year 1054, the date of his own death. It is very brief through the first -portion of its account of “the Six Ages.” Then its statements are -fuller. When it reaches contemporaneous events it becomes exceedingly -important to the historical student, for it is in the nature of a -chronicle. Here also the man’s own personality occasionally appears. He -speaks of Reichenau as _Augia nostra_ and mentions the basilica which -Henry III. (“the Black”) has erected to “our patron, St. Mark the -Evangelist.” This establishes the fact that Reichenau was his true -residence, and gives us the standpoint of the little isle in Lake from -which to look out across the dark-green and sometimes stormy waters upon -the confusions of the time. These were the days when the Truce of God -(1041 A.D.) was necessary in order to prevent the bloody feuds of the -barons during Advent, Lent, and from Wednesday evening of each week -until the following Monday morning. Yet amid all these conflicts Hermann -the Paralytic remained secure, guarded by religion and surrounded by the -peaceful lake. And like that lake the Rhine stream of secular affairs -flowed always through his life clear and undisturbed. - -It is during these closing scenes that a touching entry is made in the -pages of the _Chronicon_. Under the year 1052 the crippled hand slowly -traces these words: “At the same time, on January 9th, my mother -Hiltrude, the wife of the Count Wolfrad, a pious, meek, generous, and -religious woman, and one who was as devoted to and happy in her husband -and her seven surviving children as any person could be, closed the last -day of her life in about the sixty-first year of her age and the -forty-fourth of her marriage, and was buried at the Villa of Altshausen, -in a sepulchre under the chapel of St. Udalric which she had herself -constructed.” And then follows a brief poem in which the merits and the -love of this dear mother are affectionately told. - -Hermann, on the best of testimony, was a person of just this amiable and -beautiful spirit. He is called _hilarissimus_, as if to show his great -cheerfulness. He was always a strict vegetarian in his diet. He hated -injustice; scorned every sort of vice—and Heaven alone knows how much -there then was of nameless wickedness!—and finally, he was thoroughly -free from all envy and malice. It is a curious testimony to his breadth -of mind that one of his biographers says of him (quoting the old adage), -that he regarded nothing human as alien to his search. - -He preserved this calmness and sweetness of temper to the farthest limit -of his days. Not long before he died he said to his faithful friend, -Berthold of Constance, “Do not, I say, do not ask me about this; but -rather attend to what I will tell you, for in you I do not a little -confide. I shall die doubtless in a very short time. I shall not live. I -shall not get well.” He added that he was so “seized with an ineffable -desire and delight toward that intransitory world and that eternal and -immortal life,” that all things of this passing existence seemed empty -and vain and dropped like motes (_flocci_) from him, in the breath of -that heavenly air. - -And then he proceeded to detail a vision in which he fancied himself -reading and rereading the Hortensius of Cicero. His mind was clear; his -hopes for religion and for education were high; but all was now over and -he must depart. Therefore he quietly and pathetically ends by saying, -“_Taedet quidem me vivere_”—indeed it is wearisome to me to live. And -thus, on September 24th, 1054, he ceased from earth—in his forty-second -year, and having carried the story of the world down to the end of his -own career. - -But his works follow him. I do most firmly believe him—and not Robert -the Second—to have been the author of the _Veni Sancte Spiritus_. - -The first person to attribute this hymn to the King of France is Durand, -(_Rationale Divinorum Officiorum_, Lib. IV.) His book treats of -ceremonial observances and is among the rarest of printed volumes. The -splendid copy upon vellum in the Astor Library is not only beautiful in -itself, but it is extremely valuable as the _third_ specimen of -typography in existence. Only two works—one of them the Bible and -another the Psalter of Mainz—had been previously printed from movable -types. I have personally verified the reference and its English -rendering is as follows: - - “Notker, Abbot of St. Gall, in Germany, first composed sequences with - notes of his own in the _Alleluia_. And Nicholaus the Pope [Nicholas - II., 1059-1061] granted that they should be sung at masses. But - Hermannus Contractus, a German, inventor of the astrolabe, composed - these sequences: _Rex omnipotens_ and _Sancti Spiritus_ and _Ave - Maria_ and the antiphons _Alma redemptoris mater_ and _Simon Barjona_. - Peter, Bishop of Compostella, made the _Salve regina_. And the King of - France, Robert by name, composed the sequence, _Veni Sancte Spiritus_ - and the hymn _Chorus novae Hierusalem_.” - -It is hard to crowd into a paragraph more errors than are in this. -Notker was _not_ Abbot of St. Gall. Innocent III. was very severe upon -Udalric of St. Gall, because such a spiritual and able man had lived and -died unhonored among them; a simple monk whose labors and death received -no special attention in their religious year. - -Nor did Hermann write the _Sancti Spiritus adsit_; for this, on the best -of testimony, was Notker’s. It was so sung at Rome under Innocent III.; -and Ekkehard the Younger, in his history of Notker, pointedly claims it -for him. - -It is very doubtful whether Hermann invented the astrolabe for measuring -the distances of stars. His two treatises are upon its use, and he is -evidently very familiar with it. But it was first made serviceable in -navigation by the Portuguese—if we are to believe Evelyn (in his -_Navigation_)—and the study of astronomy was greatly cultivated by the -Arabic schools in Spain and elsewhere about this period. J. A. Fabricius -indeed mentions that the astrolabe was “commonly employed in the days of -Ptolemy.” - -The _Ave Maria_ is supposed by Koch to belong to the thirteenth century -and some have ascribed it to Adam of St. Victor. It is, perhaps, by -Heribert of Eichstettin (died 1042). Hermann wrote the _Ave praeclara -maris stella_, which might have been mistaken for this other. - -The _Salve regina_ is assigned by Durand to Peter of Compostella. -Gerbert names several possible authors, but evidently follows the -leadership of Durand. (_De Cantu, etc._, II., 27.) And yet Trithemius, -with every really critical scholar, credits it to Hermann. It is -exhaustively considered by Wegelin and definitely conceded to him. -(_Thes. Rerum Suevicarum_, II., p. 120 _ff._) - -Robert the Second cannot claim the _Chorus novae Hierusalem_. It is the -production of Fulbert of Chartres (died 1029), and is included without -question in every complete edition of his works. - -Thus the absolute authority of Durand is much shaken. He was a lawyer in -the thirteenth century, who studied at Bologna and taught at Modena; a -legate of Pope Martin IV.; dean of the church at Chartres, and Bishop of -Mende. The fact that he was dean of Chartres, and yet ascribes the -_Chorus Novae_, not to Fulbert but to Hermannus, is suggestive, but not -convincing. - -So Durand was the first person to affix the name of Robert II. to the -_Veni Sancte_. Trithemius comes next in order; the Abbot of Spanheim; -historian and scholar; indefatigable in researches, but erratic and -prejudiced; born 1462 and dying 1516. His true name is Johann von -Trittenheim and we derive this, and other information about authors and -their works, from his _Liber de Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis_—a -biographical dictionary like those of Jerome, Gennadius, and Isidore, to -whose works he really furnishes an Appendix. Egon (sometimes known as -Ego) in his account of Reichenau’s distinguished men (_De Viris -illustribus Augiae divitis_, quoted by Pez: _Thesaurus Anecdotorum_, I., -3; 68. Cf. Migne, 143) declares that Trithemius was “unjustly hostile to -the monks of Reichenau” in asserting that “our Hermannus” was from St. -Gall, when even Metzler conceded, on behalf of his own convent, that -Hermann had changed his residence from St. Gall to Reichenau. Be this as -it may, the positive statement of Trithemius, which gives the _Veni -Sancte_ to Robert II. instead of to Hermann, has been generally -accepted. Cardinal Bona (1677), Louis Archon (1704-11), and others agree -with him. - -But there is a break in the continuity of faith. Clichtove—an authority -much esteemed—expresses no opinion about the author of the _Veni Sancte_ -further than to say _quisquis is fuerit_—whoever he was. - -Rambach, in his _Anthology_, comes now to the rescue. (_Anthologie_, I., -227.) He says it is “_ganz unstreitig von Robert;_” and all the German -critics, with the single exception of Daniel, have followed this -authority blindly. Whatever the Germans said has usually been enough for -the English. Therefore the _Veni Sancte_ is in every collection -attributed, without a shadow of doubt, to Robert the King. - -There should have been less positiveness about this if the accurate -Daniel had been noticed more carefully. He praises the language of -Clichtove, who says that the author, “whoever he was,” must have been -“inwardly filled with light,” and he italicizes the _quisquis is -fuerit_. But as Robert, with only three others, appears to have escaped -the wreck of the sequences in the sixteenth century, even Daniel allows -the _Veni Sancte_ to him; and Archbishop Trench finds that “there exists -no good reason why we should question” that Robert wrote it. - -We may dismiss any conjectures about Innocent III. having been its -author, although great efforts have been made to credit this hymn to his -pen. Dom Remy Cellier and Migne seem the most strongly partisan, but -their remarks and references are weak. (_Scriptores Ecclesiastici_, vol. -xiii., p. 109, note. Also _Patrologia_, 141; 901.) - -A sample of the general looseness of citation can be found in Kehrein -(No. 125), who announces that Gerbert “holds Hermannus Contractus to be -the author” of the _Veni Sancte_. Gerbert does nothing of the kind. He -names Hermann _with others_. It is quite true, though, that he does -_not_ name Robert. - -Setting aside Innocent III. for cause—although Brander of St. Gall, in -his _Index Sequentiarum_, grants this to him—the authorship of the hymn -rests between the king and the monk. I say “for cause,” since Innocent -was at the summit of temporal power, and his position was a very -tempting one to posthumous flattery. He is credited with the _Ave mundi -spes Mariae_. He did not write the _Stabat Mater_, nor did he compose -the _Veni Sancte_. Let any one examine the _Ave mundi_ and he will -renounce all hope that the man who prepared this could ever have written -the others, or either of them. Besides, Wrangham is likely to be correct -when he assigns this latter sequence to Adam of St. Victor. It is -precisely in Adam’s style of metrical composition; it is not found -before the fourteenth century, and its tone is modern. It can therefore -be said that Innocent deserves no place among the Latin hymn-writers. - -Now, Robert II. is much in the same condition as Innocent III. His is a -shining name to which to affix popular hymns. He has been credited with -the _Ave maris stella_—the parent of all hymns to the Virgin. The -sequence _Sancti Spiritus adsit_ is not his, on the testimony already -adduced; but in the year 1110 the “ancient customs of Cluny,” collected -by St. Udalric (Hermann’s ancestor) gives us this “at Pentecost” -(D’Achery: _Spicilegium_, I., 641), with the “response,” _Spiritus -sanctus_. This would serve to show that such praise to the Holy Spirit -was usual. With the _Chorus Novae_ we have already dealt. And the _Rex -omnipotens_ belongs to Hermann though it is ascribed to Robert—another -instance of inaccuracy, which casts a ray of light upon the present -problem. - -Those sequences of which Robert was the possible author are printed in -Migne’s _Patrologia_ (141, 959 _ff._). Only one of them merits a word of -notice. It is the _Te lucis auctor personent_. Daniel assigns this to -the fourteenth or fifteenth century, but Mone and Koch to the fifth. -These last are probably right. It is early found in the Anglo-Saxon -Church and is among the old Vatican MSS. and the hymns collected by G. -Cassander. It is scarcely possible that it comes down as late as the -eleventh century. - -Robert’s other sequences are six in number and of no importance. His -personal history is pathetic enough. He was the son of Hugh Capet; born -at Orleans in 970 and died at Melun, July 20th, 1031, having been sole -king since 996, though he had been crowned in 988. His first wife was -Susanne, an Italian princess; and we learn from his contemporary, Richer -of Rheims, that one of his first public acts was to repudiate her on the -plea that she was too old for him, and that he refused to restore her -dowry. His next marriage was with his distant cousin Bertha—a cousin -four times removed—the widow of the Count of Blois. This marriage was -inconvenient to the Emperor Otho, as it would have brought the House of -Capet into the line of succession to certain lordships in the old -Kingdom of Burgundy. So Pope Gregory V., the kinsman of Otho, required -Robert to give up Bertha, not because Susanne was still alive, but -because the Church forbade the marriage of cousins in even the fourth -degree. At first Robert refused, but when his kingdom was laid under an -interdict, he showed as little manhood in standing by his second wife as -he had shown humanity and justice to his first. Such a ban was too -severe to be borne and the king yielded, though Baronius says he tried -to take back his wife Bertha in spite of it all. His life and kingship -belong to French history, and can be found there. His disposition was -that of a monk and not of a monarch. He founded four monasteries and -built seven churches. He supported three hundred paupers entirely and a -thousand in part. His reign lasted—thanks to ecclesiastical -influence—for thirty-four years. It was troubled and not especially -pleasant; and for his third wife the king had married the handsome shrew -Constance, the daughter of William Count of Arles. Pious and excellent -man that he is reputed to have been, he had a natural son, Amauri, who -was great-great-grandfather to Simon de Montfort. Truly, when all is -said and done, Robert II. is hardly the author in whom we would like to -believe with all our hearts when we sing— - - “Holy Spirit, come and shine - Sweetly in this heart of mine.” - -_Per contra_, Hermann of Reichenau grows more interesting the more he is -studied. He has been so unfortunate as to be confused with other persons -in two or three cases. By Brander he is identified with Hartmann of St. -Gall, and the sequence _Rex omnipotens_ is taken from him.[8] The pretty -little sequence, _Veni Sancte Spiritus et reple_, which Königsfeld -thinks to be his, is doubtless no earlier than the fourteenth century -and by some anonymous composer who has merely imitated the great -masters. - -Beside the _Rex omnipotens_ he composed the _Ave praeclara maris -stella_, where his name gains another misprint and becomes “Heinricus, -monachus San Gallensis.” This poem was thought worthy of the authorship -of Albertus Magnus (Albert von Regensburg), and to him accordingly -Wackernagel and Koch credit it. Mone has vindicated the claim of Hermann -which is set forth in Migne. (_Patrologia_, 143; 20 _ff._) So that we -are again sure of a piece which has been meritorious enough to be -coveted. - -Then comes the antiphon _Simon Barjona_, which Du Meril calls _Simon -Baronia_ and of which no trace remains. Two other sequences are, -however, extant, and are beyond any question or debate. They are the -_Salve regina_, which Daniel calls a “most celebrated antiphon,” and the -_Alma redemptoris mater_, the refrain of which Chaucer used in that -“Prioress’s Tale,” which Wordsworth has modernized. - -In addition we must observe that the _Veni Sancte_ is attributed to -Hermann simultaneously and by the same authority as that which credits -him with the other sequences. Two pieces—_Vox haec melos pangat_ and -_Gratus honos hierarchia_—are lost. But the _Salve regina_ was worth -contending for; and Gerbert names Gregory II., Peter of Compostella, St. -Bernard, and “Adhemar, Episcopus Podiensis” (Bishop of Puy and his own -candidate) together with Hermannus Contractus. Nevertheless, Trithemius, -Gerbert, and, indeed, everybody are heard to declare that Hermann was -“the marvel of the age,” the best man of his time in music and the -author of a work on metrical rules. He is known as Doctor Egregius, and -it is beyond any peradventure that he was _capable_ of writing the _Veni -Sancte_. - -The only arguments that are employed to prove that Robert was the author -are very weak. The _first_ is that there was no sufficient competitor. -But surely Hermannus Contractus is now a competitor of real merit and -importance. Then, too, the king was a kind of religious pet, and such -persons receive more than their due. But the _second_ argument is weaker -still. It amounts in brief to the harmony displayed in the poem between -the king’s life and his lovely verses. It strikes one, however, that an -invalid like Hermann might have had fully as deep a religious experience -as any such king. Moreover—and this is a vital fact—the _Veni Sancte_ is -found in the _German_ hymnaries almost exclusively. This point was -insisted upon in the controversy about the _Veni, Creator_; and Charles -the Great in this respect had the advantage over Gregory the Great, -until the claim of Rabanus Maurus, another German, was thoroughly -examined. But among all the sources carefully edited by Kehrein from -Daniel, Mone, and elsewhere, the French collections do not present -themselves. On the contrary, in this elaborate list we find St. Gall, -Kreuzlingen, Freiburg, Karlsruhe, Mainz, Ebersberg, Rome (1481), Venice -(1497), with later examples printed at Cologne, Prague, Eichstettin, -Lubeck, and Basel. Brander also found the hymn in the earliest codices -of the three great neighboring cloisters of St. Gall, Einsiedeln, and -Reichenau. Meanwhile the only notice of it in France comes from the -Paris Breviary, which is of recent date. - -There is but one consideration further. I trust that I have established -the perfect possibility that Hermannus Contractus might have been the -author equally as well as Robert. The men lived in the same period to -which, on the testimony of the best critics, the hymn is considered to -belong. They were alike in possibilities of Christian experience and of -musical and poetical temperament. But here they begin to diverge; and -the preference is decidedly in favor of Hermann, whose hymn is found in -the three oldest codices of his own neighborhood; of St. Gall, where he -studied; of Einsiedeln, where it is possible that he was a resident; and -of Reichenau, where he certainly lived from the age of thirty until his -death. He could scarcely have gone about very much in his helpless and -crippled condition; and these three conventual establishments are within -a moderate distance of each other. From his seventh year he was to be -discovered always somewhere in that vicinity, and the historians of St. -Gall and of Reichenau positively claim the _Veni Sancte_ as his. - -It is only left for us to lay the _Salve regina_ side by side with the -_Veni Sancte_. A man who wrote upon metre ought to possess some -excellence in the art of which he wrote, and these pieces placed -together display a graceful and ingenious versification which is not at -all usual in that century. It is not claimed that either Robert or -Hermann wrote other hymns in the identical stanza form of the _Veni -Sancte_. Therefore nothing is available for direct comparison. But as to -the spirit of each there can be no debate. Robert never composed -anything else like the _Veni Sancte_, and it certainly seems as if -Hermann did compose a sequence which bears a passing resemblance; and -which I have endeavored to translate with its occasional rhymes and -assonances: - - Salve regina, mater misericordiae - Vita, dulcedo et spes nostra, salve. - Ad te clamamus exules filii Hevae. - Ad te suspiramus gementes et flentes in hac lacrimarum valle. - Eia ergo advocata nostra, illos tuos misericordes oculos ad nos - converte - Et Jesum benedictum fructum ventris tui nobis post hoc exilium - ostende, - O clemens, O pia, O dulcis virgo Maria. - - Hail O queen, mother of pitifulness! - Life and delight and our confidence, hail! - To thee we exiles, children of Eve, are crying. - To thee we aspire, groaning and moaning in this the vale of our - sorrow. - Lo, thou therefore, our advocate, turn upon us those pitiful eyes of - thine, - And after this exile show us Jesus, the blessed fruit of thy womb, - O merciful, O pious, O sweet Virgin Maria. - -This is another of his sequences, the _Rex regum Dei agne_, found by -Brander among the antiquities of St. Gall: - - King of kings, Lamb of God, mighty Lion of Judah, - - The death of sin by the merit of the cross and the life of justice; - giving the fruit of the tree of life for the taste of - wisdom; the medicine of grace for the loss of glory, - - Since thy blood restrained the might of the sword of flame, opening - the garden of paradise, the seed of obedience, the - medicine of grace. - - This day is illustrious to the Lord; peace is on the earth, lightning - to the shades below and light to the saints above; the day - of the double baptism of law and gospel. - - Christ is the passover to man; while the old passes the new arises; - rejoice my heart, freed from ferment, full of the bread - unleavened. - - Since the enemy are overwhelmed, with stained door-posts eat the - sacrifice on the paschal night, at home, with the bitter - herb of the field, - - Let your loins be girt and your shoes bound on, have the staff in the - hand, and eat the head with the legs and the purtenance - thereof. - - Wash us this day, O Christ, cleansing us with hyssop; and make us - worthy of this mystery, drying the sea, boring the jaw of - Leviathan with a mighty hook. - - Rejoice us with the cup and fill us; arouse us, drinking from the - brook in the way, thou our propitiation, thou priest and - sacrifice, thou wine-press and stone of offence and grape! - - O fragrant flower of the virgin rod, - O light full of sevenfold dew, - Fairer in beauty than the juice of the grape, - The blush of the rose, the candor of the lily. - - How camest thou with such pity to bend to the help of this little - world; that thou mightest share our sorrows and be our - Redeemer from the birthmark of sin, bearing the curse of - sin? - - O Lord, Kinsman of thy servants, - - The hope of the first and of the last resurrection, - - Confirm thy covenant to the seed of Abraham, and us, O Leader - immortal, reviving with thyself, who are dead with thee to - our old father Adam, strengthen, joining us to thy - mightier members. - - Give us the paschal feast of the life eternal, thou Paschal Lamb! - -The question before us is not one of theology but of literature. Did the -man who wrote those verses write these also? - - Veni, Sancte Spiritus, - Et emitte coelitus - Lucis tuae radium. - Veni, pater pauperum, - Veni, dator munerum, - Veni, lumen cordium; - - Consolator optime, - Dulcis hospes animae, - Dulce refrigerium: - In labore requies, - In aestu temperies, - In fletu solatium. - - O lux beatissima, - Reple cordis intima - Tuorum fidelium! - Sine tuo numine - Nihil est in homine, - Nihil est innoxium. - - Lava quod est sordidum, - Riga quod est aridum, - Sana quod est saucium; - Flecte quod est rigidum, - Fove quod est frigidum, - Rege quod est devium! - - Da tuis fidelibus - In te confidentibus - Sacrum septenarium; - Da virtutis meritum, - Da salutis exitum, - Da perenne gaudium! - - - Come Holy Spirit, - And send forth the heavenly - Ray of thy light. - Come, Father of the poor; - Come, giver of gifts; - Come, light of hearts. - - Thou best consoler, - Sweet guest of the soul, - Sweet coolness; - In labor, rest; - In heat, refreshment; - In tears, solace. - - O blessedest light, - Fill the inmost parts - Of the heart of thy faithful! - Without thy divinity - Nothing is in man, - Nothing is harmless. - - Wash what is base; - Bedew what is dry; - Heal what is hurt; - Bend what is harsh; - Warm what is chilled; - Rule what is astray. - - Give to thy faithful, - In thee confiding, - Thy sevenfold gift. - Give the reward of virtue; - Give the death of safety; - Give eternal joy. - -This very singular construction of clauses is apparent to the eye at -once. Let it be remembered that Robert uses it nowhere else, and that -the most of Hermann’s writings are gone. This chance for the “higher -criticism” is therefore taken from us. If it could be shown, however, -that this was a method employed by the monk of Reichenau in his prose -works, the case might be regarded as absolutely proven, in so far as it -demonstrates that the bulk of the presumptive evidence is in his favor. - -But here we are at fault. We can only add probability to probability and -leave all absolute demonstration alone. Pez has preserved not merely -Egon’s account of Hermann’s life, but he has edited Hermann’s treatises -on the astrolabe (_Thes. Anecdot. Tom._, III., pt. 2, p. 94) from a MS. -codex in the monastery of St. Peter at Salzburg. His musical treatise is -reprinted by Gerbert. (_Scriptores Eccl. de Musica_, vol. ii., p. 124.) -The didactic poem reciting the combat of the Sheep and the Flax—always -recognized as the production of Hermann—is in Migne’s _Patrologia_ and -also in Du Meril’s _Poesies Populaires_. Unfortunately none of these -writings are of a sort to help us. We cannot by their assistance make -any headway in critical analysis. - -It is noticeable that J. A. Fabricius in his great work on the Middle -Age and later Latin writers, allows Hermann to be the author of the -_Veni Sancte_, following the testimony of Egon and Metzler. And it is -more than noticeable that Du Meril—himself a Frenchman—should also -apparently concede the hymn to this German.[9] - -I have made an exhaustive search for everything bearing upon the life -and writings of Hermannus Contractus. I have pursued him and Robert -through the _Quellen_ of German history; through the writings and -compilations of Canisius and Despont and Urstitius and Martene and -Mabillon and D’Achery and Pertz and the _Monumenta Germaniae Historica_ -of the “Society for Opening the Sources of German History.” In these and -in the encyclopaedias of La Rousse and Ersch-Gruber and the great -_Patrologia_ of Migne, I have investigated every by-path and blind -alley. It is abundantly clear that he was the most distinguished man of -his region, and, likely, of his period. Usserman and Possevin have -devoted attention to him. (_Prodromus Germ. Sacr. Tom._ I., p. 145 -_sqq._, _De Apparatu_.) His didactic poem on the “Eight Principal Vices” -is in Haupt’s _Zeitschrift_, vol. xiii. His lives of Conrad and of Henry -III. have not been preserved. That he was a very voluminous writer is -also evident. After giving the names of some of his sequences Metzler -adds that there were _cetera mille alia_—a thousand more. So also speaks -Trithemius; and indeed this testimony is universal. - -A single line of inquiry has been left to the American student. We have -lists of the MSS. in the various libraries of Europe. If it were only -possible to examine these with reference to the _Veni Sancte_ the matter -could be definitely settled. The Rheinau (Reichenau) library is rich in -hymnaries. Haenel’s “No. 53”—whose library number is 91—is, for -instance, a _Liber hymnorum_ of the tenth to the twelfth centuries. -There are several others—breviaries and collections of hymns—dating to -the twelfth century; and one book, “No. 124” (Lib. No. 75), which is -marked _Sequentiae propriae_, etc., and which is likely to have the -_Veni Sancte_. In the eleventh century at St. Gall they have “No. 381” -(St. Gall No. 486) which is a _codex insignis_—a very beautiful -MS.—containing the “earliest collection of hymns and poems of writers -dwelling at St. Gall.” In this same century appears the Anselm, which is -noted as a _codex nobiliter scriptus ab Herimanno, qui se hoc libri -decus ex voto perfecisse testatur_ (_pag._ 6), a manuscript elegantly -written by Hermann [“Herimann” is his own spelling of his name in the -_Chronicon_, by the way], who says on page 6 that he has accomplished -this excellent volume in pursuance of a vow. Among these St. Gall MSS. -can be found the _Salve regina_, bearing the date 1437. If it were made -a point of investigation it might be discovered that in both Reichenau -and St. Gall the _Veni, Sancte Spiritus_ is in codices which utterly -remove it from the perplexity of its authorship, and positively join it -to the name of Hermann. - -One can sum up the whole discussion in a few sentences. Robert wrote no -other valuable hymns; Hermann did write several. Robert was not -specially skilled in metrical science; Hermann was the author of a -treatise on the subject. Robert was a poet and a musician; Hermann was -his superior in both departments. Robert had trouble and sorrow and -Christian experience; Hermann must certainly have had as much as he, and -more. Robert has had poems attributed to him which have failed of proof, -and none of his own verses seem ever to have been misappropriated or -missing; Hermann has had more taken from him than given to him. - -In the matter of authority we are to note: - -1. That the historians of St. Gall and of Reichenau claim for Hermann -the _Veni Sancte_. - -2. That the hymn is found in the earliest codices of both places; and of -Einsiedeln, which is in the neighborhood. - -3. That Clichtove is in doubt and Daniel is in doubt; that J. A. -Fabricius and Du Meril incline toward Egon’s statement; that Trithemius -is not entirely unprejudiced; and that Migne, gathering nearly -everything (as I have verified from the originals), leaves a strong -presumption in Hermann’s favor. - -I may appear to make a good deal too much of this matter of mediaeval -jealousy. But no student of those times needs to be told that the -jealousy between the various cloisters was excessive. There is a letter -of the Reichenau monk Gunzo, written in 960. (_Martene_, I., 296.) It is -addressed to the “holy congregation at Reichenau” and describes his -journey to St. Gall. The distance was great enough to exhaust the -learned brother; he was lifted off of his beast and carried in by -hospitable hands. Notwithstanding which he vents his indignation upon -their methods and their lack of scholarship. They are self indulgent; -they are a fraud on the face of the earth. _Nihil inde sed fraudis -molamina parabantur_—they do nothing there except contrive a great mass -of deception, says the angry Gunzo. They attacked him on his grammar; -and he attacked them in turn on their loquacity. The epistle is grimly -humorous at this distance of time; but the bitterness was altogether too -genuine to be pleasant. - -Far away from the most of these noises—separated by the waters of the -lake from the trampling pilgrim-bands who went to and fro between the -East and West—Hermann of Reichenau passed his quiet hours. His convent -was rich. Its abbot was said to be able to journey to Rome and not sleep -anywhere on the way except upon his own soil. It had been founded in 724 -under the auspices of Charles Martel. Such was the admirable situation -of this religious house—sufficient to itself in the midst of all -changes. - -They buried Hermann in his ancestral tomb at Altshausen. In 1631 “three -bones” of him were exhumed and carried “by force” to the monastery of -Ochsenhausen, but who took them and who resisted the taking of them, we -are not told. These are the meagre particulars of a life gentle, -patient, and unassuming—the life of a scholar and of a poet—who mastered -great obstacles by the genius of faith. - -Three hundred years before Christ there came into Ceylon the Buddhist -missionary Mahinda. The king received him kindly and built for him and -his monks a convent on the hill Mihintale, to the east of the royal -city. On the western face of this hill Mahinda had his own retreat cut -out from the living rock. Still can be seen—though after two thousand -years—this study in which the great teacher of Ceylon “sat and thought -and worked through the long years of his peaceful and useful life.” -Under the cool shadow of his rock, with his stone couch on which to -repose, and with the busy plain, so far removed from him, sending its -faint noises up from below, there wrought the sage. And there he died at -last and was buried in the neighboring Dagāba. Modern times have nearly -forgotten him, but no story of that valley or that island is complete -without his name. - -And so, in this later manner, lived and died Hermann Count of Vöhringen, -who laid down earthly honors to take up the pursuit of heavenly glory; -who overcame peevishness of mind and weakness of body by faith and hope -and love; who looked out upon his times from this serene distance, and -who went to his last sleep beneath the shadow of the rock. - - -Note.—I am not ignorant that Jourdain (_Recherches critiques sur l’Age -et l’Origine des Traductions latines d’Aristote_. Paris, 1819 and 1843) -has attacked the ascription of translations of Aristotle from the Arabic -to our Hermann, denying that the cripple of Reichenau possessed any -knowledge of that tongue. Briefly stated his arguments are these: 1. -That Trithemius followed Jacobus of Bergamo in ascribing to H. -Contractus a knowledge of Arabic. 2. That Metzler (whom he calls -_Mezler_) has added the statement about the Poetics and Rhetoric. 3. -That every one else has followed these two authorities. 4. That “H. -Alemannus” wrote in _Toledo_, to which the other Hermann could not have -journeyed. 5. That the translations were by this “H. Alemannus” (Hermann -the German) who flourished in the first half of the thirteenth century. - -It is enough of a reply to say: 1. That the concluding words of a -manuscript relate, not to its author, but to its transcriber. The MS. -mentioned by Jourdain and the other MS. in the Bibliotheque Royale of -the fifteenth century (viz., _Doctrina Matumeti, quae apud Saracenos -magnae auctoritatis est, ab Hermanno latine translata._ Cod. MS., No. -6225) are both later than their original date. This second MS. may be by -Hermann de Schildis, a monk of the thirteenth century. 2. Every one has -not “followed” the authority of Metzler and Trithemius. The “Anonymus -Mellicensis” (twelfth century) enumerates treatises by Hermannus -Contractus upon Computation, Astronomy, Physiognomy and Poetry, which at -least imply that Aristotle had largely affected his studies. 3. It is -notable also to find H. _Alemannus_ quoting Cicero in his two -introductions, when we know H. _Contractus_ to have been very fond of -Cicero. 4. H. Alemannus says that he has met great “impediments” and -“difficulties” in accomplishing this translation, and that the -difference between Latin and Arabic poetry forbade a poetical rendering. -Which would coincide with H. Contractus’s personal obstacles and with -his natural desire as a poet to attempt a rendering in verse. 5. H. -Alemannus refers to “Johannes Burgensis” (John of Burgau, in Suabia) as -a bishop and the king’s chancellor and his personal friend and the -promoter of this work. I cannot find “John of Burgau;” but H. Contractus -was a Suabian, and Suabia is very near to Reichenau. H. Contractus was -also closely associated with Conrad and Henry III., whose lives he -wrote. - -It is a curious question this. It is only another proof of the neglect -into which a great man has fallen. For Hermann is called “nostri -_miraculum_ seculi” by the next generation who came after him. And there -is no _absolute_ proof that, “without lexicon or grammar” (for so -Jourdain puts it), he could not have mastered Arabic. Observing the -topics of his other writings cognate to those of Aristotle, I am -therefore not in the least inclined to yield to even M. Charles -Jourdain. - - - - - CHAPTER XVI. - PETER DAMIANI, CARDINAL AND FLAGELLANT. - - -It is not every poet who begins by keeping the swine and ends by wearing -the red hat and purple robe of a cardinal-bishop. Nor is it every poet -who commences as a forlorn and deserted foundling, to whom it is a great -mercy to have even swine to keep by way of getting his daily bread. But -all this and more befell Damiani. - -We are not informed about his parentage, except that he had a mother who -abandoned him, and a brother (or, more probably, an uncle) who took pity -on him. He was born in Ravenna. Some authorities say it was in 988; -others that it was in 1007. A modern hymnologist, anxious to be right -(though he is frequently wrong), sets it at 1002. But 1007 has the -greatest weight of evidence. - -This brother, or uncle, had compassion on the lad, and poor little -outcast Peter was sent by him “into his fields to feed swine,” a much -more honorable employment of course in Italy than in Palestine, and one -which he shared with Nicholas Brakespeare, the English pope, Hadrian IV. -What was his previous history we cannot discover, though the _Acta -Sanctorum_ for February 23d is full of legendary accounts. We only know -that his natural abilities attracted the notice of another relative -(brother, some say), who was an archdeacon at Ravenna. He it was who -advanced Peter to the opportunities of education, and who proved so fast -a friend that the boy took his patron’s name for his own. As Eusebius -called himself Eusebius Pamphili (Pamphilus’s Eusebius), so Peter became -Peter Damiani, “Damian’s Peter,” and this designation has adhered to him -ever since. It is amusing to read now and then of _Peter Damianus_, as -if Damiani were an Italian nominative case instead of a Latin genitive. - -His birth was too obscure to lead any person to interfere with him. He -therefore quietly studied and improved, to the edification of his -fellow-pupils and the admiration of his teachers. His school-training -was, first of all, in Faenza. Thence he was sent to Parma, and -eventually he returned to Ravenna, where he taught with distinction and -popular approval, until he was nearly or quite thirty years old. - -The age was barbarous and good professors were scarce. It seems to have -been expected that brilliant minds would go on shining like those -exhaustless lamps which are fabled to have been found in the tombs of -the old magicians. If such was the case, with the intense intellect of -Damiani he must have tapped some source of real spiritual power early in -his course, for he burns brightly even now as we read his vivid -truthfulness and peruse some of his lovely verses, out from which leap, -nevertheless, tongues of flaming scorn for hypocrites and simonists. - -Yes, the age was barbarous, and therefore Peter Damiani was soon a -professor, with many students and an abundance of fees. Knowledge in -those days not only meant power but wealth, and he was fast growing rich -in Ravenna. It was a delightful life, but it did not suit him. He was, -in fact, the “spiritual kinsman, and in many respects the pioneer” of -Gregory VII. Hildebrand came to be, after awhile, his personal friend, -his _sanctus Sathanas_, his Mephistopheles, his instigator and -stimulant. Of a sudden, then, he departed from Ravenna to take up his -abode with the hermits of Fonte Avellana, near Gubbio. Here he was known -by the name of Frater Honestus, and surely he deserved the title, for he -was a swift witness against every sort of sin. Guy, the abbot, persuaded -him to undertake the instruction of the brethren, and thus he found -himself back at his old work of teaching once more. - -It was not long before the new monk became prior of the convent. Then, -in 1041, he rose to be abbot. And then, in 1047, he indited to Pope Leo -IX. his famous _Liber Gomorrhianus_. This _Gomorrah Book_ is just what -its name implies. It is one of the earliest protests uttered within the -Church against the awful wickedness which was everywhere prevalent. - -The subject is far too unpleasant for me to deal with it at any length. -And yet this disagreeable topic forces itself upon the notice of the -student of that period wherever he may turn. Most ingenious and -sophistical distinctions were made in those days relative to sin. This -thing, for instance, was wrong; but that other was not half so wrong as -this was. Such an offence was to be condoned by a trifling penance, and -such another was to be only met by years of contrition. Against all this -hypocritical nastiness Damiani set his pen. No more scathing book was -ever written. And the only wonder is that it has evaded the vigilance of -the men who suffered by it, and has made its escape into type, never -again to be in peril of its existence. Bayle—who may be safely accounted -unapproachable in such abstruse inquiries—has given us the whole story -of this book. It was a terrible scourge to the vices of the clergy, and -even Baronius allows that it was not written one moment too soon. - -The pope to whom this remarkable document was addressed was a man of -appropriate spirit. He was the third in the series of five able German -popes, who labored so hard in the cause of disciplinary reform. At -Hildebrand’s advice, he had laid aside the papal insignia, which he -donned at his election, and came to Rome as a barefooted pilgrim in -1048. He aimed to put down simony, to stop the barter and sale of -benefices, and to secure the celibacy of the clergy. To this end he used -the synods with vigor, and was ready for almost any proposed reform -which fell in with his line of operations. He was of the German, not the -ultramontane party, and therefore was quite liberal in his construction -of the great text, “Thou art Peter,” and went so far as to say that the -Church should first of all be built upon the true rock, which was -Christ. To him, then, the _Gomorrah Book_ went, and it made a stir. - -The next four popes occupied among them no longer period of -ecclesiastical rule than from the year 1054 to the year 1061. Matters -were unsettled. No one continued in office. But the finger of Hildebrand -the cardinal was mightier than the hand of any pope. Nicholas II. was -guided by him, and Alexander II., who came forward in 1061, was -unquestionably under his control. And when Alexander appeared, it seemed -that the _Gomorrah Book_ was still an element of unrest and disturbance, -at a time when the claims of an Antipope (Honorius II.) had been set up -by the Imperialist party, and it was necessary for even Hildebrand’s -friends to give as little offence as possible to the clergy. For the -election of Alexander was clearly irregular, because it was in defiance -of the rules laid down by Nicholas II. at a Lateran Synod in 1059. With -a genial and suave manner the new pontiff now borrowed the work for the -ostensible purpose of having it copied by the help of the Abbot of St. -Saviour. That was the last that Damiani saw of it for some little while. - -If Alexander thought that the hermit abbot of Fonte Avellana would -submit to this method of suppression he flattered his soul in vain. -Damiani, after a reasonable delay, appealed to his friend Hildebrand. -The book was like a part of himself, and he had no desire to have it -treated with neglect. One cannot here follow the windings of the story -further than to say that Damiani got his book again, and now we have it -too. - -I am surprised at the blindness which prevents some writers from seeing -in this Peter de Honestis a most noble and consistent character. Morheim -only pays him a merited compliment when he says that his “genius, -candor, integrity, and writings of various kinds, entitle him to rank -among the first men of the age, although he was not free from the faults -of the times.” But how could one easily avoid the extreme of severity -who was confronted by the grossest sins that ever carried a hissing -sibilant in front of their names! Flagellation was a natural reaction -from those fleshly lusts that warred against the soul. - -Somehow Hildebrand took a great fancy to this genuine reformer. His own -great schemes were ripening, and Damiani was just the man to be made of -value in the office of cardinal. In 1057, then, the abbot had been -created cardinal-bishop of Ostia by Pope Nicholas II., and in the year -following deacon of the holy college. At first he strenuously resisted -the honor, but was forced to assume it by the Pope’s command. In 1059 he -had acted as papal legate to the semi-independent Ambrosian Church of -Milan. Here he obtained pledges from them that they would conduct their -affairs with purity and agree to receive the authority of the Roman -pontiff. - -He did not remain among the cardinals very long. His convent allured -him, and the display requisite to his proper duties was both irksome and -repugnant to him. Therefore he went home again, ardently devoted to -Hildebrand, but devoid of all ambition, and ready to denounce the Pope -or anybody else when it appeared that the rights of the Church were -infringed. - -In 1062 Alexander II. found use for him as legate to France, and he -influenced Cluny in favor of Alexander II. In 1068-69 we find him again -a legate in Germany, impressing on young Henry IV. the importance of -submission to Rome. This, too, he effected; and in 1072—the last year of -his life—he appears in the same capacity at the age of sixty six, busy -with the reform of the Church in his native Ravenna. - -This is the outline of his story, and it bears no great marks of -difference from others which have been commemorated in ecclesiastical -history. Upon these services, and upon his relations to Hildebrand, a -claim to considerable repute might be established for him. These facts, -however, would not keep him in mind to-day so well as his doctrine of -flagellation and the melody of his two grand hymns. - -This matter of flagellation was older than Damiani’s time. It was -permitted in the convents to give five “disciplinary strokes.” Starting -at this point Peter the Honest asks, “Why may we not give the sixth, for -the same reason?” If these five have been inflicted on the unwilling -victim, why should he not secure some credit to himself by taking a -sixth, a seventh, an eighth? The ice once broken, it is easy to see how -the new custom would be seized upon by the ascetic hermits of Fonte -Avellana. The argument is curious, as a specimen of that specious -reasoning to which the ecclesiastic mind was tending, and which, later -on, comes into full bloom among the Jesuit fathers. - -Damiani inquires “if our Saviour was not beaten; if Paul did not -receive, on several occasions, forty stripes save one; if all the -apostles were not scourged; and whether the martyrs had not received the -same punishment. Did not St. Jerome say that these were scourged by -order of God? And who dares deny that they were scourged for others and -not for themselves? Hence, if one undertakes this discipline, willingly, -for himself, he must be doing a good thing.” (See Fleury: _Hist. -Ecclesiastique_, XII., p. 107, _Anno_ 1062.) He then adds the example of -Guy, his predecessor, who died 1046, and of Poppo, a contemporary, who -had died in 1048. The date of his own advocacy of this doctrine is about -1056. - -Monte Cassino took up the practice with vigor; but in Peter’s own -convent the most consummate example of flagellation was speedily -developed, and his disciple, Dominic of the Cuirass (_Dominicus -Loricatus_), carries off the palm from all posterity. The method -proposed by Damiani was that the psalter should be recited to the -accompaniment of the blows of the scourge. Every psalm called for one -hundred strokes; the whole psalter for fifteen thousand. By this -spiritual arithmetic three thousand equalled one year of purgatory, and -therefore the complete psalter answered for five years of purgation -removed from either one’s self or one’s neighbor. But Dominic was an -inebriate in his flogging and set himself tasks of stupendous size. He -also improved the art in several respects. He used both hands with -dreadful facility, and frequently lashed his face until it was covered -with blood, singing his psalms the while in a harsh, cracked, and -terrible voice. In the forty days of one Lent he recited the psalter two -hundred times, and inflicted what one reckless calculator calls “sixty -million stripes” upon himself. The true number is three million, which -is clearly sufficient. - -At another occasion he literally flogged himself “against time,” -apparently just to see what could be done by a determined man in -twenty-four hours. At the end of that period he had gone through the -psalter twelve times and a fraction over, and had given himself one -hundred and eighty-three thousand stripes, working away with both hands -(as a caustic writer suggests) “in the interest of the great sinking -fund of the Catholic Church.” - -Flagellation, like the dancing mania and the strange parades of the -Turlepins and Anabaptists in the Middle Ages, has its root in nervous -excitement and morbid devotion. Under Anthony of Padua, about 1210, all -Perugia lashed themselves through the streets. Justin of Padua relates -that great disorders and indecency attended the processions. The madness -spread like wildfire through Rome and Italy. In 1260 and in 1261 the -custom was again revived after some decadence, in the same town of -Perugia and under one Rainer. And at this date thousands went out into -Germany led by priests with banners and crosses. Again fading from -public notice, the flagellants reappeared during the progress of the -plague in 1349. Hecker and Cooper supplement the account given by -Boileau. The affair was itself an epidemic. The company marched and sang -hymns—among which was the _Stabat Mater_—and bore tapers and magnificent -banners. They finally became a regular nomadic tribe, separating into -two portions, one of which went to the south and the other to the north. -The Church was powerless, and those _pro_ and _anti_ flagellationists, -who happened to be in ecclesiastical authority, solemnly excommunicated -each other! - -The wild license of these scenes was far from aiding either morality or -religion. Clement VI. (1332-52) issued his bull against them. And, -inasmuch as these fanatics had failed to restore a dead child to life in -Strasburg, the malediction of Rome had some effect, and once more the -harsh custom died out. - -Then there was another upheaval under Venturinus, a Dominican of -Bergamo, and ten thousand persons joined the order. Like a perennial -plant it again perished and again sprang up in 1414, when these awful -orgies were renewed under the leadership of a person named Conrad. But -now the Inquisition interfered, and among the testimony taken to show -the lengths to which the fanaticism went is the sworn evidence of a -citizen of Nordhausen who, in 1446, asserted that his wife wanted to -have the children scourged just as soon as they had been baptized! - -Once more, in the sixteenth century the Black and Gray Penitents -appeared in France. In 1574 the Queen-mother put herself at the head of -the black band in Avignon, and the disorders, indecency, and general -depravity of manners which followed would scarcely be believed even if -it was proper to mention them. - -From that date to the present time more or less of this old insanity -occasionally reappears. It affords a singular commentary on our boasted -advance beyond those dark ages, for us to know that the _Penitentes_ of -our own Californian coast do precisely every year what Dominic of the -Cuirass and Anthony of Padua and Conrad and Rainer all did centuries -ago. - -And this frightful enginery of fanaticism was set in motion by the man -who wrote one of the loveliest hymns in the Latin language! - -I make no attempt to analyze the feelings that have prompted this -strange austerity. Isaac Taylor has already done this in a most masterly -fashion in his _Fanaticism_. But the essence of it is that wild delusion -which leads men (and even women) to fancy that they can vicariously -atone for others’ sins and “make merit,” as the heathen do, for those -who are less bold than themselves. They have fastened themselves down -like the poor wretched geese doomed to furnish _pattes-de-fois-gras_. -They are before the hot fire of zeal and gorged upon indigestible -dogmas. Hence their charity becomes as abnormal as the livers of the -geese, and the moral epicure, alas, finds in them dainties suitable for -his depraved taste! - -It would be a grievous injustice to a good man if Damiani should only -bear with us the character of an ardent zealot and not of a Christian -poet. In this last guise he is at his best. Doubtless he often offends -by his Mariolatry, but he will as often charm by the music of his verse. -He may serve also as a convenient example of this worship of Mary, for -in one of his prayers he has given us the pith and core of that peculiar -devotion. It runs thus: - -“O queen of the world, stairs of heaven, throne of God, gate of -paradise, hear the prayers of the poor and despise not the groans of the -wretched. By thee our vows and sighs are borne to the presence of the -Redeemer, that whatsoever things are forbidden to our merits may obtain, -through thee, place in the ears of divine piety. Erase sins, relieve -crimes, raise the fallen, and release the entangled. Through thee the -thorns and shoots of vice are cut down, and the flowers and ornaments of -virtue appear. Appease with prayers the Judge, the Saviour, whom thou -didst produce in unique childbirth, that He who through thee has become -partaker of our humanity, through thee may also make us partakers of His -divinity. Who with God the Father and the Holy Spirit liveth and -reigneth, world without end. Amen.” - -I have given this as an example of his prose. Here is a petition -“against a stormy time,” composed in that “leonine and tailed rhyme” in -which Bernard of Cluny, a century later, wrote the _De Contemptu mundi_. -It commences, - - “_O miseratrix, O dominatrix, praecipe dictu!_ - O thou that pitiest, O thou the mightiest, hark to our crying; - Lest we be beaten down, lest we be smitten down when hail is flying. - Thine is a priestly breast, O thou that succorest, mother eternal - Therefore we pray to thee, lest we be stayed from thee, by storm - infernal. - Quiet the tempest-wrack! Give us the sunshine back for our fair - weather! - Lend us clear light again, make the stars bright again where the - clouds feather! - Virgin, oh cherish thy friends lest we perish by sickness or anger; - Drive all these ills away, thou whose love stills away thunder’s mad - clangor!” - -By far the greater part of his hymns are addressed to the Virgin and to -the saints, but there are some others—the _Paule doctor Egregie_, the -_Paschalis festi gaudium_, the _Christe sanctorum gloria_, and the two -powerful judgment hymns, _Gravi me terrore_ and _O Quam dira, quam -horrenda_—which are worthy of note. This _Gravi me terrore_ of the -eleventh century ranks with the _Apparebit repentina_ of the seventh -century. These, together with the _Dies Irae_ of the fourteenth century, -form the great judgment triad of Latin psalmody. - -Yet of all the hymns of that or any later time, nothing approaches the -beauty of the _Ad perennis vitae fontem_, of which this Peter Damiani -sings. It is born of Augustine’s thoughts and dreams of the heavenly -land, and some of its phrases are exquisite beyond the possibility of -translation. When Frater Honestus on February 23d, 1072, forever left -that convent of Fonte Avellana, whither Dante went upon his last -recorded journey, then that noble landscape might preserve these -sixty-one lines of Latin verse among the choicest treasures of its dell -and grove. This was no lark that sang against the sun with clarion notes -calling us to such praise as rings through the ancient morning hymn of -Hilary. It was the nightingale of Faenza, sending out those thrilling -tones from the midst of the walls which beheld the eager scholar and to -which the weary cardinal had returned to die. Upon his fame it is set -therefore not like the lark’s song, but the nightingale’s, not as the -flashing diamond, but (in Daniel’s very words) “as a precious pearl for -our treasury.” Mrs. Charles has rendered it into English with grace and -success. Mr. Morgan appends this autograph note to the version in the -copy of his book which is in my possession: “N. B.—This hymn was printed -without revision. If reprinted the metres will be made _equal_.” He has -not attempted to follow the versification of the original. I know of no -other translation except that of R. F. Littledale in _Lyra Mystica_. - -Another beautiful hymn which was suggested by the prose of Augustine, -and is ascribed to Peter Damiani by Anselm of Canterbury, who was his -younger contemporary, is the _Quid tyranne, quid minaris_. It is -commonly called - - - THE ANTIDOTE OF ST. AUGUSTINE AGAINST THE TYRANNY OF SIN. - - What are threats of thine, O tyrant, - How can any torture move, - When, for all of thy contriving, - Nothing yet can equal love. - - Sweet it is to suffer sorrow, - Futile is the force of pain; - I had sooner die than borrow - Any spot that love to stain. - - Heap the fagots as thou pleasest, - Do what evil hearts approve, - Add the sword and cross together, - Nothing yet can equal love. - - Pain itself is quite too gentle, - One poor death too brief must be, - I would suffer thousand tortures— - Every woe is light to me! - - - - - CHAPTER XVII. - HILDEBERT AND HIS HYMN. - - -Those who love the “Golden Legend” of Longfellow will remember how -effectively he has there used the Latin songs and hymns. Friar Paul is -so very like the famous Friar John of Rabelais, that he is probably -copied from that worthy. Indeed his _Epistolae Obscurorum Virorum_, with -its dog-Latin and its broad satire on the habits of the monks, was a -most effective weapon in the hands of the reformers. There were a great -many learned men who were by no means equally as pious, and who found -their bodily contentment in the cloister. Against these and all like -them came the constant shafts of ridicule or reproach. - -But now, when this same Friar Paul “tunes his mellow pipe” to a -bacchanalian solo in the refectory, we can almost forgive him, forasmuch -as he sings in such capital measure. There is a _Gaudiolum_—a regular -merry-making of monks—down in the cellar; in which, by the way, Lucifer, -disguised in the gray habit, takes his appropriate place. And when Friar -Paul begins on the praise of good liquor, he parodies the metre and -rhyme of the current religious sequences. Listen to him: - - “Felix venter quem intrabis, - Felix guttur quod rigabis, - Felix os quod tu lavabis, - Et beata labia!” - -Or, as we may express it in our own language: - - “Blessed stomach which thou warmest, - Blessed throat which thou reformest, - Blessed mouth whose thirst thou stormest, - Blessed lips to taste of thee!” - -Here and there Professor Longfellow introduces also into this “Golden -Legend” his own renderings from the Latin, in little transcriptions -which are exquisitely felicitous. But presently, in sharp contrast to -the ribald Paul and the dissolute Cuthbert and the rest of the noisy -crew in the refectory, he allows us to hear the song of the pilgrims. -They are chanting the Hymn of Hildebert of Lavardin, Archbishop of -Tours: - - Me receptet Sion illa, - Sion David, urbs tranquilla, - Cujus faber auctor lucis, - Cujus portae lignum crucis, - Cujus claves lingua Petri, - Cujus cives semper laeti, - Cujus muri lapis vivus, - Cujus custos Rex festivus.” - -It is the hope of the Holy City of which they are telling: - - “Me, that Sion soon shall pity— - David’s Sion, peaceful city! - Whose designer made the morning; - Whose are gates, the cross adorning; - Whose keys are to Peter given; - Whose glad throng are saints in heaven; - Whose are walls of living splendor; - Whose a royal, true Defender!” - -These pilgrims, every now and then, break in with some snatch of melody -from this fine old anthem. And yet there are doubtless those who never -have gone back to see for themselves whence all this beauty has been -taken. But the Hymn of Hildebert would well repay them if they did. - -It is the composition of a man who was the Admirable Crichton of his -time—Hildebert of Lavardin, a student under Berenger and Hugo of Cluny. -This is the same poet who, with Wichard of Lyons, is mentioned by -Bernard of Cluny in his preface to the _Hora Novissima_. He says there, -that even these eminent versifiers had never dared to attempt the -measure of his own three thousand lines. And we have abundant other -testimony that Hildebert was an accomplished orator, a successful -controversialist, a brilliant rhetorician, a poet of ten thousand lines, -and the author of this majestic and beautiful composition. He was born -in the year 1057 (or 1055) at Lavardin, near Vendôme, in France, was -first head-master of a school, then an archdeacon, then instructor in -theology and Bishop of Le Mans (1097), and finally (1125), Archbishop of -Tours, from which he derives his name of “Turonensis.” He was of humble -origin and not connected with the celebrated family of Lavardia, except -through the accident of his birthplace being in their vicinity. - -Perhaps—if we follow one scurrilous old biographer—we may fancy the holy -Hildebert to have been very little of a saint in his early days. -Baronius indeed lends color to the assertion (made originally by -Godfrey, the Dean of Le Mans) that the vices which Hildebert afterward -attacked were matters of personal experience with himself. A certain -coarse assault was undoubtedly made upon him; but envy and malignity -went even to greater lengths then than now—and they are not noticeably -moderate or truthful at present. He was a “wise and gentle prelate,” -says Trench, “although not wanting in courage to dare, and fortitude to -endure, when the cause of truth required it.” Neander’s estimate of his -character (_The Life of St. Bernard_) is also kind. I doubt, therefore, -whether any such statements can be maintained. But we all know too well -what that age was, for us to be over-enthusiastic in the defence of our -favorites. And still it can truly be said that Hildebert established his -innocence there and then. He finally died in 1134, and his works, with -those of Marbod, were collected and published in Paris by the -Benedictines, at the comparatively recent date of 1708. His hymn, -_Oratio devotissima ad tres Personas Sanctissimae Trinitatis_, first -appeared in the Appendix to Archbishop Ussher’s _De Symbolis_ (1660), -and again was published by the Norman Jacques Hommey in 1684. - -The poem is, as Chancellor Benedict has well said, almost epic in its -completeness. And I can do no better than to summarize it in his own -words—for he linked his name to it by a translation which he published -in 1867: “Its beginning [is] the knowledge of God—_Fides orthodoxa_—the -true creed, as to the Three Persons of the Holy Trinity, exhibiting -their attributes as the foundation of the Christian character; its -middle, the weakness, the trials, and the temptations of the Christian -life, in its progress to perfect trust and confidence in God and -assurance of His final grace; its end, the joys and glories of the -heavenly home of the blessed.” It has been greatly neglected, as any one -will find who looks for it outside of the most recent collections of -sacred Latin poetry. Why this has been so, except because the praise of -Mary and of the saints was more congenial to collectors than a lofty and -pure spiritual fervor, it is not easy to discern. Hugo of St. -Victor—Hildebert’s contemporary—does actually quote six lines, but calls -the author _quidam_, or, as we would say, “somebody,” in referring to -these half dozen verses extracted to give point to his own discourse. -Yet Hildebert was in his day a most important personage, not below the -persecution of a king of England, and not above a quarrel with a king of -France. But he and the king were reconciled at last, and with honor. - -That Professor Longfellow is not indebted to Trench’s text for his -little quotations, is shown by a curious fact. The _Sacred Latin Poetry_ -of Archbishop (then Dean) Trench was first published in 1849, and the -“Golden Legend” appeared in Boston in 1851—the time seeming to indicate -that the poet had been reading in the small book of the prelate. But -Professor March has very acutely noticed that the Church of England, in -the person of its editor, did a great deal of expurgation, and that the -lines - - “Cujus claves lingua Petri, - Cujus cives semper laeti,” - -are not included by Trench at all! It was not proper, the Dean thought, -to encourage Romish superstitions, and so Peter and his keys were -omitted. It is not impossible that Longfellow took his text from a -little volume published at Auburn, N. Y., in 1844, which contains “The -Hymn of Hildebert and the Ode of Xavier, with English Versions,” -probably by Dr. Henry Mills, professor in the Theological Seminary at -Auburn, who also published a volume of translations of German hymns -(1845 and 1856). Dr. Mills reprints the entire hymn from Ussher, but -ignores in his translation the lines - - “_Deus pater tantum Dei_ - _Virgo mater est, sed Dei._” - -The book is memorable as the first American publication in this field. -Besides the American translations by Dr. Mills and Chancellor Benedict, -there are English versions by Crashaw, by John Mason Neale, and, best of -all, by Herbert Kynaston in the _Lyra Mystica_ (London, 1869), copied -from his _Occasional Hymns_. - -Further to speak of Hildebert, it can be said that he, like others, took -his share of imprisonments, confiscations, and exiles. - -Trench quotes from his poetry two compositions in hexameter and -pentameter—classic in language, but not always classic in prosody; and -two complete poems, one of which is the famous hymn, and which commences - - “_A et Ω magne Deus._” - -The other is a vision and lament over the Church of Poitiers. Of this -the editor says: “I know of no nobler piece of versification, nor more -skilful management of rhyme in the whole circle of Latin rhymed poetry.” -It begins - - “_Nocte quadam, via fessus_”— - -an important hint for a person who wishes to find anything in the German -anthologies, where, as a rule, the indexing is hideous and the -arrangement is heartrending, and the poems are designated, hit-or-miss, -by their initial line. - -The poem _De Exilio Suo_, beginning - - “_Nuper eram locuples, multisque beatus amicis_,” - -is an example of the classic measures into which I have tried to shape -my own rendering, although I have copied Hildebert even in his -inaccuracies and repetitions: - - - UPON HIS EXILE. - - Once I was rich and blessed with friends beyond measure, - And, for awhile, Fortune was prosperous too. - You would have said that the gods had heard my petition, - And that success had taught me to conquer anew. - Often I said to myself: “What means this wealthy condition? - What does it claim, this swift great store of my gain?”— - Woe to myself! for faith and confidence perish; - Even my property teaches how I have heaped it in vain! - Lightly the wing sweeps men and the things that they cherish, - And from the highest station ruin pours down to the plain. - What you possess to-day, perchance you will lose by to-morrow, - Or, indeed, as you speak, it ceases perhaps to be yours. - These are the tricks of our fate; and haughtiest kings to their - sorrow, - And humblest slaves shall find that no future endures. - Lo, what is Man! and what has he right to inherit? - What is the thing that his wretchedness claims as its own? - This, this only is man; the years press down on his spirit - Always in saddest condition to utter his final groan. - It is man’s lot to have nothing—in nakedness coming; and going - Back to his mother’s breast to bear her no riches again. - It is man’s lot to decay, his dust on the desert bestowing, - And by sad steps to climb to the pyre of his pain. - Such is his heirship of good, and here upon earth he may gather - Nothing more certain than these, the spoils of a vanishing fate. - Riches and honor may greet him, yea, be his servants the rather; - Wealthy at morn though his station, poor shall at night be his - state. - Nor can a man discern the permanent law of possession - Save as he seeks to discover the nature of mortal affairs. - Yet does God give them their law, conferring them through his - concession - Unto the weak by his grace; and their going and coming he shares. - He by himself alone provides for and manages solely, - Nor does he doubt to provide nor vary in management still. - For what he sees to be done he does, and his ruling is wholly - Laborless, fixing the form and the time and the bounds of his will. - Yea, through his zeal for our growth he places our limits and changes - These by his occult laws, himself remaining the same. - Himself remaining the same, while sickness and health he arranges, - Swaying the world and showing how hope must be set on his name. - If it be right to trust thee, then, all that thou doest or takest - He is behind it, O Fortune, and he is the source of thy strength. - Nay, I affirm, O Fortune, however thou fixest or shakest - Thou canst not grieve me, nor overmuch cheer me at length. - He is almighty and tender, the concord and trust of my treasure; - I shall be his forever, when all his purpose is through! - -It may perhaps be well for us to observe the characteristics of -Hildebert as we discover them in his hymn. They will be found to be -those of an oratorical repetition, and indeed of that “fatal -octosyllabic” fluency, demonstrated in later times by Skelton, by -Butler, and by Scott. To a certain degree the verse is incapable of -anything large or exultant. But it is admirable for the purpose to which -he puts it. Indeed, I knew no better way, when Hildebert’s best admirer -passed from this to a nobler world, than to express my own sadness in -similar Latin; and I venture to close this chapter with the closing -lines of that tribute. Mr. E. C. Benedict made it his happiest -recreation to turn the strains of these ancient singers into modern -verse. And it seemed fitting that he should be commemorated in the very -rhythm he loved so well: - - “Vir honeste, vir praeclare! - Tibi quidvis possim dare - His versiculis confeci; - Hic, coronam superjeci. - Autem, illic, lux perennis - Proferet floresque pennis - Aves pictis puro die;— - Nihil deest, O tu pie! - Tu qui terra serus abis - Christum unice laudabis. - Vale! quia non moraris; - Ave! quia nunc laetaris!” - - - “Unto thee sincere and worthy - Here I bring a tribute earthy. - In these verses I have pressed it; - Here upon thy tomb I rest it. - But thyself, in light eternal - Seest flowers; and birds supernal - Brightly flit through sunny portals— - Thou dost lack no joy of mortals! - Thou who late from us dost sever - There shall praise the Lord forever! - Farewell! for thou wilt not linger; - Hail! for thou art there a singer!” - -Yes, when once these old monks “soared beyond chains and prison”—when -they dreamed by night and talked by day of the land that is very far -off—they drew to them all loving hearts from the most distant ages. -Doubtless Hildebert knew—and rejoiced in knowing—that his aspirations -had been caught in a modern city and by a weary lawyer, who found rest -and peace in their strain. And doubtless in the perfectness of the -present rejoicing they both see and love what they once sighed to -obtain. - - - - - CHAPTER XVIII. - BERNARD OF CLAIRVAUX. - - -There is no lack of material for a copious account of Bernard of -Clairvaux. He was a man to become distinguished in any age of the world, -and he took and maintained the highest place of his time. His faults are -as patent as his virtues. But, if he had not these faults, he would -never have enjoyed certain kinds of success. His very austerity was a -merit when it held his keen intellect steadily to its mark. And his -intolerance, narrowness, ambition, and love of dialectics, were -themselves a part of the great demand which his generation made upon -him. - -I shall be responsible here simply for a condensation and compilation of -facts, a very different proceeding from that which is usually needed. In -the case of almost all these hymn-writers the materials are so slight -and meagre as to require large research; in this case one is overwhelmed -with riches. I do not profess to say how many lives of Bernard have been -written, but I know of a goodly number; and no history of his time has -failed to give attention to so prominent a figure in religion and in -statecraft. - -He was singularly situated in point of time and place. Born in Burgundy, -not far from Dijon, of a fighting family, who owned a castle and were -well represented in the wars, he saw the light in 1091. His father -Tesselin was a man who had learned in the school of Christ to be more -careful not to wrong his neighbor than not to be wronged by him. His -mother Alith was the model chatelaine of the times, full of kindness to -the poor and helpfulness to the needy. He was born at the _omphalos_ and -centre of the Middle Ages. Peter the Hermit whirled along his wild -battalions almost beside his very cradle. The little lad of four years -must have seen the strange excited throngs, with their red crosses and -their banners, and in the dust of their passing and in the chants of -their praise, he must have been conscious of a certain enthusiasm which -was to run throughout his life. - -For several years this news was to men the staple of all conversation. -The body of their own duke was finally brought back from Palestine to -his ancient heritage, and laid, by his own desire, in the cemetery of -the poor monks of Citeaux. There, in this comparatively recent monastery -near Dijon, he had selected his last home, in preference to many more -opulent and renowned establishments. The son of Burgundy’s vassal -Tesselin beheld this and other incidents. His brothers went to the wars -with the next duke, but he himself grew less and less inclined toward -such pursuits. Books formed his world. His cell was afterward said to be -stored with them; and he obtained easily the credit of being the best -instructed person of his time in the Bible and in the works of the -fathers of the Church. - -And already these tendencies were aroused in the youth of eighteen or -nineteen years who had begun the old-fashioned austerities on his own -account. We are not surprised to find him neck-deep in ice-water; stung -into intellectual vigor by the recent victory of Abelard over William of -Champeaux; aroused into an actual preaching fervor, in which he -denounces the sins of the age; continually mindful of his dead mother -Alith’s prayers, and finally resolved upon entering the monastic order -and upon carrying all his friends and relations with him. - -That singular mastery of other minds, which was his at every period -henceforth, now displayed itself. It did not matter that his brother -Guido had a wife and family; nor that his brother Gerard loved to fight -a good deal better than he loved to pray. Into the cloister they must -go! Gerard indeed was something after the manner of Lot’s wife, disposed -to look back. But his brother touched him on the side, and by some -strange prescience or happy guess, predicted to him a spear-wound, which -actually happened. On being thus remarkably warned, the soldier relented -as they carried him wounded off the field, and cried, “I turn monk, monk -of Citeaux.” This was the Gerard over whom, long afterward, Bernard -delivered that touching sermon, where he branched out from the Song of -Solomon (1:5) to declare that this body “is not the mansion of the -citizen, nor the house of the native, but either the soldier’s tent or -the traveller’s inn;” and then poured forth his full heart in a tide of -uncontrollable and lofty grief. - -So the youth marched into the poor monastery of Citeaux, where scanty -food, rough clothing, harsh surroundings and occasional epidemic -disorders had nearly disheartened and broken up the company of monks. -Stephen Harding, their English abbot, was proudly indifferent to all -patronage; but he was not so blind as not to perceive that Bernard, with -thirty captives of the bow and spear of his eloquence, was a valuable -addition to a depleted community. - -These Cistercians, then and always, were rigidists. Up they got at two -in the morning to prayer and “matins;” and for full two hours were busy, -in a cold dark chapel, over them. Then, with the first dawn of light, -out again to “lauds.” Before this service, and after it, the monk’s time -was fairly his own; but at two o’clock he dined, at nightfall he had -“vespers,” and at six or eight (according to the season) came -“compline,” and then immediately the dormitory and bed. Such was the -life, with a little more of it on Sundays, and with sermons interspersed -at intervals. There is no mention of breakfast or supper! - -And in such a life the ecstatic, mystical character of Bernard rose into -visions and prophecies. His body was nearly subjugated, and his taste, -and, indeed, all his senses, appeared to have deserted him. He watched, -he dug, he hewed and carried wood; he kept the very letter, and more -than the letter of his monastic rule. And yet, as Morison acutely -observes, this very abstraction from people and things gave him that -delight in nature from which, so often in the future, he was to catch -the illustration or the inspiration of his discourse. “Beeches and -oaks,” he said, “had ever been his best teachers in the Word of God.” - -But now Citeaux (suddenly become prosperous) must colonize; and who so -fit to lead the swarm from the gates and found the new hive as this same -Bernard? Into his hands Abbot Stephen puts the cross, and he and his -twelve companions march solemnly across the interdicted boundaries of -their little Cistercian home, and nearly a hundred miles to the -northward. There he chooses a place which exhibits, as Bernard’s actions -generally do, the far-sighted sagacity which takes mean and worthless -matters and makes them what, with right handling, they are able to -become. It is a valley—the “Valley of Wormwood.” It is grown up with -underbrush and is a haunt of robbers. But here, with the river Aube -winding down between the hills, with the hills themselves capable of -culture, and with the future of this little vale revealed to his -prophetic eye, he sets his cloister and calls it Clairvaux—“Fair -Valley,” or “Brightdale.” - -I wish that I could quote the beautiful picture that Vaughan (_Hours -with the Mystics_, Book V., chap. 1) has given of this fine enterprise. -We should see Bernard and his monks chopping and binding fagots; -planting vines and trees of goodly fruit; rearing their cloistral -buildings, when the time arrived, out of the very materials about them, -and so steadily transforming purgatory into paradise. There should we -see the river bending its great shoulders to the wheels that drive -fulling-mill and grist-mill; or toiling for them in their tannery, or -filling their _caldarium_. We should see the monks at vintage or at -harvest; pressing the clusters from yonder hill, or gathering the hay -from yonder meadow. And everywhere throughout this busy, energetic life, -we should behold the wasted figure of their chief—austere, sincere, -severe. And we should feel that unaccountable personality—that -intrinsic, magnetic, controlling quality which made this the man above -all others to be the opposer of schismatics, the counsellor of kings, -the establisher of popes, and the preacher of the Second Crusade. -Clairvaux was his kingdom, and from Clairvaux he ruled the mediaeval -world. - -His personal appearance was in keeping with this idea—it was the evident -cause of an evident effect. He was taller than the middle height and -exceedingly thin. His complexion was “clear, transparent, -red-and-white;” and always he had some color in his wasted face. His -beard was reddish, and—according to his ancestral derivation, called -_Sorus_ or “yellow-haired”—his own hair was light and perhaps tawny. -This beard grows whiter in the course of years, and these hollow cheeks -glow with the enthusiasm of the orator as he speaks. Then he is at his -best! He flings aside all feebleness; he disregards every consideration -except the truth; he flashes and glitters as the tremendous squadrons of -his brilliant logic, or still more brilliant exhortation, press down -upon the listening soul. He had indeed a perfect confidence in himself, -in his methods, and in his ultimate success. He was like a modern ocean -steamer, iron-hulled, steam-driven, sharp-prowed, cutting through all -storms without detention, and riding the wildest waves in his triumphant -course to victory. - -There is in Bernard of Clairvaux a most singular combination of the -dreamer and the man of affairs. Vaughan has too admirably condensed the -story of these interruptions and occupations, for me to avoid quoting, -at least this much, from his capital monograph: - -“Struggling Christendom,” he says, “sent incessant monks and priests, -couriers and men-at-arms to knock and blow horns at the gate of -Clairvaux Abbey; for Bernard, and none but he, must come out and fight -that audacious Abelard; Bernard must decide between rival popes, and -cross the Alps, time after time, to quiet tossing Italy; Bernard alone -is the hope of fugitive Pope and trembling Church; he only can win back -turbulent nobles, alienated people, recreant priests, when Arnold of -Brescia is in arms at Rome, and when Catharists, Petrobrusians, -Waldenses and heretics of every shade, threaten the hierarchy on either -side the Alps; and at the preaching of Bernard the Christian world pours -out to meet the disaster of a new crusade.” - -Yet with all this he is a profound scholar, and his comments on -Scripture are of a mystical, and often of a serenely spiritual and -thoughtful kind, as though no intrusion could jar the harmony and poise -of his soul. His was that strange contradiction of nature which found -its calm in tumult and its ecstasy in conflict. Obstructions pass away. - -Like that later mystic, Novalis (Friedrich von Hardenberg), there are no -hindrances in his communion with the unseen world; he could, perhaps, do -as Novalis did when Sophie Kühn died. For the poor fellow records in his -diary: “Much noise in the house. I went to her grave and had a few wild -moments of joy.” And of him also Just declares: “No spirit-dream was too -high, no business detail too low;” for Novalis in 1799 was “Assessor and -Law-adviser to the Salt Mines of Thuringia.” Pegasus in harness appears -no worse a contradiction than a mystic in a salt-pan, or a Bernard -epistolizing the Count of Champagne about a drove of stolen pigs. - -Prose and poetry, poetry and prose! And yet the brain and soul that can -do good work in the one are by no means disqualified for the other; and -your truest mystics are not likely to wear long hair and talk raving -nonsense among impractical neologists. For Bernard, even though he made -converts wherever he went, and drew increasing numbers into cloister -walls, exerted a potent and prevalent influence upon his time. He is one -of the lighthouses, as we sail down the coast of the Middle Ages; and -not until we pass him and his compeers, do the real darkness and the -dull ignorance, the shoals and the unmarked rocks appear, ready to wreck -the ventures of the mind. How gladly one would linger over these -fascinating incidents in this remarkable career! The man’s life was -expressed in some of his own aphorisms. They are such as these: - -“There is no truer wretchedness than a false joy.” “He does not please -who pleases not himself.” “You will give to your voice the voice of -virtue if you have first persuaded yourself of what you would persuade -others.” “Hold the middle line unless you wish to miss the true method.” - -These are the maxims of an orator as well as of a statesman. And the -junction of imagination, analysis, logic, fervor, and faith, made this -man what he was. Already he had tried his wings in preaching to his own -monks at morning and evening; and they had listened to him as though he -had come from another world. He dealt with the great and vital questions -of the moral nature. Like the best of our modern preachers, he aimed to -sustain the soul, to arouse and to cheer it, and to bid it press forward -to a victory which he himself foresaw. He might have said of such -aspiring saints as surrounded him what Roscoe says: - - “I see, or the glory blinds me - Of a soul divinely fair, - Peace after great tribulation - And victory hung in the air.” - -He felt, with Lacordaire, that the Gospel had a new meaning, when he -discovered that it was intended for the comfort of the human heart. He -was at one with his monks; and as he reached out toward the social life -about him, and toward the turbid torrents of politics and -ecclesiasticism over which he must throw the bridge of charity or of -faith, he simply transferred the Clairvaux method into the affairs of -men. - -It was an age of destruction, and into it he was casting the salt of the -Gospel, hoping at least to make it salvable. Around his life needless -legends and superstitious traditions have combined to cluster, but the -real Bernard is distinct from both. He never relaxed his grip upon -himself or upon others. And while this is not yet the place to speak of -the famous controversy with Abelard, it may be properly said that -Bernard saw tendencies in that philosophy which were genuinely -dangerous; and that he defeated them because truth (however narrow and -selfishly employed) is always stronger than error. Such was also his -power in preaching the crusade in 1145, when he was about fifty-five -years of age. It sprang from the quenchless fire of his zeal, as when at -Vezelai, standing by the side of Louis VII., he caused such enthusiasm -in the crowd beneath, that he did nothing so long as he remained in the -town but make crosses for them to wear in sign of their holy purpose. - -He had lived to see the Knights Templars, which had received his own -especial approval, become one of the most famous orders on the globe. -The Knights Hospitallers had been incorporated in 1113, and the Templars -were founded in 1118 by Hugo de Paganis and others. But in 1128, at the -Council of Troyes, there were but nine of them, all told, to keep their -vow of “chastity, obedience, and poverty,” to “guard the passes and -roads against robbers,” and to “watch over the safety of pilgrims.” Hugo -then appealed to Bernard, and by his influence the council recognized -this weak thing, destined so soon to be a mighty force, and which -combined two of the strongest of our instincts—that to fight and that to -pray. And now as in his old age he saw the corruption which was creeping -into it and into other agencies on which his heart had been set, he -relaxed no atom of his vigilance. He had seen the failure of his -crusade, but it did not much affect him. His thoughts were now of -heaven, and his watching was that he might be prepared to enter its -gates. His principal friends had all died; Suger, in 1150, Theobald of -Champagne, in 1152, and Pope Eugenius, his loved disciple, in 1153. - -It was in this year that Bernard also made himself ready to go. On -January 12th he said the Lord’s Prayer, and then, raising up what his -admirers were wont to call his “dove-like” eyes, he prayed that God’s -will might be done. And so, quietly and peacefully, he passed away. He -has left behind him much as an ecclesiast, but more as a poet. I hold -Bernard to be the real author of the modern hymn—the hymn of faith and -worship. The poetry of Faber, which is now so near to the heart of the -Church, is peculiarly in this key. The _Salve Caput cruentatum_ came to -us through Paul Gerhardt, and has become (through the translation of Dr. -J. W. Alexander, a man of kindred spirit with Bernard) our - - “O sacred head, now wounded.” - -Gerhardt’s own hymn-writing—the most efficient, except Luther’s, in the -German tongue—is wonderfully affected by Bernard. The _Jesu dulcis -memoria_ was rendered by Count Zinzendorf and became famous among those -spiritual souls, the Moravians. And Edward Caswell’s translations—as I -have already noticed—are supremely fine in spirit and in expression. I -shall not attempt here what has been so capitally done already. The -Church universal has made Bernard her own; and the very translations of -his verses have been half-inspired. And while we sing, - - “Jesus, the very thought of thee - With sweetness fills my breast,” - -we shall sing “with the spirit and with the understanding,” the very -strain that the Abbot of Clairvaux was sent on earth to teach! They -canonized him in 1174—but it is better to have written a song for all -saints than to be found in any breviary. - - - - - CHAPTER XIX. - ABELARD. - - -From the foreground of the waving banners and the flashing arms of the -Crusaders, of the dark throng of the chanting monks, and of feudal -pageantry and glitter—and from that background of dead uniformity which -equally characterized those mediaeval times—emerges a figure unique and -notable. It is that of a man in the prime and pride of life—lofty in -stature, handsome in face, captivating in address. He is already a tried -debater and an unsurpassed logician. He has Aristotle at the tip of his -tongue; he has read much and thought a little, and his ambition is -great. - -Such a man came one day into the lecture hall of William of Champeaux at -Paris. It was in the early part of the twelfth century, and William was -the most celebrated teacher of the period, his “doctrine of universals” -being accepted almost as though it were inspired. But this morning, -while the master lectured and the disciples drank in his words without -criticism or debate, the visitor stirred uneasily in his place. When the -lecture closed he availed himself of the usual freedom to ask some -questions. To William’s dogmatic answers the stranger in his turn -proposed shrewd difficulties. It was no longer the harmony of teacher -and taught, but the clash of two rival minds maintaining opposite -systems of logic. And in that short struggle William the Archdeacon went -down before the free lance of Peter Abelard, the rustic challenger from -Palais (Le Pallet) in Brittany. And from that agitation went out the -widening circles whose story we are now to note, and whose latest -ripples break faintly on a tomb in Père-la-Chaise visited by thousands -of modern tourists. Few tales are sadder or more suggestive. - -The name of Abelard is variously spelled. It appears in divers -authorities as Abelard, Abaelard, Abaielardus, Abailard, Abaillard, -Abelhardus, and Abeillard. The true name (on the authority of Ch. de -Rémusat) was, however, not Abelard, but Beranger or Berenger; and the -future controversialist was christened Pierre or Peter. His birthplace -is near Nantes, the house being represented a few years ago by a square -brier-grown ruin back of the church. The date of his birth is given as -1079—a period when the world was feudal and military. But this lad was -born for debate and not for battle. It may even be seriously doubted if -he ever possessed much physical courage of a sort to stand the rough -shock of actual warfare. He preferred the method of those who -intermeddle among metaphysical subtleties to those who must keep sword -edges sharp and armor furbished. His delight was to dispute, to be -engaged in undertakings - - “Whose chief devotion lies - In odd perverse antipathies; - In falling out with that or this - And finding somewhat still amiss.” - -In those days not to be a warrior was to be—almost of compulsion—a monk. -But Abelard’s independence forbade the second as his disputatious spirit -had forbidden the first. He would neither risk his neck in the wars nor -his opinions in the cloister. Instead of these he preferred the -irregular combats of the scholar, and Bayle—with a touch of -poetry—beholds him as he comes shining out of Brittany “darting -syllogisms on every side.” Such was Peter Abelard—vain, handsome, -opinionated, bound to swear by no master, a mighty voice crying in the -desert of the Dark Ages for “free speech and free thought.” - -The expedition to Paris hurt neither his reputation nor his purse. He -arrived at perihelion as quickly as a comet. William of Champeaux—having -first pushed him off and forced him to lecture on his own account at -Melun and Corbeil—found that he returned like a cork thrust under water. -The man’s buoyant, aggressive self-reliance, not to say self-conceit, -was never contented with an inferior place. And while Alberic and -Littulf and some of the older and more staid of his pupils held with -William, it was plain that the popular favor inclined to the other side. -The younger men were all for Abelard. The “doctrine of universals” was -exploded as if with some of Friar Bacon’s “villainous saltpetre,” and -doubtless the loss was small enough to mankind. His principal fort being -taken, there was nothing left for the opposing general but a masterly -retreat. Hence, by a convenient arrangement, combining several -advantages, Guillaume des Champeaux became Bishop of Chalons-sur-Marne. -And it was, of course, beneath the dignity of a bishop to hold lectures -or to engage in logical controversies! - -But, as generally happens, a sand-bag substitute was put in the bishop’s -place; and Abelard came back to open a school on Mt. St. Genevieve and -to bombard this professor. The battle was short and decisive, for the -next we learn of this nameless champion of a defeated cause, he is -absolutely enrolled as a humble follower of the great logician. This is -but a fair sample of the general success which attended the new ideas. -Everywhere they gained currency, attracting inquiry, arousing envy, -awaking ecclesiastical suspicion, and inflaming the hatred of his -defeated opponents. - -About this time of inception and premonition, say 1113, Abelard -undertook to examine the instruction given by William’s teacher, Anselm -of Laon, who there vegetated as dean of the cathedral church. We must -not confuse his name with that of the great Archbishop of Canterbury, -whose method and science have outlasted the most of his contemporaries, -and whom Neander styles “the Augustine of the twelfth century.” Had he -been the teacher and Abelard the pupil, history might have made a -different record. A profounder and a more reverent line of thought might -have affected the acute and daring mind of the rising dialectician. And, -above every other consideration, the new philosophy might have contained -those elements of religion whose absence neutralized for centuries that -wholesome independence which held mere dogmatism cheap as compared to -the sacred light of truth. It would, indeed, have been well if such an -Anselm had been at Laon, but the dean was a weak and futile person. And -so it was inevitable that Abelard should again be in trouble and almost -in disgrace, but even in his pathetic _Historia Calamitatum_ the pupil -did not forget to satirize his master. “He was that sort of a man,” he -says, “that if any went to him being uncertain he returned more -uncertain still.... When he lit a fire he filled his house with smoke, -but he did not brighten it with light.” He adds, sarcastically, that -Anselm’s philosophy always suggested to his mind the story of the -fig-tree that our Lord cursed because it bore plenty of leaves and no -fruit. - -Abelard himself, however, was a genuine educator, and many bishops and -other ecclesiastics, with nineteen cardinals and two popes, came from -the ranks of his pupils. He loved liberty, although he loved it to that -extent to which his own will—and no other authority, human or -divine—restricted it. In this he differed from Anselm of Canterbury, who -loved liberty, not according to license but according to law. Mere -freedom to inquire, to complain, or to theorize, does not invariably -carry with it profitable results. And Abelard—whose very freedom was in -itself a noble revelation to the shackled intellects of his -age—committed the grave error of supposing that the sweep of a free hand -would certainly give lines of beauty and forms of grace. Something -deeper than the mere distaste of false opinions is needful for this. -Art, meditation, truth—all must lie beneath the O of Giotto or the -masterly strokes of Apelles. And our rhetorician would have done well to -have confined himself to the _Trivium_—grammar, rhetoric, and -dialectics. When he undertook theology he first quarrelled with Anselm -of Laon, and next he encountered all Christendom and Bernard of -Clairvaux. His was the fatal blunder of every “free inquirer” who -forgets reverence, and who, in his pride of intellect, may likely fall -as the angels fell. Surely no Lucifer ever plunged more swiftly down -from heaven’s battlements than did poor Peter Abelard from the dizzy -height of his sudden success. - -This is no place to criticise his “system,” if system it can be properly -called. The _Sic et Non_—“Yes and No”—his most famous work, is really a -mere challenge. He quotes the Bible against the Fathers and the Fathers -against the Bible, touching on deep tideways and bogs and quicksands -which he never attempts to ford, fathom, or bridge. The Arians, -Sabellians, Nestorians and Pelagians are resuscitated in these pages. He -flings their doubts before us like a gauntlet cast into the arena of -debate. One may choose which side he will take. Such a man, arising in -the nineteenth century and claiming sympathy with Christianity, would be -by some suspected as a secret enemy and his vanity would loosen his -armor for the entrance of many a venomed shaft. His genuine ardor would -be misunderstood and his opinions would be heavily attacked before they -could deploy at their full strength. If this be true to-day how -infinitely more true must it have been of an age narrower, more -illiterate, and with an arm which wielded not in vain the sword of -excision against heretics! - -This, then, was the man who in the prime of manhood and at the topmost -peak of prosperity found himself with money in his pocket, in Paris, and -his own master. He had not yet said of the dogmas of Mother Church as -Luther said of Tetzel, “By God’s help I will go down and beat a hole in -your drum.” Hitherto he had safely kept to Aristotle—at once the -blessing and the bane of Middle-Age reasoners—and he had the -vainglorious sense that five thousand students hung breathless on his -words. He considered himself upon the firmest footing that one could -desire, and behold, he fell! - -The “damned spot” of Abelard’s character is that which, after all, has -insured his fame. And, since it is indispensable, a few sentences must -exhibit it in its repulsive ugliness. Fortunately, or unfortunately, we -do not need the help of any other biographer than his own bitter soul. -His _Historia Calamitatum_ is the sufficient history. In this he tells -us that his life had been previously irreproachable and of the strictest -moral correctness. Now, however, he began to “let himself go”—how far, -or how fast, it is of no use for us to investigate. But Fulbert, the -Canon of the Cathedral of Notre Dame, had a perfect Hypatia for a niece, -and to this lady Abelard’s gaze was turned. - -She was eighteen, and there was an irresistible charm about her, as of -some fragrant white lily. She was a woman fit to lend grace and beauty -to prosaic surroundings. And Abelard has the unspeakable audacity to -declare that he, a man of thirty-eight, deliberately selected this pure -and perfect flower and meant to take it for himself. Not to marry; for -the truth demands that we should perceive his own thorough appreciation -of the fact that marriage would sink him out of the ranks of scholars -into those of tradesmen and would be the death-blow to his ambition. Not -to marry; for it was a bad age, and sin sometimes clothed itself in the -cowl of the monk and the robe of the prelate, and such a sin was better -forgiven than such a blunder. Let all contemporaneous history bear -witness! For every account of the lives of Heloise and Abelard reveals -the impossibility of passing these unpleasant facts without notice or -comment. On this pivot turns the golden world of that deathless love. - -So the avaricious Fulbert took Abelard to dwell in his own house, and -gave his niece’s education entirely into his care, and, as her teacher -himself expresses it, delivered her “like a lamb to a hungry wolf.” - -Heloise was probably the better educated of the two. She was the child -of unknown parents. Bayle asserts that she was the daughter of a priest, -and his facilities and laboriousness respecting such abstruse -particulars no one will question. The authority from which he is -possibly quoting, says that this priest was John “Somebody” (_nescio -cujus_) and a canon of the same cathedral with Fulbert at Paris. -Doubtless the trace of her ancestry is utterly lost to us beyond these -meagre items. Even Fulbert’s alleged relationship has been questioned. -But the scholarship of Heloise speaks for itself in a terse, sparkling -Latin style, which is as pleasant beside Abelard’s lumbering sentences -as a bright mountain brook beside a turbid and turbulent stream. Count -de Bussy-Rabutin—no mean critic—has put on record that he never read -more elegant Latin. She also understood Greek and Hebrew, with neither -of which, strange to say, was Abelard acquainted. And at first blush it -would seem that the teacher should have been the pupil. - -Absolute justice requires that the ugly and disgraceful slurs in the -_Historia Calamitatum_, and even in the correspondence, should not be -overlooked. Here is what will serve for a fair example. He says of her, -_Quae cum per faciem non esset infima, per abundantiam litterarum erat -suprema_—while she was not exactly the worst-looking of them, she was -the best educated; and therefore he selected her! The _spretae injuria -formae_ never went further than this. But this is by no means the -solitary instance of that low snarl in which the currish nature of the -Breton rustic now and then indulged. - -What, then, could have been the spell by which this charming woman drew -Christendom after her? Popes and bishops called her “beloved daughter,” -priests entitled her “sister,” and all laymen laid claim to her as -“mother.” If she were not so beautiful as some authorities positively -state, she must certainly have been marvellously captivating. But -chiefest of her many graces was her crowning loyalty and love. It showed -itself in perfect sympathy, in entire self-devotion. Michelet, indeed, -has observed that the legend of Abelard and Heloise is all that has -survived in France out of the story of the Middle Ages. - -Nor has the unanimity of literary judgment upon these lovers been less -remarkable than the interest which they have inspired. With one voice -Abelard is condemned and with one voice Heloise is extolled. “She was,” -says a brilliant writer, “a great, heroic woman, one of those formed out -of the finest clay of humanity.” “With the Grecian fire,” says another, -“she had the Roman firmness.” And even the rude picture which the -mechanical touch of Alexander Pope has painted, leaves to us in the -“Epistle of Heloise” a trace of the same beauty, and affords one line— - - “And graft my love immortal on thy fame”— - -which only needs to be reversed in order to be prophetic. Morison’s -tribute is both nobler and more acute, for he testifies, “She walked -through life with ever-reverted glances on the glory of her girlish -love.” It was the same thought which Dante—after Boethius—puts into the -lips of Francesca— - - “There is no greater sorrow - Than to be mindful of the happy time - In misery, and that thy Teacher knows.” - -Nay, it is even the very cameo out of Tennyson: - - “As when a soul laments, which hath been blessed, - Desiring what is mingled with past years, - In yearnings that can never be expressed - By sighs, or groans, or tears.” - -This is the heart which Abelard won. Winning it he won, and forever -held, the woman whose it was. From that moment she merged her whole -existence in his with a complete and utter abandonment of self, to the -perfectness of which let her epistles from the Paraclete bear testimony. -Across this story of undeviating devotion Abelard’s vanity, pride, and -coarseness are written with smears and stains, like an illiterate monk -who blots his comments upon a precious missal full of saints and angels. -For, first of his offences, he revealed this love of his by really -becoming a troubadour. He composed verses in the Romance tongue, -recounting their loves, and set them to such stirring tunes that all the -world was soon singing them. Hence grew the legend that the “Romance of -the Rose” (_Roman de la Rose_) was his composition. It undoubtedly -contains their story, but it was not his work; it belongs to William de -Loris and Jean de Meung. But, as for Heloise, she was delighted. What -would have been a crown of sorrow to other women was to her a crown of -joy. She even announced to Abelard “with the utmost exultation” the -advent of that unhappy being christened Astrolabe and destined to pass -his forsaken and lonely existence shut up in a cloister. That people -sang of this love; that it went to the ends of the earth; that nothing -could prevent its being known—these were the happinesses of Heloise. Of -the merit of the songs we cannot ourselves decide. They were originally -anonymous, and only those familiar with the crabbed French of that -period may hope to find them again. - -Meanwhile, though the lectures suffered, and the students saw, and all -Paris smiled, Fulbert was totally in the dark. This condition of affairs -was predestined to come to an end, and it came in storm and anger. -Abelard saw himself forced, against his will, to marry secretly. It was -a sting to his egotism that ever rankled. It served, though, to pacify -Fulbert and the rest of the relations; and being too glad and too -loose-tongued to keep this handsome alliance from the public they -presently told everybody. Heloise, thereupon, fearing for Abelard’s -ambitious schemes, did not shrink from a point-blank falsehood. She -denied the marriage. She had been in Brittany and was now at Argenteuil, -of which she was by and by to become the abbess. And she added to her -denial the self-abnegating sentiment that Abelard, who was created for -all mankind, ought not to be sacrificed by “bondage to a woman.” It was -worthy of her who so admired the “philosophic Aspasia,” and whose tutor -and lover had done what he could to make her as “free from superstition” -as himself. Her moral ideas were what he taught her, and he could not -unteach them. - -Among the complaisant and agreeable nuns of Argenteuil she now resided. -It was but a few miles from Paris. Her husband frequently went thither, -and in a short time thereafter she was enrolled as a novice. The fact -aroused her relatives, and their mutterings became ominous; Fulbert, -especially, taking this act in high dudgeon, as though it meant the -premeditated repudiation of his niece. Their anger did not stop at -words, but, knowing Abelard’s popularity, and fearing to attack him -during the day, they bribed his valet and assaulted him by night in his -own apartment. - -It was this blow which flung Abelard from heaven to hell. His hitherto -impregnable attitude; his fierce zeal for his opinions; his hopes of a -new philosophy which should make his name immortal, all vanished before -it as spider-webs break before a sword. And when, conscious that he was -no more a god and a hero, but an insulted and defeated man, he rose from -his bed of pain, the prospect was not improved. The outpoured -indignation of bishops and canons and clergy—the lamentations of the -women and the students—did not appease him. A whisper was in his soul -like that of Haman’s wife. Mordecai, the despised, was coming to the -kingdom and the Agagite was doomed. - -There were reasons which led him to think of seeking aid from the Pope -against his enemies. But Fulk of Deuil, his good friend, advised him not -to try it. “You have no money,” said honest, plain spoken Fulk, “and -what can you do at Rome without money?” It was bitter truth. Yet the -Abbé Migne, forgetting the much worse things Bernard had said of the -Roman Curia in the treatise _De Consideratione_, exscinds the passage -from Fulk’s letter on the ground that it would cause “scandal to -Catholic ears.” Edification first, truth afterward, if at all! - -Therefore, with a poisoned soul, he sought the Abbey of St. Denis to -hide himself from the gaze of the world. To a man so proud a life -without imperial power was a living death. Yet from those walls he -issues his edict that Heloise shall take the veil. His vanity led him to -carry out the original cause of hostility even to its unalterable -result. But Heloise, whatever she might have thought or felt, marched -with lofty resignation to her fate. Quoting aloud—as his confession -pitifully recalls—the words of Cornelia to Pompey from the “Pharsalia” -of Lucan, she takes the vows. Never was there less of religion in such a -ceremony! Henceforth she walks like the moon in distant brightness, -coming to meet us down the ages as comes the Queen Louise of Gustav -Richter’s superb picture. She is transfigured by her self-forgetting -love, and “all that is left of her,” in the best and truest sense, is -now “pure womanly.” - -For Abelard at St. Denis the case was different. He found the monks -worldly and dissolute and he reproved them. The effect was similar to -the case of Lot—the reformer departed with all his belongings. He then -renewed his old lectures. His scholars followed him to Maisoncelle, -where, in their avidity of knowledge, they overcrowded every resource of -shelter and food. He offered them that fascinating combination, -dialectics and divinity. Like the saltpetre and the charcoal these were -harmless when apart and explosive when together, particularly if you add -the sulphurous heart which now smoked in his bosom. A harsh and -vindictive tone was given to his disposition, and it was natural that he -should be, at least tentatively, a heretic. These moral bruises are -worse than any or all physical injuries; the man who has felt them can -never be again what he was before. And now Anselm and William and -Fulbert and everybody that he had bullied or taunted or threatened -turned upon him. The gates to the black cavern of the winds were open -and the blasts of fate were icy cold. - -The papal legate Conan held a council at Soissons in 1121. The opinions -of Abelard were received with disfavor. They humiliated the poor wretch -among them and made him burn his own book, and then mumble through a -_credo_ amid his “sobs and sighs and tears.” These words are his own, -and his is also the statement that he was put into the custody of the -Abbot of St. Medard and there he was lectured, and even lashed by the -convent whip, until he exhibited proper submission. Poetical justice had -befallen him. For he confesses, to his shame, that he had coerced and -even struck Heloise. Now he, too, was coerced, and he, too, was struck. - -Then back again to St. Denis, with more hatred and hard speeches than -ever. But Suger, the new abbot, an easy-going lover of bric-à-brac and -good living, set him free, a “masterless man” past forty years of age, -with Heloise out of reach and the spears of exultant enemies bristling -in every hedge. Is it a wonder that he took to the banks of the Ardusson -near Troyes, wattled himself a rude hut and resolved to be a hermit? But -even there in the desert the people thronged him and built a village of -huts about his own. His misfortunes became a portion of his strength. -And there they erected for him a church and a cloister which he -dedicated to the Paraclete, a daring innovation, since it was then -considered highly heterodox thus to distinguish one person of the -Trinity from the other two. - -Under such storms and heat the nature of the man had been seriously -warped. He became suspicious, gloomy, and weakly unstable. His -correspondence with Heloise had been completely broken off. He went into -the monotonous Champagne, then out into the bleak Brittany, and finally -(1125) he received the abbacy of St. Gildas. His friends, perhaps, -desired to save him from homelessness and so from the dangers which the -relentless malice of his old enemies was constantly piling up. But their -choice of a refuge reveals how little their ecclesiastical influence was -worth. The monks of St. Gildas lived in open sin, and the people around -the cloister were semi-barbarians. It may be that they were ready to -welcome Abelard because they supposed he would be charitable to their -peccadilloes, but if they fancied this, their mistake was great. He -really measured himself against their vices and suffered a predestined -defeat. At St. Gildas he touched the nadir of his fate as at Paris he -had reached its zenith. The monks conspired against him. They sought to -poison him, contaminating with their drugs even the cup of the -Eucharist. When his life was not fear it was horror, and when it was not -horror it was despair. - -At this time, too, for calamity never comes singly, Suger had succeeded -in routing from Argenteuil the Abbess Heloise with all her nuns. He had -complained to Rome that the lands of Argenteuil were the chartered right -of St. Denis and that the nuns were very scandalous. So Abelard roused -himself sufficiently to hand the deserted abbey of the Paraclete over to -his wife; to confirm it by every possible act and deed against invasion; -and to secure, in the despite of Bernard of Clairvaux, who was his -presumptive enemy, a special bull of Innocent II. to make all this -permanent. To these walls Heloise therefore removed. They were doubly -dear to her for Abelard’s sake. She had no true “vocation” for her -office, but the Pope called her and her sisterhood his “dear daughters,” -and it was the best that they could do. Abelard prepared their forms of -service for them, and thus again, after all these years, communication -existed and letters passed between them. - -These forms brought on a controversy with Bernard, who did not like -them. The letters also are still extant, often translated, but never in -anything except the original Latin, speaking out the real nature of the -writers. On the part of Heloise they reveal the depth of an unending -love. On the part of Abelard they are as cold and occasionally as cruel -as anything to which a translator can turn his pen. After a careful -survey of their contents the conclusion is irresistible that Heloise is -a woman whose lofty love carries with it unhesitatingly the mind, the -will, the senses—everything. Her faults are the faults of her time and -of her teaching, not of her soul. But, by the survival of its most -forcible elements, Abelard’s character has been developed into a selfish -coldness both unnatural and ungrateful. As a man, at this stage of his -career, one abhors and pities him. - -Presently upon the dead colorlessness of this “burned-out crater healed -with snow,” the red light of a new controversy is cast. In this final -struggle the redoubtable force of the splendid debater flashed up once -more. But he was defeated by Bernard at Sens (1140), and whether this -defeat was by fair logic or by the hostile spirit of the age it does not -matter. Defeated he was, and he rushed out declaring that he would -appeal to Rome. Happily his way led him through Cluny, and there good, -large-hearted, and large-bodied Peter the Venerable took him in. For the -first time, perhaps, in all his life he came into close relations with a -man genuinely great. And Peter of Cluny himself wrote to the Pope; -detaining Abelard meanwhile by kind assiduities, in that genial cloister -whose humanity cherished neither bigotry nor license. Later he even -reconciled the two disputants, and the broken and weary debater died at -last (April 21st, 1142) at St. Marcel, whither he had been sent for -change of climate by the care of his hospitable friend. - -There is a painting—a true artist’s conception, but a mere daub in -fact—which hangs in a New York village and which represents a dead -knight stretched upon the ground. He lies upon his back on the sodden -earth in the melting snow. The sky above him is of a dull and awful -gray, and the carrion birds are flying in a long, hurrying line to join -those already at the feast. A broken sword is strained in his right -hand, his armor is hacked and darkly spotted with mire and blood, and -his feet have fallen into a little stream. So would have fallen Abelard -but for the charity and mercy of Peter the Venerable. Remembering all -that he had been it is somewhat comforting to read of his last days. For -certain letters passed between Peter of Cluny and Heloise, and these, -too, are extant and accessible. - -The abbot says to her, after describing the daily life of Abelard, “How -holily, how devoutly, in what a catholic spirit he made confession, -first of his faith and then of his sins! ... Thus Master Peter finished -his days, and he who for his knowledge was famed throughout the world, -in the discipleship of Him who said, ‘Learn of Me, for I am meek and -lowly in heart,’ persevered, in meekness and humility, and, as we may -believe, passed to the Lord.” It is in such language that this -benevolent man addresses his “venerable and very dear sister,” -concerning, as he tenderly puts it, her “first husband in the Lord.” And -doubtless this same Abelard became, at the last, a little child, who -through much tribulation had unlearned his haughty and selfish temper, -and had gone back from subtleties and logic to say in all simplicity, -Abba, Father! And it is not less interesting for us to discover in the -second epistle of Heloise to Peter of Cluny, that the mother’s heart -yearns over her boy, and that she commends Astrolabe to the care and -protection of his father’s benefactor, a trust which, in his next -letter, Peter accepts and promises to discharge. - -Of the poetry of Abelard much has unquestionably been lost. His -troubadour ballads may have been conveniently suppressed; it is often -the fate of wise men’s lighter productions. And his hymns were for long -years untraced, except in the instance of the _Mittit ad virginem_ and -of another upon the Trinity, which was ascribed to him, but is now -accredited to Hildebert. A very pretty poem, _Ornarunt terram germina_, -preserved by Du Meril (_Poesies Populaires Lat._, p. 444) is given in -the collection of Archbishop Trench and again in that of Professor -March. Even in English its grace and daintiness do not entirely escape -us, and they show how possible it was for him to have written the -love-songs which celebrated Heloise. - - The earth is green with grasses; - The sky is filled with lights— - Sun, moon, and stars. There passes - Vast use through days and nights. - - On either hand upbuilded, - Arouse, O man, and see! - Those heavenly realms are gilded - By help which shines for thee. - - The suns of winter cheer thee - For lack of fire below; - While the bright moon draws near thee, - With stars, thy path to show! - - Leave pride her ivory spaces; - The poor man on the grass - Looks up, from fragrant places - By which the song-birds pass. - - The rich, with wasteful labor, - (For vaulted domes shall fall,) - Mocking his poorer neighbor, - Paints heaven within his hall. - - But in that open chamber - Where all things fairest are, - Let the poor man remember - How God paints sun and star. - - So vast a work and splendid - Is nature’s more than man’s! - No pains nor cost attended - Those age-enduring plans! - - The rich man keeps his servant, - An angel guards the poor, - And God sends stars observant - To watch above his door! - -At length the adage of Buddha was fulfilled that “Hatred does not cease -by hatred; hatred ceaseth by love.” This is an old rule. For in 1836 his -romantic story secured an editor for the scholar’s works in the person -of Monsieur Victor Cousin, who at that date, and again in 1849, -republished them. They had been issued in 1616 by Francis d’Amboise at -Paris, and the city of his fame and sorrow appropriately witnessed their -reappearance. But even then there were no more verses, and the editors -of the twelfth volume of the _Histoire Litteraire de la France_ also -regarded those productions as hopelessly lost. Yet they had been in -Paris, and when the _Patrologia_ of Migne reached “Tom. 178” they had -been actually recovered. The story is of the same pattern as the -author’s life—the man and his works had infinite vicissitudes. - -When Belgium was occupied by the French, these ninety-three hymns, -written for the abbey of the Paraclete between 1125 and 1134, were lying -hid in _codice quincunciali_, whatever this may mean. The account seems -to require a _box_ of about five inches in height, rather than an -ordinary _codex_ or bound volume. This _codex_ was brought to Paris and -there remained during the days of Napoleon Bonaparte. When his Empire -fell, the box and its contents returned to Belgium. They bore the seals -of the Republic and of the Empire and they also had the stamp of the -Royal Library of Brussels. They were indeed a catalogued part of that -library’s treasures, but their value was unguessed. One day, after their -return, a German student named Oehler, while rummaging through the -_codex_ found in it the _libellus_, or little book, which contained -these three series of hymns. Like the “hymnarium” of Hilary they were -known to have been in existence, and hence he immediately inferred their -authorship. They embraced, to his delight, a complete collection for all -the religious hours and for the principal festivals of the Church. - -It is strikingly characteristic of the superficial nature of many -studies in Latin hymnology, that Oehler apparently thought of nothing -else that might be in the _codex_, but proceeded at once to publish -eight of the recovered hymns. These, attracting the notice of Monsieur -Cousin, he purchased a full transcript of the _libellus_ at a “fair -price” from the discoverer. It was, however, reserved for Émile Gachet, -a Belgian, to “give a not unlucky day to paleography” in the course of -which he lighted upon this same _codex_ and found it still to contain -the larger part of an epistle treating of Latin hymnology, addressed to -Heloise, and announcing the hymns of which it was the preface. Thus the -identification was perfect, and the introductions and the hymns are -again joined with the other works of their authors. In 1838 a set of -_Planctus_—“Lamentations”—had been found in the Vatican Library. They -are moderate in merit, and these new pieces were therefore invaluable in -determining Abelard’s rank as a poet. In the main, his hymns are -didactic and cold. But there is at least one which has held its place -anonymously in the service of the Church and upon this his reputation -may safely rest. It was translated by Dr. Neale from the imperfect text -of a Toledo breviary, and it can be found in _Hymns, Ancient and Modern_ -(No. 343), and in Mone (_Lat. Hym. des Mittelalters_, I., 382). In the -Paraclete Breviary it is “xxviii., _Ad Vesperas_.” - - O quanta, qualia sunt illa sabbata, - Quae semper celebrat superna curia! - Quae fessis requies, quae merces fortibus, - Cum erit omnia Deus in omnibus. - - Vere Jherusalem illic est civitas - Cujus pax jugis est summa jucunditas, - Ubi non praevenit rem desiderium, - Nec desiderio nimis est praemium. - - Quis rex! quae curia! quale palatium! - Quae pax! quae requies! quod illud gaudium! - Hujus participes exponant gloriae - Si, quantum sentiunt, possint exprimere. - - Nostrum est interim mentem erigere, - Et totis patriam votis appetere, - Et ad Jherusalem a Babilonia, - Post longa regredi tandem exilia. - - Illic, molestiis finitis omnibus, - Securi cantica Syon cantabimus, - Et juges gratias de donis gratiae - Beata referet plebs tibi, Domine. - - Illic ex sabbato succedet sabbatum, - Perpes laetitia sabbatizantium, - Nec ineffabiles cessabunt jubili, - Quos decantabimus et nos et angeli. - - Oh what shall be, oh when shall be, that holy Sabbath day, - Which heavenly care shall ever keep and celebrate alway; - When rest is found for weary limbs, when labor hath reward, - When everything, forevermore, is joyful in the Lord? - - The true Jerusalem above, the holy town, is there, - Whose duties are so full of joy, whose joy so free from care; - Where disappointment cometh not to check the longing heart, - And where the soul in ecstasy hath gained her better part. - - O glorious King, O happy state, O palace of the blest! - O sacred peace and holy joy and perfect heavenly rest. - To thee aspire thy citizens in glory’s bright array, - And what they feel and what they know they strive in vain to say. - - For while we wait and long for home, it shall be ours to raise - Our songs and chants, and vows and prayers, in that dear country’s - praise; - And from these Babylonian streams to lift our weary eyes, - And view the city that we love descending from the skies. - - There, there, secure from every ill, in freedom we shall sing - The songs of Zion, hindered here by days of suffering, - And unto thee, our gracious Lord, our praises shall confess - That all our sorrow hath been good, and thou by pain canst bless. - - There Sabbath day to Sabbath day sheds on a ceaseless light, - Eternal pleasure of the saints who keep that Sabbath bright; - Nor shall the chant ineffable decline, nor ever cease, - Which we with all the angels sing in that sweet realm of peace. - -The rhythm of the Trinity, previously mentioned, is so good that it is -usually, and, it may be, correctly, ascribed to Hildebert of Lavardin; -and the _Planctus Varii_ have really something more than that -“inconsiderable merit” which Archbishop Trench allows to them. They are -irregular in form and metre, and their subjects (which evidently reflect -their author’s feelings) are: The Wail of Dinah; Jacob’s Lament over -Joseph and Benjamin; The Sorrow of the Virgins over Jephthah’s Daughter; -The Israelites’ Dirge over Samson; The Grief of David over Abner and his -Elegy upon Saul and Jonathan. Abelard also composed a long poem to -Astrolabe, giving him plenty of good counsel in fair pentameter, but in -rather prosaic phrases. Some of it sounds like Lord Chesterfield’s -worldly wisdom, and there are portions of the production which are -plainly affected by the soured and saddened spirit of the author. “There -is nothing,” he tells the poor, forsaken lad, “better than a good woman, -and nothing worse than a bad one,” and, “as in all species of rapacious -birds,” the female is the most to be dreaded! - -Thus the poems which we possess number one hundred and two all told. But -for ordinary readers not more than five—if we exclude the present -correct Latin form of the _O quanta qualia_—are available in the -original, and these are scattered through three or four collections. An -unkind fate has still pursued these poor relics of the man who took -shelter under the broad wing of Peter the Venerable, and who, by having -escaped into such sanctuary, has barred out from thenceforth all -uncharitable thoughts. It may be added that of Heloise also we have a -reputed hymn, _Requiescat a labore_, but Königsfeld and Daniel both deny -the authorship. In this they are doubtless correct. - -We may best remember the great controversialist when he is lying dead in -his new-found peace and childlikeness. At the request of Heloise, Peter -of Cluny delivered up his body to be buried within the walls of the -Paraclete, in defiance of any misconstruction or of any sneer. He -accompanied the act with the absolution which she asked. It reads thus: - -“I, Peter, Abbot of Cluny, who received Peter Abelard as a Cluniac monk, -and who have granted his body to be delivered secretly [_furtim -delatum_, wrote the big-hearted bishop] to Heloise, the abbess, and to -the nuns of the Paraclete, by the authority of the Omnipotent God and of -all saints, do absolve him in virtue of my office from all his sins.” -This was to have been engraved upon a metal plate and fastened above the -tomb of the dead rhetorician, but for some reason—perhaps connected with -the _furtim delatum_—the plan was never carried out. But the absolution -was probably attached to the tomb for a short time in order to make it -effective. - -“Women,” says Mrs. Browning, “are knights-errant to the last.” For a -score of years, Heloise went each evening to that tomb to weep and pray. -She remembered and observed nothing of those unpleasant traits which -later times have noticed. If she ever cursed any one it must have been -Fulbert, or others of the dead man’s enemies, and - - “A curse from the depths of womanhood - Is very salt and bitter and good.” - -At length, like every watching and every waiting, this, too, came to an -end, and she died on May 17th, 1164, precisely at his age of sixty-three -years. And they laid her beside him in the same grave, as was meet and -right. - -But evil fate still flapped a raven wing above the pair. Even in death -they have scarcely rested in peace. In 1497 the tomb was opened from -religious motives and the bodies were removed and placed in separate -vaults. In 1630 the Abbess Marie de Rochefoucauld placed them in the -chapel of the Trinity. In 1792 they were again removed to Nogent, near -Paris. In 1800, by order of Lucien Bonaparte, they were transferred to -the garden of the “Musée des Monumens Français.” This being destroyed in -1815, they were again entombed in Père-la-Chaise. M. Lenoir, keeper of -the Museum, had constructed the present Gothic sepulchre out of the -ruins of the abbey of the Paraclete, uniting with these an ancient tomb -from St. Marcel in which Abelard had at first been laid. Pugin says that -this was transferred from the Musée grounds. The monument reared at the -Paraclete and ornamented with a figure of the Trinity, perished in 1794 -during the confusion of the Revolution. General Pajol, the subsequent -owner of the grounds, placed a marble pillar above the stone sarcophagus -which yet existed, but the lead coffin had already been taken to Paris. -The tomb in Père-la-Chaise has been recently repaired, and there the -sentimental of all nations have brought flowers and scrawled names and -scribbled verses. Even at the present day a curious collection of wire -crosses, immortelles, and visiting-cards can be seen constantly upon it. - -The principal inscription was composed by the Academie des Inscriptions -in 1766, at the instance of Marie de Roucy de Rochefoucauld, Abbess of -the Paraclete, like her namesake of 1497; and it was carved at her cost -upon the stone. - -Nor is this all. The story of Abelard and Heloise has a literature of -its own. We have no authentic portraits, if we except the fine pictures -of Robert Léfèbvre engraved by Desnoyers, which rest upon I know not -what of possible likeness. But the Englishman, Berington; the Germans, -Brucker and Carriere and Fessler and Schlosser and Feuerbach; the -Frenchmen, De Rémusat and Cousin and Guizot and Delepierre and Lamartine -and Dom Gervaise; the Italian, Tòsti; the Americans, W. W. Newton, -Wight, and Abby Sage Richardson, and a host of other authors and -essayists and reviewers, have in one form or another told the sad, sweet -legend of this love. It has never lacked its audience, and its perpetual -charm has been the character of Heloise. Like the fair and unfortunate -maid of Astolat, who so pathetically loved Launcelot, it may be said of -her devotion that she “gave such attendance upon him, there was never a -woman did more kindlyer for man than shee did.” It was a rare exhibition -of that precious jewel, an unselfish, loyal, and flawless heart! - - - - - CHAPTER XX. - PETER THE VENERABLE. - - -It serves to illustrate the meshes which held the highest men of the -twelfth century together, when we encounter Peter the Venerable, Abbot -of Cluny. His true name was Pierre Maurice de Montboisier and he was -from Auvergne—“one of the noblest and most genial natures,” says -Morison, “to be met with in this or in any time.” What a fine old man he -was! Under him as abbot, Bernard of Cluny was prior, and the loving care -of Peter prepared an epitaph for that bravest and sweetest of singers. -It was he who bearded the other Bernard in his very den, and who came -out of many contests against that almost invincible ecclesiast with more -honor than before. Few could say this of a battle with the Abbot of -Clairvaux; and to no one but Peter does Morison, the biographer of -Bernard, concede any such victory. - -It was also this admirable Peter who took Peter Abelard under his -protection. With a large and patient generosity he developed the better -nature of that headstrong, conceited, unhappy man; and when Abelard died -he wrote to Heloise the really warmhearted and tender letter, with a -great deal of humanity about it, which I have quoted already. And thus, -to whomsoever it may fall to consider the history of France in the -twelfth century; or of Abelard and the new philosophy; or of Bernard and -ecclesiastical polity; or of the other Bernard and the Latin hymns, it -is inevitable that the name of Peter the Venerable shall arise and stand -high above the throng of those by which he is surrounded. - -His mother’s name was Raingarde, and her death, long after he had -attained his wide reputation, was deeply felt by him as that of one of -the best of women and dearest of mothers. For Pierre de Montboisier, in -those days when the stagnation and corruption of thought and morals were -not felt as they were felt later on, was a man as well as a monk. But -when, at last, the religious people became monks and not men; when they -were stupid, uninteresting, fat-fleshed and gross in life; when they had -no courage or piety; then they neither did the world any good nor made -their own souls ripe for heaven. And as sportsmen tell us that the -mellow “bob-o-link” ceases to sing and is only fit for slaughter when he -becomes the “rice bird” of the South, so it was with them. Latin -hymnology almost ceases to be interesting after this century. And Peter -the Venerable, while he wrote but little himself, is too fine a factor -in the arousing of others for us to forget him and his work. - -He must have been born in 1092 or 1094—the earlier date being more -probable; and when he was sixteen or seventeen (1109) he became a monk -of Cluny. These were the “black” monks;—as the Cistercians of Citeaux -and Clairvaux were the “white.” He had six brothers, most of whom took -similar vows. What else indeed was there to do? You must either hack and -hew your way with a battle-axe, and risk your neck and your castle, or -you must become a monk. There was no middle course. Peace-loving, -studious people—those who aimed to help the world up toward God—had no -other choice. Nowadays we should find plenty of room for Peter; but he -did what was then best, and entered Cluny. - -At thirty years of age he was its abbot. This was in 1122. It happened -by reason of Pontius, the former abbot, a self-sufficient and imperious -man, being forced to resign his office and go on pilgrimage to -Palestine; he even promised not to come back at all. Then the monks of -Cluny elected another abbot; and as he died almost immediately, they -were compelled to choose a third, namely Peter. But it was in a hard -seat that they placed him; he had a mismanaged property, and a body of -men who needed a good deal of attention. - -Let us picture him to us in the fashion and habit of his appearance. He -had a “happy face,” a “majestic figure,” and “plenty of those other -unfailing signs of virtues” which justified his name “The Venerable.” It -was such a big-hearted, big-bodied style of man who now undertook this -reformation. By the help of Matthew, Prior of St. Martin in the Fields, -near Paris, he effected it in about three months. Then there was a -period of peace. But, all of a sudden, here comes Pontius, with soldiers -at his heels, when Peter is absent, wanting his old place again. He -bursts in the gates, forces the monks who remain to swear allegiance, -carries off crosses and candlesticks and whatever was worth anything for -melting down into money, and plays robber-baron over all the -neighborhood. Peter himself tells the story: “He came in my absence.... -With a motley crowd of soldiers and women rushing in together, he -marched into the cloisters. He turned his hand to the sacred things.... -He raided the villages and castles around the abbey, and, trying to -subdue the religious places in a barbaric way, he wasted with fire and -sword all that he could.” It was certainly a very serious matter. - -Peter did the best he could with it—this resulting in Honorius II. -despatching a legate from Rome with a great curse, ready-baked and -smoking-hot, for the soul’s benefit of that “sacrilegious, schismatic, -and excommunicate usurper,” Pontius. I have not read the curse; but I am -positively certain that Pontius and Pontius Pilate must have been -elaborately compared in its sentences. Such anathemas were supposed to -dry the blood and wither the brain. Pontius trembled and restored his -ill gotten gains and vanished to his own place. And Peter had peace at -last. - -There had already been a controversy with St. Bernard about Robert, -Bernard’s cousin, who liked the cordiality of Cluny a good deal better -than the thin-visaged and almost fierce zeal of Clairvaux. For this -reason he changed his allegiance. Consequently Bernard wanted him sent -home. And by this time he was, according to strict rule, actually -restored. However, Clairvaux chuckled very much at the confusion in -Cluny; and Bernard was ungenerous enough to take this time, of all -others, to publish quite an elaborate and even brilliant disparagement -of the Cluniac rule. I shall let this also pass for the present, for it -will meet us again, only saying that Peter seems to have gone on wisely -about his own business and avoided any reply—a quite unusual proceeding -in a controversial age. In 1126 he had taken up again his previous line -of administration; and when this “apology” came out in 1127 he was -practically meeting its objections in the best manner. As Frederick -Maurice says of him, “The Abbot of Cluny would have wished the monk to -be rather an example to men of the world of what they might become, than -the type of a kind of life which was in opposition to theirs. He feared -that a grievously stringent rule would lead ultimately to a terrible -laxity.” - -In 1130 Pope Honorius died. Pierre de Leon (Peter Leonis), calling -himself Anacletus, got himself illegally elected, and seized the control -at Rome. Cardinal Gregory of San Angelo, who was the rightful but weaker -claimant, assumed the title of Innocent II., and forthwith set out to -secure the help of the great abbeys of France. Now Anacletus had been a -Cluniac; and Bernard, Peter’s and Cluny’s opponent, favored Innocent. -But when Innocent, in 1132, appeared at Cluny, he was hailed as the true -and genuine Pope—a piece of magnanimity which he had no right to expect. - -And from this time Peter’s allegiance was undoubted; although, like a -great many persons in the world, Innocent II. conceded more to the stern -will of Bernard than to the generous conduct of the Abbot of Cluny. -Indeed, he did but very little in the way of privilege for Peter’s -abbey; and he turned nearly all his gifts and favors toward Bernard. -This so exalted the Cistercians that Peter protested. It is a blot upon -Innocent that such a protest was needed. For Peter had been the first to -welcome him, sending him “sixty horses and mules, with everything which -could be wanted by a pope in distress.” - -Many a man would have wheeled around and left the ingrate. But Peter’s -revenge was handsome and characteristic. He summoned a general chapter -of his order; and it was held at the time that Innocent, recognized at -length, was going away to Rome. There were “two hundred priors and a -thousand ecclesiasts,” delegates from France, England, Spain, Germany, -and Italy. These cheerfully and promptly agreed to accept a more -stringent rule in all their religious houses. And thus Innocent, and his -Warwick of a Bernard, could see for themselves the strength and the -charity, and the sincere purpose of the man whom they were setting -aside. I feel that I must here add the exact words in which Morison, St. -Bernard’s best biographer, justifies this estimate of the character of -Peter the Venerable. “The relations between Peter and Bernard throughout -their lives,” he says (p. 222, _note_), “give rise to contrasts little -favorable to the latter. Peter nearly always is gentle, conciliating, -and careful not to give offence, even when as here (in the case of the -Bishop of Langres) sorely provoked. Bernard too often made return by -hard and even violent language and conduct.” - -With such a stately and well-balanced person in our mind’s eye, we -cannot be surprised to find that he had plenty of solid pluck, that he -was “mild as he was game, and game as he was mild.” In 1134, returning -from the Council of Pisa against Anacletus, he and his followers were -attacked by robbers. The abbot tucked up his sleeves, and took the sword -of the Church militant on the spot. Perhaps he was glad to let his big -thews and sinews have full play. At all events he so dashed and smote -these ungodly men, that he beat them actually back, and had therefrom -considerable glory. I never read that he or his abbey was much meddled -with afterward. - -About this date his visits to Spain drew his attention to the Koran. He -was struck by the religious efficiency of it, and in order to meet it -better he prepared for a full translation of it. Peter of Toledo, -Hermann of Dalmatia, and an Englishman named Robert Kennet, or perhaps -(says the _Histoire Litteraire_) de Retines, were selected for this -duty. To them were added an Arab scholar and Peter of Poitiers, the -abbot’s favorite private secretary. They were to render the Koran into -Latin directly; and at it they went, accomplishing their task between -1141 and 1144, at the time of an epidemic in the monastery. Then Peter -himself joined with them in a refutation of its errors—albeit his -Latinity was not first-rate, being rather that of a man of affairs than -of a student. There was another Latin refutation of the Koran by Brother -Richard, a Dominican who lived in the thirteenth and into the fourteenth -century. Luther translated that into German in 1542. - -What a warm-blooded, good, hearty fellow Peter must have been! He had -only found three hundred monks at Cluny in 1122; but Hugo of Cluny, his -successor, was entitled to take rule, there and elsewhere, over ten -thousand. Mount Tabor, the Valley of Jehoshaphat, and Constantinople -were among the places where the “black” monks were well established. And -a large share of this was due to the sagacity and statesmanship of -Peter. In proof of this fine humanity, take his behavior to Abelard. The -full story comes properly in another place; for Abelard himself was a -writer of hymns, and worthy of more than transient reference. But when -poor Abelard was repudiated, disgraced, shamefully mutilated, and nearly -at despair’s edge, wearied out with St. Gildas and his refractory monks, -and finally defeated by the purer and higher logic of Bernard, then, -indeed, do we see Peter of Cluny at his best. He received the -disappointed and broken man with “the welcome of an unutterably -guileless and sympathetic heart.” Cluny’s gates opened wide to take him -in. Cluny’s genial, restful spirit closed in about his own like the -feathers of the mother bird around her callow, shivering brood. - -And when he dies, it is Cluny’s abbot who details with the loving -particularity, which would most help the sore heart of Heloise, all his -last doings. He speaks even to the kinship of every age when, after this -long and tender letter, whose Latin glows with a deep fervency, he -closes in this wise: “May God, in your stead, comfort him in his bosom; -comfort him as another you; and guard him till through grace he is -restored to you at the coming of the Lord, with the shout of the -archangel and the trump of God descending from the heavens.” - -It is time that we speak of his writings, of which a full edition was -published at Paris in 1522, one of the Cluniac monks being its compiler. -Frequently, during the next two hundred years, they are republished in -whole or in part. They are thus by no means inaccessible, though their -merit is not so great. One of the important works is directed against -the Jews, for whom he had a most pious dislike. Others are in the nature -of epistles or of controversial replies, valuable only for their time -and their spirit. - -Of his verse, however, we have left us but about fourteen specimens. One -of these is against the detractors of the poetry of Peter of Poitiers, -who were nearer right than he supposed them to be. Another is a rhymed -epistle to a certain Raimond, of some sixty-four lines. Then we have a -“prose,” the word being cognate to _prosody_, in honor of Jesus Christ. -Its structure, except for the additional short syllable, is identical -with the “leonine and tailed rhyme” of Bernard of Morlaix, his prior: - - “A patre mittitur, in terris nascitur, Deus de virgine - Humana patitur, docet et moritur, libens pro homine.” - -It celebrates Him, sent from the Father, born on the earth, God from a -virgin, wearing our mortal shape, teaching and tarrying with us, and -atoning for our sins. The best, perhaps, of all his poems is what Trench -and March quote: - - “Mortis portis fractis, fortis - Fortior vim sustulit,”— - -the real original of those splendid lines: - - “Now broken are the bars of Death, - And crushed thy sting, Despair!”— - -which we find in Bishop Heber’s resurrection hymn, commencing, “God is -gone up with a merry noise.” There is a life to these verses which one -must understand their author in order to appreciate. They follow, in the -best attire that I can give them. They are exultant rather than -illustrious. It is the man and not his measures whom we celebrate! -Daniel does not think it worth his while to include him at all. -Archbishop Trench takes his own text from the _Bibliotheca Cluniacense_, -Paris, 1614: - - - ON THE RESURRECTION OF OUR LORD. - - The gates of death are broken through, - The strength of hell is tamed, - And by the holy cross anew - Its cruel king is shamed. - A clearer light has spread its ray - Across the land of gloom - When he who made the primal day - Restores it from the tomb. - For so the true Creator died - That sinners might not die, - And so he has been crucified - That we might rise on high. - - For Satan then was beaten back - Where he, our Victor stood; - And that to him was deathly black - Which was our vital good. - For Satan, capturing, is caught, - And as he strikes he dies. - Thus calmly and with mighty thought - The King defeats his lies, - Arising whence he had been brought, - At once, to seek the skies. - - Thus God ascended, and returned - Again to visit man; - For having made him first, he yearned - To carry out his plan. - To that lost realm our Saviour flew, - The earliest pioneer, - To people Paradise anew - And give our souls good cheer. - -Peter the Venerable died on December 25th, 1156; but how or with what -surroundings we are not told. He was buried beside his old comrade, -Henry of Blois, Bishop of Winchester, within the walls of the church -which Innocent II. consecrated upon his memorable visit to Cluny. And -the _Histoire Litteraire_ breaks out into an unusual eulogy; and -declares that in his case the title of “Venerable” was no less honorable -than that of “Saint.” They did not make “saints” out of such men as -Peter—and I don’t quite see why they should. There was too much -flesh-and-blood reality about him, too little of musty theology and -altogether too little bigotry. But somehow the broad-faced happy sun -proves himself to be the “greater light;” while the moon goes palely on, -a ghost in an unaccustomed sky. - - - - - CHAPTER XXI. - BERNARD OF CLUNY. - - -In the twelfth century—the time of the great Crusades—we find the -noblest and purest of Latin hymns. It is the age of Hildebert, Abelard, -Bernard of Clairvaux, Peter of Cluny, and Adam of St. Victor. But among -them all I find no one who has inspired a deeper and more lovely desire -for the heavenly land than Bernard of Cluny. - -The information about him is very meagre. He was born at Morlaix in -Brittany, of English parents. He seems to have attained to no -ecclesiastical dignity—such men seldom care for baubles and trinkets. -But his is as true a soul as ever burned like a star on a summer night, -against the warm, obscure, palpitating heaven of eternal hope. The date -of his prominence is fixed by the fact that Peter the Venerable was his -abbot, and it is therefore included between 1122 and 1156. I have (in -_The Heavenly Land_) myself assigned the _Laus Patriae Coelestis_—his -famous and only poem, which is addressed to Abbot Peter, to 1145 or -thereabouts. - -His single up-gush of melody is a lamentation over the evil condition of -the times in which he lives. They were indeed days to sadden the soul of -the saint; and he called his poem _De Contemptu Mundi_; for he despised -the _immundus mundus_—the foul world in which he was forced to remain. -It consists of some three thousand lines of dactylic hexameter, and was -first published (so says Trench, who is its step-parent) by Matthias -Flacius Illyricus in his scarce and little known supplement to the -_Catalogus Testium Veritatis_. In this “Catalogue of Witnesses to the -Truth” he gathers all those who have testified against the papacy, and -the supplement, _Varia doctorum piorumque Virorum de Corrupto Ecclesiae -Statu Poemata_ (1556), is made up of hymns and poems in which the pious -_within_ the Church, as well as without her walls, sorrowed over her -corruption. - -Bernard’s poem is sometimes known, therefore, by his own title, _De -Contemptu Mundi_, and sometimes by that given by Trench to his cento of -about one hundred lines, _Laus Patriae Coelestis_, the “Praise of the -Heavenly Land.” From this cento one would derive altogether an erroneous -idea of the whole; but Dr. Neale, who wrote with the full text before -him, although he paraphrased but part of it, tells us that the poem, in -great part, is a bitter satire on the fearful wickedness of the times. -It was the part Trench passed by for which Matthias Flacius Illyricus, -its first editor, cared the most. The sins and greediness of the Court -of Rome are the theme of the eighty-five lines he has embodied in the -text of the _Catalogus_ itself. By both that and the poems of his -supplement, he sought to justify the Protestant Reformation on the side -of Christian discipline and morals.[10] - -The translators have had a hard problem in Bernard’s poem, and but few -have attempted to “bend the bow of Ulysses.” Dr. Neale has achieved the -most popular and useful result, in the version from which “Jerusalem the -Golden” has been extracted, but he does not pretend to literalness. “My -own translation,” he says, “is so free as to be little more than an -imitation.” Dr. Coles has gone straight away from the dactyls and made a -version in anapests—a metre which does not do justice to Bernard. -Archbishop Trench has rendered a few lines in the same measure as the -original. I have myself followed (in 1867) the exact metre and rhyme of -the original poem; but such a version is rather curious than useful. The -translation signed by “O. A. M., Cherry Valley,” is in its typography, -while fine and clear, affectedly antique. The metrical power of this -version is inferior. It is dactylic but not fluent, and does not at all -represent the original. That by Mr. Gerard Moultrie is praised by Dr. -Trench as metrically close and poetically beautiful. I have no -hesitation in saying it is the best version which has appeared in -English. It seems to keep both to the spirit and the letter of the -original, and is in all respects a remarkable achievement. It, however, -omits the double rhyme, and thus avoids the chief difficulty of a -reproduction of the form of the original. That by Rev. Jackson Mason -(1880) will not stand a comparison with Mr. Moultrie’s, as it halts and -breaks in its measure and produces an effect on the ear far from -pleasant. - -The difficulty of translation is due entirely to the character of the -verse. Bernard himself declares “unless that spirit of wisdom and -understanding had been with me, and flowed in upon so difficult a metre, -I could not have composed so long a work.” Not that this form of verse -was original with him. Peter Damiani has used it in one of his hymns to -our Lord’s mother: - - “O miseratrix, O dominatrix, praecipe dictu - Ne devastemur, ne lapidemur, grandinis ictu.” - -And, to go farther back still, a certain Theodulus, who lived in the -reign of the Emperor Zeno (474-91) wrote a poem of nine hundred lines on -Bernard’s own theme, _De Contemptu Mundi_, in the same metre: - - “Pauper amabalis et venerabilis est benedictus - Dives inutilis insatiabilis, est maledictus. - Qui bona negligit et mala diligit intrat abyssum; - Nulla pecunia, nulla potentia liberat ipsum.” - -A glance will show the nature of this trouble which the patient Bernard -encountered. Take the two lines: - - “Hora _novíssima_, tempora _péssima_ sunt, _vigilémus!_ - Ecce _minaciter_, imminet _árbiter_, ille _suprémus_.” - -That is: - - “These are the _látter_ times, - These are not _bétter_ times, - Let us stand _waiting!_ - Lo, how with _áwfulness_, - He, first in _láwfulness_, - Comes, _arbitrating!_” - -Of course it is infinitely harder to the translator who is restricted, -than to the composer who can eddy around his subject—led by the rhyme as -much and as freely as he will. And this is what Bernard always does. His -verses are ejaculations, desires, lamentations, longings—measured out by -the “leonine hexameter” which he employs. To show the beauty still -untranslated, as well as to exhibit more of the structure of the poem, I -append four of these lines: - - “Pax ibi florida, pascua vivida, viva medulla, - Nulla molestia, nulla tragoedia, lacryma nulla. - O sacra potio, sacra refectio, pax animarum - O pius, O bonus, O placidus sonus, hymnus earum.” - -Thus Englished, closely: - - “Peace is there flourishing, - Pasture-land nourishing, - Fruitful forever. - There is no aching breast, - There is no breaking rest, - Tears are seen never. - O sacred draught of bliss! - Peace, like a waft of bliss! - Sustenance holy! - O dear and best of sounds, - Heard in the rest of sounds, - Hymned by the lowly!” - -Or thus, less closely and more according to the spirit of the poem: - - “Peace doth abide in thee; - None hath denied to thee - Fruitage undying. - Thou hast no weariness; - Naught of uncheeriness - Moves thee to sighing. - Draught of the stream of life, - Joy of the dream of life, - Peace of the spirit! - Sacred and holy hymns, - Placid and lowly hymns, - Thou dost inherit!” - -So strange and subtle is the charm of this marvellous poem, with its -abrupt and startling rhythm, that it affects me even yet, though I have -but swept my fingers lightly over a single chord. I seem to myself to -have again taken into my hand the old familiar harp, whose strings I -have often struck in times of darkness or of depression of soul, and to -be tuning it once more to the heavenly harmony which the old monk tried -to catch. Perhaps some day, when the clouds are removed, I shall see -him, and understand even better than now the glory that lit his lonely -cell, and made him feel that - - “Earth looks so little and so low - When faith shines full and bright.” - - - - - CHAPTER XXII. - ADAM OF ST. VICTOR. - - -The school of St. Victor, in Paris, was founded by William of Champeaux, -the teacher and rival of Abelard, at the commencement of the twelfth -century. It is known to history as having been the abode of three -distinguished scholars, Hugo, Richard, and Adam. Hugo and Richard of St. -Victor were mystics, and Vaughan, in _Hours with the Mystics_, has set -them before us. From this and other sources, we grow more and more -amazed to find the immense influence of such a school. A century from -its foundation showed St. Victor to be the parent of thirty abbeys and -of more than eighty priories. Here in these cells, like bees in a hive, -the busy monks were laying up the only honey of the Dark -Ages—multiplying manuscripts, delving into remote philosophies, muddling -their brains over abstruse questions, but now and then leaving behind -them something to benefit mankind. Theology and dialectics were their -great and indeed their only pursuits. Like the swirls of a sluggish -stream beneath its banks, they occasionally caught and kept fresh some -broken flower from the shore. Thus, one may, for example’s sake, put a -certain pretty idea of Hugo of St. Victor into modern verse: - - “Hugo, St. Victor’s prior—a man - Gentle and sweet, contemplative and wise, - Makes mention in his fine and mystic plan - Of three great steps by which our spirits rise: - First, _Cogitation_—when we turned our eyes; - Then, _Meditation_—when our minds began - With hovering wing the kindled thought to scan; - Last, _Contemplation_—which all doubt defies. - Yea, and he saith that, in the greenest wood - Of stubborn souls, this glory kindleth so - That the pure flame against the sap will glow - And be by nothing finally withstood— - The smoke itself be parted to and fro, - Until clear light shall shine in constant good.” - -Richard was the disciple and successor of this gentle-spirited Hugo. In -1114 the priory became an abbacy, and when Richard was prior in 1162, he -had for abbot no very godly person, since under Ervisius all discipline -was relaxed, and scandal and sensuality began to rule. But Richard stood -out stoutly and with good judgment; and he lived to see the old harmony -and glory return again. In his day and in that of Adam, which was -contemporaneous with his, the school represented the dialectical and -theologic, rather than the spiritual and mystical side of religion; and -yet it did good work, as a peacemaker, for the truth. It gives us little -enough, however, with which to fall in love. Massive it may be, and -intricate in its curious ability respecting useless pieces of -chop-logic, but the profound piety which belongs to every age and clime -did not find much to comfort it at St. Victor. These men dug shafts and -tunnels, they did not open foundations and sink wells down to living -streams. - -Adam of St. Victor, as I have said, lived in those days, and they -produced their natural effect upon his mind and upon his writings. He -died somewhere between 1172 and 1192; and while he was celebrated as the -expositor of St. Jerome’s prefaces to the books of the Bible, and was -known as the composer of “sequences, rhythms, and other writings,” his -fame rests upon his modern rediscovery by Monsieur Gautier. The history -of the preservation of his hymns is itself a suggestive commentary on -the difficulties of Latin hymnology, and so I give it entire. - -Clichtove, a Flemish theologian of the period between 1500 and 1550, -undertook to help his brethren to comprehend the offices of the Church. -His _Elucidatorium Ecclesiasticum_ was first published in Paris in 1515, -and then at Basle in 1517 and 1519. There were four subsequent -editions—that of Paris (1556) being the best, and that of Cologne (1732) -being the latest. Now this book was the great mine for Latin hymns -before Daniel, Trench, Mone, Königsfeld, March, and others made them -accessible. And of Adam of St. Victor he gives thirty-six specimens, -which were supposed to be all that had remained, with one or two -possible exceptions. - -In 1855 J. P. Migne published in his _Patrologiae Cursus_, in volume -196, these thirty-six hymns of Adam of St. Victor. Archbishop Trench, -who is such an admirer of our poet, has doubtless been indebted to the -many helpful Latin notes, with which the excellent editor of the -_Patrologia_ has enriched the obscurity of his author. At least so it -seems to a person who compares Trench’s own notes with that Latin. - -Monsieur Gautier, however, determined to look further, the result being -that he published the _Oeuvres Poetiques d’ Adam de St. Victor_ in 1858 -at Paris. This gives us one hundred and six hymns—of which Trench says -that some of them were well known but anonymous; and others are strictly -new, and fully equal to his best compositions. From this source, then, -the two great admirers of Adam of St. Victor—Archbishop Trench and Dr. -Neale—have drawn their originals. - -I am not surprised that theologians should enjoy such a poet as Adam. He -is so terse, so dialectically subtle, so metaphysically accurate, so -allegorically copious. In a line he often makes a reference which his -editor struggles to catch in a foot-note a page long. And you must -comprehend the reference in order to comprehend the poem! As I read the -eulogy of Trench, I find him saying that when we remember Adam of St. -Victor’s theologic lore, his frequent and admirable use of Scripture, -his art and variety in versification, his “skill in conducting a story,” -and his own personal feeling which permeates his poems, we must put him -“foremost among the sacred Latin poets of the Middle Ages.” Dr. Neale, -too, calls him “the greatest of mediaeval poets.” And so, “what shall he -do that cometh after the King?” For, in spite of this mighty -commendation, and in spite of the praise which these didactic hymns have -obtained, _we cannot and do not sing any of them_. Even Dr. Neale cannot -make them singable, though he would probably do it if he could. - -I must confess—and take the risk of being charged with stupidity and -ignorance—that I cannot place Adam of St. Victor where they have set -him. Southey’s ballads and poems are legion, as we know, and they are -learned beyond all cavilling; but they will not live like the two or -three little things of Motherwell. And Adam’s vast congeries of -sequences, composed for all the saints and festivals of the calendar, -cannot stand an instant against the sweetness of Bernard of Clairvaux, -or the grandeur of Peter Damiani’s judgment hymn. These others, it is -true, wrote less, but they wrote _subjectively_, and hence they appealed -to the heart of the Christian in every age. For _verse_ alone, however -skilful, is not _poetry_; and the celebration of saints and angels, -however beautifully accomplished, ministers nothing to “a mind -diseased.” We need to feel a genius which kindles its watch-fire in the -line of signal—as did Helena’s watchers between Jerusalem and -Constantinople. Then, as this flame flares up into the night, we know -that it speaks to us of the discovery of the true cross. - -I am thus compelled to dissent from the _cultus_ which has grown up -about this brilliant, epigrammatic, and altogether admirable Adam. For -he attracts by his obscurity and he surprises by his intricacy; and the -interest excited is that of the scholar and of the translator, rather -than that of the popular approval of the Christians of to-day. And I am -glad to support this opinion, not merely by the rather caustic comment -of Professor March, but by the word of Mrs. Charles, where she speaks of -“his elaborate system of Scriptural types occasionally chilling the -genuine fire of his verse into a catalogue of images.” And I must add, -for my own justification, that this “fire” is the fire of the orator, -and not altogether that of the poet. It is objective and not subjective; -for though there be two kinds of poetry in the world, we cannot doubt -which kind it is that “permanently pleases and takes commonly with all -classes of men”—for this was Aristotle’s unequalled definition. - -It is time that we should take a glance at this laureate of St. Victor, -whose monumental plate of copper remained, down to the date of the first -Revolution, near the door of the choir in that ancient cloister. The -epitaph upon it was mainly drawn from his own work. It breathes the same -contempt of earth and derision of its vanities, which we find so common -in that age. - - _“Vana salus hominis, vanus decor, omnia vana;_ - _Inter vana nihil vanius est homine.”_ - - “Vain is the welfare of man and his fashion, for all things are - vanity; - And, in the midst of vanity, nothing is vainer than man.” - -It was a later hand than his own which, after selecting those ten lines -from Adam’s own writings, added four very inferior verses to complete -the inscription. These state that: - - “I who lie here, the unfortunate and wretched (_miser et miserabilis_) - Adam, ask one prayer as my highest reward: I have sinned; I confess; I - seek pardon; spare the contrite. Spare me, father; spare me, brethren; - spare me, God.” - -He was born in Brittany, to the best of our information. He studied in -Paris, and finally entered the walls of St. Victor, never to leave it. -It is a very brief record, but it illustrates the monotony and dead -sameness of that mediaeval monastic life. The Dark Ages were mud-flats, -from which the tide had gone out. And yet I think that Adam of St. -Victor had another side to him, which Trench and Neale might well have -developed—a power of livelier rhythm than is often suspected. The little -stranded fish perchance gambolled a trifle in its small sea-water pool. - -The poem which I quote is found in Migne and Gautier. It differs from -another sequence upon a similar theme—one which Dr. Neale has -translated. It is “The Praise of the Cross.” - -This poem, it will be seen, is abrupt, irregular, and altogether -inferior, in some features, to the usually finished and elegant diction -of its author. For this very reason I have selected it; it exhibits Adam -of St. Victor when he dashes off the stanzas without revision, fired by -the glow of his theme. Only on this account do I render it, trying -merely to carry its dash and spirit into the English version. - - Salve, Crux, arbor - Vitae praeclara. - Vexillum Christi, - Thronus et ara. - O Crux, profanis - Terror et ruina, - Tu Christianis - Virtus es divina - Salus et victoria. - Tu properantis - Contra Maxentium - Tu praeliantis - Juxta Danubium - Constantini gloria. - Favens Heraclio - Perdis cum filio - Chosroe profanum. - In hoc salutari - Ligno gloriari - Decet Christianum. - Crucis longum, latum, - Sublimè, profundum, - Sanctis propalatum - Quadrum salvat mundum - Sub quadri figura - Medicina vera. - Christus in statera - Crucis est distractus, - Pretiumque factus, - Solvit mortis jura. - Crux est nostrae - Libra justitiae - Sceptrum regis, - Virga potentiae. - Crux, coelestis - Signum victoriae. - Belli robur - Et palma gloriae. - Tu scala, tu vatis - Tu crux desperatis - Tabula suprema. - Tu de membris Christi - Decorem traxisti - Regum diadema. - - - Ter te nobis Crux beata - Crux, cruore consecrata - Sempiterna gaudia - Det superna gratia. - Amen! - - Hail, thou Cross, splendid - Tree, of life’s own place; - Christ’s very standard, - Altar and throne-place. - Thou to the heathen - Ruin and terror; - Thou to the Christian - Bringing joy nearer— - Health and success! - Thou when Maxentius - Swiftly defied— - Thou when the Danube - Flowed at his side— - Gavest to Constantine - Glory no less! - Yea, and Heraclius’ - Fight thou hast won - When the proud Chosroes - Fell, with his son. - So should a Christian tongue - Boast of the worth - Of this most wonderful - Tree of the earth. - This the true medicine - Of the whole land - Four-square and perfect - As it shall stand; - Four-square in breadth and height, - Depth and length, ever; - Shown to the saints of God, - Cure for life’s fever. - Christ in such balances, - Poised on the cross, - Maketh death lightest, - Saveth from loss! - Yea, the cross truly— - Justest of scales!— - For a king’s sceptre - And priest’s rod avails. - Cross thou art surely - Our heavenly sign, - Strength of our battle - And guerdon divine. - Ladder and life-raft - And plank on the wave— - Those that are drowning, - O cross, thou canst save! - Thou that hast carried - The Saviour of men, - Hadst the best honor - Of royalty, then. - - - Blessed cross, may there be given, - Through that blood, our way to heaven— - Unto us eternal place - Unto us celestial grace! - -Adam’s peculiarities are very marked in this production. He alludes, as -you perceive, to the Cross in the air which Constantine took as his sign -in which to conquer. He refers to Chosroes, King of Persia, who, after -great successes and the conquest of Jerusalem itself, was finally -overcome by Heraclius, the Eastern Emperor, about 622-29 A.D.; and he -also drags in a piece of mystical imagery about the “four-squareness” of -the earth, which is hard enough to understand without a key. The key is -one with many wards. It includes the “breadth, depth, length, and -height” of the love of Christ; it suggests the appearance of the -heavenly city of John’s vision; it reminds us of the temple in Ezekiel’s -prophecy, and of the account of the actual structure in 1 Kings; it -recalls the classical geographers’ notions about the shape of the earth -and about the “four quarters,” which we still call east, west, north, -south; it finally symbolizes all these things by the four arms of the -Cross! Is it any wonder that Adam of St. Victor is a difficult poet to -translate, and that his verses are not fitted to be sung? - -Yet it must not be forgotten that the _Heri mundus exultavit_ (St. -Stephen’s Day) and the _Veni, Creator Spiritus, Spiritus Recreator_, are -both his. Nor must it escape notice that Dr. Neale’s _Mediaeval Hymns_ -contains eleven versions of Adam of St. Victor; while Dr. Washburn, -Chancellor Benedict, and other translators have quite made the old -schoolman’s “sequences” and “proses” familiar to the most careless eye. -Recently also we have the three volumes of Mr. Digby S. Wrangham -(London, 1881) in which our poet is translated entire, the Latin and -English being placed upon opposite pages. He has attained such an -eminence as Drummond of Hawthornden, who has come back to us because he -knew Ben Jonson and had kept and stratified the spirit of his age. - -To me the man is always fascinating, always suggestive. He appears to -challenge the best that we moderns can do. His very terseness is a -defiance. And here, in this strange symmetry, I fancy that I see the -alertness and skill of that wise insect which takes hold with her hands -in kings’ palaces. The web of this precise and unvarying artisan often -sparkles with the morning dew of a pure devotion. The lines and stays -and braces and fashioning of these illustrious verses are as accurate as -the spider’s spinning. I look up toward the light and, yonder, upon some -Corinthian capital of the song of songs—or over there in a corner of the -gate called Beautiful through which Ezekiel walks—or again, high amid -the wisdom of that Solomon’s Porch of the Apocalypse where stands the -serene John—there I see how Adam of St. Victor has stretched his web. -And if, now and then, some dead fly of an obscure allusion, or some -desiccated bit of monasticism, offends the sight, I strive to think only -of the art that has spread the fabric—and God’s glorious sunshine -brightens, upon His own temple, His little creature’s toil! - - - VERBUM DEI, DEO NATUM. - - He, the Word of God, the fated - Son, unmade and uncreated - Came from heaven to be with men. - John beheld him, touched him truly, - Brought him in this gospel newly - Back to dwell with us again. - - Where those early streams were flowing, - Purely from pure fountains going, - John breaks forth in fuller tides, - Pouring for the thirsty nations - Those life-giving, sweet libations - Which the throne of God provides. - - Heaven he trod, wherein the golden - Sun of truth by him beholden - Filled his soul’s most secret space. - Dreaming, with his spirit lifted - To the seraphim, whose shifted - Wings revealed God’s very face. - - There he heard in circle seated - Harpers harp their oft-repeated - Praise, with elders near the throne: - By the seal of Godhead placing - On our very speech the tracing - Of the thoughts of God alone. - - As an eagle, unmolested - Where each seer and prophet rested, - Far he flies above them all: - Never yet was mortal smitten - By such secret truths unwritten, - Truths which never fail or fall. - - There the King, in vesture splendid - Seen, but yet uncomprehended, - Passes to his palace gate; - To his bride, from his dominion, - He has sent on eagle’s pinion - Tidings of that mystic state. - - Speak thou then her bridegroom’s splendor, - Tell of rest most deep and tender, - Bear thy message to the bride. - Tell what angels’ food resembles, - At what feasts all heaven assembles, - Where their King shall still abide. - - Tell again what bread is given, - Purchased by that side once riven— - Christ’s own bread, himself alone. - How that company upraises - To the Lamb its lofty praises, - When we sing before the throne. - - - SIMPLEX IN ESSENTIA. - - Single in essential place, - But of sevenfold power and grace, - May the Spirit shine on us: - May the light divinely shown - For all gloom of heart atone, - And temptations perilous. - - Law in symbols went before us, - Dark with threats of judgment o’er us, - Ere we saw the gospel rays: - May the spirit of the sages - Hidden in their lettered pages - Venture forth in open ways! - - Law, men heard from mountain peaks; - Unto few the New Grace speaks - Softly, in a room above: - Thus the spot itself is teaching - Which are best within our reaching— - Works of law or words of love. - - Flame and trumpet sounding loud - Thunder through the smoky shroud: - Sudden-flashing lightnings—those - Strike a terror to the soul; - Nourishing no sweet control - Which the Spirit’s gift bestows. - - Thus the sundered - Sinai thundered, - Fixing law and guilty man. - Law most fearful - And uncheerful, - Crushing sin by rigid plan. - - But the fathers long selected, - And to power divine directed - How they loose the bonds of sin! - Words refreshing, threats astounding - Through new tongues in concord sounding - Thus their miracles begin. - - Showing care for them that languish, - Sparing man they spare not anguish - In pursuit of evil things. - Smiting sinners, and reminding, - Only loosing, only binding - By the power which freedom brings. - - Type of Jubilee returning - Is that day (if thou art learning - Mysteries of holy time) - On the which three thousand hearing, - Came in faith, no longer fearing, - And the Church sprang up sublime. - - Jubilee, for so they knew it, - Who were changed and succored through it, - Since it freely called unto it - Debts and doubts, and set them right. - May the loving kindness spoken - Unto us distressed and broken, - Give release, and as a token - Make us worthy of the light. - - - ZYMA VETUS EXPURGETUR. - - Purge away the ancient leaven, - Let a paschal joy be given, - For our Lord is risen again. - This the day of better vision, - This the day of vast decision, - By the Word of God to men. - - This despoiled Egyptian spoilers, - This set free the Hebrew toilers - From the bonds in which they lay, - Where, in iron furnace fastened, - Tyrants all their labor hastened - In cement and straw and clay. - - Now in praise of holy living, - Holy triumph, godlike giving, - Let the free voice sound its strain. - This the day the Lord created, - This our grief has terminated, - Comfort bringing to our pain. - - Things to come let law betoken, - Christ shows promises unbroken, - Still appearing all in all. - Through his blood the sword though awful - Blunted droops—our way is lawful, - And the prohibitions fall. - - He who gave us cause of laughter, - (Since the rescue followed after) - Glad of heart is Isaac still; - Joseph from the pit is lifted, - As from death our Lord, through rifted - Clouds that veiled the heavenly will. - - Thus that serpent-rod, surprising - Malice in its worst devising, - Swallowed all the other rods. - Thus the brazen serpent vying - With the poison, when the dying - Trusted God instead of gods. - - Through the jaw, with hook and cable - Christ to seize the foe is able; - On the cockatrice’s den - He, the weanèd child, is sitting, - While afar in fear is flitting - That old enemy of men. - - They who laughed at good Elias - Feel the cursing of the pious - Struck by vengeance undeferred; - While King David feigning madness, - And the goat that bears our sadness - Flee as does the sacred bird. - - Samson with a jawbone merely - Slays a thousand foes, and clearly - Spurns alliance to their name. - Samson breaking Gaza’s portal, - Bears it off, as life immortal - Bursts the gate of deathly shame. - - Thus does Judah’s Lion ever - Burst the bonds that none may sever, - When the third day glimmers on; - At his Father’s voice awaking, - To the Church’s bosom taking - Many a dear and ransomed son. - - Jonah stayed when he was flying— - This true Jonah signifying— - Marks a day when safe, through dying, - Christ from depth of earth arose. - Now the cypress blossom brightens, - Now the cluster spreads and heightens, - Now the churchly lily whitens, - Waving over Jewish foes. - - Death and life together striving - Hinder not the Christ reviving, - And with him are saints deriving - Resurrection through his blood. - Morning new and full of gladness, - How it cheers our every sadness; - God hath conquered Satan’s madness - In this time of joy and good! - - Jesus, victor, who hast given - Life; our Only Way to heaven; - Who by death our death hast shriven, - Bid us to thy feast, nay, even - Grant us faith with which to come. - Living bread, fount unabated, - Vine of truth, with fruit unsated, - Feed thou us thy new-created, - That from death reanimated - By thy grace we gain our home! - - - PLAUSU CHORUS LAETEBUNDE. - - (Translated by Dr. A. R. Thompson.) - - With abounding joy applauding, - Now, the men our songs are lauding, - Who rung out the gospel sound. - Like the sun’s outstreaming glory - Chasing night away, their story - Carries life the world around. - - For his flock the Shepherd careth, - And his law for them prepareth, - In a fourfold gift of love. - All the world shall know the healing - Of his law of life, revealing - Strength and beauty from above. - - Toward the truth, complete in splendor, - Each a service has to render, - Given to him specially. - This is shown from forms created, - As it were anticipated - In a vivid prophecy. - - Piercing through the clouds low lying, - John, upon an eagle flying, - Looks the very sun upon. - Rising to the height of heaven, - In the Father’s bosom even, - He beholds the Eternal One. - - Face and form of man betoken - Matthew, for by him are spoken - Words, which tell that to our race - God himself has now descended, - And the God and Man, now blended, - Takes in David’s line his place. - - Ox with open mouth, assigns he - Unto Luke, by him designs he - Christ a Victim to display. - Cross for altar he receiveth, - There our peace his death achieveth, - Olden rites have passed away. - - Face of rugged, roused up lion - Is for Mark—’tis his to cry on - With an all-pervading sound, - Of the Christ, raised up victorious - By the Father’s power all-glorious, - With immortal splendor crowned. - - In this fourfold way of wonder - To the world God cometh; under - Vestments such the ark is borne. - Forth from paradise are flowing - These new streams of mercy, going - To refresh the world forlorn. - - Never will the house fall, surely, - Built on fourfold wall securely, - Thus the house of God doth rest. - In this house, oh wondrous story! - Dwells the Blessed in his glory, - God with man in union blessed. - - - - - CHAPTER XXIII. - THOMAS OF CELANO. - - -Hymnologists have their favorites among the sacred singers of the Middle -Ages, but all concede the first place to the poet who gave the world the -_Dies Irae_, the great sequence or “prose” sung in the service for the -dead of the Latin Church. It has attracted more attention than any other -single hymn. Whole books have been written about it. It is indissolubly -associated in the history of music with Mozart’s wonderful “Requiem,” -and in that of literature with the concluding scenes of the first part -of “Faust.” More translations have been made of it than of any other -poem in the Latin language, or perhaps in any language. All Christendom -rejoices in it as a common treasure, the gift of God through a devout -Italian monk of the thirteenth century. - -It was in an age full of vitality that this “hymn of the giants” was -written—the most interesting century in the history of Christendom, -Matthew Arnold says. In all directions we encounter the play or -collision of great forces. The Papacy, the Empire, the Crusades, the -Mendicant Orders, and even, in its way, the Inquisition, give evidence -of the working of a spirit of energy and movement, which places the -century in sharp contrast to the less explicit development which had -preceded, and the age of comparative exhaustion which followed. Nowhere -was this more visible than in the characters of the great Churchmen of -the thirteenth century. Popes like Innocent III. and Gregory IX., -founders of orders like Dominic and Francis, theologians like Aquinas -and Bonaventura, may excite our admiration or our censure, but they are -men of such magnitude as are not to be found in other centuries in the -same number. They were live men, and they have made a lasting impression -upon the world by the force of their vitality. - -Two of these, Aquinas and Bonaventura, we shall meet again as -hymn-writers. But first we have to deal with one whose chief claim to -recollection is a single great hymn. Thomas of Celano was an Italian at -a time when Italy was stirred by the great battle of Pope with Emperor -into an intellectual life, which was to culminate in Dante at the close -of the century. Exactly in its last year the writing of the _Divina -Commedia_ was to begin. The troubles of his time must have come very -close to Thomas. His native city of Celano, a town of the old Marsians, -was one of the first to suffer under the hand of Frederick II. In 1223 -it was forced to capitulate by the Count of Acerra, Thomas of Aquinas, -the warlike uncle and namesake of the great theologian. The inhabitants -were compelled to leave their houses, taking all their movables, and the -place was burned to the ground, only the church of St John being left -standing among the ruins. The people, to punish their disloyalty to the -Emperor, were transported to Sicily, Malta, and Calabria, whence they -returned to rebuild their town after their enemy’s death. How old Thomas -was at the time of this calamity, and whether it had anything to do with -his becoming a monk of the Order of Francis of Assisi, we do not know. -But certainly it is not impossible that the spectacle of this _dies -irae_, when the sanctities of his boyhood’s home were left desolate, or -even the news of its occurrence in his absence, may have left a -permanent impression upon his mind, and may have suggested more or less -directly his great hymn. - -Celano lay in the northern end of the Kingdom of Naples, as it was -afterward called, across the Apennines from Rome and slightly north of -it. It was not far from the northern boundary of Frederick’s hereditary -dominions, across which lay the Umbrian region, where Assisi is -situated. At some time and in some way Thomas made his way to Assisi, -and came under the influence of the wonderful man whose personality has -made the mountain town a place of pilgrimage even for those who are not -of the Latin communion. - -Francis of Assisi is one of the strangest, if also one of the most -beautiful figures in the history of Christendom. Protestants vie with -Catholics, Karl Hase and Margaret Oliphant with Frederic Ozanam and -Joseph Goerres, in depicting this devout and childlike spirit, who took -poverty for his bride and set himself to realize in the utmost -literalness the command to go forth to preach repentance and forgiveness -of sins, taking neither scrip nor purse, and possessing no more than the -absolute necessaries of human existence. At first he had no thought of -founding an order, but only of helping the poor and the suffering for -Christ’s sweet sake. But the divine fire of loving humility and -childlike simplicity in the man drew others inevitably to his side, -until there arose in his mind the sense of a great vocation to gather -men into a new form of brotherhood. “Fear not,” he said to his earliest -disciples, “in that ye seem few and simple-minded. Preach repentance to -the world, trusting in Him who hath overcome the world, that His Spirit -speaks through you. You will find some to receive you and your word with -joy, if still more to resist and mock you. Bear all that with patience -and meekness. Take no heed for your simplicity or mine. In a short time -the wise and the noble will come to preach with you before princes and -people, and many will be turned to the Lord. He has shown it to me, and -in mine ears there is a sound of the multitude of disciples who are to -come to us out of every people. The French are on the way; the Spaniards -are hurrying; the Germans and English run; and a multitude of other -tongues hasten hither.” So Thomas of Celano records his words in his -biography of the saint, which is the freest from exaggerations and the -most trustworthy of them all. - -As Thomas survived Francis some thirty years, there is no reason to -regard him as one of the group of the first disciples who began to -gather around the founder as early as 1209. He is not named among “the -twelve apostles” who came first. But the relation between the two men -seems to have been more than usually close and intimate. Perhaps it was -the more so as being founded on contrasts rather than on resemblances in -their characters. For Francis was distinguished from other teachers of -his age by the bright and cheerful views he entertained of God and His -love to mankind. This was the theme of his sayings and his songs; this -he preached to the poor when they streamed out of the Italian cities to -welcome him as one who brought comfort and joy to the downcast. They -emphasized their sense of the difference between him and the ordinary -preachers by saying, “He hears those whom even God will not hear!” -Thomas, on the other hand, seems to have been constitutionally -predisposed to look at the darker side of things, to sing of judgment -rather than of mercy. But he, too, found comfort in the heart-sunshine -of his master. “His words were like fire,” he says, “penetrating the -heart.” “How lovely, splendid, glorious he appeared in innocence of -life, in simplicity of speech, in purity of heart, in divine delight, in -brotherly love, in constant obedience, in loving harmony, in angelic -aspect.” He found in Francis the most perfect realization of the -Christian ideal that he or his century could conceive of; and shall we -not admit with George Macdonald that a perfect monk is a very fine thing -in his way, although much less so than a perfect man? - -Their sympathies as poets must have drawn them together. Francis, as -Joseph Goerres well says, was a troubadour as well as a saint. In his -youth he had won distinction as a singer of worldly songs in the -provençal French, which was then the language of literature in Northern -Italy. After his conversion he burst out singing the praises of God in -this same foreign and exotic tongue. But as he became more directly -interested in the welfare of his fellow-men, he began to use his gift of -song in his native Italian. How many of the poems that are printed under -his name are really his own, and how many are the work of his disciple, -Jacopone da Todi, is matter of dispute. But even Father Affo (1777), the -most negative of critics on this point, does not deny his authorship of -the wonderful “Song of the Sun,” also called the “Song of the -Creatures,” in which the childlike delight of the saint in God’s works -finds such charming expression, that Matthew Arnold has singled it out -as the utterance of what is most exquisite in the spirit of his century. -Thomas, too, it was known, had the poetic gift, and indeed was -recognized by his brethren as the man of most literary power in the -order. Upon him they laid the duty of compiling the founder’s biography, -and of writing the “legend” of his life, which should be read in the -breviary service on the day of his commemoration. - -Yet he also was recognized as possessing practical gifts. The order had -spread into Germany as well as in the other directions of which Francis -had prophesied. The first attempts to establish it north of the Alps, -made in 1216, were not happy. The Italians sent on this mission knew -only one German word, “Ja!” “Are you heretics?” (_Sind Sie Ketzer?_) was -the first question put to them on Teutonic soil; and knowing nothing -else to say, they said “Ja!” So they were marched across the frontier -again in disgrace. But brethren better provided in the matter of their -Ollendorff had been sent five years later, and now Thomas of Celano was -one of those who had been selected for the German mission, to give -stability and unity to the work there. He was made “custos” of the -monasteries at Mainz, Worms and Koeln (Cologne), and even took charge of -the whole province when its head returned to Assisi. We find Thomas -himself back in Assisi by 1230, where Jordan, the “custos” of the -Thuringian monasteries, came to see him. - -Francis had died in 1226, but whether Thomas was actual witness of his -last days, or derived his knowledge of them from others, his is -recognized as the authentic account of the saint’s departure. His own -death is said to have occurred in 1255, but what events filled up the -meantime, besides the biographic labors we have mentioned, is not known. -Perhaps it was in those years that he composed his great sequence, as -his mind, when less directly brightened by the influence of his master, -would be more likely to revert to those trains of thought which -corresponded to his natural disposition. Possibly it was as his own life -was drawing to a close, and the shadows of the Great Day gathered nearer -him, that he poured out his soul in his great hymn—the greatest of all -hymns, unless we except the _Te Deum_. - -Besides the _Dies Irae_, there are ascribed to Thomas two other -sequences— - - _Fregit victor virtualis_ - -and - - _Sanctitatis nova signa_, - -both in commemoration of Francis. As the founder of the Minor Friars was -canonized two years after his death by Gregory IX., there was a demand -very early for the hymns of this character. And as there was no one -better fitted to write them than the poet who had known Francis so well, -and whom the Pope had directed to prepare a life of the saint, there is -no inherent improbability in the tradition which ascribes them to him. -But they do not take rank beside the _Dies Irae_. They are poems written -to order, not the spontaneous outpouring of the mind of the singer in -the presence of the overwhelming realities of the spiritual universe. - -There are no less than nine persons for whom the honor of the authorship -of the _Dies Irae_ has been claimed. Two of these are excluded as having -lived too early to have written a poem of its structure and metrical -character; they are Gregory the Great and Bernard of Clairvaux. Two -others, Augustinus Bugellensis (ob. 1490) and Felix Hammerlein (ob. -1457) are excluded by the fact that the hymn is mentioned in a work -written in 1285. This leaves four rivals to Thomas of Celano in his own -century, viz., John Bonaventura (ob. 1274), his brother Cardinal, Latino -Frangipani, a Dominican (ob. 1294), Humbert, a French Franciscan, who -became the fifth general of his order (ob. 1277), and Matthew of -Acqua-Sparta in Umbria, a Franciscan, who became Bishop of Albano and -cardinal (ob. 1302). But it is to be noticed that for not one of these -is there a witness earlier than the sixteenth century. The first and -last are named as having had the authorship ascribed to them by Luke -Wadding, the historian of the Franciscans in 1625; but he ascribes it to -Thomas of Celano. The other two are named by the Jesuit, Antonio -Possevino (1534-1611) and the Dominican, Leandro Alberti (1479-1552), -the latter, of course, claiming the hymn for the Dominican cardinal, as -to whom there is not the smallest evidence that he ever wrote any poetry -whatever. Besides this, the _Dies Irae_ is a Franciscan, not a Dominican -poem. It deals with the practical and the devotional, not the doctrinal -elements in religion. Had a Dominican written it, he would have been -anxious only for correct doctrinal statement. - -Thomas’s claim to its authorship does not rest on the weakness of rival -pretensions. In the year 1285, when Thomas had been dead about thirty -years and Dante was twenty years old, the Franciscan Bartholomew of Pisa -wrote his _Liber Conformitatum_, in which he drew a labored parallel -between the life of Francis of Assisi and that of our Lord. Having -occasion to speak of Celano in this work, he goes on to describe it as -“the place whence came Brother Thomas, who by order of the Pope wrote in -polished speech the first legend of St. Francis, and is said to have -composed the prose which is sung in the Mass for the Dead: _Dies irae, -dies illa_.”[11] This testimony out of Thomas’s own century is confirmed -by parallel evidence. Wadding, whose big folios in clumsy Latin give us -the tradition which prevailed within the order, says: “Brother Thomas of -Celano sang that once celebrated sequence, _Sanctitatis nova signa_, -which now has gone out of use, whose work also is that solemn one for -the dead, _Dies irae, dies illa_, although others wish to ascribe it to -Brother Matthew of Acqua-Sparta, a cardinal taken from among the -Minorites.” Elsewhere Wadding says: “Thomas of Celano, of the province -of Penna, a disciple and companion of St. Francis, published ... a book -about the _Life and Miracles of St. Francis_ ... commonly called by the -brethren the _Old Legend_. Another shorter legend he had published -previously which used to be read in the choir...; three sequences, or -rhythmic proses, of which the first, in praise of St. Francis, begins, -_Fregit victor virtualis_. The second begins, _Sanctitatis nova signa_. -The third concerning the dead, adopted by the Church, _Dies irae, dies -illa_. And this Benedict Gonon, the Coelestine [in 1625] rendered into -French verse and ascribed to St. Bonaventura. Others ascribe it to -Brother Matthew, of Acqua-Sparta, the cardinal; and others yet to other -authors.”[12] - -These direct testimonies are confirmed by local tradition in the -province of Abruzzi, in which Celano is situated, and the Franciscan -origin of the hymn by its existence as an inscription on a marble tablet -in the church of St. Francis at Mantua, where it was seen by David -Chytraeus, a German Lutheran, who visited Italy in 1565. That the author -was an Italian is indicated by the peculiar three-line stanza, which -approximates to the _terza-rima_ structure of their poetry, but is not -found in poetry of the Northern nations, except in later imitations. - -The statement of Bartholomew of Pisa, that already in 1285 the _Dies -Irae_ was employed in the service for the dead, shows how early it made -its way into church use. In earlier times there was no sequence in that -service, for the reason that the “Hallelujah,” which the sequence always -followed, being a song of rejoicing, was not sung in the funeral -service. This enables us to form an opinion on the controversy as to -whether it was written directly for church use, or adapted for that -after being written as a meditation on the Day of Judgment for private -edification. It would seem most probable that it was the wonderful -beauty and power of the hymn which led the Church to break through its -rule as to the sequence following a Hallelujah necessarily. The _Dies -Irae_ was not written to fill a place, but when written it made a place -for itself. - -This controversy connects itself with another as to the genuineness of -certain verses which are prefixed or added to the eighteen of the text -in the Missal. There are, in fact, three texts of the hymn: (1) That of -the Missal, which is generally followed, and will be found at the end of -this chapter. (2) That of the Mantuan marble tablet, which prefixes four -verses: - - 1. Cogita, anima fidelis, - Ad quid respondere velis - Christo venture de coelis. - - 2. Cum deposcit rationem - Ob boni omissionem, - Ob mali commissionem. - - 3. Dies illa, dies irae, - Quam conemur praevenire - Obviamque Deo ire. - - 4. Seria contritione, - Gratiae apprehensione, - Vitae emendatione. - -After these come in the Mantuan text the first sixteen verses of the -Missal text, with slight and unimportant variations, but the seventeenth -and eighteenth are omitted, and the following conclusion substituted: - - 17. Consors ut beatitatis - Vivam cum justificatis, - In aevum aeternitatis. Amen. - -(3) The Hammerlein text, so called because found among the manuscripts -of Felix Hammerlein after his death, which occurred about 1457. This -also contains the first sixteen verses of the Missal text, but with far -more variations than the Mantuan text shows, although not such as -commend themselves by their merits. Then it proceeds, altering and -expanding the seventeenth and eighteenth into three and adding five -more: - - 17. Oro supplex a ruinis, - Cor contritum quasi cinis; - Gere curam mei finis. - - 18. Lacrymosa die illa, - Cum resurget ex favilla - Tanquam ignis ex scintilla, - - 19. Judicandus homo reus,— - Hinc ergo parce Deus, - Esto semper adjutor meus. - - 20. Quando coeli sunt movendi, - Dies adsunt tunc tremendi, - Nullum tempus poenitendi. - - 21. Sed salvatis laeta dies; - Et damnatis nulla quies, - Sed daemonum effigies. - - 22. O tu Deus majestatis, - Alme candor Trinitatis, - Nunc conjunge cum beatis. - - 23. Vitam meam fac felicem, - Propter tuam genetricem, - Jesse florem et radicem. - - 24. Praesta nobis tunc levamen, - Dulce nostrum fac certamen, - Ut clamemus omnes: Amen! - -That neither of these additions at the beginning and end are parts of -the original sequence, will be evident to any one who feels the -terseness and power of the original. They are feeble, lumbering -excrescences, and are fastened to it in such an external way as to -destroy the unity of the poem, if left as they stand. The text in the -Missal gives us a new conception of the powers of the Latin tongue. Its -wonderful wedding of sense to sound—the _u_ assonance in the second -stanza, the _o_ assonance in the third, and the _a_ and _i_ assonances -in the fourth, for instance—the sense of organ music that runs through -the hymn, even unaccompanied, as distinctly as through the opening -verses of Lowell’s “Vision of Sir Launfal,” and the transitions as -clearly marked in sound as in meaning from lofty adoration to pathetic -entreaty, impart a grandeur and dignity to the _Dies Irae_ which are -unique in this kind of writing. Then the wonderful adaptation of the -triple-rhyme to the theme—like blow following blow of hammer upon anvil, -as Daniel says—impresses every reader. But to all this the supplementary -verses add nothing. - -Of the use of the hymn in literature I have spoken already. Sir Walter -Scott introduces a vigorous and characteristic version of a portion into -his “Lay of the Last Minstrel” (1805). Lockhart, writing of the great -Wizard’s death-bed, says of his unconscious and wandering utterances: -“Whatever we could follow him in was some fragment of the Bible, or some -petition of the Litany, or a verse of some psalm in the old Scotch -metrical version, or some of the magnificent hymns of the Romish ritual. -We very often heard distinctly the cadence of the _Dies Irae_.” So the -Earl of Roscommon, in the previous century, died repeating his own -version of the seventeenth stanza: - - “Prostrate, my contrite heart I rend; - My God, my Father, and my Friend, - Do not forsake me in my end!” - -Dr. Samuel Johnson never could repeat the tenth stanza without being -moved to tears—the stanza Dean Stanley quotes in his description of -Jacob’s Well. Goethe makes Gretchen in “Faust” faint with dismay and -horror as she hears it sung in the cathedral, and from that moment of -salutary pain she becomes another woman. Meinhold in his “Amber-Witch” -(_Die Bernsteinhexe_), represents the very same verses as bringing -comfort and assurance to a more stainless heroine in the hour of her -sorest distress. Carlyle shows us the Romanticist tragedian Werner -quoting the eighth stanza in his strange “last testament,” as his reason -for having written neither a defence nor an accusation of his life: -“With trembling I reflect that I myself shall first learn in its whole -terrific compass what I properly was, when these lines shall be read by -men; that is to say, in a point of time which for me will be no time; in -a condition in which all experience will for me be too late: - - ‘Rex tremendae majestatis, - Qui salvandos salvas gratis, - Salva me, fons pietatis!!!’” - -Justus Kerner, in his _Wahnsinnige Brüder_, depicts the overwhelming -power of the hymn upon minds hardened by long continuance in sin, but -suddenly awakened to reflection by its thunders of the Day of Reckoning. -Daniel well compares it to the picture of the Day of Judgment, which was -the means of converting the King of the Bulgars to Christianity. - -The translations of our hymn into modern languages, especially into -German and English, have been numbered by the hundred. Partly no doubt -this is due to the entirely Evangelical type of its doctrine, its -freedom from Mariolatry, its exaltation of divine mercy above human -merit, and its picture of the soul’s free access to God without the -intervention of Church and priest. Lisco (1840 and 1843) was able to -specify eighty-seven German versions. Michael (1866) brought this number -up to ninety, of which sixty-two are both complete and exact; and Dr. -Philip Schaff says he can increase the list beyond a hundred without -exhausting the number. Among the German translators are Andreas Gryphius -(1650), A. W. Schlegel (1802), J. G. Fichte (1813), A. L. Follen (1819), -J. F. von Meyer (1824), Claus Harms (1828), J. Emmanuel Veith (1829), C. -J. C. Bunsen (1833), H. A. Daniel (1839), F. G. Lisco (1840), besides -partial versions by J. G. von Herder (1802) and J. H. von Wessenberg -(1820). - -The translations into English begin with one by Joshua Sylvester in -1621, that of Richard Crashaw in 1646 coming second. There are four of -that century and two of the next, the most notable being the Earl of -Roscommon’s in 1717. In the first thirty years of the nineteenth century -there are but four, the notable being the partial version by Sir Walter -Scott in 1805, and Macaulay’s in 1826. Since Isaac Williams published -his in 1831, there has been a steady succession of versions, bringing -the number for the United Kingdom in this century up to fifty-one. Of -these the most noteworthy are by John Chandler (1837), Henry Alford -(1844), Richard C. Trench (1844), William J. Irons (1848), Edward -Caswall (1849), Frederick G. Lee (1851), John Mason Neale (1851), -William Bright (1858), Elizabeth R. Charles (1858), Herbert Kynaston -(1862), Richard H. Hutton (1868), Dean Stanley (1868), William C. Dix -(1871), and Hamilton McGill (1876). - -In point of numbers at least America surpasses England and approaches -Germany. Since 1841, when two anonymous versions appeared in this -country, there have been at least ninety-six complete versions by -American translators, bringing the total of enumerated versions in the -language up to one hundred and fifty-four. Of American translators may -be named William R. Williams (1843), H. H. Brownell (1847), Abraham -Coles (1847 and later), William G. Dix (1852), S. Dryden Phelps (1855), -John A. Dix (1863 and 1875), Marshall H. Bright (1866), Edward Slosson -(1866), E. C. Benedict (1867), Margaret J. Preston (1868), Philip Schaff -(1868), Samuel W. Duffield (1870 and later), John Anketell (1873), -Charles W. Elliot (1881), Henry C. Lea (1882), M. W. Stryker (1883), H. -L. Hastings (1886), and W. S. McKenzie (1887). This certainly, both by -the length of the list and the weight of many of the names, constitutes -a tribute to the power of the _Dies Irae_ such as never has been offered -to any other hymn! Only Luther’s _Ein’ feste Burg_, of which there are -eighty-one versions in English alone, can compare with it.[13] - -Of these English versions, those by Rev. W. J. Irons and Dean Stanley in -England, and those of General John A. Dix and Mr. Edward Slosson in -America, have enjoyed the most popularity. They certainly are excellent, -but every translator seems somewhere to fail of complete success. Nor do -those who have returned again and again to the attempt seem to -accomplish their own ideal of a perfect translation. Dr. Abraham Coles, -who has made some sixteen or seventeen renderings, is no better off than -when he began. Nor do I think my own sixth version has carried me one -inch beyond my first. The truth is that not even the _Pange lingua -gloriosi_, which Dr. Neale calls the most difficult of poems, is in this -respect the equal of this alluring and baffling hymn. But the reader, -who has had no access to the hymn except through the poorest version, -has the means to discern the fact that in it a great mind utters itself -worthily on one of the greatest of themes. - -It happened to me once to enter a crowded church, where presently a -distinguished German divine arose to speak. Others had addressed the -audience in English; but he, turning to his fellow-countrymen, began to -pour forth a trumpet-strain of lofty eloquence in his native tongue. He -spoke of the “better valley,” of a happy and peaceful land. He seemed to -see its broad and gentle river and to hear the chiming of its Sabbath -bells. He peopled the air with its lovely citizens and created about us -the presence of its glorious joy. Faintly and brokenly, as now and then -he uttered some familiar words, I could catch glimpses of that _besseres -Thal_, and its brightness and beauty, and the awe of its holy calmness -came upon me—upon me, the stranger and the foreigner, in whose speech no -word was said. - -But they who were of the lip and lineage of the land, they whose country -was brought so near and whose hopes were raised on such strong and -familiar wings—they truly were moved to the soul. I saw tears in their -eyes; I heard their suppressed and laboring breath; I beheld their eager -faces; and the glory of that land fell on them even as I gazed. So, -though we cannot here perceive the fulness of the Franciscan’s hymn, yet -do we discern the stately splendor of Messiah’s throne, and - - “Catch betimes, with wakeful eyes and clear - Some radiant vista of the realm before us.” - -This alone can justify another attempt—the resultant of four previous -versions—to express something of the grandeur of this majestic hymn: - - 1. Dies irae, dies illa - Solvet saeclum in favilla, - Teste David cum Sybilla. - - 2. Quantus tremor est futurus, - Quando judex est venturus, - Cuncta stricte discussurus! - - 3. Tuba mirum sparget sonum - Per sepulcra regionum, - Coget omnes ante thronum. - - 4. Mors stupebit et natura, - Quum resurget creatura, - Judicanti responsura. - - 5. Liber scriptus proferetur, - In quo totum continetur, - Unde mundus judicetur. - - 6. Judex ergo cum sedebit, - Quidquid latet, apparebit, - Nil inultum remanebit. - - 7. Quid sum miser tunc dicturus, - Que, patronum rogaturus, - Dum vix justus sit securus? - - 8. Rex tremendae majestatis, - Qui salvandos salvas gratis, - Salva me, fons pietatis! - - 9. Recordare, Jesu pie, - Quod sum causa tuae viae; - Ne me perdas illâ die! - - 10. Quaerens me sedisti lassus, - Redemisti cruce passus: - Tantus labor non sit cassus! - - 11. Juste judex ultionis, - Donum fac remissionis - Ante diem rationis! - - 12. Ingemisco tanquam reus, - Culpa rubet vultus meus: - Supplicanti parce, Deus! - - 13. Qui Mariam absolvisti, - Et latronem exaudisti, - Mihi quoque spem dedisti - - 14. Preces meae non sunt dignae. - Sed tu bonus fac benigne, - Ne perenni cremer igne. - - 15. Inter oves locum praesta, - Et ab haedis me sequestra, - Statuens in parte dextrâ. - - 16. Confutatis maledictis, - Flammis acribus addictis, - Voca me cum benedictis. - - 17. Oro supplex et acclinis, - Cor contritum quasi cinis, - Gere curam mei finis. - - 18. Lachrymosa dies illa, - Qua resurget ex favilla - Judicandus homo reus; - Huic ergo parce, Deus! - - 1. Day of wrath, thy fiery morning - Earth consumes, no longer scorning - David’s and the Sibyl’s warning. - - 2. Then what terror of each nation - When the Judge shall take his station - Strictly trying his creation! - - 3. When that trumpet tone amazing, - Through the tombs its message phrasing, - All before the throne is raising. - - 4. Death and Nature he surprises - Who, a creature, yet arises - Unto those most dread assizes. - - 5. There a written book remaineth - Whose sure registry containeth - That which all the world arraigneth. - - 6. Therefore when the Judge is seated - Each deceit shall be defeated, - Vengeance due shall then be meted. - - 7. With what answer shall I meet him, - By what advocate entreat him, - When the just may scarcely greet him? - - 8. King of majesty appalling, - Who dost save the elect from falling, - Save me! on thy pity calling. - - 9. Be thou mindful, Lord most lowly, - That for me thou diedst solely; - Leave me not to perish wholly! - - 10. Seeking me thy love outwore thee, - And the cross, my ransom, bore thee; - Let not this seem light before thee! - - 11. Righteous Judge of my condition, - Grant me, for my sins, remission - Ere the day which ends contrition. - - 12. In my guilt for pity yearning, - With my shame my face is burning— - Spare me, Lord, to thee returning! - - 13. Mary’s sin thou hast remitted - And the dying thief acquitted; - To my heart this hope is fitted. - - 14. Poorly are my prayers ascending - But do thou, in mercy bending, - Leave me not to flames unending! - - 15. Give me with thy sheep a station - Far from goats in separation— - On the right my habitation. - - 16. When the wicked meet conviction - Doomed to fires of sharp affliction, - Call me forth with benediction. - - 17. Prone and suppliant I sorrow, - Ashes for my heart I borrow; - Guard me on that awful morrow! - - 18. O, that day so full of weeping - When, in dust no longer sleeping, - Man must face his worst behavior! - Therefore spare me, God and Saviour! - - - - - CHAPTER XXIV. - THOMAS AQUINAS AND JOHN BONAVENTURA. - - -In Southern Italy, about midway between Rome and Naples, the road which -connects these two cities passes near the site of the ancient city of -Aquinum. It was a stronghold of the Volscians, although not mentioned in -the account of their wars with the Romans. As a Roman municipality it -rose to greater importance than the other cities of the district, and -became the birthplace of the satirist Juvenal and other eminent men. But -in the seventh century it was destroyed by the Lombards, and the site -never re-occupied. What were left of its inhabitants found another site, -more capable of defence in those wild days, and built Aquino on a -mountain slope. It runs along the cliff in a single street, like our own -Mauch Chunk, and the remains of its oldest buildings show that its -mediaeval architects drew freely upon still earlier structures for their -materials. - -In one of these old structures, still known as the _Casa Reale_ or royal -house, lived the noble family who were the lords of Aquino. Here Thomas -Aquinas was born in the year 1225, being one of the five children of -Count Landulf of Aquino, and his wife, Theodora Caraccioli, Countess of -Teano. The family was not a royal house, but it was connected by -intermarriage with the royal caste of Europe. It is said, but I have not -been able to verify the statement, that Thomas’s grandfather had married -a sister of the Emperor Barbarossa. His mother was descended from the -Tancred of Hauteville, whose sons, Roger and Robert Guiscard, effected -the Norman conquest of the two Sicilies. Sibylla, Queen of the Tancred -who ended the first line of Norman sovereigns, is said to have been a -daughter of the family. But the real importance of the lords of Aquino -was due to their strategic position on the northern frontier of Apulia -and to their military spirit. Richard of Aquino, the grandfather of -Thomas, was the mainstay of Tancred’s cause on the mainland of Italy, -and merited, by his treachery and barbarity, the cruel death the Emperor -Henry VI. inflicted on him after the final conquest of the two Sicilies. -His father, Landulf, seems to have been a man of less warlike character; -but his uncle, Thomas of Aquinas, who succeeded Richard in the countship -of Acerra, was the ablest of the Ghibelline chiefs of Southern Italy, -and one of Frederic the Second’s most trusted captains. That emperor -enlarged the dominions of the family, and gave ample scope to their -fighting propensities in his wars with the popes. And Thomas’s two -brothers, who were older than himself, embraced the opportunity of a -military life. His sisters formed illustrious alliances with the noble -families of Southern Italy. Pope Honorius III. is said to have been his -godfather. - -Thomas’s youth seems to have been uneventful, with the exception of the -calamity by which he lost a younger sister, who was killed by lightning -while sleeping by his side. In his fifth year his education began. Less -than five miles away, as the bird flies, lay the Monte Casino, the -greatest and first of the monasteries of the Benedictine order. Here it -was that Benedict of Nursia in 529 laid the foundation of the first -great order of Western Christendom. And although Monte Casino had shared -in the calamity of Aquino at the hands of the Lombards, and had lain -desolate for a hundred and fifty years, it had been rebuilt with new -splendor, and was at this time the grandest ecclesiastical establishment -outside the city of Rome. And here, in 1227, Landulf Sinibald, himself -of the Aquino family, had become abbot, thus attaining one of the -highest dignities open to a Churchman. To his care the young Thomas was -intrusted, and on Monte Casino he spent the next seven years of his -life, undergoing the discipline and receiving the instruction for which -the schools of the Benedictine fathers had always been famous. Probably -it was the hope of the family of Aquino that the young man would enter -the order and rise to the same dignity as his uncle, becoming a prince -of the Church, and thus more powerful and wealthy than any of his uncles -or brothers. - -In 1239 the second outbreak of hostilities between the Pope and the -Emperor led to the conversion of Monte Casino into a great fortress, in -which were left but eight monks to carry on the routine of monastic -services. The rest found a home in other Benedictine houses, the schools -were suspended, and Thomas returned home. But the same year he seems to -have proceeded to Naples to study in the university which Frederic had -established in 1224, and amply endowed with wealth and privileges, and -had revived in 1234, after its suspension during his first war with the -papacy. He had forbidden his Italian subjects to leave the kingdom to -attend foreign universities, and he had used every available means to -make them contented with that of Naples, one of these being the -employment of the ablest teachers he could secure in all the sciences -then recognized as belonging to the higher education. We are told that -Thomas pursued his studies two years in Naples, when the influence of -his Dominican teachers led him to form the purpose to become a Dominican -friar,[14] and to put on the garb of a novice. This step was a most -momentous one. Whether his family looked forward to his becoming a -Benedictine monk and abbot, or contemplated his embracing the offers of -promotion in the civil service of the kingdom, which Frederic II. had -held out to the graduates of his pet university, they could not but -regard his adoption of the life of a mendicant friar with indignation -and disgust. To be a Benedictine _Pater_ was to be a gentleman and a -scholar, to have a share in the influence, wealth, and power of the -order, and possibly to rise to the dignity of the _Dux et Princeps -omnium Abbatum et Religiosorum_, the Abbot of Monte Casino. But the -Mendicant orders were affairs of yesterday, with all the rawness if also -the effusive enthusiasm of youth. Francis of Assisi died within a year -of Thomas’s birth; Dominic, five years earlier. And the mendicant mode -of life was most offensive to the proud Italian nobles, who must have -recoiled from the idea that one of their race should carry the beggar’s -wallet in his turn, and live always upon alms. In this respect the -requirements of the orders were far stricter and more humiliating than -in later times, when the practice, if not the rule, was relaxed. Those -who were unaffected by their enthusiasm thought of the Mendicants as the -average man thinks of the Salvation Army, or thought of the Methodists -at the middle of the last century. - -No notice was sent to Aquino of the step Thomas had taken. The monks -always had their share of the wisdom of the serpent, and they were to -show it in this case. But some of the vassals of the family had -recognized the young novice under his Dominican garb on the streets of -Naples or in the church; and through them the news reached his family. -Landulf seems to have been dead; I can find no mention of him later than -1229. But the Countess Theodora hastened, with all a man’s energy, to -rescue her son from the career of a mendicant. The friars learned of her -coming and hurried their novice off to Rome, and to Rome his mother -pursued him. To avoid her he was sent forward to France, but he had to -pass the lines of the imperial army then engaged in the war with the -Lombards. The influence of the powerful Ghibelline family roused the -vigilance of the imperial authorities. At Acquapendente, on the -frontiers of Tuscany, Thomas and the friars who escorted him were -arrested, and the young noble was sent back to his family at Aquino. - -Every means, foul as well as fair, seems to have been used to break him -from his purpose to join the Dominicans, while he remained a prisoner at -Aquino, or in some of the mountain castles of the family. But Thomas was -assured of his vocation, and he had a fund of obstinacy in his character -which showed to good purpose. It is said that the Pope interfered in his -behalf, but this is hardly probable, as the Pope was waging war at the -time on the Emperor and his vassals, the Lords of Aquino. At last the -countess and her children abandoned the attempt to influence him, and at -least connived at his escape to Naples, where he took the vows of -obedience, celibacy, and poverty, which sealed his connection with the -Dominican order, in 1243. - -We have looked at this step through the eyes of his family, and seen its -offensiveness. But if we regard it more impartially, we are impressed -with its wisdom. It was among the Dominicans, not the Benedictines, that -Thomas could serve his day and generation the best. The Benedictines, in -the new age which the era of the Crusades opened to Europe, had fallen -behind the times. It was because of this that that century saw the rise -of the two great orders founded by Dominic and by Francis, and their -rapid growth, until “a handful of corn on the top of the mountains” -shook like the forests which clothe Lebanon. The Dominican order was -still in the blossom of youth; the Benedictine had rather “gone to -seed.” Thomas felt the difference when he met the Dominicans as -professors of theology in the Studium at Naples. Scholarship rather than -thought had been the strong point with the Benedictines. They would be -apt to meet the questions which welled up in the mind of the eager youth -by an inapposite quotation from some Church father, or to repress them -altogether, as tending to vanity. What, indeed, could Abbot Landulf and -his brethren on the hill-top do with a deep-eyed boy, who went from one -to another with the question, “What _is_ God?” But at Naples, and in -contact with the more lively intellectual life of his age, his acute and -alert intellect found a satisfaction and an encouragement which the -Benedictines could not give him. He was encouraged to ask questions -instead of being snubbed. There were opened to him vistas of research -and speculation, which could not but attract a hungry and active mind -like his. The Dominicans were the order which had undertaken to face and -answer the questions of the age, and in Thomas these questions were -craving a solution. What wonder if he fell in love with the preachers, -and they with him! They discovered what capacity lay in the young noble, -and knew that they had better use for him than his hum-drum uncle on the -hills and among the hawks. And any scruples as to his admission to the -novitiate without the consent or against the will of his family were set -aside by the belief that his “vocation” was directly from God, and -therefore set aside all merely human authority. - -Having secured their prize, the Dominicans showed that they knew how to -use it. The order was, on one side of it, a great educational -institution to select and train young men to fight the intellectual -battles of the Church. The young Dominican at once put on the yoke of -the “course of study” (_Ordo Studiorum_), which had been prescribed by -the General Chapter, and proceeded as far toward the highest dignities -and responsibilities of learning as his abilities were thought to -warrant. The decision on this point rested with the General of the -Order, who at this time was John of Germany, the fourth in the -succession begun by Dominic. He selected for Thomas as his best teacher, -Albert of Bollstadt, better known as Albert the Great (Magnus), who was -teaching in the monastic school at Koeln (Cologne), and who had the -reputation of having absorbed all that Aristotle knew, and worked up his -teaching into a harmony of Christian theology with Greek philosophy. -According to his biographers generally, Thomas was sent at once to Koeln -in 1245, and accompanied Albert when he proceeded to Paris in that same -year to take his degree as Doctor of Theology, returning with him in -1248. Dr. Heinrich Denifle, however, assigns 1248 as the year when -Thomas came to Koeln from Italy, and limits their intercourse as master -and scholar to the two years required by the rules of the order. Whether -their relations as such extended over five years or were limited to two, -they were enough for the formation of a life-long friendship based on -mutual respect and admiration. Strangely enough the young Italian from -the garrulous South was noted more for silence than for speech among the -students at Koeln. He had found a teacher whom he thought worth hearing -in silence, and he heard to better purpose than his associates. _Bos -mutus_, a dumb ox, they called him. Albert foretold that “the sound of -his bellowing in doctrine would yet go through the whole world.” - -In 1250, the year when Frederic II. died, Thomas proceeded to Paris by -direction of the General of the Order. In that mother university of -Christendom the Dominicans were allowed by their rule to receive the -doctorate—in that and no other. For one year the candidate must hear and -dispute in the Dominican school on St. Jacques Street; for another he -must teach, but without ascending the cathedra, from which authoritative -decisions were expected. But in Thomas’s case these two years of his -Parisian apprenticeship were prolonged to seven. The university -quarrelled with the representatives of the Mendicant orders just as -Thomas was about to take his degree, and in the five years’ struggle -which ensued all ordinary relations and procedures were suspended. For -some time, indeed, the university itself was dissolved, to evade the -bull of excommunication which the Pope aimed at it in the interest of -the Mendicants. - -In 1656 William of St. Amour sent the Pope his treatise _Concerning the -Dangers of these Last Times_ (_De Periculis Novissimorum Temporum_), in -which he pleaded the cause of the university against the Mendicants, and -told some home-truths about the greediness, the lawlessness, and the -encroachments of the friars, but in an angry and excited tone, which -harmed his cause. Both the assailed orders put forward their ablest men -to make answer. For the Franciscans spoke John Fidanza, better known as -John Bonaventura, who had come to Paris in the heat of the conflict, and -had been delayed, as Thomas was, in obtaining his degree. - -John was older than Thomas by several years, having been born in 1221. -He had been recovered from an apparently mortal illness through the -prayers of Francis of Assisi in his third year, and then received the -name Bonaventura from the good man’s own lips. He entered the order in -his twenty-second year, and studied in Paris under Alexander of Hales -and John of Rochelle. The devout humility of the man, and his purity of -character, produced as deep an impression upon his teachers as Thomas -had produced upon his by the force and keenness of his intellect. -Alexander used to say that “in Brother Bonaventura Adam seems not to -have sinned.” John was probably the most perfect exemplar of the spirit -of Francis of Assisi that was to be seen in the second generation of the -order. Not by intellectual force, but by humble ministry to the -commonest human needs, by the infection of an all-embracing love and the -close imitation of our Lord’s humanity, he would save the world from its -wanderings. Thomas and he were the best possible representatives of -their respective orders, and it speaks well for both men that their -differences only bound them more intimately in friendship. Each -reverenced what was strongest in the other. When Thomas asked to see the -books by whose help John had acquired his Christian erudition, the -Franciscan pointed him to a crucifix, and said that from that he had -learned all that he ever knew. - -Their answers to William of St. Amour reflect the character of the men. -Bonaventura defended the mendicant form of the monastic life as an -ideal; but without admitting the truth of the dark picture William had -drawn, he conceded that serious abuses had crept in, and that already -there was need of a reformation unless matters were to be let grow -worse. Thomas makes no concessions whatever. He entitles his book -_Against those who Assail the Worship of God and the Monastic Life_ -(_Contra Impugnantes Dei Cultum et Religionem_). William and all who -hold with him are the enemies of God and of His Church. The critics of -the Mendicant rule are standing in the way of the forces which are sent -of God to win the world to Christ. The monk, and especially the -mendicant friar, is the only thorough Christian who keeps to the -“counsels of perfection” our Lord gave His disciples, as well as to the -precepts of obedience obligatory upon all. William uttered false and -damnable doctrine when he tried to limit them to a purely ascetic life. -They have the right to teach as well as to pray and mourn, and the Pope -has power to open to them the doors of every secular college by his -mandate. - -The controversy was brought to an end in 1257, when Pope Alexander IV. -at Anagni formally condemned the book of William of St. Amour, and bound -the plenipotentiaries of the university by an oath to admit the -Mendicants to their former footing in the university. And to signalize -the victory of the friars, Thomas and Bonaventura were admitted to the -doctorate on the same day, October 23d, 1257. - -From the masters the head of the school in St. Jacques Street was chosen -by the General of the Order, and naturally the choice fell on Thomas. -Usually the place was held for a year only, and its occupant then -transferred to some other field of labor. Thomas held it for four years, -lecturing, preaching at least every Lent in the adjacent church, and -exercising the discipline of the order over its students. The number who -heard his lectures must have been great. The school at Paris, unlike -that at Koeln, being a branch of the university, its lectures were open -to all comers, and the renown of the Italian who had been more than a -match for the ablest of the secular doctors would draw hearers. And -those who came once, if they had any love for the play of pure -intelligence and the fearless handling of great questions, would come -again. Thomas, with all his orthodoxy, was a pretty thorough -rationalist. He had full faith in the capacity of the human -understanding to deal fruitfully and safely with the deepest mysteries. -If his conclusions always are with the Church, it is not because he has -shrunk from attending to, and even suggesting, what might be said -against the doctrine under consideration. It is because he has satisfied -himself that the balance of logical argument, after all objections have -been weighed, is on the side of orthodoxy. In this respect his writings -represent the highest point reached by the rationalistic tendency in the -Middle Ages, just as Abelard represents its initiation. We find Duns -Scotus, his great Franciscan rival, shrinking from his rationalism, and -removing some of the mysteries of theology out of the field of logical -discussion. - -Of course, his most devoted hearers were the young men of the order. Of -these some ninety were sent up every year from the schools in the -provinces outside France; and in addition to these picked men, who came -for the master’s degree, Paris had the training of all the students of -Northern France. Some of the former were from Spain, where the order was -engaged in combatting the Mohammedan doctors. Their needs drew Thomas’s -attention to the subject of his first systematic work, the _Summa contra -Gentiles_. Thomas puts himself upon the level of one who has no -Christian convictions, but argues simply from principles of philosophic -truth and of natural religion accepted by both parties. Besides these -and other literary labors he attended the annual General Chapters of his -order at Valenciennes in 1259, where he and Albrecht drew up the new -order of studies for the young Dominicans. - -In 1261 Michael Palaeologus, the Greek Emperor of Nicea, conquered -Constantinople, and thus put an end to the Latin Empire established by -the Fourth Crusade. But the wily Greek feared a general movement in -Latin Christendom to recover the city from him, and to gain time by -diplomacy he opened negotiations for the reconciliation of Eastern and -Western Christendom with Urban IV., then newly chosen to the papacy. The -Pope summoned Thomas Aquinas from Paris to Rome, to aid in these -negotiations by his erudition and acuteness. The subject was one into -which his previous studies had not conducted him, but a scholastic -philosopher must be prepared to write on any topic. _De omni scibili_ -was his scope. So Thomas wrote his _Treatise against the Errors of the -Greeks_ (_Opusculum contra Errores Graecorum_) by the papal order. In -its preparation he became at once the victim and the instrument of one -of the most memorable forgeries in ecclesiastical literature. The -Dominicans had followed the Latin Empire into the East, but found -themselves at a loss for authorities to prove to the Greeks that the -autocratic papacy was a venerable, much less a primitive institution, of -the Christian Church. One of them conceived the bright thought of -manufacturing a supply. So he sent to Urban IV. a long _catena_ of -quotations from the Greek fathers, especially the two Cyrils and the -Council of Chalcedon, in which the papal authority and infallibility -were set forth with a boldness never used even in the West. The Pope -fully believed in their genuineness and handed them over to Thomas, who -incorporated many of them into his _opusculum_, besides using them in -his greater work. He knew too much about the teachings of the Greek -fathers not to be staggered by the quotations as to the Procession of -the Holy Spirit from the Father and the Son, and he expressed his doubts -in a letter to Urban. But he was not staggered by the forger’s showing -that the Greeks accepted the universal jurisdiction and infallible -authority of the papacy. In this way the notion of a universal -episcopate and an infallibility in the Bishop of Rome, from being the -audacious whim of a few canonists, passed into the dogmatic theology of -the Church, and came to be made an article of faith in our own time. -(See Acton-Döllinger-Huber’s book, _Janus, or the Pope and the Council_, -chap, iii., section 18.) - -Urban IV. having brought Thomas to Italy, Clemens IV. kept him there as -long as he lived, making him a professor in the university established -by Innocent IV. within the Roman Curia, and as such carried him about -from city to city as the Papal Court removed, and had him lecture on -theology wherever the Court was staying. He also set him to the work of -writing commentaries on part of the Scripture: Job, the Psalms, -Canticles, Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Paul’s Epistles, besides his _catena_ -of comments on the Gospels gathered from the Latin fathers. Most -important of all for our purposes, he asked him to prepare the service -for Corpus Christi Day—a festival established in 1264. It was for this -that Thomas wrote four of the hymns which have given him his place in -the annals of hymnology, and those are his finest. And it is said that -he also began his _Summa_ in these years, but that I doubt. But in 1269 -Clemens died, and it was two years before another Pope was elected. -Thomas took the opportunity to escape out of the throng and noise of the -Curia, and made his way back to France and to his old manner of life. He -came back to Paris and lectured in St. Jacques Street, but not as the -head of the school. At Paris he now found critics as well as admirers. -His doctrine that individuality is dependent upon matter was censured as -involving a denial of immortality, and in 1269 he wrote a treatise, -_Contra Averroistas_, to show that this was not a necessary or even a -fair inference. In the same year we find him in London attending a -Chapter General of his order. - -In 1271 the vacancy in the papacy ended with the selection of Gregory -X., one of the best of the popes. Thomas was recalled to Italy and -offered the Archbishopric of Naples, doubtless at the suggestion of -Charles of Anjou, whose hands were red with the blood of the young -Conradin. Thomas wisely declined it, and when, in 1272, he agreed to go -to Naples as a teacher of theology, it was with the reservation that -this should not bring him into close relations with the Court. Enough of -his Ghibelline traditions clung to him to make him abhor the murderer of -his kinsman. So in Naples he taught, and wrote at his _Summa_, and -prayed and saw visions—his biographers say—until one day the Pope -summoned him to a General Council at Lyons, with the view of proclaiming -a new crusade. He obeyed the summons, but when he reached the Cistercian -monastery of Fossa Nuova, on the hills above the Pontine Marshes, below -Rome, he fell ill and died, March 7th, 1274. Of course the Italians knew -he was poisoned, and even Dante countenances the report. The Pontine -Marshes in spring are so wholesome that no other hypothesis could -account for his death! His friend Bonaventura reached Lyons, but died -during the sessions of the council. His earlier friend and master, -Albert the Great, although his senior by thirty years, outlived him by -six, dying in 1280. - -The position of Thomas Aquinas in history is determined by the fact that -he is the greatest of the scholastic philosophers. What his master and -other earlier thinkers had attempted, he more nearly did than ever has -been done by any one else. He took the two great bodies of knowledge, -secular and sacred, and fused them into a system more nearly consistent -with itself than any other. On the one side was the encylopaedic -philosophy of Aristotle, and the parallel but less perfect tradition of -Platonic speculation; on the other the Scriptures, the dogmatic -decisions of the councils and popes, and the teachings of the recognized -authorities among the ecclesiastical writers, especially as these had -been summarized by Peter Lombard. To blend these into one great system -of theology, to subsidize the weapons of the Greek philosophy in defence -of Christian truth, and to draw the line with accuracy between what -reason can prove and faith accepts without proof—this was what he -undertook in the _Summa_. And never was a more acute intellect employed -on the great task of reconciling faith with reason. If he failed, it is -not because he shrank from anticipating any and every kind of objection -to the truths he was defending; his works are a perfect storehouse of -such objections. If he failed, it was not from any want of confidence in -the powers of the human mind to deal with the highest subjects of -thought. No modern rationalist ever surpassed him in that respect. He -failed because neither then nor now do the materials exist for such a -work, and because his truths lost and his errors gained force by being -worked into a system. - -It would take a whole chapter even to describe the _Summa_. Of its three -parts, the first, concerning God, and the second concerning man, were -completed in the four years he gave to the work. In the third, which -treats of the God-Man, he got no farther than the ninetieth question, -and the discussion was completed by extracts from his commentary on -Peter Lombard. But the completed part contains nearly _two million_ -Latin words, or with the supplement, two million one hundred thousand. -It is six times as large as Calvin’s _Institutio_, or four times as -large as the Latin Bible! And the _Summa_ fills only two of the -seventeen folios of his works, all written within the space of -twenty-six years by a man actively engaged in teaching, lecturing, and -advising popes and princes. - -That so much of the formative period of his life was spent in a -controversy, in which he was the applauded spokesman of a party whose -cause he regarded as the cause of God, could not but affect his -intellectual character. Professor Maurice thinks the delay in obtaining -the master’s degree worked in the same direction. The master in those -days was expected to pronounce decisions; those who had not attained -that rank were occupied in disputations only. “Thus our author was a -trained arguer,” and “the old habits remained with him when his -decisions were most accepted as authorities. From first to last he was -thinking of all that could be said on both sides of the question he was -discussing.” I believe that he was conscious of the narrowing and -dwarfing tendency of this habit of mind, even though he did not detect -the source of the evil. We read of his seeking to prepare himself for -his work by humble devotion. But to the last line of his last work the -controversial habit and attitude of mind clings to him. It is only in -his catechetical expositions, written before he left Koeln for Paris, -that you find a different atmosphere, and escape the heretic-crushing -Aristotelian dialectic of the scholastic disputant. - -Even in his few hymns, which constitute his title to rank among the -sacred poets, he is the great scholastic doctor, with his eye on the -heresies which may distract the believer. He writes with the full -panoply under his singing robes. All his hymns are concerned with the -greatest of the Christian sacraments. It was in 1215, a year before the -confirmation of the Dominican Order, and twelve years before Thomas was -born, that the fourth Lateran Council made the transubstantiation of the -elements into the body and blood of Christ an article of faith. But a -Belgian ecstatic, Juliana of Liege, had a vision which called for a -special annual festival in honor of the mystery. Urban IV. complied with -this request in 1261, by requiring that the Thursday next after Trinity -Sunday should be observed as Corpus Christi Day. This involved the -preparation of an additional services for the Missal and Breviary, with -suitable prayers and hymns, and the work was laid upon Thomas. For the -Missal he wrote the sequence - - _Lauda, Sion, Salvatorem;_ - -and for the Breviary the three hymns - - _Pange, lingua, gloriosi Corporis mysterium,_ - _Sacris solemniis juncta sint gaudia,_ - -and - - _Verbum supernum prodiens, Nec Patris._ - -The Paris Breviary connects a fifth hymn of his with the same festival, -the - - _Adoro Te devote, latens Deitas,_ - -assigning it for late (_serotinas_) services in the octave of Corpus -Christi. So Newman; but Daniel declares he finds it in none of the -breviaries of modern use, and in the missals only as a part of the -priest’s private preparation for saying Mass. Even this rank has not -been attained by the sixth hymn ascribed to him, the beautiful - - _O Esca viatorum,_ - -which Dr. Ray Palmer has made familiar to American worshippers by his -exquisite version, first published in the _Andover Sabbath Hymn-Book_: - - O Bread to pilgrims given. - -Moll denies that Thomas wrote this, and says it is by a Jesuit poet, -which is most probable. March calls it “a happy echo” of the undisputed -hymns of Thomas Aquinas. But the echo is softened; the hymn is less -masculine. _Lympha fons_ alone would serve as a note to show that -Aquinas never wrote it. - -It has been said by Dr. Neale that the - - _Pange, lingua, gloriosi_ - -“contests the second place among those of the Western Church, with the -_Vexilla Regis_, the _Stabat Mater_, the _Jesu dulcis memoria_, the _Ad -Regias Agni Dapes_, the _Ad Supernam_, and one or two others, leaving -the _Dies Irae_ in its unapproachable glory.” But this judgment is the -prejudiced one of a High Churchman, sufficiently in sympathy with the -Roman doctrine of the sacraments to relish keenly Thomas’s concise and -vigorous statement of that doctrine, and to mistake the relish for -critical appreciation of the poetry. Dr. Neale even praises Thomas’s -treatise _On the Venerable Sacrament of the Altar_ as the finest -devotional treatise of the Middle Ages, finer therefore than the -_Imitation_ itself! A calmer estimate will put the hymn decidedly below -Bernard’s exquisite _Jesu dulcia memoria_, or the _Veni, Creator -Spiritus_ of Rabanus Maurus, or the _Veni, Sancte Spiritus_ of Hermann -Contractus. It is true that it excels all these in its peculiar -qualities, its logical neatness, dogmatic precision, and force of almost -argumentative statement; but these qualities are not poetical. In this -respect it is not altogether unlike Toplady’s “Rock of Ages,” a hymn in -which the intellect has cut a channel for the emotions to flow. That was -written as a tail-piece to a controversial article in which Toplady -discussed John Wesley’s doctrines in the matter of faith and works, and -is a terse statement of theological discriminations on that point. - -The _Lauda, Sion, Salvatorem_, as it is a much longer hymn, gives more -scope for the exposition of the Roman doctrine. For this reason Martin -Luther abhorred it, probably also because he had no good opinion of -Thomas himself. He accuses him of perverting the Scripture in this hymn, -“as though he were the worst enemy of God, or else an idiot.” But this -harsh judgment did not succeed in expelling the hymn from the use of the -Lutheran churches, and since the Oxford revival it has found its way -into other Protestant churches. But the sixth, seventh and eighth verses -express the doctrine of transubstantiation so distinctly, that one must -have gone as far as Dr. Pusey, who avowed that he held “all Roman -doctrine,” before using their words in any but a non-natural sense. In -the fine version made by Dr. A. R. Thompson, first published in the -_Sunday-School Times_ in 1883, and included in Dr. Robinson’s _Laudes -Domini_, only half the hymn is given, those verses being taken which -deflect least from the general current of Christian thought about the -sacrament. By the author’s kind permission, we give it here with his -latest revision: - - “Sion, to thy Saviour singing, - To thy Prince and Shepherd bringing - Sweetest hymns of love and praise, - Thou wilt never reach the measure - Of his worth, by all the treasure - Of thy most ecstatic lays. - - “Of all wonders that can thrill thee, - And with adoration fill thee, - What than this can greater be, - That himself to thee he giveth?— - He that eateth, ever liveth— - For the bread of life is he. - - “Fill thy lips to overflowing - With sweet praise, his mercy showing, - Who this heavenly table spread. - On this day so glad and holy, - To each longing spirit lowly - Giveth he the living Bread. - - “Here the King hath spread his table, - Whereon eyes of faith are able - Christ our Passover to trace. - Shadows of the law are going, - Light and life and truth inflowing, - Night to day is giving place. - - * * * * * - - “Lo, this angels’ food descending - Heavenly love is hither sending, - Hungry lips on earth to feed! - So the paschal lamb was given, - So the manna came from heaven, - Isaac was his type indeed. - - “O good Shepherd, Bread life-giving, - Us, thy grace and life receiving, - Feed and shelter evermore! - Thou on earth our weakness guiding, - We in heaven with thee abiding, - With all saints will thee adore.” - -Thomas’s Franciscan friend, John Fidenza, better known by his nickname -of John Bonaventura, was a hymn-writer also, but he did a good many -other things better. To many Protestants his name has been made -offensive through its association with the _Psalter of Our Lady_, a -travesty of the Book of Psalms, with which he had nothing to do, and -which was made in a later century. Indeed, as Martin Chemnitz pointed -out three centuries ago, Bonaventura protested against the excessive -reverence for the Virgin, which had already become common, as likely to -lead to idolatry. That he was called the Seraphic Doctor shows that men -felt in him a warmth of heart and a tenderness of devotion, which they -missed in his greater contemporary, Thomas Aquinas, the Angelical -Doctor. Indeed he was the incarnation of the Franciscan spirit of love -and helpfulness, as Thomas of the Dominican spirit of theological -research and orthodox defence. Yet Bonaventura’s _Breviloquium_ has been -praised by good judges as the best compend of Christian doctrine that -the Middle Ages have left us. - -Bonaventura’s Latin poems are rather devout meditations than hymns. They -are not the voice of the Christian congregation in song, but of the monk -meditating before his crucifix. To him is sometimes ascribed the -Christmas hymn, - - _Adeste fideles,_ - -but not on sufficient authority. His best known hymns are the - - _Christum Ducem, qui per crucem,_ - -and - - _Recordare sanctae crucis,_ - -of which latter we have English versions by Dr. Henry Harbaugh, Dr. J. -W. Alexander, and E. C. Benedict. Five other hymns are ascribed to him -in the collections. They all have the Franciscan note; they turn on our -Lord’s human sympathy and sufferings. This explains the ascription to -him of a long hymn on the members of our Lord’s body as affected by the -passion, which is found in Mone (I., 171-74), but which is more -frequently and quite as erroneously ascribed to Bernard of Clairvaux. It -is not worthy of either, although Mone thinks the ascription to -Bonaventura “worthy of attention.” The hymn furnishes the point of -contact of the Latin hymnology with that of the later Moravians, the -Franciscans of Protestantism. - -So we leave the two great scholars, thinkers, doctors, and poets, each -representing one of the two chief streams of spiritual influence in the -Church of the thirteenth century. “They were lovely and pleasant in -their lives, and in death they were not divided.” - - - - - CHAPTER XXV. - JACOPONUS AND THE “STABAT MATER.” - - -Jacoponus, known to us sometimes as Jacobus de Benedictis, and sometimes -as Jacopo di Benedetto, or as Giacopone da Todi from his Italian -birthplace, is a most quaint and singular singer. The name Jacoponus is -a mere title of reproach, and signifies either “Big James” or “Silly -James.” It was called after him on the street and he adopted it in a -spirit of humility and as a badge of self abnegation. The man himself -was an Italian jurist and nobleman, who lived in the thirteenth century. -He led a wild life, lost his property, and eventually regained it by -industry and ability. Evidently he neither cared nor scrupled about his -ways of making money. A crisis came in his life in consequence of his -wife’s sudden death. She was killed at the city games of Todi in the -year of grace 1268, where with other women she had been watching the -sports from a scaffold of wood. It was insecure and fell, killing her -instantly. Poor Benedetto, on hurrying to the spot, found that beneath -her garments she had been wearing a hair girdle next to the -skin—according to the harsh custom of the time—and he was deeply -affected by this evidence of her anxiety to please God. In those days -such an action spoke volumes for the victim’s piety, and no one was more -open to conviction than this erratic, sensitive, and brilliant man. - -But it would seem that for a long time he struggled against his -feelings, since we have a record that by 1298 he had been a religious -person about twenty years. Indeed, there is a story that he was not -received at once by the Minorites, and that he finally produced certain -poems before they grew satisfied to take him in. However, when he was -fairly within their walls he outdid all the other Franciscans in -austerity. He had given up his position as Doctor of Laws and had -surrendered his property; now it would appear that he was determined to -advance beyond the rest in ascetic devotion. His penances and prayers -were greatly in excess of prescribed rules, and he must have proved as -sore a trial to any easy-going brother, as Simeon Stylites was when he -too led the whole convent to denounce his ascetic habits. There is small -doubt that the brain of Jacoponus was decidedly off its balance, even in -these earliest days, and his subsequent conduct gave full evidence of -his insanity. Still, we find in this self-abasement of his nothing that -looks like pride or egotism. Where others display a complacency which is -very Pharisaic, he only shows the monomania of a gifted soul. Some of -his expressions are remarkable for their spiritual depth and power. Thus -when he was pressed to explain how a Christian can be sure that he loves -God, he replied, “I have the sign of charity; if I ask God for -something, and He refuses me, I love Him notwithstanding; and when He -opposes me I love Him twice as much.” “I would,” he says, “for the love -of Christ, suffer with a perfect resignation all the toils of this life, -every grief, anguish, pain, which word can express or thought conceive. -I would also readily consent that, on leaving life, the demons should -bear my soul into the place of tortures, there to endure all the -torments due to my sins; to those of the just who suffer in purgatory, -and even of the reprobates and demons if this could be; and that until -the day of the last judgment, and longer still, according to the good -pleasure of the Divine Majesty. And, above all, it would be to me a -great pleasure and supreme satisfaction that all those for whom I should -have suffered should enter heaven before me, and, finally, if I came -after them that all should agree to declare to me that they owe me -nothing.” Surely no modern theologian has ever stated the doctrine of -“self-emptiness” in any shape which at all compares with this! - -Nor was he deficient in wit. “I enjoy the realm of France,” he once -said, “more than does the King of France; for I take part in all the -happiness that comes to him and I haven’t the care of his business.” At -another time he entered the market-place on all fours naked, a saddle on -his back and a bit between his teeth, for what symbolic purpose no one -has ever explained. Again, he literally tarred and feathered himself, -covering his body with a sticky oil and then rolling in feathers of -various colors and kinds. In this elegant wedding attire he made his -appearance at his brother’s house to honor the marriage of his niece. -The guests, as might be expected, departed in confusion and disgust. But -to all remonstrances upon his conduct he retorted, “My brother thinks to -illumine our name by his magnificence; I shall do it by my folly.” He -was really a leaf taken out of Rabelais or Boccaccio—a jester whose -folly and wisdom were mingled unequally, much in the fashion of that -Wamba son of Witless, immortalized for us in the pages of _Ivanhoe_. - -The man’s great mind had doubtless been shaken by his affliction and by -the gloomy theology of his time. Otherwise these performances, so -inconsistent with his genius, could never have taken place. The -irregularity of his productions, sometimes delicate as the most graceful -stanzas of the troubadours, and some times as coarse and rough as Villon -at his worst, are in exact proof of this assertion. - -In theology he was, to quote Ozanam, “no longer a dogmatic but a -mystic.” He really became the leader of a band of pure and elevated -minds which continued, by direct genealogy, through Hugo and Richard of -St. Victor, and Tauler down to St. Theresa, Madame Guyon, Fénelon, and -our own Thomas C. Upham. It is an honor of no slight consequence to have -inspired so much of the spirit of the Apostle John into that turbid -current of mediaeval religion. And it does not surprise us, therefore, -to find the _Cur mundus militat_ of Jacoponus credited to Bernard of -Clairvaux, nor the _Jesu, dulcis memoria_ of Bernard attributed to -Jacoponus. The two men were very similar, but the opportunities of the -French abbot were infinitely superior to those of the Italian monk. And -after a very careful inquiry I remain convinced, like other -hymnologists, that these two great hymns have already been properly -assigned. It is certainly a staggering piece of testimony when the -latter is found in an old MS. of Jacoponus’s poems, precisely in the -form in which it appears in the most critical edition of the writings of -Bernard. And it is equally unsettling for us to come upon the _Cur -mundus militat_ in the works of the saint, when we know, on no doubtful -evidence, that this was the passport of the sinner into his Franciscan -convent. Once more it is worth our while to repeat the warning that any -positive designation of Latin hymns by their authors’ names must rest -upon a firmer foundation than the mere fact that they can be discovered -in this man’s or that man’s printed works. - -Jacoponus also interests us in view of his Protestant spirit. He never -fancied Boniface VIII., and when that pope had a dream in which he saw a -great bell without a tongue, and consulted the keen-witted friar upon -its meaning, he received the reproof valiant, “Know, your holiness,” -said the undaunted monk, “that the great size of the bell signifies the -pontifical power which embraces the world. But take heed lest the tongue -be that good example which you will not give.” For this and other -liberties which he took it is no wonder that he presently found himself -in prison, where he suffered everything patiently, and announced that he -would go out when Boniface was ready to come in. And this, indeed, -actually occurred. He was excommunicated, too, but from this sentence -Benedict XI. released him on December 23d, 1303. - -I cannot refrain from quoting some more of his religious aphorisms and -meditations which instinctively suggest to us the pious musings of À -Kempis. Here is one: “I have always thought, and I think now, that it is -a great thing to know how to enjoy God. Why? Because in these hours of -joy, humility is exercised with respect. But I have thought, and I think -now, that the greatest thing is to know how to rest deprived of God. -Why? Because in these hours of trial, faith is exercised without -evidence, hope without attempt at fulfilment, and charity without any -sign of the divine benevolence.” And here is a fragment from his last -poem: “Love, I see that thou art transfiguring me, and making me become -Love like thee, so that I dwell no longer in my own heart and that I -know no longer how to find myself again. If I perceive in a man any -evil, or vice, or temptation, I am transformed and I enter into him; I -am penetrated with his pain.” - -It must not be supposed that these poems were in the Latin language in -every instance. Very few of the entire number are truly within our own -sphere of research, and all those composed in Italian are accessible to -us only through a French prose translation. But his “Praise of Poverty” -deserves a place even in these pages, for it reveals the nature of the -poet and helps us to comprehend the pathos and tenderness of his -unregulated genius: - - “Sweet Poverty, how much in truth - Should we love thee! - For, child, thou hast a sister named - Humility. - A common bowl, for food and drink, - Is all thy need; - Bread, water, and a few poor herbs, - Suffice indeed. - - “And, if a guest should come, she adds - A pinch of salt; - She travels fearless, and no foe - Can bid her halt; - Thieves do not plunder her; she dies - At length in peace; - She makes no will; no grasping hands - Clutch her increase. - - “Poor little thing! Behold thou art - Heaven’s citizen; - No vulgar earthly wishes draw - Thee down to men; - Thine is the greatest sceptre, thine - The kingdom here, - For what thou carest not to seek - Still crowdeth near. - - “O science most profound and deep! - For thus we rise, - And gain our freedom by the things - We most despise! - O gracious Poverty, supplied - With joy and rest, - Thine is the plenty of the heart, - And that is best!” - -It is strangely incongruous with this almost idyllic gentleness for us -to find such a man hanging a coveted bit of meat in his cell until the -odor of its putrefaction disgusted the rest of the monks, as well as put -an end to his own craving for the forbidden dainty. Then, too, we have -several other anecdotes of his grim humor and bold denunciation of sin. -Take, for example, the story told of his peculiar half-satirical conduct -in an instance which Wadding, the historian of the Franciscan Order, -relates with great gusto. A citizen of Todi, a relative of the poet, had -bought a pair of chickens, and not wishing to be inconvenienced by them, -he said to Jacoponus, “Take them and carry them for me, if you please; I -don’t care to burden myself with them.” To which Jacoponus answered, -“Trust me! I’ll carry your chickens home.” He then went direct to the -church of Fortunatus, in which his own monument was afterward placed, -and pulling up a gravestone he thrust the chickens in and replaced the -slab. The worthy citizen on his return of course found no chickens, and -therefore at once hunted out Jacoponus in the public square and -reproached him. “I took them to your house,” retorted the Franciscan. -“But I have just come from it and my wife says she has not seen you,” -the Tudescan asserted. Thereupon Jacoponus took him to the church and -having removed the stone, said to him: “Friend, isn’t that your home?” -The citizen, says Wadding, took his chickens, being a man evidently of -frugal mind, and, “not without fear, went his way absorbed in thought.” - -This mad Solomon is at times so keen in his denunciations of the -corruption of the Church, and so evidently sincere in his own religion, -that more than one hymnologist has thought that his folly was largely -assumed as a guise under which he had greater freedom. The court fool -was a “chartered libertine” as to his language, and when we read the -epitaph of Jacoponus it seems as if he had reversed the saying of -Shakespeare and had stolen Satan’s livery to serve Heaven in. There is -no question but that this satirical freedom actually cost the poor -jester some considerable share of imprisonment, and this heightens the -likelihood that he was playing Brutus in order to abolish Caesar. -Boniface VIII., whom he had very plainly rebuked, was the one who -imprisoned him, and he was not released before the case—as he had indeed -predicted—was precisely reversed. Let me record my own conviction, based -upon the poem of which I append a translation, and upon the other facts -of his life, that this view of his career has much in its favor. Those -days and these are not to be compared in respect to liberty. Where -Bernard of Cluny swung his sling about his head and let the pebbles fly -to right and left with no very tangible result, Jacoponus took bow and -arrows and drove his shaft into the target. No one meddled with Bernard; -but Jacoponus, a century later, was a Tell for the ecclesiastical -Gessler. - -Of the _Stabat Mater Dolorosa_, carried by the Flagellants into every -corner of Europe as they flogged themselves in public to its anthem, it -can be said that it is one of the very greatest hymns—if not actually -the greatest—of the Roman Catholic Church. The _Dies Irae_, the _Veni, -Sancte Spiritus_, and the Hymn of Bernard of Cluny, are catholic rather -than Roman. This is Roman rather than catholic. It is full of -Mariolatry. Take a stanza from a prose translation by way of example: - -“Virgin of virgins, illustrious, be not now bitter to me, make me mourn -with thee, make me carry about the death of Christ, make me a sharer in -His passion, adoring His suffering.” And again: “O Christ, when I go -hence, give me, through Thy mother, to attain the palm of victory,” etc. - -For this reason the Protestant metrical versions of the _Stabat Mater_ -are few in number and generally accompanied by disclaimers of one kind -or another. Of course the music, on whose wings the hymn has now flown -world-wide, will need no word of mine. If the _Stabat Mater_ itself -receives commonly the second rank among hymns, it follows that Rossini, -Pergolesi, Palestrina and Haydn have not detracted from its glory. And -though in the terse language of one of our best hymnologists, we say, -“It is simple Mariolatry, most of it,” the human pathos of the verses -appeals strongly to those who refuse the added errors of the poem. - -Of the _Stabat Mater Speciosa_ I confess to a decided doubt. It is in -the nature of a paraphrase, almost of a parody. It is unworthy of the -brain that formed the _Mater Dolorosa_, and the jester must have gone -beyond common folly if he descended to this imitation of himself. It is -more likely—and there is good ground for the opinion—that it is the work -of some later hand. Archbishop Trench, by the way, will not include -either of them in his collection. - -Of the other writings of Jacoponus it may be interesting to say that he -composed hymns and satires in great abundance, both in Latin and in -Italian, which were collected by Franciscus Tressatus, a Minorite -brother, and published in seven books. The _Cur mundus militat_ (which -Wadding quotes at length) meets this editor’s highest praise. Of the -Italian poems we can say that they are now regarded by Symonds and -others as the fountain-head of Italian literature, and that they -contained many of the crude expressions of the common people mixed with -an elegance of phraseology to which Dante and Petrarch were accustoming -their mother tongue. Indeed, I know no other similar poet, unless it be -John Skelton, rector of “gloomy Dis” in England, who about a century -later shot the same kind of shafts at the same manner of target and with -much the same bitter, gibing wit. - -But of all the compositions of our mad monk which I have seen, I am most -especially interested in this _Cur mundus militat_. Its attractiveness -consists, first of all, in its dactylic measure and in its singular -adaptation to the character of Jacoponus. It is hard, in the -translation, to catch that strange jingle of the cap and bells and that -tossing of the fool’s bauble which accompany the exhortation. Only in -the last stanza does it appear as if he deigned to be serious. All that -precedes this is the quaint world-weariness of the man too wise for his -time, and who is therefore well pleased to be _stultus propter -Christum_—a “fool for Christ’s sake.” - - - THE VANITY OF EARTH. - - Why should this world of ours strive to be glorious - Since its prosperity is not victorious? - Swiftly its power and its beauty are perishing - Like to frail vases which once we were cherishing. - - Trust more to letters carved fair on some frostiness - Than to this brittle world’s empty untrustiness. - False in her honors, in semblance of purity, - Never as yet had she time for security. - - More should be trusted to glass, which is treacherous, - Than to Earth’s happiness wretched and venturous— - Filled with false vanities, lured by false madnesses, - Worn with false knowledges, sick of false gladnesses. - - Where now is Solomon, once so pre-eminent? - Where is that Samson, so valiantly prominent? - Where the fair Absalom, stalwart and beautiful? - Where the sweet Jonathan, lovely and dutiful? - - Whither went Caesar, that monarch illustrious? - Or the proud Dives, at table industrious? - Tell me of Tullius, lofty in eloquence; - Or Aristoteles, first in grandiloquence. - - So many heroes, such spacious activity, - Dancers and mountebanks, kingdoms and levity; - Rulers of earth who were tyrannous o’er us all— - Swift as a glance they are gone from before us all! - - What a short holiday this of Earth’s best estate! - Joys, which to man are like dreams that attest his fate; - Which, the rewards of eternity banishing, - Lead him through paths where his comfort is vanishing. - - Food of the worm thou art—clod of the common clay! - O dew! O vanity! Why praise thy common way? - Thou who art ignorant whether the morrow come! - Do good to all ere the time of thy sorrow come. - - Much though we value this glory of earthiness, - Scripture declareth, as grass, its unworthiness; - Like the light leaf, by the mighty wind hurried off, - So is this life, by the darkness soon carried off. - - Nothing is thine which thy spirit may lose again— - What this world gave it intendeth to choose again; - Lift up thy thought where the heart hath its treasure-house— - Happy art thou to despise this Earth’s pleasure-house! - -We are not to imagine that these stirring verses, whether in Latin or in -Italian, went unnoticed. In the various productions of his muse the -humble monk enjoyed a popularity like that of Abelard. Numerous -manuscripts of his writings were scattered through Italy, France, and -Spain, and translations in these different languages helped to increase -his fame. Between the fifteenth and seventeenth centuries at least eight -editions appeared. But for critical purposes they are not so valuable as -might be supposed, since there are interpolations by other hands which -confuse and deter the investigator. They were supplemented in 1819 by -the publication of a number hitherto unknown, which were edited by -Alessandro da Mortara. - -Of the Latin poetry ascribed to him the _Jesu dulcis memoria_ is -certainly Bernard’s, for Morel discovered it in an Einsiedeln MS. “older -than 1288.” There are two hymns—_Crux te, te volo conqueri_ and _Ave -regis angelorum_—of which we merely know the opening lines and have no -accessible originals. The _Verbum caro factum est_, the _Ave fuit prima -salus_, and the _Cur mundus militat_ are doubtless his own. The _Mater -Speciosa_ I take the liberty to discredit because of its gross -Latinity—a point which Ozanam concedes in spite of his belief in its -genuine character. The _Mater Dolorosa_ itself has not escaped question, -for Benedict XIV. declared it to be the work of Innocent III., to whom, -with about the same amount of truth, has also been attributed the _Veni, -Sancte Spiritus_. - -In the year 1306, after imprisonment and excommunication had both passed -over his head and spent their force harmlessly, the aged Jacoponus drew -near his end. His companions urged him to ask for the final sacrament, -but he was in no haste. He would wait, he said, for John of Alvernia, -his true friend, and from his hands only would he receive it. They -considered this another proof of his untamed and rebellious nature, and -loudly lamented around his bed. But the dying man gave no heed to their -weakness. He raised himself upon his arm and with lifted face began to -chant the _Anima benedetta_—the song of a blessed soul. Scarcely had his -voice uttered the closing words ere two men were seen hastening across -the field. One was that very John of Alvernia, moved by some strange -presentiment to visit his friend. He entered the room and greeted -Jacoponus with a kiss of peace. Then he administered the sacrament of -the Eucharist. And thereupon the failing singer, his desire being at -last fulfilled, sang the _Jesu nostra fidanza_ and relapsed into silence -for a time. Then he exhorted those about him to live holy lives, and, -lifting his hands toward heaven, gently expired. It was on Christmas eve -and, in the neighboring church, the choir had just begun to chant the -_Gloria in Excelsis_. - -Two hundred and ninety years after his death his tombstone and its -inscription were placed. The words, when rendered from Latin into -English, are these: - -“The bones of the blessed Jacoponus de Benedictis of Todi, who, a fool -for Christ’s sake, deluded the world by a new art and took heaven by -force.” - -There is in the Lenox Gallery a small picture by Zamacois, which -represents a jester leaning against a head of Pan. The rude, broken bust -stands on an antique pedestal, its mouth, in its half-tragic, half-comic -curves, appearing to whisper into the ear of its companion. He, -scarlet-clad and with his bauble swinging idly in his hands, inclines -his head toward it and seems in a sad gravity to listen to its words. -There, indeed, do I see Jacoponus! The eager heart of the great -misunderstood, inconsistent, vain, and empty World tells him of its -nothingness—a broken and abandoned deity deserted in its garden of Eden. -An inexpressible sadness comes over me. Quietly I put by the _Stabat -Mater_; I do not love it!—but I close the page softly over the poor mad -prophet who rests his weary head on the steps of Solomon’s throne. - - - - - CHAPTER XXVI. - THOMAS À KEMPIS. - - -The contributions of Holland to the devotional poetry of Christendom -have not been extensive; but in the Middle Ages she could show several -Latin hymn-writers. The best known of these, however, is by far more -famous for his prose works. Thomas Hemerken, called afterward Thomas à -Kempis, was not by birth a Hollander. He was born in 1379 or 1380 at -Kempen, a small city in the diocese of Koeln (Cologne), not far from -what became the boundary line between the two nations. But in those -days, and, indeed, until the Peace of Westphalia, Holland, like -Switzerland, was reckoned a part of Germany. His father, John Hemerken, -was an artisan of the poorer class, probably a silversmith; and both his -parents were devout and God-fearing people. His elder brother John had -gone to Deventer to obtain an education, after the fashion of the times, -when boys wandered from city to city in search of instruction, and -supported themselves by singing, begging, and sometimes by thieving. But -at Deventer John had fallen in with some good people who had pity upon -these wandering scholars, and had made arrangements to furnish them -lodgings and copying-work in addition to what they would earn by singing -in the choir. - -The chief person in this group was Gerard Groote, a man of wealthy -family and some strange vicissitudes in life. He had studied at the -universities of Paris and Prague, and had taken minor orders to qualify -himself to hold the two canonries family influence secured to him, but -without giving any indication of a vocation to the sacred office. He -seems even to have led a dissolute life. Then a great change came over -him, chiefly through the influence of a friend of his youth named Henry -Eger, now the prior of a Cistercian convent at Munkhuisen. Gerard -resigned his benefices, and spent five years in a monastic retreat, from -which he emerged as a zealous preacher of the Gospel to the clergy and -people of what now is Holland, using both Latin and Dutch as occasion -served. He especially dwelt on the utter worldliness of that dreary -time, when priests, nobles, and tradesmen alike had lost all idea of -serving God and men, and had set up gain and pleasure as the recognized -ends of life. His sharp rebukes, and his exaltation of humility, -simplicity, and poverty, attracted the lower classes, but roused the -opposition of both the burghers and the Mendicants against him. After a -brief and stormy career he was silenced by the Archbishop of Utrecht, -and was obliged to find vent for his zeal in some other channel. - -His purity and unworldliness had gathered around him, in his native -Deventer, men and women like-minded with him, who, according to the -tendency of the time, drifted naturally into a kind of monastic life. -Brother-houses and sister-houses were organized, and they became known -as the Brethren and Sisters of the Common Life. They took no vows, and -yet practised celibacy, common ownership and labor, and obedience to the -rector of the house. They adopted no common dress, but came to wear the -simplest gray robe of the same cut. Both laymen and clergy lived -together in the brother-houses, and each took his turn in the common -services of the brotherhood. They observed no canonical hours beyond -what the Church exacted of the priests among them. They assumed none of -the professions of the monks, and yet they realized the monkish ideal -better than did the monks themselves. The four principles which governed -Gerard’s own life and became the four corner-stones of this fraternity, -were “contempt of the world and of self, imitation of the lowly life of -Christ, good-will, and the grace of devoutness” (_contemptus mundi et -sui ipsius, imitatio humilis vitae Christi, bona voluntas, gratia -devotionis_). All this was summed up in the phrase _moderna devotio_, -used both by the brethren and the outside world to designate the -distinctive character of the order. - -The experience Christendom had had of the results of mendicancy led -Groote and his associates to base the new brotherhood on honest labor. -The shape this took reflects his own character. He was a great -book-lover—_semper avarus et peravarus librorum_, he says himself. When -in peril of his life in a storm by sea, he managed to save the six books -he had with him. He possessed a considerable library, and when the -brotherhood came to adopt the principle of community of goods, he and -the rest put their books into the common stock. And all who were able to -write were to labor in copying books for sale—the clergy in Latin, the -laymen in Dutch. It was this employment he extended to the poor scholars -of the Deventer school. Indeed, it seems not improbable that he began it -with them, and that the first brotherhood was composed of young friends -of this class, who had grown to manhood in this employment. It is -certain that in Deventer, in Zwolle, and for all we know in the other -cities where the brotherhood took root, near by the brother-house stood -a poor-scholars’ house, in which the boys attending the school of the -city were lodged, kept under discipline, and to some degree given work -also. But the Brethren of the Common Life were not an educating body, as -has been very generally supposed. They aimed only at saving boys from -the moral injury which too often attended their homeless life, at -keeping good discipline over them, and at imparting moral and religious -training. They aimed to do for the school-boys what the founders of -colleges in the universities of Oxford, Cambridge, and Paris tried to do -for the myriads of students who lived like vagrants in those seats of -learning. - -But before Gerard Groote died the question was raised whether it would -not be advisable to establish a strictly monastic order of life for -those of the brethren who felt a vocation to it. To this he agreed, but -dissuaded his friends from adopting the severe rules of the Cistercians -and the Carthusians for the new order. Rather he suggested that of the -Canons Regular under the rule of St. Augustine as preferable, since it -would be more in keeping with the spirit of the brotherhood, and would -bind on no one too heavy burdens. This advice marks an advance upon -Dominic, Francis, and the “reformers” of the Benedictine and Mendicant -orders, in an evangelical direction. They all sought progress to -perfection in deeper austerity. In his case the preference perhaps was -caused by his friendship for the monastery of Canons Regular at -Groenendal, in Flanders, whose prior was Jan Rusbroek, the great Flemish -mystic. Gerard made several visits to Groenendal after his conversion, -and translated two of his friend’s books into Latin. - -Gerard Groote was carried off by the great pestilence of 1384, in his -forty-fourth year. But he left the work in good hands, for a Deventer -priest named Florens Radewinzoon succeeded him as rector of the -brother-house, and proceeded with the building of the new monastery at -Windesheim, near Deventer. It was opened in 1386, and John à Kempis, who -had become a member of the brotherhood, was one of the six who first -assumed the monastic vows. - -It was six years later, in 1392, that Thomas set out to seek his brother -at Deventer; for although the distance was not much over a hundred -miles, he had heard nothing of John’s profession at Windesheim, so -uncertain and irregular were the means of communication. On learning -what had happened, he proceeded to Windesheim, where his brother -welcomed him warmly. But there was no school at Windesheim, and John -advised him to return to Deventer to attend the city school and place -himself under the care of Florens. He did so and became an inmate of the -poor-scholars’ house, which had been given to the brotherhood by a -devout matron of the city. Here he lived for six years, attending school -under Master Johann Boehme, singing in the choir of the church of which -Florens was vicar, and earning a little money by copying books for him. -The good rector showed him very great kindness, and in 1398, when his -school studies were complete, he received him into the brotherhood. The -year before this another pestilence had visited Deventer, carrying off -Johann Kessel, the saintly cook of the brother-house, and prostrating -Thomas himself, who recovered with difficulty. Indeed, it seemed as -though the brotherhood would become extinct, and Florens and six others -withdrew for a time from the plague-smitten city to guard against this -catastrophe. - -In 1399 Thomas, at Florens’s instance, decided to assume the monastic -vows. A second house of the order had been established at Agnietenberg -(or Mount St. Agnes) near the city of Zwolle. Of this John à Kempis had -been made the second prior in 1398, and held that office until 1408. -Thither Thomas proceeded in 1399, stopping at Zwolle to obtain the -indulgence lately proclaimed by the Pope for the benefit of a new church -in that city. After a novitiate of seven years he took the vows in 1406, -and in 1414 was ordained to the priesthood. - -The monastic life is studiously and intentionally monotonous. It aims at -the exclusion of all that gives zest and interest to ordinary existence, -and at the reduction of life’s employments to a routine. Its variety and -color are to be sought in the inner life of its members, and that of -Thomas was not wanting in these elements. If his inner experience be -reflected in his _Soliloquy of the Soul_, he passed through those -shifting seasons of gloom and gladness which characterize the experience -of an introverted religion. His religious character was formed on the -lines of the modern devotion, as defined by Gerard Groote, and as -reflected in the lives and the writings of Florens Radewinzoon, Gerard -Zerbolt, Johann Mande, Gerlach Peterszoon, and Johann Brinckerinck, the -earlier notable men of the brotherhood or of the Windesheim -congregation. His was not a bold and originative mind to strike out new -paths for himself. He had not even those gifts of practical -administration for which Florens, John à Kempis, and others of the order -were notable. Even when he had attained recognition as the most eminent -man at Agnietenberg, his brethren twice passed him by in selecting their -prior, and never gave him any dignity higher than the sub-priorate, -which probably was a sinecure. An early biographer goes so far as to -describe him as sitting silent whenever ordinary and worldly matters -were discussed, because of his ignorance of the very terms used at such -times. But this is an exaggeration. His _Chronicle of the Monastery of -Mt. St. Agnes_ shows him taking a mild and not unintelligent interest in -the secular side of the monastic life, and sharing the joy of his -brethren in the fine apple-crop or the large take of fish, and the like. -But this _Chronicle_ shows how limited his range of vision and interest. -He lived through the Papal Schism, the Asiatic conquests of Timour, the -Council of Constance, the Hussite wars, Henry the Fifth’s invasion of -France, the exploits of Jeanne d’Arc, the Council of Basle, the rise of -the Medici in Florence, and of the Duchy of Burgundy, the Council of -Florence, the exploits of Scanderberg and Hunyadi Janos, the Wars of the -Roses, the revival of letters, the invention of printing, the fall of -Constantinople, the Florentine Academy, the Portuguese discoveries in -the Atlantic, and much more that might be thought likely to be discussed -even within the walls of a Dutch monastery. But the record is silent as -to all these things; for the most part they are part of the doings of -that “world” which the disciples of the modern devotion trained -themselves to despise. - -No doubt the great question of the Papal Schism was of interest at -Agnietenberg, and also the two great councils which brought it to an -end. At the Council of Constance the Brethren of the Common Life were -arraigned by a zealous Mendicant as violating Church law by observing -the three rules of the monastic life without belonging to any recognized -order. But this Mendicant notion was declared heretical, thanks to two -great French doctors, Pierre d’Ailly and John Gerson, the second of whom -was to be associated so closely with Thomas in a famous controversy. - -In 1427 the troubles of the outside world did reach the convent at -Agnietenberg and its associates. There had been a disputed election to -the princely diocese of Utrecht, then one of the largest and wealthiest -in Latin Christendom. The Pope recognized one candidate and the people -of the cities another. To break down their obstinacy the diocese was -laid under an interdict, which put an end to every act of public -worship. Thereupon the brotherhood and the order were given their choice -by the citizens, either to go on with their services as usual in church -and chapel, or to leave the diocese. With one consent they chose the -latter alternative, and in 1429 they distributed themselves among the -associated brother-houses and monasteries outside the diocese. The -twenty-four clerical and lay brethren of Agnietenberg found a home at -Luvenkerk in Friesland, in a disordered monastery which had been placed -under the rule of the Windesheim congregation, and which they used this -opportunity to reform. After three years of exile they were allowed to -return, a new Pope having yielded to the people. But Thomas did not -return so soon, for he had been called away to Arnheim to the death-bed -of his brother John, the brother he had found at Windesheim instead of -Deventer, and under whose priorship at Agnietenberg he took the vows. - -In 1451 Deventer was visited by a great Churchman and notable thinker, -the Cardinal Nicolas of Cusa, who, like Thomas, was born east of what is -now the German frontier, but had received his schooling in Deventer, -where he learned to love and honor the Brethren of the Common Life. He -came now as papal legate to reform the abuses which had arisen in the -churches of Germany during the great schism; and when he came to his -loved Deventer he hastened to indicate his especial regard for his old -friends. He granted a special indulgence to both the brotherhood and the -order, and permitted the Windesheim congregation to establish a second -congregation, with equal privileges, to accommodate the rapidly -increasing number of convents of Canons Regular. - -Thomas survived his brother by nearly forty years. His cloister life -moved on through three decades with the external monotony of an -existence subjected to rule. Five years of the forty were years of -pestilence and popular distress, which he duly chronicles. But the only -real interruption of his routine which still has a living interest was -his acquaintance with young Johan Wessel, who came to pursue his studies -in Zwolle, being drawn by the charm of the _Imitation_ into the -neighborhood of its author. This probably was about 1460, when he sought -and made Thomas’s acquaintance, and often conversed with him upon the -greatest of themes. But the earliest biography of Wessel belongs to the -next century, and is by a Protestant pastor in Bremen; so the statements -that Wessel found Thomas and his brother monks all too superstitious, -and rebuked the Mariolatry of the author of the _Imitation_, are open to -doubt. That Wessel, the forerunner of Luther, influenced Thomas in the -writing of the _Imitation_ is a palpable absurdity. - -For a short time he was procurator or steward of the monastery, a task -which must have been uncongenial to him, but which he would discharge -with his best diligence, as his first biographer, Jodocus Badius -Ascensius, says he did. Then he was sub-prior a second time in 1448. - -The chronicle of Mount St. Agnes ends with January 17th, 1471; its -author died July 26th of the same year. His health had been singularly -good, but toward the close of his life he suffered from dropsy. His -eyesight never failed him, and he retained all his faculties in full -vigor to the last. As the end drew near, the sense of all he had been to -his brethren as a friend and counsellor deepened in them at the prospect -of losing him. All that their love could do and his ascetic principles -would permit, they did to lighten the burdens and relieve the pains of -his illness. He died in his ninety-second year, after having been -sixty-three years in the order and fifty-eight in the priesthood. - -He was buried within the cloisters of the monastery. There his bones -continued to rest even after the dissolution of the monastery at the -Reformation in 1573, and thence they were disinterred in 1672 and placed -in a shrine. But no miracles were wrought at his grave or by his bones. -Whatever the faults of the Brethren of the Common Life, it was not in -the atmosphere of the modern devotion that men learned to crave after -such evidence of sanctity in the servants of God. So the brotherhood and -its affiliated order have made no contributions to the list of Roman -Catholic saints. There is room in that long and motley list for Giovanni -da Capistrano, the cruel and implacable inquisitor, whose path across -Europe was marked with blood and fire. But none has been found for the -gentle and loving Thomas à Kempis, who has wooed millions of souls to a -closer communion with his Master, and whose own life preached humility, -patience, gentleness, renunciation of the world, conformity to the will -of God, and likeness to Christ, as distinctly as does his great book. -Well, he is content. _Ama nesciri_—love to be unknown—was a precept -often on his lips and illustrated in his life. Of small matter to him -would have been the attempt to deny his authorship of the _Imitation_, -and the controversy of two centuries’ duration it provoked. Of no -greater moment the refusal of the name of saint to one whose only -miracles were wrought upon the spirits of his brethren. But the Church -catholic says of him, “Surely this was a holy man of God.” - -While the copying of books was the general employment of the brotherhood -and of the order, there was from the first a good deal of independent -authorship among them, and always on the lines of the “modern devotion.” -Groote himself labored chiefly by preaching and correspondence. But some -of his letters are tracts in that form, and had a wide circulation as -such. Florens was not much even of a letter-writer, but he wrote one -devotional tract which has been discovered. It was in Gerard Zerbolt of -Zutphen, his _altera manus_, that he found a fit organ for the -expression of his ideas in writing. To us Protestants Zerbolt is -memorable as the author of a treatise asserting the right and duty of -unlearned men to have good books—the Bible and their prayer-books -included—in their own tongue. But he was much better known by his -writing certain widely circulated books of devotion—modern, of course. -Hendrik Mande, the Seer, was a Windesheim monk whose mysticism took the -bolder and more ecstatic flight of Rusbroek, and like Rusbroek he found -his native tongue more suitable than Latin. Lastly, Gerlach Peterszoon, -sometimes called “the second Thomas à Kempis,” although he died in 1411, -before Thomas himself had become an author, wrote in both Latin and -Dutch sundry works, one of which still is reprinted for edification even -by Protestants. Through all this literature runs the same strain of -thought and feeling, in spite of personal differences. They all insist -on a deeper renunciation of the world than is satisfied by any external -monastic compliances. They all hold forth the imitation of Christ’s -humility and meekness as the essence of the Christian life. They all -insist on devotion to the will of God and good-will to men as the two -essential channels in which the Christian life must run. - -Thomas à Kempis’s works as a whole fit into the writings of this group -of disciples of Gerard Groote, just as his _Imitation of Christ_ fits -into the rest of his works. He simply is the best writer they had, as -the _Imitation_ is the best thing he ever wrote. If none of the many -manuscripts of the _Imitation_ bore his name, as nearly all of them do; -and if none of the contemporaries who knew him had certified to his -authorship of it, as so many of them do; and if none of the printed -editions bore his name, as twenty-one of the fifteenth century and forty -of the sixteenth do, we still would have been obliged to ascribe it to -him. No other century than his could have produced it. It reflects the -ideas of no other group than that of the disciples of Gerard and -Florens. The very title, _De Imitatione Christi, et de Contemptu Omnium -Vanitatum Mundi_, expresses the twofold aspect of the _moderna devotio_ -of which Gerard and Florens were the sponsors. Among those disciples -there is no one but the author of the _Soliloquy of the Soul_ and the -_Valley of Lilies_, to whom we could give it. It differs no more in -point of worth from Thomas’s other books than does the _Pilgrim’s -Progress_ from Bunyan’s other writings, _Grace Abounding_ always -excepted. - -While it is by his formal hymns Thomas à Kempis acquires his right to a -place here, it is true at the same time that the _Imitation_ itself is a -great Christian poem, not only in substance but in form. A Belgian, who -was his contemporary, says he had written the book _metrice_, or in -rhythm and rhyme. As it was printed always as prose until our own times, -this statement was somewhat puzzling, as was the title, _Musica -Ecclesiastica_, found in some of the manuscripts. But Rev. Karl Hirsche, -Lutheran pastor in Hamburg, has vindicated both expressions by showing -that Thomas has followed such models as the sequence, _Victimae -paschali_, in the composition of his work. And he has given us an -edition based on Thomas’s autograph of the year 1441, in which this -peculiarity is made visible.[15] It is true that this way of writing -what we may call rhymed and rhythmical prose is not confined to Thomas -or to the _Imitation_ among his works. Among others Jan van -Schoonhooven, a Belgian disciple of Jan Rusbroek’s, uses this form -frequently; and Pastor Hirsche has pointed out its frequency in others -of Thomas’s works. But in no other book approaching the _Imitation_ in -length is the restriction of rhythm and rhyme so steadily accepted. As -an instance, take this brief passage from the fifth chapter of the third -book: - - “Amans volat, currit, et laetatur; - Liber est, et non tenetur - Dat omnia pro omnibus, - Et habet omnia in omnibus; - Quia in uno summo super omnia quiescit - Ex quo omne bonum fluit et procedit. - Non respecit ad dona - Sed ad donantem se convertit super omnia bona. - Amor modo saepe nescit, - Sed super omnem modum fervescit. - Amor onus non sentit, - Labores non reputat; - Plus affectat quam valet; - De impossibilitate non causatur - Quia cuncta sibi posse et licere arbitrator.” - -Or in Rev. W. Benham’s admirable version: “He who loveth flyeth, -runneth, and is glad; he is free and not hindered. He giveth all things -for all things, and has all things in all things, because he resteth in -One who is high above all, from whom every good floweth and proceedeth. -He looketh not for gifts, but turneth himself to the Giver, above all -good things. Love oftentimes knoweth no measure, but breaketh out above -all measure; love feeleth no burden, reckoneth not labors, striveth -after more than it is able to do, pleadeth not impossibility, because it -judgeth all things which are lawful for it to be possible.”[16] - -The _Imitation_ has obtained a place next to the Bible in the devotional -literature of Christendom. The fact that the author was a Roman Catholic -and that the fourth book is a preparation for the devout reception of -the Eucharist in accordance with the Roman Catholic theory of its -nature, has not prevented stanch Protestants from translating and -commending it. Dr. Chalmers wrote a commendatory preface to a Scotch -reprint of John Payne’s translation. And in Germany, Holland, and -England the Protestant versions have far exceeded those made by Roman -Catholics. The first Protestant version was that from the mediaeval into -Ciceronian Latin, by Sebastian Castellio (Basle, 1556); the second was -into German by the great and good John Arndt. But the book has achieved -a still more notable conquest than this. In Corneille’s metrical version -(1651) it was a favorite with Auguste Comte, who recommended it to the -Benthamist, Sir William Molesworth, as well worth reading. It has -obtained a sort of recognition among Comtists as a canonical work, and -selections from it often are read at the Positivist services. And -English readers will remember the passage in which George Eliot, writing -in Comte’s spirit, describes its effect on the sensitive spirit of -Maggie Tulliver: - -“She knew nothing of doctrines and systems—of mysticism or quietism; but -this voice out of the far-off Middle Ages was the direct human -communication of a human soul’s belief and experience, and came to -Maggie as an unquestioned message. - -“I suppose that is the reason why the small, old-fashioned book, for -which you need pay only sixpence at a book-stall, works miracles to this -day, turning bitter waters into sweetness, while expensive sermons and -treatises, newly issued, leave all things as they were before. It was -written down by a hand that waited for the heart’s prompting; it is the -chronicle of a solitary hidden anguish, struggle, trust, and triumph—not -written on velvet cushions to teach endurance to those who are treading -with bleeding feet on the stones. And so it remains to all time a -lasting record of human needs and consolations; the voice of a brother -who, ages ago, felt and suffered and renounced, in the cloister, -perhaps, with serge gown and tonsured head, with much chanting and long -fasts, and with a fashion of speech different from ours, but under the -same silent, far-off heavens, and with the same passionate desires, and -with the same strivings, the same failures, the same weariness.”—_The -Mill on the Floss, Book IV., chap._ 3. - -All true; but less than the truth; for Thomas’s power lies not in these -negations, but in his personal relation to “the supreme, invisible -Teacher, the pattern of sorrow, the source of all strength,” from whom -Marian Evans turned away to fill up her life with “yearnings and -strivings and failures,” while her only comfort was in the consideration -that she had stilled her pain by no “false anodynes.” - -It is a little uncertain at what time the _Imitation_ was written. It -seems not improbable that it was begun in Thomas’s youth, when he had -assumed or was about to assume the responsibilities of the priesthood. A -lofty regard for the sanctity of that office was one of the traditions -of the brotherhood. Groote himself, in view of the stains of his earlier -life, never would assume it, although his ordination would have enabled -him to resume his work of preaching through the Archdiocese of Utrecht. -He never was more than deacon, and the order which silenced him merely -forbade deacons to preach without especial permission. It is not -impossible that in the case of Thomas, as in that of Luther, the -responsibility seemed greater than he could bear, and that it drove him -into a closer and more consecrated fellowship with his Master, which -bore fruit in the first book of this wonderful manual. He was ordained -priest in 1414; there seems good reason to believe that this first -book—the _Imitation_ proper—was known and read at Windesheim, and even -translated into Dutch by Jan Scutken, as early as the year 1420; and -that the other three were written, each as an independent work, before -1425, and then united as one manual of devotion.[17] The oldest -manuscript of the Latin still in existence bears the date 1425, and -testifies to his authorship. The oldest in Thomas’s own handwriting was -made in 1441, and forms part of a series of his works, which he then -collected probably for the first time. - -Of Thomas’s purely poetical works, besides a few hortatory poems and -anagrams on the names of the saints, there were known until recently -sixteen _Cantica Spiritualia_, to wit: - - _Adversa mundi tolera_, - _Agnetis Christi virginis_, - _Ama Jesum cum Agnete_, - _Ave florens rosa_, - _Christe Redemptor omnium, Vere salus_, - _Christe sanctorum gloria, Et piorum_, - _Cives coeli attendite_, - _En virginis Caeciliae_, - _Gaude, mater Ecclesia, De praecursoris_, - _Jesu Salvador seculi_, - _O dulcissime Jesu_, - _O Jesu mi dulcissime, Spes et solamen_, - _O qualis quantaque laetitia_, - _O vera summa Trinitas_, - _Tota vita Jesu Christi_, - _Vitam Jesu stude imitari_. - -In 1882 Father O. A. Spitzen found in a manuscript in Zwolle ten other -_Cantica Spiritualia_, which he published that year as the work of -Thomas à Kempis, to wit: - - _Angelorum si haberem_, - _Creaturarum omnium merita_, - _Cum sub cruce sedet moerens_, - _Jerusalem gloriosa_, - _Mirum est si non lugeat_, - _Nec quisquam oculis vidit_, - _O quid laudis, quis honoris_, - _Quanta Mihi cura de te_, - _Serve meus noli metuere_, - _Ubi modo est Jesus, ubi est Maria_. - -Six of these had already appeared in Mone’s collection, and credited to -a fifteenth century manuscript found at Carlsruhe, a fact which does not -militate against Spitzen’s view of their authorship. The latter found -them along with the hymns generally ascribed to Thomas in a MS. which -had belonged to the brother-house in Zwolle, and had been written in the -latter half of that century, probably between 1477 and 1483. Most of -them bear the ear-marks of Thomas’s style, and have a congruity with the -matter of his works which lends probability to Father Spitzen’s -conjecture. - -Of all these hymns two only have attained any recognition as -contributions to the sacred songs of Christendom. These two are the - - _Adversa mundi tolera_, - -which is rather an exhortation in the tone of the _Imitation_ than a -hymn; and the - - _O qualis quantaque laetitia_, - -better known, through the general omission of its first verse, as the - - _Adstant angelorum chori_. - -Dr. Trench well says that the whole of our author’s poetry will not -yield a second passage at all to be compared in beauty with this. -Indeed, most of Thomas’s poetry lacks the inspiration which -characterizes his best prose. He is a poet in prose and a prosy poet, -and writes in verse because he has been required to fill up some empty -place in the hymn-list of his monastery. His acquaintance with the -hymn-writer’s art is bounded by his daily familiarity with the hymns of -his breviary, and he betrays the fact by starting from the first lines -of well-known hymns in his own work. But in this hymn on the joys of -heaven he for once struck the right key, although even here he shows -some stiffness of the joints, like a monk more used to a seat in the -Scriptorium than to the saddle of Pegasus. The hymn is known to English -readers by the admirable version of Mrs. Charles: - - “High the angel choirs are raising - Heart and voice in harmony.” - - - - - CHAPTER XXVII. - FRANCIS XAVIER, MISSIONARY TO THE INDIES (1506-52). - - -No man, since the days of the Apostles, has been more commended for his -zeal than Xavier. He has been the moon of that “Society of Jesus” of -which Ignatius Loyola was the guiding sun. His privations, heroism, and -success have been the constant theme of the Roman Catholic Church. And -it is impossible to study his life without a conviction that there was -in it a devout and gallant purpose to bless the world. - -Our limits and our line of thought alike demand of us that we shall not -attempt, in any exhaustive form, to treat of Francis Xavier from the -theologic or controversial side. He interests us, apart from his -personal character, simply because two Latin hymns have been accredited -to his pen. These have the same opening line, - - “_O Deus ego amo Te_,” - -but, after this exordium, they proceed quite differently. The second of -them, as we find it placed in Daniel’s collection, has received the -greatest share of esteem, and is known to the entire world of -English-speaking Christians by the admirable translation of Mr. Caswall: - - “My God, I love thee, not because - I seek for heaven thereby,” etc. - -There is good reason to discredit its authorship, if this be a question -of accuracy with us. Schlosser’s language (Vol. i., p. 407) would -indicate that he regarded it as “generally conceded” to be the -“love-sigh [_Liebesseufzer_] of the holy Francis Xavier.” But no proof -has yet been offered which positively identifies this hymn with its -reputed composer. Its spirit—and that of its companion lyric—is -precisely his own. But so, it may be added, is the spirit of that -touching poem, - - “I am old and blind— - Men point to me as stricken by God’s frown,” - -the same as that of John Milton, its once reputed author. No true -student of Milton’s times or of Milton’s language was ever deceived by -it; and the innocent and amiable Quaker lady of our own century, who -wrote it, was perfectly guileless in this impersonation of his grief. -But, nevertheless, it passed current for a long time on the strength of -some one’s literary sagacity. - -This species of argument is a very common inheritance to the editors of -Latin hymns, from Thomasius and Clichtove downward. But it is quite as -unsafe as to assign - - “I am dying, Egypt, dying,” - -to the actual Mark Antony when we know it to have been written by -William Henry Lytle, an American, born in 1829 and dying in 1863. -Therefore, it is scarcely proper authoritatively to accredit these hymns -to Xavier, or, indeed, to any other poet. The utmost that we can say for -them is that no one can prove the converse of the proposition, and that -their style and form are appropriate to the period at which he lived. He -is not known to have written other verses. These may have been the only -exudations of that bruised and wounded spirit which have hardened into -amber and thus have become precious to us. And we would prefer to -believe that he truly appears in these lines in such an exquisite mystic -apotheosis rather than to intermeddle with lower questions, and so, -perhaps, prevent any discussion of himself in these pages at all. - -We have been prohibited by much the same destructive analysis from -treating of Augustine, who never wrote a hymn, and to whom the _Ad -perennis vitae fontem_ has been wrongly ascribed, for we know it now to -be the undoubted composition of St. Peter Damiani. In this and in other -similar cases where there is any literary question concerned, it may be -worth our while to investigate with great carefulness. As a rule, -however, the internal evidence offered in the hymns themselves will set -us on the true path. They range in structure from the lowest _corundum_ -up to the choicest diamond, and are as various as any gems in their -prosodic form and spiritual color. Like these gems, also, they are -notable for varieties of crystallization—the Dark Ages showing imperfect -angles and crude attempts, and the Renaissance exhibiting again the old -sharp-cut classicism of a time anterior even to Hilary and Ambrose. - -From the higher critical standpoint, then, these hymns are not -unacceptable as Xavier’s own work. They _feel_ as if they belonged to -his age and to his life. They are transfused and shot through by a -personal sense of absorption into the divine love, which has fused and -crystallized them in its fiercest heat. It is proper to inquire, -moreover, if Xavier did _not_ write them, who _did_? Their author must -have been as much superior to his own circumstances and surroundings as -Xavier was to his; and he must also have been as much possessed by this -same holy zeal. It is absolutely incredible that, with these qualities -given, he should not have been known to us in other relations, and, -sooner or later, identified as the true source of their being. The -sixteenth century was a time when literary knowledge was closer and -keener than it had been in the twelfth, and a hymn of that period could -not be attributed to Heloise without exposing its own fallacy; for in -the _Requiescat a labore_ we have such a comparatively modern lyric, -which Daniel rightly tests and finds wanting. “It seems to me,” he says, -“that this song is the production of a later age.” And he might well say -it, for its crystallization, so to speak, is too accurate, too -many-sided, for it to belong in the twelfth century and to the sad -Abbess of the Paraclete. - -One cannot, however, declare this so positively of Xavier’s two hymns. -In style and composition the first is inferior to the second; but both -have a simplicity and directness of utterance which may easily secure -that pardon which their rhythm is faulty enough to require. If one were -to assign any special date to them, it would naturally be in the -neighborhood of that pathetic little petition which comes from the -prayer-book of Mary Queen of Scots. The _Domine Deus, speravi in Te_ is -pitched in the same key with these. And as Mary lived from 1542 to 1587, -and Xavier from 1506 to 1552, there is certainly room for these two -compositions to have been prepared by another hand, in the days of -enthusiasm over his triumphant successes and of sorrow over his early -death. - -With these arguments for and against the authenticity of the hymns, we -must rest content. Bartoli and Maffei, in their Life of Xavier, are -silent upon the subject; and the careful Königsfeld enters the better -hymn in his collection as anonymous. If we retain the reputed authorship -ourselves, it must be, therefore, rather as Christians than as scholars. - -But, having done so, we are entitled to speak of Francis Xavier, and of -his life and his work. The date of his birth is apparently fixed by a -manuscript note in Spanish in a family record possessed by the Xaviers, -which places it upon April 7th, 1506. His father was Don John Giasso, a -man of legal acquirements and of good social position. He was at one -time auditor of the royal council under King John III. For a wife he -chose Donna Maria d’Azpilqueta y Xavier, and the child Francis was born -at the castle of Xavier, a few miles distant from Pampeluna in Navarre, -on the southern slope of the Pyrenees. He was the youngest of a large -family, and the castle where he saw the light gave to him the patronymic -by which he is always known. The family were originally called Asuarez, -but altered their name to Xavier when King Theobald gave them this -property. The mother’s title was thus perpetuated in one of her sons, -but there seems to be some confusion still remaining, for a brother of -the missionary was Captain John Azpilqueta, who also apparently had -exchanged his father’s name of Giasso for one of the designations borne -by his mother. - -The biographies of Francis Xavier are naturally of a kind to excite the -critical instincts of a scholar. They are, from the original life by -Torsellini, to the latest Jesuit compilation, remarkable for their -enthusiasm and unlimited credulity. It is only in such calmer treatises -as those of Nicolini, Stephen, Venn, and others, that we get the more -just conception of his character. But to be entirely fair to him we -should take him from the picture painted by his co-religionists, -refusing only those things which are manifestly incongruous or absurd. -The work of Bartoli and Maffei may, for example, be regarded as entirely -safe in its general statements. - -From the portraits left to us and preserved in the pages of Nicolini and -Mrs. Jameson, we derive a vivid impression of the man’s personal -intensity. His eyes are deep and thoughtful; his nose strong, rather -blunt, and withal sagacious; and his face is that of a mystic. He is -usually represented as gazing upward in religious rapture and his lips -are parted. His features are more rugged and forcible than refined. They -indicate a rude strength of body and of will rather than a delicate and -sensitive nature. Should we have met him personally, he would have given -us the impression of an enthusiast, deeply affectionate and profoundly -loyal to anything like a military organization. These opinions would -have been approved by the fact. - -We read that his parents desired to educate him as a cavalier, and that -he was at first instructed at home in the usual topics. But as he showed -zeal and intelligence he was sent, in his eighteenth year, to the -College of Ste. Barbe at Paris. Here he completed the study of -philosophy, received the degree of Master, and began to give instruction -to others. His most intimate friend was Peter Faber, afterward to become -one of the earliest adherents of Ignatius Loyola. And the biographers -are unwearied in their eulogy of Xavier’s and Faber’s purity of life and -morals in the midst of the great temptations of a corrupt city. - -To these two young men, ardent of mind and eager in their ambition, now -enters the influence which shapes their destiny. Faber was a Savoyard, -poor and of humble birth, while Xavier was well-to-do and possessed the -haughty spirit of a Spanish grandee. They were, however, kindling each -other up to some scheme of future glory when Ignatius Loyola made his -way to Paris. He had been converted a few years before this and had -already begun to gather proselytes to his opinions. His purpose in -visiting Paris was not merely to avail himself of better facilities for -study, but also to secure more followers. It is not strange to us that -Loyola, with his great sagacity, should have singled out the two -companions and have set himself to win them. Faber’s allegiance, indeed, -it was an easy matter to obtain. But Xavier did not so readily fall in -with the wishes of the great general of the Jesuits. - -Faber’s conversion was rapidly accomplished. He was supplied with the -_Spiritual Exercises_, which is, of all books, the best adapted to -produce the proper self-abandonment and plastic condition of soul which -befit the neophyte of the Society of Jesus. And this work, composed, say -the Roman Catholic authorities, in the cavern of Manresa with the help -of the Virgin Mary, may be regarded as the keenest instrument by which -men’s lives were ever carved into the patterns designed by a superior -will. We have no space for a discussion of Jesuitism further than to -indicate its methods when they affect the subject before us, but Faber’s -behavior undoubtedly had its weight upon Xavier. The Savoyard took to -fasting with a perfect fury. In his debilitated condition he was the fit -vehicle for spiritual impressions, for ecstasies, and for mystical -dreams. He would kneel in the open court in the snow, and sometimes -allow himself to be covered with icicles. His bundle of fuel he made -into a bed and slept upon it for the few hours of what one biography -“scarcely knows whether to call torture or repose.” In fact, he so -outran the instruction of Loyola, that that keen observer checked him -and prevented what would have reacted against his own designs. “For,” -saith quaint Matthew Henry, speaking of another subject, “there is a -great deal of doing which, by overdoing, is altogether undone.” - -Xavier was, however, more important to Loyola than Faber. And Xavier was -of tougher material and harder to reach. Upon him the intense Loyola -bent the blow-pipe flame of his own spirit. He had failed to touch him -by texts or by austerities. He therefore changed his tactics altogether -and began to soften him by praise, by judicious cultivation of his -sympathies, by procuring new scholars for him, and even by attending his -lectures and feigning a deep interest in whatever he did. In short, he -applied flattery and deference in such a way that he insinuated himself -very soon into the confidence of Xavier, and allowed the haughty Don to -recognize the high birth and good breeding which he could also claim. -This was a master stroke. Faber was after all only a Savoyard; but -Loyola was born in a castle, had been a page at the court of Ferdinand, -and had led soldiers into the deadliest places of battle. He had also -the advantage of being Xavier’s senior by fully fourteen years, for his -birth had been contemporaneous with Columbus’s expedition in search of -the new world. - -Here, then, the influence of this strong, undaunted, unflinching spirit -began to focus itself upon the young teacher of philosophy. “Resistance -to praise,” says the bitter La Rochefoucauld, “is a desire to be praised -twice.” And to so acute a student of human nature as Loyola it soon grew -evident that he was making progress. This was proved even by the modesty -of Xavier. Therefore he redoubled his energies and utilized that -marvellous power of adaptation, which was his chief legacy to his order, -in obtaining a definite result. He gained ground so fast that Michael -Navarro, a faithful servant of the young scholar, became determined to -break off this dangerous fascination, and even attempted to kill Loyola -in his private apartments. But he, too, was dealing with a brain which -never relaxed its vigilance and with a magnetic personality which felt a -danger, and moved safely, cat-like, through the dark. He was halted and -challenged by the man he came to kill, and being crushed down in -confusion was thereupon treated with magnanimity, and went away -revolving many things in his mind. - -This was the power of Loyola—a power which sprang, first of all, from -his peculiar constitution, and, second, from his fanatical ambition. It -has been the key by which the Jesuit has ever since unlocked the doors -of palaces and contrived to whisper in the ears of kings. Its extent has -been that of the civilized and uncivilized world. In the matter of -organization no human fraternity has ever equalled the Society of Jesus. -The germs which we behold at Ste. Barbe in Paris have grown into a tree -whose roots have taken hold on every soil, and whose fruit has dropped -in every clime. The order has invariably employed strategy, intrigue, -ingenuity, and perfect combination to secure its ends. It is, as a -system, far from being either dead or insignificant. And its real -vitality has always sprung from its maxim that its associated members, -vowed to celibacy and to the accomplishment of its purposes, should be -_Perinde ac si cadavera_—absolutely subordinate and dead to any other -will—in the hands of the “general” who is at the head of its affairs. It -has worked, first for itself, second for the Roman Catholic Church, and -third for the proselytizing of the heathen and the heretics. It has -never neglected to procure in every manner the information it needed to -the full extent or to employ its principle that the end to be gained -justifies the means that are taken to gain it. Thus it is the legitimate -outgrowth of the soldier-courtier-fanatic mind of its founder. And this -was the mind which was now spending its splendid resources upon Xavier, -playing with him like a trout upon the hook, until it should land him, a -completely surrendered man, within its own control. - -In another sphere and under other influences, Xavier might have been a -far different person. He, at least, was sincere in his devotion to the -cause. He identified Jesuitism with Christianity and Loyola with Jesus -Himself. Hence his character and labors have blinded many persons to the -methods which he used and to the results which he sought. - -It must be sufficient for us that Ignatius Loyola had now gotten the -mastery of Francis Xavier so perfectly that he could be “applied to the -_Spiritual Exercises_, the furnace in which he [Loyola] was accustomed -to refine and purify his chosen vessels.” A sister of the future -missionary had become one of the Barefooted Clares, and had aided in -dissuading her father from interference. And now we behold Xavier -praying with hands and feet tightly bound by cords; or journeying with -similar cords about his arms and the calves of his legs until -inflammation and ulceration ensued. There were now nine of these -converts, but this man outdid the others in his austerities, and finally -travelled on foot with them to meet Loyola at Venice in 1537. The -society had really been formed on August 15th, 1534, at Montmartre near -Paris, and this was but its natural outward movement. - -At Venice, on January 8th, 1537, they again met their leader and were -assigned for duty to the two hospitals of the city. That of the -“Incurables” fell to Xavier’s share, and we read that with the morbid -devotion characteristic of a devout student of the _Exercises_, he -determined now to conquer his natural repugnance to disease. In the -course of his duties he had an unusually hideous ulcer to dress for one -of the patients. And the authentic history relates that “encouraging -himself to the utmost, he stooped down, kissed the pestilent cancer, -licked it several times with his tongue, and finally sucked out the -virulent matter to the last drop.” (Bartoli and Maffei, p. 35.) There -could be nothing worse than that certainly. And a man who had resolutely -sounded this deepest abyss of self-abandonment was marked for the -highest honor that the new society could bestow. We cannot doubt -Xavier’s sincerity, but the gigantic horror of this performance is of a -sort to place the man who has achieved it upon an eminence apart from -less daring minds. It was Loyola’s way of facing human nature and -forcing it to concede the supreme self-devotion of his followers. The -world looks with amazement upon such actions, but when it sees them, it -yields a kind of stupefied allegiance to those who have thus rushed -beyond the bounds. And to a close analysis there is as much concealed -spiritual pride about this nastiness as there is an unnecessary shock -given to the sense of decency. Thus, as Mozoomdar says, in his _Oriental -Christ_, “Instead of abasing self, in many cases it serves the opposite -end.” It “imposes a sort of indebtedness upon Heaven” (p. 66). Yet the -poor wretch who felt those lips upon his awful wound could not but -worship the frightful hero who plunged into such nauseous contact with -his loathsomeness. - -Yes, this was and is the power of it all. It was and it is the key-note -of much that is potent with the world. When Victor Hugo pictures Jean -Valjean in the toils of the Thenardiers laying that white, hot, hissing -bar of iron upon his arm and calmly standing before them while they -shrink—ogres as they are—from the stench and the sight, he merely uses -this same element. Whatever, in short, among us brings out the old -savage nature; whatever plunges outside of the conventionalities, the -proprieties, or even the common decencies of life; whatever defies the -lightning, or dares the volcano, or tramples upon the coiled serpent, -that is the thing which controls the world. - -It is worthy of note that this is not a Christian but a Jesuit act. It -is born of that exaggerated sentimentalism which chooses to go beyond -Christ and His apostles in its fallacious abnegation of self. But -wherever such acts are performed they rank as the marks of saintship and -as the _stigmata_ of a crucifixion which proudly places itself on the -same Golgotha with another and nobler cross. The records, not merely of -Xavier’s life, but of the lives of the saints, swarm with these -creeping, slimy frogs of Egypt, raised up by enchanters of the human -mind to make Pharaoh believe them to be equal to a far higher -Providence. And if we say little in these pages about such strange -developments and morbid growths of piety, it need not be forgotten that -they existed, and that they have been fostered and encouraged by the -Roman Church. The Breviary, for instance, commends a roll of -self-flagellators who used the whip upon their naked backs, and Xavier -heads the list with his iron flail. Cardinal Damiani, who wrote one of -our loveliest hymns, introduced this fashion of scourging in 1056, and -the holy nun, St. Theresa, after such exercises and an additional repose -upon a bed of thorns, was “accustomed to converse with God.” [_Aliquando -inter spinas volutaret sic Deum alloqui solita._] This topic, with its -allied suggestions, is altogether out of our present scope; but in order -to see Xavier as he was, we must appreciate to what extent his spirit -was subdued before his belief. - -This was the man, tested and edged and tempered, to whom was now -committed the “salvation of the Indies.” It was during the papacy of -Paul III., the same Pope who excommunicated Henry VIII. of England. And -Xavier, who had practised many austerities both in life and in behavior, -was at first sent to Bologna, while Loyola, with Faber and Laynez, went -to Rome. It was subsequently at Rome that Xavier had his famous vision, -in which he awoke crying, “Yet more, O Lord, yet more!” for he fancied -that—as the Apostle Paul once did—he had beheld his future career and -was glorying in trials and persecutions. Especially did he often have a -dream in which he seemed to be carrying an Indian on his shoulders and -toiling with him over the roughest and hardest roads. And when at last -Govea, the Rector of the College of Ste. Barbe, happened to be in Rome, -Ignatius and his companions were brought by him to the notice of John -III. of Portugal, and the king desired to have six of them for use in -India. The Pope did not show any special desire to secure their -services, and when the question came up he referred it to Ignatius to -decide it as he pleased. That sagacious general objected to taking six -from ten and leaving only four to the rest of the world, for his -ambition now extended to the orb of the earth. He accordingly chose -Rodriguez and Bobadilla for India, men who were evidently well selected, -for the first became a great propagandist in Portugal, and the other was -a decided obstacle to the Reformation in Germany. When Rodriguez, -however, fell ill with an intermittent fever Xavier naturally occurred -to Loyola as the proper substitute. He therefore commissioned him for -the service, and the worn and wasted ascetic patched up his old coat, -said farewell to his friends, and having craved the Pope’s blessing, set -off from Rome with the Portuguese Ambassador, Mascarenhas, on March -16th, 1540. He started in such poverty that Loyola took his own -waistcoat and put it upon him, and he left behind him a written paper of -consecration to the society, expressing in it his desire that Loyola -should be its head, with Faber as alternate, and in which he took the -vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience to the order under whose -auspices he was going forth. - -At the Portuguese Court in Lisbon, both Xavier and his companion were -diligent in their religious work. The morals of the capital were quite -reformed, and when it came time for the ships to sail to the East the -king would only spare Xavier and detained Rodriguez, by the advice of -Loyola, further to improve the affairs at home. - -Xavier now sailed as Nuncio with papal commendation and with a poverty -of outfit which had its due effect upon his companions on board the -ship. The vessel itself was one of those great galleons of Spanish or -Portuguese origin, carrying often a thousand persons, and having from -four to seven decks. They were huge, unwieldy constructions and were -generally freighted with large amounts of rich merchandise. The course -was that pursued by Vasco da Gama—around the Cape of Good Hope and into -the Indian Ocean—and the voyage often lasted beyond eight months. It is -quaintly related of travellers by these precarious sea-paths that they -used to take their shrouds and winding-sheets with them in case they -died by the way. - -The company on shipboard was as bad as the provisions, which were often -execrable. The peninsular sailors never had the art either of discipline -or of storing a ship and supplying what was needful for a voyage, as the -English sea-kings had it. Hence their vessels were great floating -caravansaries of human beings, full of the scum and offscouring of -society—with lords and ladies on the quarter-deck, and robbers and -murderers, harlots and gamblers down below. The crew was as prompt as -that of Jonah’s ship to cry upon their gods whenever the wind blew. Such -inventions as the ship’s pump, the chain-cable, and the bowsprit were -not known to them. And when we see Sir Richard Grenville in the little -Revenge fighting fifteen great Dons for as many hours, or Sir John -Hawkins beating his way out of the harbor of Vera Cruz when the _Jesus_ -of Lubec was lost by Spanish treachery, we see how utterly cumbrous and -awkward these galleons were when compared with English vessels. - -Sickness also, in the form of fevers and scurvy, was very frequent. And -there was such laxity of discipline that a six months’ voyage generally -turned the great hulk into a hell of misery and riot. Here, therefore, -Xavier was in his element. He slept on the deck; he begged his own -bread, and the delicacies pressed upon him by the captain he divided -among the neediest of the poor sufferers; he invented games to amuse -those who were inclined toward amusement; and by degrees he commingled -his sympathy and friendly offices with the necessities of the crew and -passengers until they called him the “holy father.” He constantly -preached, taught, and labored in this manner until he finally succumbed -to an epidemic fever which broke out when they were not far from -Mozambique. Here he was landed and for a time was in hospital, at length -completing his voyage to India in a different ship from that in which he -had first embarked. - -Scattered through his story, both then and afterward, we have accounts -of various miracles, of his exhibition of a spirit of prophecy, and -eventually of his raising the dead. These demand a moment’s -consideration. He is said, for instance, to have predicted the loss of -the _San Jago_, in which he sailed from Portugal and which was wrecked -after he left her. He did the same with one or two other vessels and -assured several persons of their own impending death or misfortune. -Sometimes he was observed to speak as though he were holding -conversation with unseen companions, and he was apparently conscious of -events which were afterward found to have occurred at the very time in -distant places. There is also a series of phenomena connected with the -“gift of tongues” in his case, by which this power appears to have been -intermittent, or at least dependent to a great degree upon a remarkable -intensity of scholarship and keenness of analysis combined with a -powerful memory. It is not claimed that he exercised this gift in such a -manner as “to converse in a foreign tongue the moment he landed in this -foreign country.” And then there is a further class of remarkable -experiences connected with fevers and diseases and the raising of the -dead. - -Of these latter miracles it may be well to treat first. He is said to -have raised up Anthony Miranda, an Indian, who had been bitten by a -cobra; to have restored four dead persons at Travancore; to have -resuscitated a young girl in Japan and a child in Malacca, and to have -actually brought to the ship, alive and well, a lad who had fallen -overboard and been apparently lost. These incidents are related with -great gravity by the biographers and are accepted by the faithful as -being strictly true. To impugn them is as if one impugned the -Scriptures. Nevertheless there is an opening for scepticism in sundry -cases, and it may be that we shall do well to agree with the saint’s own -statement made to Doctor Diego Borba. “Ah, my Jesus!” he answered, “can -it be said that such a wretch as I have been able to raise the dead? -Surely, my dear Diego, you have not believed such folly? They brought a -young man to me whom they supposed to be dead; I commanded him to arise, -and the common people, who make a miracle of everything, gave out the -report that a dead man had been raised to life.” For the rest, we may -well believe that the same exaggeration and lack of scientific attention -to details have accompanied the various accounts, in some such manner as -appears in the little sketch of his personal characteristics which a -young Coquimban named Vaz has given to us. This enthusiastic admirer -describes his going afoot with a patched and faded garment and an old -black cloth hat. He took nothing from the rich or great unless he -applied it to the uses of the poor. He spoke languages fluently without -having learned them, and the crowds which flocked to hear him often -amounted to five or six thousand persons. He celebrated Mass in the open -air and preached from the branches of a tree when he had no other -pulpit. But of this healing of the sick and raising of the dead we are -not offered any better testimonials than the “Acts of his Canonization.” -Moreover, in a manner quite contrary to the experiences recorded in the -Gospels, these various miracles seem to be looked upon as the decisive -stroke of Christian policy. Upon their occurrence tribes and kingdoms -bow before the truth—a thing which did not happen at the tomb of -Lazarus, or before the walls of Nain, or within the house of Jairus. In -those cases the evangelists are content to tell us that the influence -was limited and confined to a very moderate area. - -Yet when we come to the cures of sick people, to the singular -predictions, and to the exalted condition into which Xavier must often -have been lifted, we must allow to the man a very high degree of -mystical and mesmeric and even clairvoyant power. We are wise enough -nowadays to observe the influence of a devoted personality, as when -Florence Nightingale traverses the hospital wards at Scutari, or David -Livingstone moves through savage tribes, to his dying hour at Lake -Lincoln. And when profound Church historians will not altogether -discredit the miracles of the Nicene Age which Ambrose and Augustine -relate, it causes us to be charitable even toward the miracles of -Bernard of Clairvaux, who recorded at large his own sense of uneasiness -respecting his power of curing the sick. But it somewhat relieves the -mind when the very chapters which relate these experiences of St. -Francis Xavier, mention also that a crab came out of the sea and brought -him his lost crucifix, and that after he had lived in a certain house -two children and a woman fell out of the window at different times and -received not so much as a single bruise, though they dropped from an -immense height upon the sea-wall. The credulity which includes such -palpable absurdities must surely have exposed itself to misstatements -and exaggerations in other directions. - -It is far pleasanter for us to follow Xavier from his arrival at Goa, -May 6th, 1542, to the fisheries of Cape Comorin; thence to Malacca, and -so to the Banda Islands, Amboyna, and the Moluccas in 1546; again to -Malacca in 1547; to Ceylon and back to Goa in 1548, and finally to -Japan. In 1551 he planned a visit to China, but was disappointed, and at -the moment when he was hoping to accomplish a great purpose he died on -the island of San Chan, December 22d, 1552, at the early age of -forty-six years. - -Closely studying himself and his methods we find him greatly and always -devout, his breviary, however, being his Bible. He prayed much and -labored incessantly. His charity to small and great was untiring. He -would go through the streets ringing a little bell and calling people to -come to religious worship, being frequently attended by a throng of -children who seem to have loved him and been beloved by him. He had -noble and sweet and modest traits in his character. But we often notice -the reliance he places on baptism—sometimes conferring this rite until -his arm dropped from weariness. And we observe how much of the wisdom of -the serpent can be discerned in his ways with the people whom he desired -to secure. - -The indefatigable exertions of Xavier are above all praise. He never -appears to have slackened in his zeal, nor does he ever show hesitation, -doubt, or uncertainty of any kind. On one occasion when roused by a -great crisis he displayed a military authority worthy of Loyola himself. -He stood once in front of an invading host of Badages and forbade them -to attack the Paravans, shouting to them, “In the name of the living God -I command you to return whence you came.” No wonder that the -semi-barbarous people were affected by this fearless and singular -presence, and spoke of Xavier as a person of gigantic stature dressed in -black and whose flashing eyes dazzled and daunted them. - -But upon other occasions he was gentle and amenable to every agreeable -trait in his companions. He could even take the cards from a broken -gamester, shuffle them to give him good fortune, and send him back to -try his luck with fifty reals borrowed from another passenger. The man’s -success is thereupon made a basis for his penitence. And so with the -wicked cavalier of Meliapore, whose friendship he gained by being -unconscious of his vices until the time for exhortation arrived. In -these and similar instances we cannot fail to observe a thorough -knowledge of human nature, and a Jesuit’s keen power of using it for his -own purposes. - -He was not always prospered in his enterprises. Once at least he -literally shook off the dust from his shoes against an offending tribe. -At another time he was wounded by an arrow. But, as a rule, he had a -complete moral victory in whatever he undertook. In one of his letters -he speaks of the people being maliciously disposed and ready to poison -both food and drink. But he will take no antidotes with him, and is -determined to avoid all human remedies whatsoever. It is in such superb -examples of his absolute trust in God that he presents to us the really -grand side of his character. He did not know what fear was, and as for -death, he was too familiar with daily dying to be concerned at it. His -personal faith was such as to beget faith in others, as when an -earthquake interrupted his preaching upon St. Michael’s Day, and he -announced that the archangel was then driving the devils of that unhappy -country back to the pit. This was said so earnestly as to produce a -profound conviction of its truth and to remove all alarm from his -audience. - -But when we are asked to believe that the two Pereiras ever beheld him -elevated from the earth and actually transfigured, or when it is stated -that he lifted a great beam as though it had been a lath, we must be -excused for being doubtful of the statement. There is nothing more -destructive of religion than superstition, and nothing which kills faith -like credulity. Xavier, with all his false notions, was a most sincere -and even majestic figure—a hero of the faith, who shows us the power of -a thoroughly devoted spirit unencumbered by any earthly tie and -unobstructed by any earthly want. The entire self-immolation of this -career constitutes its amazing power. It is the missionary spirit -carried to its loftiest height. - -Perhaps one of his most ingenious ways to secure the good-will of his -companions was by endeavoring to excite their benevolence. He would -encourage them to little acts of kindness and would repay these by -similar favors and services. Particularly he used persuasion rather than -denunciation, and personal efforts rather than general harangues. He was -“all things to all men,” going “privately to those of reputation,” as -Paul, his great model, was wont to do. He once wrote: “It is better to -do a little with peace than a great deal with turbulence and scandal.” - -On April 14th, 1552, he set sail from Goa for Malacca where a pestilence -was raging. This delayed him awhile from China, and he was held back -still longer by the envious quarrellings of those who aspired to the -honor of attending him on his voyage. Xavier was reduced to the -necessity of producing the papal authority which constituted him Nuncio, -and of threatening with excommunication Don Alvaro Ataïde, the most -troublesome person. In addition to this difficulty he found himself -insulted and reviled in the open street, but accepted everything with -meekness and patience; which, however, did not prevent his finally -excommunicating Ataïde in the regular form. The vessel on which he -embarked was manned mostly by those in the pay of Ataïde, but he did not -shrink from the voyage. The voyage itself is decorated with many -legends, as might be expected. The saint is reported to have changed -salt water into fresh; to have rescued a child from death in a -miraculous manner, and to have become suddenly so much taller and larger -than those about him as to have been compelled to lower his arms when he -baptized the converts. They sailed from Chinchoo to San Chan, an island -in which the Portuguese had some trading privileges. It was here that -Xavier uttered a prediction which may serve to explain other singular -occurrences. He would seem to have possessed more than an ordinary -amount of medical skill in diagnosis, and looking earnestly upon an old -friend named Vellio, he bade him prepare for death whenever the wine he -drank _tasted bitter_. This might easily be from either of two -causes—poison, or a disorganized state of the system. And it is recorded -that the result fulfilled the prophecy. Nor is there much doubt that -Vellio’s entire faith in the prediction helped on his death. - -From San Chan Xavier now proposed to cross to China. He arranged to be -smuggled thither in a small boat, but the residents of San Chan, English -as well as Portuguese, became alarmed at the consequences which they -foresaw from this desperate scheme of intrusion into the forbidden -empire. And to crown all his woes he fell sick with a fever, from which, -however, he convalesced in a fortnight. He was now more anxious than -ever to go on with his project. But all the Portuguese ships had sailed -back again except the Santa Cruz, on which he had arrived. And now he -was truly deserted and neglected. He had scarcely the bare necessaries -of life, sometimes being deprived entirely of food. The sailors were -mostly in Ataïde’s pay and inimical to his purpose. At length he became -convinced that he would himself soon die, and so would often walk in -meditation and prayer by the seashore gazing toward the prohibited -coast. - -At this time the young Chinese Anthony was his only hope as an -interpreter; and he was now deprived of the services of the merchant and -his son who had agreed to row him over to Canton. They had deserted him, -and only Anthony and one more young lad remained true to the dying -missionary. On November 20th the fever again seized him after he had -celebrated Mass. He was taken to a floating hospital, but being -disturbed by its motion he begged to be landed. This was done and he was -left upon the beach in the bleak wind. A poor Portuguese named George -Alvarez then took pity on him and removed him to his own hut of boughs -and straw. Rude medical care was given him, but on December 2d, about -two o’clock in the afternoon, he had reached the limit of his life. His -latest words were, _In te, Domine, speravi—non confundar in aeternum_—O -Lord, I have trusted in Thee, I shall never be confounded, world without -end. - -Thus died Francis Xavier, for ten years and seven months a missionary in -the most dangerous and deadly regions of the earth. At the date of his -death he was of full and robust figure in spite of his privations, with -eyes of a bluish-gray, and hair that had changed its dark chestnut color -somewhat through his toils and sufferings. His forehead was broad, his -nose good, and his expression pleasant and affable. His beard, like his -hair, was thick, and his temperament was nearly a pure sanguine. - -They buried him first at San Chan, then removed him to Goa, where in -solemn procession they conducted his mortal body to its final rest. But -his right arm was taken off and it is to be observed that “the saint -seems not to have been pleased at the amputation of his arm,” which, -however, did not prevent the Jesuit, General Claude Acquaviva, from -insisting upon the mutilation. - -Down to the present time his memory has received many honors. Churches -have been erected, prayers have been offered, and much religious worship -has been transacted in his name. But to us who are looking upon him from -another angle altogether, there are apparent in him a piety, a zeal, a -courage, and a “hot-hearted prudence” (to quote F. W. Faber’s words) -which arouse our admiration. And in the two hymns which bear his name we -are able to discover that fine attar which is the precious residuum of -many crushed and fragrant aspirations, which grew above the thorns of -sharp trial and were strewn at last upon the wind-swept beach of that -poor Pisgah island from which he truly beheld the distant Land. - - - O DEUS, EGO AMO TE. - - O Lord, I love thee, for of old - Thy love hath reached to me. - Lo, I would lay my freedom by - And freely follow thee! - - Let memory never have a thought - Thy glory cannot claim, - Nor let the mind be wise at all - Unless she seek thy name. - - For nothing further do I wish - Except as thou dost will; - What things thy gift allows as mine - My gift shall give thee still. - - Receive what I have had from thee - And guide me in thy way, - And govern as thou knowest best, - Who lovest me each day. - - Give unto me thy love alone, - That I may love thee too, - For other things are dreams; but this - Embraceth all things true. - - - - - CHAPTER XXVIII. - THE HYMN-WRITERS OF THE BREVIARY. - - -There are three principal liturgical books in use in the Roman Catholic -Church. Originally there were two: the Ritual, which contained all the -sacramental offices, and the Breviary, which contained the rest. But for -convenience the eucharistic office in its various forms now has a book -to itself called the Missal, and the other six sacraments recognized in -the Church of Rome make up the Ritual. - -It is with the Breviary, however, that hymnology is especially -concerned, as it is in it that the hymns of the Church are mostly to be -found, while the sequences belong to the Missal. It contains the prayers -said in the Church’s behalf every day at the canonical hours by the -priests and the members of the religious orders. Originally there were -only three of these canonical hours, and they were based on Old -Testament usage. These were at the third, sixth, and ninth hour of the -Scriptures (nine o’clock, noon, and three in the afternoon), and in the -Western Church are called Tierce, Sext, and Nones, for that reason. The -number afterward was increased to five and then to seven. To these three -day hours were added three night hours, with two at the transition from -night to day (Prime), and from day to night (Vespers). But to get up -thrice in the night was too much for even monastic discipline, so they -said two night services together at midnight, and then they slept till -dawn. As this daily service differs in its contents according to the -seasons of the Church year, and also is adapted to the commemoration of -the saints of the Calendar, the Breviary is the most voluminous -prayer-book known to Christendom. It generally is published in four -substantial volumes, one each for the four natural seasons. It is used -in such public services as are not accompanied by a celebration of any -sacrament and in the choir service of the religious houses. In theory, -however, the Church is present even at the solitary recitation of the -hours by a secular priest; and when two say them in company they must -say them aloud. - -Hymns were not in the services of the Breviary from the beginning. As -late as the sixth century there was a controversy as to admitting -anything but the words of Scripture to be sung. We find a Gallic synod -sanctioning their use, and a Spanish synod taking common ground with our -Psalm-singing Presbyterians. But in the next century even Spain, through -the Council of Toledo (A.D. 633), appeals to early precedent in behalf -of hymns, and decides that if people may use uninspired words in prayer, -they may do the same in their praises—_Sicut ergo orationes, ita et -hymnos in laudem Dei compositos nullus vestrum ulterius improbet_—which -went to the core of the question and silenced the exclusive -Psalm-singers. Twenty years later another Council of Toledo required of -candidates for orders that they should know both the Psalter and the -hymns by heart. Yet in the Roman Breviary no hymns were introduced -before the thirteenth century, when Haymo, the General of the Franciscan -Order, reformed it in 1244 with the sanction of Gregory IX. and Nicholas -III. - -In the view of Roman Catholic liturgists, the Psalms set forth the -praise of God in general, while hymns are written and used with -reference to some single mystery of the faith, or the commemoration of -some saint. This harmonizes with their use in the Breviary, and their -division into hymns _de tempore_ for the festivals of the Church year, -or the days of the week, or the hours of the day; and hymns _de sanctis_ -for the days of commemoration in the Church Calendar. Even when the same -hymn is used on a series of days, its conclusion is altered to give it a -special adaptation to each of these days. This classification, of -course, does not describe the whole body of the Latin hymns. Some few -even of those in the Breviary, as, for instance, the _Te Deum_, have to -be classed as psalms, and are called Canticles (_Cantica_); and many -outside it will not fit into any such definition of what a hymn is. But -it illustrates the general character and purpose of the hymns of the -Roman and other breviaries, as designed for a special temporal or -personal application by way of supplement to the Psalter. - -At present the Roman Breviary, prepared with the sanction of the Council -of Trent, has driven nearly all the others out of use. But at the era of -the Reformation there was a great number of breviaries, every diocese -and religious order having a right to its own. Panzer enumerates no less -than seventy-one which were printed before 1536, some of them in several -editions.[18] Even now the Roman Breviary is supplemented by special -services in honor of the saints of each order or country, and by -services of a more general kind which are peculiar to some localities. -But in Luther’s time the endless variety in breviaries and missals -formed a striking feature of the confusion which to his mind -characterized the Church of Rome. - -With the development of a more fastidious taste, through the study of -the Latin classics as literary models, there arose in the sixteenth -century, and even before the Reformation, a demand for a reformation of -the Breviary. Besides its defects of form, such as violations of Latin -grammar, the constant use of terms which grated on the ears of the -humanists, and the use of hymns in which rhyme rather added to the -offence of want of correct metre, the contents of the Breviary were -found faulty by a critical age. The selections from the Fathers to be -read by way of homily were in some cases from spurious works; and the -narratives of saints’ lives for the days dedicated to them were not -always edifying, and in some cases palpably untrue. It became a -proverbial saying that a person lied like the second nocturn office of -the Breviary, that being the service in which these legends are found. -But the badness of the Latin and the metrical faults of the hymns -counted for quite as much with the critics of that day. We hear of a -cardinal warning a young cleric not to be too constant in reading his -Breviary, if he wished to preserve his ear for correct Latinity. - -As might have been expected, it was the elegant Medicean Pope Leo X. who -first put his hand to the work of reform. He selected for this purpose -Zacharia Ferreri, Bishop of Guarda-Alfieri, a man of fine Latin -scholarship and some ability as a poet. By 1525 Ferreri had the hymns -for a new Breviary ready, and published them with the promise of the -Breviary itself on the title-page.[19] Clement VII., also of the house -of Medici, was Pope when the book appeared, and he authorized the -substitution of these new hymns for the old, but did not command this. - -The book is furnished with an introduction by Marino Becichemi, a -forgotten humanist, who was then professor of eloquence at Padua. It is -worth quoting as exhibiting the attitude of the Renaissance to the -earlier Christian literature. He praises Ferreri as a shining light in -every kind of science, human and divine, prosaic and poetical. He cannot -say too much of the beauty of his style, its gravity and dignity, its -purity, its spontaneity and freedom from artificiality. “That his hymns -and odes, beyond all doubt, will secure him immortality, I need not -conceal. Certainly I have read nothing in Christian poets sweeter, -purer, terser, or brighter. How brief and how copious, each in its -place—how polished! Everywhere the stream flows in full channel with -that antique Roman mode of speech, except where of full purpose it turns -in another direction.” That means how Ciceronian Ferreri’s speech, -except where he remembers that he is a Christian poet and bishop writing -for Christian worshippers. “More than once have I exhorted him that it -belonged to the duty and dignity of his episcopal (_pontificii_) office -to make public these Church hymns.” - -“You know, my reader, what hymns they sing everywhere in the temples, -that they are almost all faulty, silly, full of barbarism, and composed -without reference to the number of feet or the quantity of the -syllables, so as to excite educated persons to laughter, and to bring -priests, if they are men of letters, to despise the services of the -Church. I say men of letters. As for those who are not, and who are the -gluttons of the Roman curia, or who have no wisdom, it is enough for -them to stand like dragons close by the sacred ark, or to drift about -like the clouds, to live like idle bellies, given over to the pursuit of -sleep, good living, sensual pleasures, and to gather up the money by -which they make themselves hucksters in religion and plunderers of the -Christian people and practice their deceits upon both gods and men -equally, until the vine of the Lord degenerates into a wild plant.” - -The Italianized Greek would see no difference between a Tetzel and a -Ferreri. But there still were sincerely good people who relished the old -hymns better than the polished paganism of the Bishop of Guarda-Alfieri. -Ferreri’s hymns struck no root in spite of the favor of two Medicean -popes. They seem never to have reached a second edition. Their frankly -pagan vocabulary for the expression of Christian ideas seems to have -been too much for even the humanists. - -Bishop Ferreri does not seem to have lived to prepare his shorter and -easier Breviary after the same elegant but unsuitable fashion as his -hymns. So Clement VII. put the preparation of a new Breviary into the -hands of another and a better man, Cardinal Francesco de Quiñonez. He -was a Spanish Franciscan, had been general of his order, and was made -Cardinal by Clement in acknowledgment of diplomatic services. He enjoyed -the confidence of the Emperor Charles V., and used it to rescue the Pope -from his detention in the Castle of San Angelo, when he was besieged -there after the taking of Rome by the Imperial troops in 1529. This is -hardly the kind of record which would lead us to look for a reformer -under the red hat of our cardinal. But, so far as the Breviary was -concerned, he proved himself too rigorous a reformer, if anything. His -work was governed by two leading principles. The first was to simplify -the services by dropping out those parts which had been added last. The -second was to use the space thus obtained to insert ampler Scripture -lessons and more Psalms, so that, as in earlier times, the Bible might -be read through once a year and the Psalter once a week. It is this last -feature which has elicited the praise of Protestant liturgists, and it -is known that the Breviary of Quiñonez furnished the basis for the -services of the Anglican Book of Common Prayer, excepting, of course, -the Communion Service. But unfortunately hymnologists are not able to -join in this praise. To get the Psalms said or sung through once a week, -he dealt nearly as ruthlessly with the hymns as if he were a Seceder. - -His Breviary appeared in 1535,[20] and for thirty-three years its use -was permitted to ecclesiastics in their private recitation of the hours. -It appeared in a large number of editions in different parts of Europe, -so that its use must have been extensive. But it did not pass -unchallenged. The doctors of the Sorbonne at Paris hurried into the -arena with their condemnation of it before the ink was fully dry on the -first copies. They declared it a thing unheard of to introduce into -Church use a book which was the production of a single author, and he—as -they wrongly alleged—not even a member of any religious order. -Furthermore, he had so shortened and eviscerated the legends for the -saints’ days, besides omitting many, that nobody could tell what virtues -and what miracles entitled them to commemoration. Above all he had -omitted Peter Damiani’s Little Office of the Blessed Virgin! Much better -founded was the objection to the omission of parts long established in -use, such as the antiphons and many of the hymns. Here we must side with -the Sorbonne against Quiñonez. - -It was not until 1568 that the present Roman Breviary appeared. When the -Council of Trent met in its final session in 1562, the first drafts of a -reformed Breviary and Missal were transmitted to the Fathers by Pius -IV.; but they were too busy with questions of discipline to do more than -return these with their approbation. The work was published by Pius V. -in July, 1568, and its use was made obligatory upon all dioceses which -had not had a Breviary of their own in use for two hundred years -previously. This is in substance the Breviary now in use throughout the -Roman Catholic Church. It underwent, however, two further revisions. -That under Clement VIII., finished in 1602, was by a commission in which -Cardinals Bellarmine, Baronius, and Silvius Antonianus were members. -That under Urban VIII., completed in 1631, concerns us more directly, -and especially the part of it which was effected by three learned -Jesuits: Famiano Strada, Hieronimo Petrucci, and Tarquinio Galucci, who -had in their hands the revision of the hymns. - -The three revisers, all of them poets of some distinction, and the first -famous for his history of the wars in the Low Countries, had to steer a -middle course in the matter of revision. None of them were radical -humanists after the fashion of Zacharia Ferreri; that fashion, indeed, -had gone out with the rise of the counter-reformation and of the great -order to which they belonged. Yet in the matter of “metre and Latinity,” -of which Ferreri boasted on his title page a hundred years before, the -revival of classical scholarship had established a standard to which the -old hymns even of the Ambrosian period did not conform. The revisers -profess their anxiety to make as few changes as possible; but Pope -Urban, in his bull _Psalmodiam sanctam_ prefixed to the book, announces -that all the hymns—except the very few which made no pretension to -metrical form—had been conformed to the laws of prosody and of the Latin -tongue, those which could not be amended in any milder way being -rewritten throughout. Bartolomeo Gavanti, a member of the Commission of -Revision, but laboring in another department, tells us that more than -nine hundred alterations were made for the sake of correct metre, with -the result of changing the first lines of more than thirty of the -ninety-six hymns the Breviary then contained; that the three by Aquinas -on the sacrament, the _Ave Maris stella_, the _Custodes hominum_, and a -very few others, were left as they were. - -This, then, is the genesis of the class of hymns designated in the -collections as traceable no farther back than the Roman Breviary. Some -of them are original, being the work of Silvius Antonianus, Bellarmine, -or Urban VIII. himself, or of authors of that age whose authorship has -not been traced. But the greater part are recasts of ancient hymns to -meet the demands of the humanist standards of metre and Latinity. - -It is not easy to give a merely English reader any adequate idea of the -sort of changes by which Strada and his associates adapted the old hymns -to modern use. But for those who can read Latin some specimens are worth -giving. Take first the great sacramental hymn of the eighth or ninth -century: - - Ad coenam Agni providi - Et stolis albis candidi, - Post transitum maris Rubri - Christo canamus principi, - - Cujus corpus sanctissimum - In ara crucis torridum, - Cruore ejus roseo - Gustando vivimus Deo - - Protecti paschae vespero - A devastante angelo - Erepti de durissimo - Pharaonis imperio. - - Jam pascha nostrum Christus est - Qui immolatus agnus est, - Sinceritatis azyma - Caro ejus oblata est. - - O vera digna hostia - Per quam fracta sunt tartara - Redempta plebs captivata, - Reddita vitae praemia - - Cum surgit Christus tumulo - Victor redit de barathro, - Tyrannum trudens vinculo, - Et reserans paradisum - - Quaesumus, auctor omnium - In hoc paschali gaudio: - Ab omni mortis impetu - Tuum defende populum. - - - Ad regias Agni dapes - Stolis amicti candidis - Post transitum maris Rubri - Christo canamus principi: - - Divina cujus charitas - Sacrum propinat sanguinem, - Almique membra corporis - Amor sacerdos immolat - - Sparsum cruorem postibus - Vastator horret angelus: - Fugitque divisum mare - Merguntur hostes fluctibus. - - Jam Pascha nostrum Christus est - Paschalis idem victima, - Et pura puris mentibus - Sinceritatis azyma - - O vera coeli victima - Subjecta cui sunt tartara, - Soluta mortis vincula, - Recepta vitae praemia - - Victor subactis inferis - Trophaea Christus explicat, - Coeloque aperto, subditum - Regem tenebrarum trahit. - - Ut sis perenne mentibus - Paschale, Jesu, gaudium: - A morte dira criminum - Vitae renatos libera. - -Now it is impossible to deny to the revised version merits of its own. -Not only does it use the Latin words which classic usage requires—as -_dapes_ in poetry for _coena_, _recepta_ for _reddita_, _inferis_ for -_barathro_—but it brings into clearer view the facts of the Old -Testament story which the hymn treats as typical of the Christian -passover. The (imperfect) rhyme of the original is everywhere sacrificed -to the demands of metre, which probably is no loss. But the gain is not -in simplicity, vigor, and freshness. In these the old hymn is much -superior. The last verse but one, for instance, presents in the old hymn -a distinct and living picture—the picture Luther tells us he delighted -in when a boy chorister singing the Easter songs of the Church. But in -the recast the vividness is blurred, and classic reminiscence takes the -place of the simple and direct speech the early Church made for itself -out of the Latin tongue. - -Take again the first part of the dedication hymn, of which _Angulare -fundamentum_ is the conclusion: - - Urbs beata Hierusalem - Dicta pacis visio - Quae construitur in coelis - Vivis ex lapidibus - Et angelis coronata - Ut sponsata comite - - Nova veniens e coelo - Nuptiali thalamo - Praeparata, ut sponsata - Copulatur domino, - Plateae et muri ejus - Ex auro purissimo - - Portae nitent margaritis - Adytis patentibus, - Et virtute meritorum - Illuc introducitur - Omnis, qui pro Christi nomine - Hoc in mundo premitur - - Tunsionibus, pressuris - Expoliti lapides - Suis coaptantur locis - Per manum artificis, - Disponuntur permansuri - Sacris aedificiis. - - - Coelestis urbs Jerusalem - Beata pacis visio - Quae celsa de viventibus - Saxis ad astra tolleris, - Sponsaeque ritu cingeris - Mille angelorum millibus. - - O sorte nupta prospera, - Dotata Patris gloria, - Respersa Sponsi gratia - Regina formosissima, - Christo jugata principi - Coelo corusca civitas. - - Hic margaritis emicant - Patentque cunctis ostia, - Virtute namque praevia - Mortalis illuc ducitur - Amore Christi percitus - Tormenta quisquis sustinent. - - Scalpri salubris ictibus - Et tunsione plurima, - Fabri polita malleo - Hanc saxa molem construunt, - Aptisque juncta nexibus - Locantur in fastidia. - -Daniel in his first volume prints fifty-five of these recasts in -parallel columns with the originals, and to that we will refer our -readers for further specimens. It is gratifying to know that not all the -scholarship of that age was insensible to the qualities which the -revisers sacrificed. Henry Valesius, although only a layman and a lover -of good Latin—as his versions of the historians of the early Church -show—uttered a fierce but ineffectual protest in favor of the early and -mediaeval hymns. And the Marquis of Bute, a convert to Catholicism, who -published an English translation of the Breviary in 1879, says that the -revisers of 1602 “with deplorable taste made a series of changes in the -texts of the hymns, which has been disastrous both to the literary merit -and the historical interest of the poems.” He hopes for a further -revision which shall undo this mischief, but in other respects return to -the type furnished by the Breviary of Quiñonez. - -The translations from the hymns of the Roman Breviary have been very -abundant. Those by Protestants have been due to the fact that the texts -even of ancient hymns were so much more accessible in their Breviary -version than in their original form. Among Roman Catholics, of course, -other considerations have weight; and in Mr. Edward Caswall’s _Lyra -Catholica_ and Mr. Orby Shipley’s _Annus Sanctus_ will be found some -very admirable versions. The latter book is an anthology from the Roman -Catholic translators from John Dryden to John Henry Newman. - -From the Breviary text Mr. Duffield has made the following translations -of two hymns by Gregory the Great: - - - JAM LUCIS ORTO SIDERE. - - Now with the risen star of dawn, - To God as suppliants we pray, - That he may keep us free from harm, - And guide us through an active day. - - May he, restraining, guard the tongue, - Lest it be found to strive and cry, - And, lest it drink in vanities, - May he protect the wayward eye. - - Let all our inmost thoughts be pure, - And heedlessness of heart be gone; - Let self-denying drink and food - Hold pride and flesh securely down, - - That when the day at length is past, - And night in turn has come to men, - Through abstinence from earth, we may - Give thee the only glory then. - - To God the Father be the praise, - And to his sole-begotten Son, - And to the Holy Paraclete, - Now and until all time be done. - - - ECCE JAM NOCTIS TENUATUR UMBRA. - - Lo, now, the shadows of the night are breaking, - While in the east the rising daylight brightens, - Therefore with praises will we all adore thee, - Lord God Almighty! - - How doth our God, commiserating mortals, - Drive away sorrow, offering them safety, - Since he shall give us, through paternal kindness, - Rule in the heavens! - - This let the blessed Deity afford us, - Father and Son and equal Holy Spirit, - Whose through the earth be glory in all places - Ever resounding. - -Also this translation of the Breviary recast of the _Urbs beata -Hierusalem_ of the seventh or eighth century: - - - COELESTIS URBS JERUSALEM. - - O heavenly town, Jerusalem, - Thou blessed dawn of peace, - How lofty from the living rock - Thy starry walls increase, - Where thousand, thousand angels stand, - And praises never cease. - - O bride, whose lot is aye serene, - The Father’s state is thine; - Thou art the ever-fairest queen - Adorned with grace divine; - United unto Christ, thy Head, - Thy heavenly form doth shine. - - How softly gleam thy pearly gates - Which open wide to all, - Here virtue entered long ago, - And unto men doth call, - Who loved the Lord through mortal pain, - And fought and did not fall. - - Thy beauty came by chisel stroke - And many a hammer-blow; - The workman’s hammer wrought the stone - Which buildeth thee below; - And joined with bonds of aptest skill - Thy splendid turrets glow. - - Then honor unto God most high - As it was due of yore; - And thus the Father’s only Son - And Spirit we adore, - To whom be glory, power, and praise - Through ages evermore. - -To these Dr. A. R. Thompson permits us to add, as a specimen of the -later hymns of the Latin Church, his translation of - - - CUR RELINQUIS, DEUS, COELUM. - - O God, why didst thou put aside - For this vile earth thy heaven above? - Didst thou expect there would betide - Thee here the ministry of love? - That earth had honor, Lord, for thee? - Honor and love! nay, verily, - Lying in wickedness, earth knows - Not how to love thee, but thy foes. - - Bethlehem proved what love for thee - This present evil world hath, when - She shut against thee cruelly - The doors left wide for other men, - And forced thee to the hovel, where— - Wide open to the winter air— - The very beasts could scarcely live; - No other shelter would she give. - - Come, Jesus, from that hovel cold, - Exposed to all the winds that blow, - Chilled by discomfort manifold, - From the poor couch all wet with snow. - My all a couch for thee I make, - My heart the shelter thou shall take. - I give it all, I give my best, - That were for thee a better rest. - - My heart to love thee, Lord, desires, - And, loving, proffers love’s warm kiss. - The kiss, to give which she aspires, - Honor and adoration is. - Take thou from me this honor true; - Take thou the love which is thy due; - For this, my loyal offering, - Out of my very heart I bring. - - My heart, all burning with the fire - Of love to thee, would cherish thine; - But thou that love canst kindle higher, - And thou wilt rather cherish mine. - For thou art Love, and canst inflame - The hearts of them that love thy name - With thine own self, and not with wood; - Thou art the very Fire of God. - - Come, then, O Fire of God, to me! - Come, Love, and never more depart! - Enter the place prepared for thee, - The shelter of my loving heart! - I’ll spread thee there a couch of rest, - And deem myself supremely blest, - If I may evermore abide - Loving, belovèd, at thy side. - -While we have to treat rather of hymns than of hymn-writers in dealing -with the Roman Breviary, there is much of personal interest attaching to -the Breviary of Paris, its great rival in hymnological interest. A -slight revision of the hymns of this Breviary was effected in 1527—of -which the _Urbs Jerusalem beata_ is a type—and only with the idea of -correcting corruptions of the text. But the Roman revision of 1568-1631 -affected the Gallican Church’s services very slightly. In no part of the -Roman Catholic world were the rights of the national Church guarded so -carefully as in France, until Napoleon bargained them away by the -Concordat of 1801. The French bishops and monastic orders continued to -retain their old service-books long after uniformity had been -established, under plea of unity, in other parts of the Church; and they -made such alterations in them as they thought necessary to the -edification of their people. - -It was the Order of Cluny which first took steps toward the substitution -of new hymns for those whose use had been sanctioned by long tradition. -The general chapter of that branch of the great Benedictine family in -1676-78 charged Paul Rabusson and Claude de Vert with the preparation of -a new Breviary. On Rabusson, who was teaching theology in the monastery -of St. Martin des Champs in Paris, the labor chiefly fell. He applied to -Claude Santeul, a pensioner of the ecclesiastical seminary attached to -the Abbey of St. Magloire, asking him to prepare the new hymns. Claude -Santeul (_Santolius Maglorianus_) agreed to do so, and made some -progress in the work. He finished six hymns, which were inserted in the -new Breviary, and at his death (1684) he left two manuscript volumes of -unfinished hymns among his papers. But he found that his being selected -had excited the jealousy of his younger brother, Jean Santeul, a canon -of the monastery of St. Victor (_Santolius Victorinus_), who already was -recognized as the finest, but by no means the most edifying of the Latin -poets of the France of his time. - -Claude gladly gave place to his brother—who was accepted by the Cluny -Fathers—in the hope that the work of writing hymns would divert him from -the pagan poetizing, which was regarded as unbecoming to his cloth. Jean -Santeul is the oddest figure in the annals of Latin hymnology, which is -saying a good deal. He is “a man of whom it is hard to speak without -falling into caricature,” Sainte-Beuve says (_Causeries de Lundi_, XII., -20-56). He combined the talent of a poet of nature’s making with the -simplicity of a child and the vanity and wit of a genuine Frenchman. He -recalls La Fontaine by many of his traits, and, under the name of -“Theodas,” he has furnished La Bruyère with the materials for one of the -cleverest portraits in the _Caractères_ (1687). His mode of life was a -scandal to De Rance and other severe Churchmen, who were laboring for -the restoration of strict monastic discipline. His love of good living -and the charm of his society and his talk carried him off from his -monastery and his hours, sometimes for weeks together. His Latin -inscriptions, which adorned the fountains, bridges, and public monuments -of Paris, at once gave him recognition as the poet laureate and -pensioner of the _grande monarque_, and as a priest whose poetry dealt -more in the pagan deities than in any distinctively Christian -references. He was not an immoral man in any gross sense. Even as a _bon -vivant_, he does not seem to have transgressed what were recognized as -the bounds of sobriety, and his poetry is as free as was his life from -licentiousness. But he was frivolous, gay, reckless, and as worldly as -was consistent with his being a grown-up child. Everybody, even severe -and silent De Rance at La Trappe, liked him, but everybody shook his -head over the inconsistency of his life with his monastic vocation, and -none more sorrowfully than his good brother Claude at St. Magloire. - -Now at last there seemed to be the opportunity to reclaim him by -occupying his mind and his art with serious subjects, and by bringing -him into edifying associations with good men. That he was not enough of -a theologian to discharge the task satisfactorily of himself, was rather -an advantage from this point of view. The eloquent and learned -Jansenist, Nicolas le Tourneux, undertook the work of coaching him. The -partnership worked reasonably well. Of course hymns produced by this -kind of division of labor, in which one took care of the sense and -another of the expression, have the defects of their method. But Le -Tourneux was as careful of the poet as of his verse. His severe eye -detected the play of Santeul’s vanity even in the work of writing hymns. -“Reflect, my dear brother,” he wrote, “that while in the visible and -militant Church one may sing the praises of God with an impure heart and -defiled lips, it will not be so in heaven. You have burnt incense in -your verse, but there was strange fire in the censer. Vanity furnishes -your motive where it ought to be charity.” He objects to Santeul’s -calling himself “the poet of Jesus Christ,” while he admits that vain -glory leads him to write hymns. “If you and I were all we ought to be,” -wrote the severe Jansenist, “we would quake with fear at having dared, -you to sing and I to preach of the holiness of God, without a right -sense of it. We shall be only too happy if He pardon our sermons and our -verses.” Perhaps the severity was needed and did good. - -So Le Tourneux suggested and all but wrote the prayer in which Santeul -dedicated his hymns to our Lord: “Receive what is Thine; forgive what is -mine. Thine is whatever I have uttered that is good and holy. Mine that -I have handled Thy good things unworthily, and not from desire to please -Thee, but from an undue pride of poetry, of which I am ashamed. Thou -hast given me songs to praise Thee. Give me prayers, give me tears to -wash away the stains of a life less than Christian.” - -His hymns must have circulated in manuscript before their publication, -for we find De Rance in 1683 praising those in commemoration of St. -Bernard, while noticing that the old hymns, if less excellent as -literature, had a more reverential spirit. In 1685, a year in advance of -the new Breviary, Santeul published them in the first collection he made -of them.[21] Their merits made a much deeper impression than their -defects. Scholars and Churchmen alike were struck by their rhetorical -vigor, the frequent boldness of their conception, the beautiful -succession of sentiments and images, the exquisite clearness of the -sense, and not by the factitious character of their enthusiasm, as -Sainte-Beuve puts it, or the frequent monotony in the treatment of -cognate themes. The Breviary, in fact, had ceased to be the voice of the -Christian congregation. The supersession of Latin by the national -languages of Western Europe had made it the prayer-book of a class -educated to relish only the classic forms of Latin verse, and to regard -the simplicity of the early hymn-writers as barbarous. Santeul wrote for -priests whose tastes had been formed on Horace and Virgil, and he -brought into these rigid forms as much of genuine Christian feeling and -doctrine as the age required. He was all the happier in these respects, -as Le Tourneux, who himself contributed to the new Breviary, was of that -Jansenist school in which religion, belittled by the pettiness and the -casuistry of the Jesuits, once more presented itself in its grandeur and -its severity. - -The excellence of Santeul’s hymns at once created a demand for their -introduction in other churches and dioceses, and for his services as a -hymn-writer. Several of the best were introduced by Archbishop Harlay -into the later editions of his revised Paris Breviary, which had -appeared in 1680. So the bishops of many other French dioceses—Rouen, -Sens, Narbonne, Massillon of Clermont, and others—adopted his hymns into -their breviaries after his death. And as he gallantly said, he had the -pleasure while still living of hearing them “sung by the angels at Port -Royal.” Other orders begged him to commemorate their founders and their -especial saints; dioceses and churches in other parts of France invoked -his good offices. Hence it is that of his two hundred and twenty-eight -hymns not one in five is occupied with the great festivals of the Church -year, but are specific or general hymns to the honor of the saints, -martyrs, and doctors of the Church of France especially. - -The rush of popularity—not unaccompanied by solid rewards, for the good -fathers of the Cluny Order gave him a pension—seems to have turned -Santeul’s not very well-balanced head. Le Tourneux’s admonitions were -forgotten. He ran from church to church to hear his hymns sung, and -scandalized congregations by his demonstrations of delight or disgust as -the music was appropriate or otherwise; he declaimed them in all sorts -of places, suitable and unsuitable, to extort the admiration he loved so -dearly. He did not forget to tell that even the severe De Rance had -written from La Trappe to thank him for his hymn on St. Bernard, but -that for his own part he valued the general hymn on the Doctors of the -Church above any other. Naturally he had little good to say of the hymns -his were to displace. If anything could make a pagan of him, it would be -the bad grammar of those old monkish poets, who sacrificed sense and -grammar alike to their stupid rhymes. And so he would run on by the hour -to anybody who would listen, with an egotism whose very childishness and -frankness made it inoffensive. - -Of course he claimed the distinction of being the best Latin poet in -France. French poetry he despised, as being written in a language -incapable of the terse elegance of Latin. But in Latin verse he would -hear of no rival. Du Périer, who had quite as much vanity, with only a -fraction of his genius, challenged his pretensions. The two poets wrote -verses on the same theme, and then set out to find an arbiter. The first -friend to whom they appealed was Ménage, who evaded the responsibility -by declaring them equally excellent. The next they met was Racine. He -first got possession of the stakes and deposited them in the poor’s box -at the door of a church near by, and then gave the poets a round -scolding for their absurd rivalry! - -The hymns of Santeul are best known to English readers through _Hymns -Ancient and Modern_, which contain some very fine versions, original and -selected. Not included there is that which Sainte Beuve pronounces his -finest hymn, and for whose retention in the Breviary he pleads against -the crusaders, who in the name of antiquity insist on replacing Santeul -and Coffin by Strada and Galucci. Out of respect for the greatest of -modern critics, we reprint it, with a translation from the pen of Dr. A. -R. Thompson. It commemorates the Presentation of our Lord in the Temple. - - Stupete gentes, fit Deus hostia: - Se sponte legi Legifer obligat: - Orbis Redemptor nunc redemptus: - Seque piat sine labe mater. - - De more matrum, Virgo puerpera - Templo statutos abstinuit dies. - Intrare sanctam quid pavebas, - Facta Dei prius ipsa templum? - - Ara sub una se vovit hostia - Triplex: honorem virgineum immolat - Virgo sacerdos, parva mollis - Membra puer, seniorque vitam. - - Eheu! quot enses transadigent tuum - Pectus! quot altis nata doloribus, - O Virgo! Quem gestas, cruentam - Imbuet hic sacer Agnus aram. - - Christus futuro, corpus adhuc tener, - Praeludit insons victima funeri: - Crescet; profuso vir cruore, - Omne scelus moriens piabit. - - Sit summa Patri, summaque Filio, - Sanctoque compar gloria Flamini: - Sanctae litemus Trinitati - Perpetuo pia corda cultu. - - Wonder, ye nations! divine is the sacrifice. - Lo, his own law the Lawgiver obeys! - Now the Redeemer redeemed is, and purifies - Herself the mother pure. Look with amaze! - - All the days set by the law for a mother, - She from the temple of God hath delayed. - Why should she stay without, as might another, - She who the temple of God hath been made? - - At the one altar threefold is the sacrifice. - Mother, who offers her pure virgin heart; - Babe, his fair body that in her fond arms lies; - Aged saint, life, ready now to depart. - - Oh but what sword through her heart shall be going! - Oh to what sorrow is born her fair child! - Over what altar his blood will be flowing! - He whom she bears, the Lamb holy and mild. - - Christ, in his infantile body so tender, - Spotless in purity, here hath foreshown, - Sign of the sacrifice he shall yet render, - Dying the sin of the world to atone. - - Now to the Father in glory supernal, - Now to the Son, and the Spirit above, - Now to the Triune, all holy, eternal, - Worship be ever in faith and in love! - -As a poet Santeul fell from grace in 1689, when he fell back on his -pagan divinities in a poem addressed to the keeper of the royal gardens. -Bossuet made a great ado over it, but Fénelon and others judged him more -gently. Next year he goes to see La Trappe, and writes a fine poem on -Holy Solitude (_Sancta Solitudo_), which extorted fresh praise from De -Rance, and afterward from Sainte-Beuve. But four years later he got into -the worst scrape of his life by a flattering epitaph on the great -Arnauld, who died in 1694. Santeul always had been more or less -associated with the Jansenist party, a fact which was not forgotten when -his hymns were expelled from the churches of France in our own century. -There is preserved an account of a visit he paid to Port Royal, in which -he chattered to the nuns with equal freedom of his own hymns and of -their virtues. But he was not of the stuff of which martyrs are made. -The Jesuits had the king’s ear, and he was a pensioner of the king’s -bounty. They assailed him for his eulogy of the arch-Jansenist, and -threatened him with the disfavor of Louis XIV.; and he hastened to make -amends in a poetical epistle, of which he made two copies. By the adroit -change of the tense of a single word he made the copy for the Jesuits -retract his praises of his great friend, while that for the general -public did nothing of the sort. As a consequence he came off with no -credit on either side. Both Jesuits and Jansenists resented his -duplicity, and a fine shower of squibs and pamphlets fell on him from -both the hostile forces, until he was forced to cry for quarter, and -Bourdaloue made his peace. - -He died in 1697 in Burgundy, whither he had accompanied the younger -Condé to the meeting of the Estates. St. Simon has told a very -unpleasant story of the cause of his death. He ascribes it to Condé’s -having made him drink a bowl of wine into which he had emptied his -snuff-box, “just to see what would come of it.” But the prince of -scandalmongers has been disproven on this point. Santeul’s death was due -to no such cause, but to an inflammation of the bowels and to the -malpractice of his doctors, who gave him emetics under the false -impression that he was suffering from a surfeit. He made a good end, -dying with resignation, and begging pardon for the scandal his life had -caused. - -His hymns were not without their critics in his own age. Jean Baptiste -Thiers, a parish priest of great learning and bad temper, assailed the -Breviary of Cluny (in his _Commentarii de novo Breviario Cluniacensi_, -Brussels, 1702), and did not spare Santeul’s hymns, which he declared to -be much inferior to those which had come down from the earlier days of -the Church. He declared that Santeul had a greater abundance of words -than of sense, that he had almost no powers of thought, and that some of -his images, such as that in which he wreathes a garland of stones for -the martyr Stephen, were simply ridiculous. He was answered not by -Rabusson, but by his associate, Claude de Vert, after what fashion I do -not know. - - -It was in 1736 that the Breviary of the Diocese of Paris was published -in its third and final revision by a commission of three ecclesiastics: -François-Antoine Vigier, François-Philippe Mesengui, and Charles Coffin. -It is a significant fact that the second belonged to that Jansenist -party in the Church which the relentless efforts of the Pope, the -hierarchy, and the kings of France had not been able to exterminate. -Archbishop de Vintimille was as eager to accomplish that as his -predecessors had been, and he was ably seconded by that pious and -orthodox prince, Louis XV. But this revision, like that of 1670-80, was -a concession to the historical criticism which the Jansenists had -brought to bear upon the Church books both as to the legends of the -saints and the extravagances of the growing devotion to the Mother of -our Lord. Mesengui had been dismissed from the post Coffin had given him -in the University of Paris for his opposition to the bull _Unigenitus_, -which condemned Quesnel’s Jansenist _Reflections on the New Testament_. -Coffin’s sympathies lay in the same direction. - -Charles Coffin is the man of the three who chiefly concerns us here. -Born at Buzancy, hard by Rheims, in 1676, he very early distinguished -himself as a Latin poet and an educator. He graduated at Paris in 1701, -and became a teacher in the College of Dormans-Beauvais, and then its -principal in 1713. Five years later he was chosen to succeed Rollin as -Rector of the University of Paris. He at once showed his force of -character by revolutionizing the relation of the university to the -public through abolishing the fees exacted of the students. To replace -them he extended and developed the system of posts and messages, which -the university had established in the thirteenth century and which -coexisted with the post-office system of the government, of which it was -the forerunner. He devoted its revenues to the support of the colleges. -He must have been a character of great administrative capacity, as his -plans had entire success, and probably did much to foster the -development of the post-office system of France. After remaining rector -for three years, he went back to his place at the head of the -Dormans-Beauvais College, and remained there till his death. - -It was in 1727 that Charles Coffin published his first volume of Latin -poetry. The most notable piece in the collection was a fine ode in -praise of Champagne. So much were the people of the Champagne country -pleased with it, that they sent him a hamper of every vintage as long as -he lived, which was twenty-two years. He also had a hand in carrying -Cardinal de Polignac’s great poem, _Anti-Lucretius_, to the state of -completeness in which it was given to the public in 1745, three years -after its author’s death. He undertook the work of revising the old -hymns and preparing new with great reluctance, yielding only to the -entreaties of the archbishop. - -It was in 1736 that the Breviary Commission finished their labors and -the archbishop gave to the diocese the new Breviary, which was adopted -by more than fifty French dioceses. Its general character does not -concern us here. It is with its hymns alone we have to do. About seventy -of the primitive and mediaeval hymns still held their place in the -Breviary of 1680, nearly half of them the work of Ambrose and his -school. The revisers spared very few of these. Only twenty-one hymns of -the earlier period were left, while eighty-five of Jean Santeul’s, -nearly a hundred by Coffin himself—including some recasts of old -hymns—and ninety-seven by other authors, chiefly Frenchmen of later -date, were inserted. There were eleven by Guillaume de la Brunetière, a -friend of Bossuet’s; six each by Claude Santeul, Nicolas le Tourneux, -and Sebastian Besnault, a priest of Sens; five by Isaac Habert, Bishop -of Vabres; four by the Jesuit Jean Commire; two each by the Jesuit -Francis Guyet and Simon Gourdan of the Abbey of St. Victor; one each by -Marc Antoine Muretus, Denis Petau, and Guillaume du Plessis de Geste; -one (or three) by M. Combault, a young friend of Charles Coffin’s. This -was modernism with a vengeance! New hymns were nearly thirteen to one in -proportion to those from the great storehouse of the ages before the -Reformation. It is not wonderful that so extreme a policy called forth a -reaction as soon as the Romanticist movement, with its juster -appreciation of the Middle Ages, had reached France. But by the end of -the eighteenth century the old Latin hymns were banished practically -from France. - -As compared with Jean Santeul, Charles Coffin displays much less poetic -audacity than his predecessor. You do not feel that poetry filled the -same place in his intellectual existence, or that he was under the same -necessity to write it. He has less genius, but a great talent for verse. -And—what the critics of that age valued the most—he was more correct in -his handling of the vocabulary and the metre of Latin versification. -Santeul found classic Latin, much as he admired it, something of a -fetter to the free movement of his genius. It was a dead language he was -trying to put intense life into—an old bottle for his new wine—and at -times the bottle burst. Just because Charles Coffin’s wine is not so -new, his inspiration not so fresh, the bottle holds out better. And then -he had the greater advantage of a closer familiarity with the ideas he -wished to embody in his hymns, and with their sources in the Scriptures, -and a more practical capacity for the application of his powers to the -object in hand. His hymns are always in place; they are hymns of the -Breviary, not brilliant poems on Breviary subjects by a poet writing for -glory. I do not say that Charles Coffin was the better man; God only -knows; and I must confess to a liking for “the gay canon of St. Victor” -which the rector of the university does not inspire in me. There is a -Burns-like humanity in him and his harmless vanities which wins our love -still, as it did that of his contemporaries. But Charles Coffin had a -certain suitableness to his work which Jean Santeul lacked. He was an -eminently dignified, respectable, and useful character, who impressed -himself upon a whole generation of young Frenchmen, many of whom rose to -eminence at the bar, in the public service, and even in the army. They -all looked back to him with great respect. I wonder if they loved him as -Mark Hopkins and George Allen are loved by those who studied under them. -And in Charles Coffin’s hymns you meet the same admirable traits as in -his public work. He is a man of enlightenment, dignity, devoutness, and -eminent usefulness, without a touch of Rabelaisian _abandon_ to remind -you of Béranger’s saying: “All we _Français_ are children of the great -François.” Of that he reminds you only in his sparkling, effervescent -ode to Champagne, in reply to Bénigne Grenan’s overpraise of Burgundy. -It was to be expected that when the advocates of liturgical uniformity -made their attack upon the Paris Breviary, beginning with Gueranger’s -_Institutions Liturgiques_ (1840-42), it was Santeul whom they -especially attacked, although not he but Coffin was responsible for its -hymnology. - -Charles Coffin’s hymns have a high level of excellence, which makes it -difficult to anthologize among them. Certainly not the worst are the -four Advent hymns (_Instantis adventum Dei_; _Jordanis oras praevia_; -_Statuta decreto Dei_; and _In noctis umbra desides_); that for -Christmas (_Jam desinant suspiria_) and the Vesper hymn (_O luce qui -mortalibus_); the Passion hymn (_Opprobriis Jesu satur_); the fine -series of seven hymns for the nocturn services throughout the week, -based on the seven days of Creation; and the hymn for Epiphany (_Quae -stella sole pulchrior_). These and most of his acknowledged hymns are -known to us in the translations of Williams, Chandler, and Mant, and -several of these are in _Hymns Ancient and Modern_. - -As an editor he altered and even tinkered, as well as adapted and wrote -hymns. Even Jean Santeul did not escape his hand. One of the hymns -ascribed to him in the Paris Breviary is a cento from no less than -twelve of his own hymns. From the wrath he showed when such changes were -made in his lifetime, we may infer that he would have liked this as -little as did John Wesley. And the older hymns were handled in the same -way. A good example of Charles Coffin’s method of recasting old hymns is -furnished by his version of the _Ad coenam Agni providi_, which already -has been given in its original shape and in that of the Roman Breviary. -With these the reader may compare Coffin’s revision, which will be seen -to vary very widely from the old text of the ninth century: - - Forti tegente brachio, - Evasimus Rubrum mare, - Tandem durum perfidi - Jugum tyranni fregimus. - - Nunc ergo laetas vindici - Grates rependamus Deo; - Agnique mensam candidis - Cingamus ornati stolis. - - Hujus sacrato corpore, - Amoris igne fervidi, - Vescamur atque sanguine: - Vescendo, vivimus Deo. - - Jam Pascha nostrum Christus est, - Hic agnus, haec est victima - Cruore cujus illitos - Transmittit ultor angelus. - - O digna coelo victima, - Mors ipsa per quam vincitur, - Per quam refractis inferi - Praedam relaxant postibus. - - Christi sepulchri faucibus - Emersus ad lucem redit; - Hostem retrudit tartaro, - Coelique pandit intima. - - Da Christe, nos tecum mori - Tecum simul da surgere: - Terrena da contemnere; - Amare da coelestia. - -It will be observed that while the ideas, and even to some extent the -phraseology of the old hymn are retained in the first six verses, their -order is so changed as to suggest that we have an original hymn before -us, if we do not look closely. But the last verse is altogether -different. The old poet prayed that the paschal joy might be made -unending through the deliverance of the regenerate from the death -eternal. The modern prays that we may share mystically in the death and -resurrection of Christ, and learn thereby to set our affections on -things above. Similar are his recasts of the _Salvete flores Martyrum_ -of Prudentius, and the Ambrosian _Jam lucis orto sidere_. - -Mr. Duffield has left only one completed version of a hymn from the -Paris Breviary, and that one whose authorship I am unable to determine. -It attracted him as one of the surprisingly few hymns in which the -comparison of the Christian life to a warfare, so frequently used by our -Lord and the Apostle Paul, is employed as a leading idea. His interest -in such hymns no doubt was first awakened by his father’s admirable and -popular one: - - “Stand up, stand up for Jesus,” - -suggested by the dying words of Dudley Tyng. We give both the Latin and -his English version: - - Pugnate, Christi milites, - Fortes fide resistite: - Immensa promisit Deus - Pio labori praemia. - - Non ille fluxas ac leves - Palmas dabit vincentibus; - Sed lucis aeternae decus, - Et pura semper gaudia. - - Mentes beatas excipit - Formosa coelitum domus: - Hic turba, coelis altior, - Subjecta calcat sidera. - - Caduca vobis praemia - Offert levis mundi favor: - Vultus ad astra tollite; - Hic ipse fit merces Deus. - - Qui nos coronat, laus Patri, - Laus qui redemit, Filio; - Alma juvans nos gratia, - Sit par tibi laus, Spiritus. - - - Fight on, ye Christian soldiers, - And bravely keep the faith, - For great reward shall follow, - As God’s own promise saith. - - Not palms that wave and flutter - Shall be the victor’s crown, - But grace of light eternal, - And joy of pure renown. - - That blessed heavenly mansion - Shall take each happy soul; - Their throng, high raised in glory, - Shall tread the starry pole. - - Earth’s honor is but failing, - Her gifts are light as air; - Lift up your eyes to heaven, - For God’s reward is there. - - Praise God, who crowns the battle, - And Christ, who comes to save, - And praise the Holy Spirit, - Whose grace our spirits crave. - -By kindness of Dr. A. R. Thompson we add two translations from Charles -Coffin’s hymns: - - - QUA STELLA SOLE PULCHRIOR. - - What star is this whose glorious light - Outshines the morn, - The herald of the King new-born! - Its radiance bright, - A heavenly sign, - Streams o’er the cradle of the Babe divine. - - Faith, standing with the prophets old, - Sees down the skies - The promised Star from Jacob rise. - The sign foretold - She knows full well, - And straightway seeks the wondrous spectacle. - - The lustrous star gives warning fair - To all the earth, - But chiefly men of Eastern birth, - With pious care, - The warning heed, - And seeking Christ upon their journey speed. - - Their eager love knows no delay; - Danger nor toil - Their purpose resolute can foil. - They haste away - From home and kind, - And country, at God’s call, the Christ to find. - - O Christ our Lord, thy star of grace - Leads us to thee! - Help these dull hearts of ours to be - First at the place, - Intent to prove - To thee, O Lord, our faith and hope and love. - - - LABENTE JAM SOLIS. - - Now with the declining sun, - Day to night is passing on. - So doth mortal life descend - Swiftly to its destined end. - - From the cross, thine arms spread wide - Fold the world, O Crucified! - Help us love the cross. In thy - Dear embrace help us to die! - - Glory to the Eternal One, - Glory to the only Son, - Glory to the Spirit be, - Now and through eternity. - -Of the other writers of the Breviary only a few need detain us. Most of -them are poets of the conventional sort, whose verse evidences the care -taken with their education rather than their possession of any native -genius, although Jean Commire (1625-1702) was of wide reputation in his -day. Even of good Claude Santeul the best that can be said is that -several of his hymns have passed for the composition of his brother, and -that the two Trinity hymns (_Ter sancte, ter potens Deus_ and _O luce -quae tua lates_) and the three on Lazarus (_Redditum luce, Domino -vocante, Panditur saxo tumulus remoto_, and _Intrante Christo Bethanicam -domum_) deserve the honor. They make us regret the loss of these two -manuscript volumes. An unfinished translation of one of these, left by -Mr. Duffield, has been completed for us by Dr. A. R. Thompson. The -asterisk marks the transition from the one translator to the other— - - - O LUCE QUAE TUA LATES. - - O hidden by the very light, - O ever-blessed Trinity, - Thee we confess, and thee believe, - With pious heart we long for thee! - - O Holy Father of the saints, - O God of very God, the Son, - O Bond of Love, the Holy Ghost, - Who joinest all the Three in One! - - That God the Father might behold - Himself, *coeval was the Son; - Also the Love that binds them both; - So, God of God, the perfect One. - - Complete the Father in the Son, - The Son, the Father in complete, - And the full Spirit in them both; - The Father, Son, and Paraclete. - - As is the Son, the Spirit is. - Each as the Father, verily. - The Three, One all transcendent Truth, - One all transcendent Love, the Three. - - Father, and Son, and Holy Ghost - Eternally, let all adore; - Who liveth and who reigneth, God, - Ages on ages, evermore! - -Next we have Nicolas le Tourneux (1640-1686), the severe Jansenist, -whose preaching drew such crowds in Paris that the King asked the -reason. “Sire,” replied Boileau, “your Majesty knows how people run -after novelty; this is a preacher who preaches the Gospel. When he -mounts the pulpit, he frightens you by his ugliness, so that you wish he -would leave it; and when he begins to speak, you are afraid that he -may.” It was his _Année Chrétienne_ which suggested the _Christian Year_ -to John Keble. We have seen how he coached Jean Santeul both as to the -matter of his hymns and the right spirit for a Christian poet. But the -great preacher’s own hymns are _sermoni propriores_, “properer for a -sermon,” to borrow Lamb’s mistranslation. Verse was a fetter to him, not -a wing. His best are the Ascension hymn, _Adeste, Coelitum chori_, and -that on the Baptist, _Jussu tyranni pro fide_. The former we give in the -excellent translation of Rev. A. R. Thompson, D.D.: - - - ADESTE COELITUM CHORI. - - Hither come, ye choirs immortal, - Singing joyful canticles! - Christ hath passed the grave’s dark portal, - With the dead no more he dwells. - - All in vain doth malice station - Watchful guards the tomb before, - All in vain the faithless nation - Sets the seal upon the door. - - Fruitless terror, from this prison - None have stolen him away, - But by his own strength arisen, - Victor, ends he death’s dread fray. - - Prisoned, and the seal unbroken, - He can leave at will the tomb, - As at first—behold the token— - He could leave the Virgin’s womb. - - When he on the tree hung dying, - Raving men, who round him stood, - “Come down from the cross,” were crying, - “Then we own thee Son of God.” - - But, his Father’s will obeying - Even unto death, he dies; - Priest and Victim, ’tis the slaying - Of the world’s great Sacrifice. - - Nay, the cross was not forsaken; - Dead, yet greater thing did he, - By himself, his life retaken - Proved him Son of God to be. - - With thee dying, with thee rising, - Grant, O Christ, that we may be, - Earthly vanities despising, - Choosing heaven all lovingly! - - Praise be to the Father given, - To the Son, our Leader. He - Calleth us with him to heaven; - Spirit, equal praise to thee! - -A man of very different powers is the Abbé Sebastian Besnault, of whom -nothing is told us except that he was chaplain of the parish of St. -Maurice in Sens, and died in 1726. The six hymns ascribed to him in the -Paris Breviary are among the finest in that collection. Three are hymns -on the Circumcision (_Debilis cessent elementa legis_; _Felix dies, quam -proprio_; and _Noxium Christus simul introivit_); one is an Ascension -hymn (_Promissa, tellus, concipe gaudium_), and two are Dedication hymns -(_Ecce sedes hic Tonantis_ and _Urbs beata, vera pacis_), the latter -being a recast of the _Urbs beata Hierusalem_. Quite justly does A. -Gazier (in his thesis _De Santolii Victorini Sacris Hymnis_, Paris, -1875) say that if Besnault equalled Jean Santeul in the volume of his -hymns, he would not rank below him as a sacred poet, since he quite -equals him in his Latinity and is his superior as a spiritual writer. We -give Dr. A. R. Thompson’s version of his recast of the _Urbs beata -Hierusalem_: - - - URBS BEATA, VERA PACIS. - - Blessed city, vision true - Of sweet peace, Jerusalem, - How majestic to the view - Rise thy lofty walls, in them - Living stones in beauty stand, - Polished, set, by God’s own hand. - - Every several gate of thine - Of one pearl effulgent is, - Golden fair thy wall doth shine, - Blended lustrously with this, - And thy wall doth rest alone - Upon Christ the Corner-stone. - - Thy sun is the martyred Lamb, - God thy temple. Angels vie - With the saints, a joyful psalm - Ever lifting up on high, - And the Holiest worshipping, - Holy, Holy, Holy sing. - - Evermore stand open wide, - Heavenly city, all thy gates. - But, who would in thee abide, - Who thy walls to enter waits, - Must, that meed of life to win, - Agonize to conquer sin. - - To the Father, to the Son, - Endless adoration be! - Spirit, binding both in One, - Endless worship unto thee! - Hallowed by thy chrism divine, - We become thy living shrine. - -Along with Coffin should be named one of his friends, a young advocate -named Combault, who possessed something of the spirit and energy of Jean -Santeul. How far he contributed to the Breviary of 1736 I am unable to -say, but a well-founded tradition designates him as the author of a -splendid rhetorical hymn in commemoration of the Apostles Peter and Paul -(_Tandem laborum gloriosi Principes_), which has been much admired. -Combault died in 1785. - -The whole impression which this school of hymn-writers makes upon us is -like that of the Greco-French architecture of our own age. Both reflect -the critical and useful, but somewhat exclusive spirit of the -Renaissance. Both are capable of fine effects, great structural beauty, -and a certain grandeur not of the highest order. But a Greco-French -church will not bear comparison with Notre Dame; and the hymns of -Santeul and Coffin will hardly better endure a comparison with the -Christian singers who wrote when Notre Dame was new. - - - - - CHAPTER XXIX. - THE UNKNOWN AND THE LESS KNOWN HYMN-WRITERS. - [Fourth to Tenth Century.] - - -The known is but a fragment broken from the unknown. This is eminently -true as regards the authorship of the Latin hymns. When we have dealt as -tenderly as the historical conscience will permit with the traditions -which assign hymns to this and that author, we still find ourselves -unable to affix any name to the great majority. And while it is true -that the most part of the very great hymns are not left in this plight -of anonymity, it is true that no small number of the best are on the -record like Melchizedek—“without father or mother,” and many of them -also “without beginning of years,” for we can determine only -approximately the century of their origin. Nor is this at all -surprising. Fame was neither the object nor the expectation of the -writers of the Latin hymns of the early and Middle Ages. Their utmost -expectation, probably, was to be valued a little by their brethren in -their own and their sister monasteries as the author of a fine sequence -or an appropriate hymn for a yearly festival. It was enough for that -purpose that the report of their authorship passed from mouth to mouth -in the choir, without any record made of it. The love of glory as a -literary motive, came in, as Mr. Symonds reminds us, with the -Renaissance, which borrowed it from the old pagans. Many a devout singer -of the centuries before that practised the wisdom of à Kempis’s saying, -_Ama nesciri_, “Love to be unknown.” They wrote not for gain in renown, -but for use in the edification of their brethren and of the Church. And -to live for use rather than gain is to live Christianly, for, as -Swedenborg says, “The kingdom of heaven is a kingdom of uses.” - -This and the next chapter we shall give partly to some of these orphaned -hymns, touching only on the greatest. And as we come down the centuries -we shall speak also of the less notable hymn-writers, some of them not -less notable as men or as Churchmen, but such as have made less of a -mark in hymnology. - -At the outset we are met by two of the greatest of the sacred songs of -the Church, which are none the less hymns although classed technically -as canticles. Who wrote the _Gloria in Excelsis_ and the _Te Deum -laudamus_? As everybody knows, the opening words of the former are the -song of the angels who brought the good news to the shepherds—words -which authenticate their heavenly origin by their simplicity, beauty, -and force—“a master-song,” as Luther says, “which neither grew nor was -made on earth, but came down from heaven.” But the much longer -supplement, which evidently reflects the situation of the Church in the -days of the Arian controversy, must either have originated in the fourth -century and in the East, or must have been altered to adapt it to that -time. The original still exists in Greek, but in three forms, which -differ somewhat; and the Latin version is defective in that it follows a -later form than that which is given in the so-called _Apostolical -Constitutions_; and, of course, the English follows the Latin, except in -the part taken from the Gospel, where “good will to men” takes the place -of “to men of good will” (_hominibus bonae voluntatis_), the latter -being the reading adopted by the English translators of 1611, but -rejected by the revisers of 1883.[22] - -Who made the Latin version? An untrustworthy tradition ascribes it to -Telesphorus, who was Bishop of Rome in 128-38. It is possible that he -prescribed the chanting of the Scripture words in the Church service; -but the whole hymn is of later date in Latin. There is much more -likelihood that it was, according to a tradition recorded by Alcuin in -the ninth century, the work of Hilary of Poitiers, the first Latin -hymn-writer. - -The _Te Deum laudamus_ has some claims to be regarded as the greatest of -Christian hymns. Like the _Gloria in Excelsis_ it belongs to that first -period of Christian hymn-writing, when the Hebrew psalms still furnished -the models for Christian poets, and the same free movement of rhythmical -prose was all that was required or even tolerated. There is no mention -of it in Church literature before the sixth century, when the monastic -rules of both Caesarius of Arles (_c._ 527) and of Benedict of Nursia -(_c._ 530) prescribe its use, and the Council of Toledo mentions it. As -it uses the words of the Vulgate in verses 22-25 and 27 to the end, it -cannot, as it now stands, be much more than a century older than this, -as the date of the Vulgate is 382-404. Yet a tradition recorded by Abbot -Abbo of Fleury in the ninth century, ascribes this hymn also to Hilary -of Poitiers, who died fifteen years before Jerome put his hand to the -work of revising the Latin Bible. Daniel thinks to reconcile the -discrepancy by ascribing it to Hilary of Arles, who was born the year -before Jerome had finished his work, and by regarding it as a -translation from the Greek, as verses 22-26 certainly are. They are -found in the Appendix to the Alexandrian manuscript of the Greek New -Testament, where they follow the _Gloria in Excelsis_ with the -interruption only of an Amen. But is it not possible to regard the last -eight verses as a separate hymn, made up, with the exception of the -strong verse— - - 26. Dignare, Domine, die isto sine peccato nos custodire— - -of verses from the Scriptures? These last verses have no internal -connection with the first twenty-two, and they differ decidedly in -style, form, and source. Those contain no Scripture quotations, except -the _Ter-Sanctus_ in verses 5 and 6, which is not taken from the Vulgate -version,[23] but apparently from the Itala. If, therefore, we consider -those twenty-two verses as a hymn by themselves, this may have been the -work of Hilary of Poitiers, and there is no necessity for assuming that -it was not an original Latin hymn. This becomes more probable if we drop -out verse 13, which interrupts the flow of the Christological thought, -and evidently was interpolated to make the hymn complete from a -Trinitarian point of view. When the _Gloria in Excelsis_ and the _Te -Deum_ were composed, it was the relation of the Son to the Father which -occupied the mind of the Church. Both hymns are the expression of “the -present truth” on that subject; the mention of the Holy Spirit in both -is probably by interpolation at a later date. - -As the form, and in some places the meaning of the _Te Deum_ is -misrepresented in the current version, it may be worth while to -reproduce the original in a more literal version: - - 1. Thee as God we praise, - Thee as Lord we own, - - 2. Thee as eternal Father all the earth doth worship, - - 3. Thee all the angels— - To thee heaven and all its powers, - - 4. To thee cherubim and seraphim with unceasing voice cry aloud, - - 5. Holy, holy, holy, Lord God of Sabaoth, - - 6. The heavens and the earth are full of the majesty of thy glory! - - 7. Thee the glorious choir of the apostles, - - 8. Thee the praiseworthy company of the prophets, - - 9. Thee the white-robed army of the martyrs praiseth. - - 10. Thee, through the circle of the lands, the Holy Church confesseth - - 11. Father of unbounded majesty; - - 12. Thy adorable, true and only Son. - - 13 (14). Thou King of glory, O Christ, - - 14 (15). Thou of the Father art the Son eternal. - - 15 (16). Thou, to deliver us, tookest manhood, - Thou didst not dread the Virgin’s womb. - - 16 (17). Thou, since thou hast overcome the sting of death, - Hast opened to believers the kingdom of heaven. - - 17 (18). Thou, at the right hand of God, sittest in the glory of the - Father; - - 18 (19). As our judge thou art believed to be coming. - - 19 (20) Thee therefore we beg, - Assist thy servants whom thou hast redeemed with precious blood. - - 20 (21). Cause us to be gifted, among thy saints, with eternal glory. - - Amen. - -There are no other unfathered hymns known to be of this century, and few -less notable hymn-writers. To Jerome is ascribed a hymn, _Te Bethlehem -celebrat_, which is not in any of the collections. His great -contemporary, Augustine of Hippo, has had more than one fine hymn -assigned to him, probably because his works have furnished the -suggestion for so many. Notably Peter Damiani and Hildebert of Tours -drew upon him. But the great theologian was not a poet, as we can see -from his one essay in that form, viz., his “psalm” against the -Donatists, in which he gives a popular and metrical exposition of the -parable of the net (Matt. 13:47-50). It is quite enough to prove that he -did not write the _Ad perennis vitae fontem_ (Damiani), or the _Quid, -tyranne, quid minaris_ (Damiani), or the _O gens beata coelitum_, or -even the _Domine Jesu, noverim me_, all of which have been given to him -at times. - -To the fifth century—the century of Prudentius and Ennodius—we may -ascribe the earlier in the large group of hymns classed as Ambrosian, -which are the work of a series of writers who may be described as -constituting a school. It is one of the hardest problems in Latin -hymnology to distinguish between Ambrose’s own work and that of his -imitators, and to arrange the hymns composed by the latter between the -fifth and the eighth century in any chronological order. What can be -said positively has been shown in Chapter V. The chief authorities on -the subject are the early collectors, Clichtove, Cassander, and -Thomasius. Of considerable importance is the MS. given by Francis Junius -in the seventeenth century to the University of Oxford, and published in -1830 by Jacob Grimm. It contains a collection of twenty-six hymns by -Ambrose and the Ambrosians, with a translation into old High German, -probably made at St. Gall in the ninth century. But these do not exhaust -the list. Others have been pointed out by Mone and other collectors, as -proving their kinship to the school by their metrical form or their -contents and style. Schletterer enumerates ninety hymns of the school, -and of these he assigns fifteen to Ambrose himself. - -Closely related to the group, and yet not assigned to it, are several -hymns to which a very early date is assigned by Mone at least. To this -fifth century he gives the _Unam duorum gloriam_, which he also claims -as of German origin, and describes as one of the oldest hymns of the -German Church. It is in commemoration of two martyrs, to whose honor a -church near Münster was dedicated, and is strictly classic in metre. -Here also he assigns the _Christi caterva clamitat_, an Advent hymn of -classic metre and primitive tone. He probably would agree with -Wackernagel in selecting the same century for the hymn on Stephen, the -protomartyr, _Primatis aulae coelicae_, in which he finds reminders of -the style of Prudentius. Lastly, he assigns this date to the Paschal -hymn, _Te lucis auctor personat_, which became obsolete when its special -reference to Easter as the time of the baptism of adult catechumens lost -its significance. It was used in France and probably other countries. - -To the same fifth century belongs Paulinus, Bishop of Nola (353-431), -who has many better claims to remembrance than his hymns. He was one of -those men of whom their contemporaries cannot speak without enthusiasm, -and as Augustine, Jerome, and Ambrose are among his eulogists we may -assume that the praise was not undeserved. He came of a noble Gallic -stock; he inherited wealth and acquired from the teaching of the poet -Ausonius all the culture of his time; he filled high office in Italy and -Spain; he spent the last twenty-two years of his life in administering -with a faithful laboriousness the affairs of a Campanian bishopric. He -did not receive baptism until his thirty-fifth year, so that he may have -been brought up a pagan, although the inference is not necessary. In 378 -he was made Roman consul to fill an unexpired term (_consul suffectus_), -and was sent into Campania at the end of the year. There he was so -deeply impressed by a festival in honor of the martyr Vincent of Nola, -that his affections were drawn strongly to the city. But soon after he -married a Spanish wife and went to live first at Bordeaux and then at -Barcelona. At the former in 389 he was received into the membership of -the Church; at the latter he and his wife, after the death of their -infant son, resolved to renounce the “secular” life and to give -themselves to asceticism and charity. He was ordained to the priesthood -in response to a general demand of the people during the Christmas -festivities. He removed to Nola, where he and his wife lived in the -service of the poor, in an age when the incursions of Goths and Vandals -were producing frightful wretchedness. He seems to have held right views -of the responsibility of property, and instead of divesting himself of -it at once, he kept it to use for his brethren. Nor did he separate from -his wife after the fashion of Ennodius and others of the age. They -labored together to the end. About 409 he was elected Bishop of Nola, -and occupied that see until his death. Among his gifts to his people was -a new aqueduct to supply their town with pure water, an evidence of his -breadth of mind and genuine humanity. When he died he was added to the -list of the recognized saints, and few with better right. - -His literary achievement was not great, although everything he has -written has its interest. His epistles and poems are reflections of both -his excellence and his faults. They show at once the good heart of the -man and his proneness to superstition. But his contemporaries thought -his poems wonderful, and even some of the moderns have re-echoed this -estimate. Erasmus calls him “the Christian Cicero,” a title more -frequently assigned to Lactantius. Caspar Barth, in his _Adversaria_ -(1624), declines to rank any other Christian poet above him. His poems -exhibit the decadence of Latin verse, in that quantity is often -neglected and accent used to replace it. Only a few of them are hymns in -any sense, and these are narrative or reflective rather than lyric. -Bjorn gives two of them in his collection. - -This fifth century also brings us the first woman among the Christian -singers. Elpis, identified by a somewhat doubtful tradition with Helpes, -the first wife of the pagan philosopher Boethius, has left a florid hymn -in honor of the Apostles Peter and Paul, which holds its place in -modified form in the Roman Breviary, and is divided into two hymns. She -employs accentuated verse, while the verses in Boethius’s classic work, -_De Consolatione Philosophiae_, conform to the quantitative prosody of -classic poetry. Another hymn on the same Apostles, _Felix per omnes -festum mundi cardines_, is ascribed to her and also to Paulinus of Nola. -The Breviary hymn, _Miris modis repente liber_, is a recast of part of -it. - -There are several poems and chronicles which are ascribed to Prosper -Tyro, whom some identify with Prosper of Aquitaine (403-65), the Gallic -champion of strict Augustinian orthodoxy against the semi-Pelagian party -in that province—John Cassian, Vincent of Lerins, etc. This is the more -likely, as Prosper loved to “drop into poetry” even in his controversial -treatises. George Cassander includes a hymn from Prosper Tyro’s works in -his collection. - -Many of the finest of Ambrosian hymns, which have taken rank among the -favorites of Western Christendom, as sharing the noble spirit and the -torrent-like power of utterance of the great Bishop of Milan, are -credited by the hymnologists to the sixth century—the age of Benedict of -Nursia, Caesarius of Arles, Belisarius, and Gregory the Great. We give -Mr. Duffield’s translation of two of the finest, regretting that he did -not live to translate others which he had marked with that view in his -Index: - - - CHRISTE QUI LUX ET DIES. - - Christ who art the light and day, - Drive the shades of night away, - Thou, who art the Light of light, - Make our pathway glad and bright. - - Now we pray thee, holy Lord, - Keep us safely by thy word; - Night and day at peace in thee - May our spirits rested be. - - Let no evil dream appear, - Let no enemy draw near, - Let us bow to thee alone, - Thou who pitiest thine own! - - While in sleep we close our eyes, - May our hearts forever rise - Unto thee, whose mighty hand - Keeps thine own in every land. - - Look upon us, our Defence! - Drive all lurking traitors hence, - Rule thy children, O most Good, - Who are purchased with thy blood. - - Be thou mindful of our state, - In this body profligate; - Guard our minds, and ever be - Near us, Lord, as we to thee. - - - TELLURIS INGENS CONDITOR. - - Thou mighty Maker of earth’s frame, - Who gavest land and sea their name, - Hast swept the waters to their bound, - And fixed for aye the solid ground. - - That soon upspringing should be seen - The herb with blossoms gold and green, - And fruit which ripely hangeth there, - And grass to which the herds repair. - - Relieve the sorrows of the soul! - Our wounded spirits make thou whole, - That tears may sinful deeds allay, - And cleanse all baser lusts away. - - Let us be swayed by thy decree, - From many evils set us free; - With goodness fill the waiting heart, - And keep all fear of death apart! - -To the same sixth century belong some notable hymns which have not even -a school to which to assign their paternity. The most famous of these is -the - - _Ad coenam Agni providi_, - -which has been twice rewritten in conformity with the laws of classic -prosody, reappearing in the Roman Breviary as the _Ad regias Agni -dapes_, and in the Paris Breviary as the _Forti tegente brachio_. In -English there have been at least twelve versions since 1710. The great -merit of the hymn is the vigorous and terse way in which the mystical -correspondence of the Christian sacrament to the Jewish passover, and of -our deliverance from the yoke of Satan to the Jewish deliverance from -the Egyptian bondage, are worked out. As Daniel suggests, its first -stanza refers to the old usage that the catechumens, who had received -baptism just before Easter, partook of the other sacrament on the first -Sunday after Easter (_Dominicus in albis_), wearing the white robes of -their baptism (_stolis albis candidi_). Another notable but fatherless -hymn of this age is the _Sanctorum meritis inclyta gaudiis_—a beautiful -commemoration of the martyrs whose sufferings were still so vividly -remembered by the Church. Quite worthy of mention also is the Lenten -hymn, _Jam Christe, sol justitiae_, which expresses the early Christian -attitude toward God’s works, connecting the looked-for Easter with the -renewal of the world by the spring— - - “Dies venit, dies tua - In qua reflorent omnia.” - -The hymn for All Saints Day, _Psallat plebis sexus omnis voce corde -carmina_, is notable not only for its own vigor, but as being one of the -oldest in which the alliterative principle of the early Celtic and -Teutonic verse is employed in Latin. It therefore comes from the North -of Europe, with the chances in favor of Ireland. - -Of known but less important hymn-writers of the sixth century we have -only two, Columba and Flavius. The former is the great Irish missionary -known to his countrymen as Columcille (the Dove, or the Dove of the -Church), who lived A.D. 521 to 597. He was one of the O’Donnells of -Donegal, whose chiefs, something more than seventy years before his -birth, had offered especial opposition to Patrick’s preaching. He -studied in the great school founded at Clonard, on the upper waters of -the Boyne, by Finnian, the first of those teachers who made the Ireland -of this and the following centuries “the land of schools,” to which -students flocked from Great Britain and even the Continent. Finnian sent -him to Clonfad to obtain ordination as a bishop; but the bishop, who was -ploughing in the field when he came, made a mistake and gave him -ordination as a priest. And he never rose higher than this in -hierarchical dignity. Not that it mattered much in the very elastic -system of Church government Patrick had established in Ireland. The -tribal or sept system was copied in the Church arrangement. At the head -of each church sept stood a _coarb_, who might be a woman, and -frequently was a priest or deacon. Under this jurisdiction the bishops -took the same relative place that the bards held to the chiefs in the -civil tribes. Sometimes there would be a dozen of these right reverend -fathers in God in one small Irish town, all under the direction of a -female _coarb_, miscalled an abbess by later authors, as the Church sept -has been miscalled a monastery. - -As a penance for having been the cause of a faction fight or civil -war—one hardly knows which to call it—over the ownership of a psalter, -Columba banished himself from Ireland and took up his abode at Iona (or -Hy), from which centre he preached the Gospel to the Scots (_i.e._, -Irish) and Picts (_i.e._, Welsh) of the Highlands and the Western -Islands. The former had conquered this region in the fifth century and -were yet to give their name to the whole country, although up to A.D. -1198 there is no instance of Scotus meaning Scotchman rather than -Irishman. But while Christianity had penetrated even the wilds of -Donegal in Ireland, these Irish of Scotland and their Cymric subjects -still were pagans. So as Patrick was Scotland’s gift to Ireland, -Columcille was Ireland’s to Scotland. He was the type of those -persuasive and successful missionaries which the Church of Patrick sent -through Great Britain and to the Continent. He used the power of song -very freely in his missionary labors, confounding the Druids and -attracting the people by the grave, sweet melody of the Church’s chants. -Like Whitefield and Summerfield, he had a wonderful, because pure voice -and could sing so as to be heard a mile away. He, too, was a poet of no -mean merit. The sorrows of his voluntary exile from the land of his -birth—the land which exercises such a weird fascination over her -children that all other lands are to her what prose is to poetry or -water to wine—seem to have wakened in him the gift of song. Less -beautiful than these patriotic elegies is the abecedarian hymn on the -spiritual history of our world, _Altus prositor, vetustus dierum, et -ingenitus_, which is given in the Appendix to the _Lyra Sacra Hibernica_ -(Belfast, 1879) and in the second part of Dr. J. H. Todd’s _Liber -Hymnorum_. It is written in a very rude Latinity, and is intended for -instruction and edification rather than lyric expression. But it is an -interesting monument of the faith of the great missionary, as it brings -us nearer him than does the wonderful biography by Abbot Adamnan, his -seventh successor at Iona. It was first printed in 1657 by the Irish -scholar Colgan, and with it two other and shorter hymns (_In Te, -Christe, credentium_ and _Noli, Pater, indulgere_), which also may be -Columcille’s. - -Flavius was Bishop of Chalons in the year 580, and has left one hymn, -_Tellus et aeth’ra jubilent_, which Daniel calls an excellent poem -(_carmen eximium_). Its theme is our Lord’s washing the feet of the -Apostles, and for this reason it was commonly sung after meals in some -monasteries. - -Of the seventh century, the century of Heraclius and Mahomet, there is -not one great hymn-writer known as such, but there are some great hymns. -The greatest is the _Urbs beata Hirusalem, dicta pacis visio_, of which -the _Angulare fundamentum_ is a part, and which is of the seventh or -eighth century. Daniel, however, with the support of Schlosser, regards -this hymn as not certainly older than the tenth century, and has Neale’s -support in asserting that the last two verses are a later addition to -give it suitableness for singing at a dedication of a church.[24] The -earliest mention of its use in the tenth century is in the church of -Poitiers at the annual blessing of the font on Easter Sunday, which -tends to confirm the supposition that two verses have been added. He -thinks it of Spanish origin, as the metrical form is one usual in the -Mozarabic Breviary. In later days it underwent three revisions. In the -old Paris Breviary of 1527 it becomes the _Urbs Jerusalem beata_; in the -new Breviary of 1736 it becomes the _Urbs beata, vera pacis visio_ under -the hands of Abbé Besnault (_ob._ 1726). In the Roman Breviary of 1631 -it is the _Coelestis Urbs Jerusalem_, the form, as usual, best known to -modern readers and translators, but not the best worth knowing. Along -with the _Urbs beata_ we may place the _Gloriosa Jerusalem_, probably of -Spanish origin, and of the same century as well as similar in contents, -but unequal in beauty and poetic worth. - -Next in worth is the abecedarian judgment hymn, _Apparabet repentina -dies magna Domini_, which Neale speaks of as containing the germ of the -_Dies Irae_. It is little more than a rehearsal in a trochaic metre of -our Lord’s prediction of the Day of Judgment. It follows the Scripture -text much more closely than does Thomas of Celano. Bede mentions it in -the next century. Mrs. Charles has translated it. - -To this seventh century or the next Mone refers the _Salvator mundi, -Domine_, which is most probably an Anglo-Saxon hymn, although of the -Ambrosian school. It reappears in the Anglican _Orarium_ of 1560 and the -_Preces Privatae_ of 1564, and is said to have been familiar to Sir -Thomas Browne and Bishop Ken through its use at Wykeham’s school in -Winchester. It, along with the _Te lucis ante terminum_, also sung at -Winchester, may have suggested both Bishop Ken’s “Glory to thee, my God, -this night,” and Browne’s “The night is come, like to the day,” given in -his _Religio Medici_. To the seventh century we also may refer the -_Quicunque vultesse salvus_, a hymn better known as the Athanasian -Creed. - -Besides these there are two groups of hymns whose temporal limits do not -lie within the seventh century on either side, but which may be as well -discussed here as anywhere. The first are the early Spanish -hymn-writers. We know by name three of the seventh century. The first is -Isidore, Archbishop of Seville (570-636), the scholar of encyclopaedic -range, who did so much to adapt the learning of the Romans to the wants -of the Gothic community in Spain. To him are ascribed, somewhat -doubtfully, three ballad-hymns in honor of as many martyrs and two -abecedarian poems on repentance. More certainly authentic are three or -four ascribed to his contemporary Eugenius, who was Archbishop of Toledo -from 646 to 657. He has left us thirty-two Latin poems in classic -metres, none of which, strictly speaking, are hymns, but his _Rex Deus -immense_ has found its way into the collections. In his day he worked -hard to improve the singing and other services of the Church. Lastly, -there is the Spanish magistrate Cyxilla, who built a church in honor of -the martyr Thyrsus of Toledo, and wrote a hymn for the dedication, -though some say he got Isidore to do it for him. Daniel (I., 190) gives -it in full from the Mozarabic[25] Breviary. But far more important are -the anonymous hymns of that Breviary, which constituted the hymnary of -the old Spanish Church at the date of the conquest of the country by the -Saracens (711-14), and which through the temporary prostration of the -Church’s energy was preserved from additions and alterations. The -collection therefore is interesting as containing nothing of later date -than the eighth century, and probably very little that is later than the -seventh. Besides a large number of hymns traceable to other authors, -from Hilary to Gregory—most of them from Ambrose and his school—there -are forty-eight hymns peculiar to this ancient Breviary. Of these the -best known are the _Alleluia piis edite laudibus_, the _Cunctorum rex -omnipotens_, the _Jesu defensor omnium_, the _O Dei perenne Verbum_ of -Bishop Arturus Serranus of Toledo, the _Sacer octavarum dies_, the -_Sacrata Christi tempora_, and the _Surgentes ad Te, Domine_. It is well -known that the hymns of Ambrose and his school enjoyed great repute in -Spain. These unnamed writers evidently have studied at his feet, their -mode of dealing with the great themes of Christian praise having much in -common with his. The country, however, which gave Seneca, Lucan, and -Quinctilian to Latin literature was under no necessity merely to imitate -an Italian model; and we find these Spanish poets departing widely from -Ambrose’s school as regards the form of their verse. The four-lined -stanza, with four iambic feet (u -) in each line—a line used by the -tragedian Seneca before it was adopted by the Christian poets—is the -form of verse employed almost exclusively by the Ambrosian school. The -Mozarabic writers also use it (_Convexa solis orbita_), but they also -employ as a substitute a trochaic verse of eleven syllables (_Lucis -auctor clemens, lumen immensum_) and more complex choriambic forms -(_Alleluia piis edite laudibus_, etc.). But their hymns, as a whole, -lack pith and force; not one of them has earned a place by itself in the -affections of Latin Christendom. - -The second national group is that of the early Irish writers of Latin -hymns. There are not so many of these, and still fewer names have been -preserved. But they deserve notice as monuments of that aggressive -Church whose missionary labors rendered such grand service in the -Christianization of Western Europe. Of Caelius Sedulius there is enough -said in the chapter devoted to him and his acrostic hymn. Of Columcille -and the _Altus Deus prositor_ we have spoken above. The next name which -meets us is that of Ladkenus or Lathacan, an Irishman of the seventh -century, to whom is ascribed a hymn of the class called in Irish -_Luireach_ (or _lorica_), meaning a shield. There are two hymns of this -class ascribed to Patrick and to Columcille. The former, best known by -James Clarence Mangan’s version, - - “At Tara to-day, in this awful hour, - I call on the holy Trinity!” - -is probably not the work of the Apostle of Ireland; but as it, like that -of Columcille, is in Irish, it need not detain us here. The latter -begins, - - “Alone am I upon the mountain, - O King of heaven, prosper my way, - And then nothing need I fear, - More than if guarded by six thousand.” - -That of Lathacan, while possessing the same general character, as aiming -at a Christian substitute for the Druidical charms of the pagans, is on -a lower level both religiously and poetically. No less than eleven of -its twenty-three quatrains are occupied with the enumeration of the -parts of the human body, which are placed under divine protection, and -these may be not without interest to the students of the history of -physiological knowledge. - -Many of the early Irish hymns are in the national language, which was at -that time the vehicle of a vigorous native poetry. Of those in Latin the -most beautiful is the Communion hymn, - - “Sancti venite, - Christi corpus sumite,” - -which both Daniel and Neale praise for its noble simplicity. An old -Irish legend, to which we need not pin our faith, represents Patrick and -his nephew Sechnall as hearing the angels sing it first, during the -offertory before the communion, and adds, “So from that time to the -present that hymn is chanted in Erinn when the body of Christ is -received.” Singing at the communion was not unusual in the early Church, -and Gregory of Tours has preserved an antiphon used at that sacrament -which closely resembles the Irish hymn. But it is now disused. - -The hymn is found in the Bangor Antiphonary, an old Irish manuscript of -the seventh century, first published by Muratori in his _Anecdota_ -(1697-98). From Bangor it had been carried to Bobbio, the famous -monastery founded on Italian soil by the Irish missionary Columbanus -after he had been driven out of Burgundy by the reigning powers. From -Bobbio it made its way to the Ambrosian Library at Milan, where Muratori -found it. It is one of the most interesting monuments of the early Irish -Church, and its hymns are given or indicated by Daniel in his fourth -volume. The first is a series of quintains, each for one of the -canonical hours. Then the _Hymnum dicat turba fratrum_, which already -Beda described as _hymnus ille pulcherrimus_, is found in a mutilated -form in the Antiphonary, and ascribed to Hilary. It is a terse rehearsal -of the facts of our Lord’s birth, life, passion, and resurrection. -Daniel suggests that it is one of the primitive hymns of the martyr-ages -of the Church to which Pliny refers, and brought into Latin from the -original Greek by some scholarly Briton or Irish man. Then a hymn in -commemoration of the Apostles (_Precamur Patrem_), of which also Daniel -thinks that Irish scholarship may have rendered from the Greek. Then a -morning hymn based on the Constantinopolitan creed (_Spiritus divinae -lucis gloriae_); and another in honor of the martyrs (_Sacratissimi -Martyres summi Dei_); the _Lorica_ of Lathacan; and two hymns in honor -of St. Patrick, one by Sechnall and the other by Fiacc. Daniel gives -only the former, which is an abecedary hymn. Both are full of the -marvellous—an element not wanting even in the contemporary documents of -Patrick’s life, and quite abundant in those of later date. - -Besides these there are four other hymns which Mone has shown to be of -Irish authorship. The first is the _Jesus refulsit omnium_, which has -been ascribed to Hilary, but is shown not to be his not only by the -rhyme, but by the alliteration which marks it as originating in the -North of Europe. It is found in manuscripts, German and English, of the -eleventh century; but Mone ascribes it to an Irish author both because -of the strophe employed and because of the mixture of Greek words with -the Latin, the Irish being the best Greek scholars of the West, and -being not disinclined to show off their erudition in this way. Another -is an abecedary hymn, _Ad coeli clara non sum dignus sidera_, famous as -having been supposed by some stupid critic to be the lost evening hymn -which Hilary sent from the East to his daughter along with the _Lucis -largitor splendide_. It probably is as old as the sixth or seventh -century, both the structure of the verse and the allusions to pagan -beliefs and Christian heresies indicating that antiquity. The use of -alliteration and other peculiarities indicate an Irish author, but -probably a monk of Bobbio, as the accentuated Sapphic verse was in use -in that country. Here are seven of its most characteristic stanzas: - - To the clear stars of heaven I am not worthy - The base eyes of my most sad behavior - Even to lift: weighed down with sorrows earthy, - Spare me, O Saviour. - - Boon which I ought to show I have neglected, - Evil I did: no limit might resist me; - Crime by no secret conscience was rejected; - O Christ, assist me. - - * * * * * * * - - Leave me, O Lord, alone with my repenting, - Me from my birth all evil who inherit, - Give me but tears from depths of my consenting - Penitent spirit. - - Mine, as I think, are vices so appalling - That the worst torments still will not withhold me, - Save as thy pity on a wretch is calling, - Glad to enfold me. - - * * * * * * * - - Rescue of earth, the only hope of mortals, - Equal with Father and with Holy Spirit - Three, and yet one beyond those viewless portals - Save by thy merit. - - * * * * * * * - - Xrist have I ever, in the faith most holy, - Praised with my lips and made a true confession; - Purely I spurned all heresy, nor slowly - Wrought my profession. - - HYmns have I sung in Arius’s derision, - Barking Sabellian dog I have not favored, - Simon the swine, whose covetous base vision - Mine never favored. - - S. W. D. - -Besides this we have the _Cantemus omni die concenentes variae_, which -furnishes a remarkable combination of sustained rhyme with a free use of -alliteration; and two hymns in honor of Michael the Archangel, of which -the first is an abecedary, and has the same structural peculiarity. -Besides these there are other hymns in the _Leabhur Jomann_, or “Book of -Hymns,” in honor of St. Brigid (often confounded with the St. Birgitta -of Sweden) and other Irish saints—some in Latin and some in Irish. They -have been edited for the Irish Archaeological Society by Dr. J. H. Todd -(Dublin, 1855-69). - -To the eighth century, the age of the Iconoclasts, of John of Damascus -and of Beda, we trace but few anonymous hymns. As we have said, the -_Urbs beata Hirusalem_ (with the _Angulare fundamentum_) may belong -here, and so may some in the Mozarabic Breviary. But as only the -manuscripts we have named and the “Psalter of the Queen of Sweden”—so -called because it once was the property of Queen Christine—go back to -this time, we can only guess which of the hymns marked as “very old” in -manuscripts of the eleventh and later centuries date back to this. -Niebuhr found in a tenth-century manuscript the pilgrim hymn _O Roma -nobilis, orbis et domina_, and published it in the _Rheinisches Museum_ -(1829), and traced its accentual form of verse back to the old -folk-songs of Rome, such as the Roman soldiers may well have sung at the -triumph of Camillus, and certainly did so behind the golden triumphal -chariots of Caesar and Aurelian. - -To this century some ascribe the hymn for martyrs, _Sanctorum meritis -inclyta gaudia_, which holds its place in a recast in the Roman -Breviary, and has occupied the attention of at least four English -translators. In the history of theology it is memorable as giving -Gottschalk a point by its use of the phrase _trina deitas_, to which -Archbishop Hincmar strongly objected. - -Of the less notable hymn-writers of this century three belong to the -group of literary men whom Charles the Great gathered at his court or -employed in his administration. That Charles himself was a poet in any -sense we have no evidence, much less that he wrote the _Veni, Creator -Spiritus_. His biographer, Eginhard, tells us that although he spoke -Latin fluently—his native language, of course, being German—he never -fully acquired the art of writing, although he kept a tablet under his -pillow for the sake of practising. He was a keen lover of learning and a -generous patron of education. In one of his trips to Italy he -encountered at Parma an Englishman, chief of the Cathedral school at -York, and then on his way to Rome to obtain the _pallium_ for Archbishop -Eanbald. Charles offered him sufficient inducement to remove to the -Continent, and for fourteen years (782-96) Alcuin of York (735-804) was -Charles’s minister of education and head of the palace school, in which -both the king and his children studied. He was rewarded with various -abbacies, and in 796 he retired to one of them—that of St. Martin at -Tours—withdrawing from the not very admirable court of his patron to -spend his eight last years in study and devotion. He was succeeded by an -Irishman named Clemens, who brought over the Irish preference for Greek -philosophy, especially that of Plato, to Alcuin’s keen annoyance. In the -collections there are some half-dozen hymns ascribed to Alcuin, none of -which have made any marked impression. He was an honest, plodding, -unimaginative Englishman, such as still writes Latin verses at Eton or -Harrow, _invitâ Minervâ_, and as a matter of duty, not of necessity. - -More notable for personal qualities was the Lombard, Paul Warnefried -(730-96), better known as Paul the Deacon (_Paulus Diaconus_), who had -witnessed the overthrow of the Lombard kingdom by Charles in 774, and -then withdrew to Monte Casino, where he became a Benedictine monk. He -attracted Charles’s attention in 781 by a poetical petition in behalf of -his brother Arichis, who had been carried beyond the Alps as a prisoner; -and the king invited him to his court. He returned to Monte Casino in -787. His most important work, the _De Gestis Longobardorum Libri Sex_, -is marked by a lively and patriotic interest in the legends, habits, and -fortunes of his own people. He has preserved for us much early Teutonic -lore, such as the poetical explanation of the origin of the name -“Lombard,” which Kingsley has worked into a poem in _Hypatia_. A Frank -he never became, and the rough soldiers of Charles’s court proposed to -cut off his hands and put out his eyes by way of resenting this. “God -forbid,” replied Charles, “that I should thus treat so excellent a poet -and a historian.” There are but two hymns which bear Paul Warnefried’s -name: one in commemoration of John the Baptist, and the other on the -miracles of Benedict of Nursia. The former, which frequently is divided -into three parts for different services on St. John’s day, is a hymn of -much merit, and still holds its place in the Roman Breviary. Its widest -fame is in connection with the history of music, as from its first verse -we derive the ordinary names of our musical notes. The verse runs, - - _Ut_ queant laxis - _Re_sonare fibris - _Mi_ra gestorum - _Fa_muli tuorum, - _Sol_ve polluti - _La_bii reatum, - Sancte Johannes. - -The tune composed for the hymn in the Middle Ages, or adapted to it, had -the peculiarity that each half verse began on one of the bars of the -staff, and each a note higher than the last. This suggested, possibly to -Guido of Arezzo in the eleventh century, the possibility of using these -first syllables as a mnemonic device to fix the pitch of each note on -the memory of those who were learning to sing. Guido, in a letter to his -friend Michael, describes the device in terms which suggest that it was -his own. But there is no warrant for the assumption often made in this -connection that he devised the musical staff. That was in use in England -as early as 1016, while Guido wrote about 1067. - -A third of Charles’s _protégés_ was Paulinus, whom he made patriarch of -Aquileia (726-804), and who is specified by George Cassander as the -author of three extant hymns. One of these, the _Refulgit omnia luce -mundus aurea_, is thought by Mone to belong to the sixth or seventh -century. It is in the ornate style of his namesake of Nola and his -imitator Elpis, so that it may be the work of the older Paulinus. It -possesses a philological interest as being written in the _lingua -rustica_, or provincial and countrified Latin, out of which the Romance -languages were developed. Paulinus of Aquileia was a German, who took an -active part in the controversies of his times, as may be seen from his -prose works. Walafrid Strabo in the next century speaks of him as a -hymn-writer; but it is impossible to say how many, if any, of the hymns -which stand in his name are his work. - -The ninth century is much more fertile in hymns than either the seventh -or the eighth. It is the age of Charles the Great as Emperor, of Rabanus -Maurus and Hincmar, and of John Scotus Erigena; and it witnessed the -founding of the school of sequence-singers at St. Gall. To this century -has been traced the beautiful paschal sequence _Victimae paschali laudes -immolent Christiani_, one of the few which hold their place in the Roman -Missal. Kehrein, on what seems to him good authority, ascribes the -sequence to Wipo, the Burgundian chaplain of the Emperor Conrad II., and -the tutor of Henry II., who has left us several poems on historical -events of his time, besides a prose life of Conrad and two didactic -poems for the edification of Henry. He was a man of unusual acquaintance -with classical literature, which probably led to his selection as tutor -to the young prince. All this makes Kehrein’s ascription of the sequence -to him have an air of probability, which, however, is weakened, if not -destroyed, by a comparison of this with his undoubted poems. These -employ both the classic hexameter and the rhymed verse of his own age; -but in neither does he show the fine ear for rhythm which the author of -the _Victimae paschali laudes_ must have possessed. The sequence was one -of those Easter hymns in which Luther took such delight, and which he -describes in general terms in his _House-Postill_: “In the time of -popery many fine hymns were sung! He that broke up hell, and overcame -the very Devil therein, therewith the Lord redeemed his Christendom.” -Elsewhere in the same book he calls this “a very beautiful hymn,” -especially finding delight in the second verse, _Mors et Vita duello -conflixere mirando: Dux vitae mortuus regnat vivus_. “Make it who will, -he must have had a high and Christian understanding to have painted this -picture with such fine gracefulness.” In his commentary on Hosea, he -again quotes it with especial praise. - -To this ninth century Koch assigns the _Virginis proles opifexque -matris_, which still holds its place in the Roman Breviary in a revised -form. Less offensive to Protestant ears is the brief and beautiful -sequence, probably of this century, _Quod chorus vatum_, which Mr. Blew -has translated for his _Church Hymn and Tune-Book_ (1855), and the -editor of the _Lyra Messianica_ has copied. Here also belongs the _Ad -Dominum clamaveram_, which is one of the earliest attempts at a metrical -treatment of the Psalms. It consists largely of extracts from the -fifteen Psalms of Degrees. Here also belongs the _Iste confessor -Domini_, which still holds its place in the Roman Breviary. - -Of the less-known hymn-writers we may name the younger Prudentius, who, -like his greater namesake, was a Spaniard by birth, his family probably -being one of the many which took refuge in France from the rule of the -Saracens. Indeed, he assumed the name out of compliment to the elder -poet—a practice very reprehensible in the eyes of hymnologists, as -increasing the amply sufficient confusion which hangs around the -identity of hymn-writers. He was one of the most learned men of his -time, and had the manliness to defend the Augustinian doctrine of -predestination against Hincmar of Rheims, at the time when Gottschalk -had brought it into ill repute by his paradoxical statement of it. But -he and Hincmar found common ground in opposing John Scotus Erigena, who -asserted that the whole controversy grew out of the ascription of -temporal existence to the divine and eternal mind. His hymns are lost to -us, those ascribed to him being certainly not of his authorship, unless -perhaps the _Virgo Dei genetrix_. - -Servatus Lupus (805-63), abbot of Ferrières, was one of the many pupils -of Rabanus Maurus, who rose to eminence in the Church of this age, and -were employed by the Karling kings in public affairs. His best monument -is his letters, which give us a vivid picture of a time of disorder, and -of a man of genuine capacity and honest purpose. His hymns in praise of -St. Wigbert are of less worth. - -Much more important is Theodulph of Orleans (_ob._ 821), the author of a -single hymn, which has preserved his memory not less by its own merits -than by its association with a beautiful but unhistorical legend of its -authorship. He, too, was of Spanish birth and Gothic stock. He was -honored and trusted by Charles the Great, and was one of the witnesses -to his will. He was strongly imperialist in his politics, both before -and after Charles’s death opposing the inevitable separation of France -from Germany, especially in his poems to Charles and his sons, which are -among the best of that age. In 818, however, he was implicated justly or -unjustly in the rebellion of Bernard, King of Italy, against his uncle -the emperor, and was imprisoned three years. While in prison he -composed, tradition says, the hymn for Palm Sunday, _Gloria, laus et -honor_, together with other poems, as the pastime of weary hours. The -story runs that it was to the hymn he owed his liberation. On Palm -Sunday of 821 the Emperor Lewis the Pious was at Angers, where the -Bishop of Orleans was imprisoned in a monastery. Through an open window, -when the emperor was within hearing, he sang the hymn, which so moved -his heart that he gave orders to set the prisoner at liberty. Another -version of the story is that he had taught it to the children of the -church, who sang it before the emperor. The legend is discredited by the -fact that in 821 there was a general amnesty for political offenders, -which must have given him his liberty. He died within the year, by -poison it is said. - -To make the list complete we add the names of Ermanrich (_ob._ 840), -abbot of Ellwangen in Würtemberg; Drepanius Florus (_ob._ 860), deacon -of the church of Lyons; Eric, a monk at Saint-Germain at Auxerre, and -Paul Alvarez of Cordova (_ob._ 861)—all of whom have left us hymns in -commemoration of saints. - -In the chapter on Notker a full account has been given of the three -principal singers of St. Gall—Notker Balbulus, Tutilo, and Hartmann. -There are two lesser sequence-writers of that monastery who belong to -the same (ninth) century—Ratpert and Waltram. Ratpert (_ob._ 900), like -Notker, was a pupil of the Irishman Möngal. He was of noble family and -born in the neighborhood of Zurich, and made such proficiency that he -was entrusted with the oversight of the outer school at St. Gall. His -“proses” were composed especially for processional use and for -pilgrimages, and therefore are not sequences in the strict sense. To -adapt them to this use he fitted them with refrains, which might be -caught up by those who had little familiarity with Latin. The _Rex -sanctorum angelorum_ is the best known of them. But most important is -his position as the first in point of time of the German hymn-writers. -He wrote a German hymn in honor of St. Gall (_fecit carmen barbaricum -populo in laude Sancti Galli canendum_), of which unfortunately we have -only Ekkehard’s Latin translation, made a century later. - -Waltram never rose above the rank of deacon at St. Gall. He was more -famous for his poems on secular themes, written to the music of the -sequences, than for sequences proper. But one of the latter is ascribed -to him. - - - - - CHAPTER XXX. - THE UNKNOWN AND THE LESS KNOWN HYMN-WRITERS. - [Tenth to Sixteenth Century.] - - -The tenth century—the century of the Danes, of the Normans, of the -Othos, of the Olafs, of Dunstan, and of Cordova as a centre of -philosophic and scientific culture—saw the general establishment of -Christianity among the Teutonic peoples of Northern Europe. It was not -rich in great Churchmen, great men of letters, or great hymn-writers. We -find in it no name great enough to deserve a separate chapter. Yet Odo -of Cluny and Fulbert of Chartres, the two Ekkehards, and Rupert of St. -Gall are enough to show that it was not altogether barren. - -This dark age was a time when the worship of Mary and the saints, -already on the increase in previous ages, made rapid advances. The -practice of formal canonization of the saints dates from 993. Perhaps -the most characteristic hymn of the century is the _Ave Maris stella_, -which has been ascribed to Venantius Fortunatus of the sixth century, -but cannot be older than the tenth. Daniel’s final judgment was that a -St. Gall MS. proves it to belong here, although he formerly had thought -it might be as early as the sixth century. Moll and Mone, however, would -put it even later, on the theory that it borrows from one of Hermann of -Reichenau’s sequences. It is one of the favorite hymns of the Roman -Catholic Church, being found in all the breviaries, and assigned for use -not only at the Annunciation, to which it properly belongs, but to -others of the many festivals in honor of our Lord’s mother. In the -following version Mr. Duffield has given the easy form of the original: - - Hail, thou star of ocean, - God’s own mother mortal, - Virgin ever perfect, - Heaven’s own blessed portal. - - Bright with such a message, - Gabriel gave thee greeting; - Grant us, then, thy favor, - Eve’s defeat defeating. - - Loose the prisoner’s bondage, - Give the blind their vision, - Drive all evils from us, - Pray for our condition. - - Show thyself our mother, - Let thy prayer avail us - With thy Son, our Saviour, - Born that naught should fail us. - - Virgin pure and only, - Mild among all others, - Make us free from sinning, - Meek beyond our brothers. - -To this century or later we must assign the _Martyr Dei qui unicum_, -which (as _Invicte Martyr unicum_) still holds its place in the Roman -Breviary; and the _Jesu Redemptor omnium_, which is similarly honored. - -Odo of Cluny (879-943) is the first of the three poets who have adorned -that famous monastic house. He was dedicated before his birth to St. -Martin, by his father, a courtier of the Duke of Aquitaine, and became a -monk at Tours in fulfilment of this vow. He got such education as the -times furnished, going to Paris for the sake of finding the best -schools. He then joined the congregation of three monasteries recently -founded by Bernon, who was abbot of them all. At the death of Bernon he -became the second abbot of Cluny, and it speaks ill for either Bernon or -the age that he found his work to be that of a monastic reformer even in -a young monastery. He was the most considerable figure in the French -Church of his time, and his advice and mediation were sought on all -sides. As his name was a very usual one, a long series of books he did -not write has been fathered on him, what he really left being a -collection of addresses to his monks (_Collationes_), some sermons, and -a few hymns, about four in all. Of these Dr. Neale has translated the -_Lauda, mater ecclesiae, lauda Christi_, and Mr. Chambers the _Aeterni -Patris unice_. They commemorate Mary Magdalene, identifying her, of -course, with Mary of Bethany, as Church tradition does. - -Fulbert of Chartres (950-1028) was to France, in the second half of this -century of disorder and transition, what Odo was in the first. He also -was from Aquitaine, and possibly of a noble family, although he seems to -contradict his biographers on that point when he says, - - “non opibus nec sanguine fretus - Conscendi cathedram, pauper, de sorde levatus.” - -He studied at Rheims under the great scholar Gerbert, afterward Pope -Sylvester II.—“a pope,” as Dr. Döllinger says, “who was held in great -honor as the most learned scholar and the most enlightened spirit of his -time,” but afterward was regarded as an expert in the black art, and -even as having sold himself to Satan. From him Fulbert at least learned -no black arts. Transferred in 968 to Chartres as chancellor of the -cathedral, with charge of its school, he made the place a centre of -attraction to students from three nations. His scholars called him “the -Frankish Socrates,” and frequent is the reference in writers of the next -generation to the delightful fellowship they had with this bright-minded -and devout master, who taught the science of both natural and divine -things, entering into right human relations with each of them, and -pointing them to that knowledge which is life eternal. Even after Robert -II. elevated him to the bishopric of Chartres, in 1007, he found time to -take part in the work of teaching, which he so much loved. He died in -1028. - -His letters are his chief monument, and they give us an unattractive -picture of his age. One of them denounces bishops who have become -soldiers as unworthy of the name. Others tell of the murder, in the very -porch of the cathedral, of a priest he had made the sub-dean of the -cathedral at Sens. The friends of a rival candidate killed him, with the -alleged connivance of the bishop of Sens! In yet another he takes to -task Constance, the shrew whom a just Providence awarded to Robert II. -as his last wife. His sermons are less notable, and much given to -Mariolatry. His hymns are few in number, but one of them, the _Chorus -novae Hirusalem_, is a Whitsunday hymn of much beauty, yet it has not -commended itself to the compilers of the Roman Breviary. Mone remarks -that it unites classic metre with rhyme, which is true also of his hymn -in commemoration of Martin of Tours, _Inter patres monachalis_. - -The fifth abbot of Cluny, Odilo (962-1048), was a dear friend of -Fulbert’s, and lamented his death. He continued the work of monastic -reform begun by Odo, which made Cluny the centre of monastic energy and -life in this age. Especially was the severity of the restored rule of -Benedict, as practised at Cluny, opposed to the laxer order established -by the Irish monks in Germany. So absorbed was he in this work that he -refused to be made Archbishop of Lyons. Fulbert called him “the -archangel of the monks.” He also wrote hymns, but there are none that we -can attach with certainty to his name. - -The same is true of Salvus, abbot of a cloister in the Christian kingdom -of Navarre. Heriger, abbot of Lobbes (940-1009), a Flemish Benedictine -and hagiologist, of great renown as an educator and a scholar, has left -one hymn, _Ave per quam_, and two antiphons, in honor of the Apostle -Thomas. Theodoric of Monte Casino wrote a hymn in honor of St. Maurus. - -To the eleventh century we owe the beginnings of many things—rag paper, -Gothic architecture, our modern musical notation, the crusades, the -troubadours, the peace of God, the Norman rule in England. It is the -century of Hildebrand, of Peter Damiani, of Anselm of Canterbury, of the -great struggle to establish the celibacy of the clergy and to abolish -lay patronage in the Church. It is not rich in hymn-writers, but it has -some minor names and anonymous hymns worthy of notice. - -To this century belongs the manuscript collection of old English hymns -in Latin which the Rev. Joseph Stevenson edited for the Surtees Society -in 1851 (_Latin Hymns of the Anglo-Saxon Church, with an Interlinear -Saxon Gloss. From a manuscript of the Eleventh Century in Durham -Library_). While many of them are found equally in the breviaries and -hymnaries of the Continent, there is a large number which seem to be -peculiar to the English Church, and have not been traced to any -continental source. None of these are very great hymns, and their -importance to us is partly from our interest in the work of our English -ancestors, and partly from the preference shown to them by modern -English translators. But such work as _Annis peractis mensibus_ and -_Nuntium nobis fero de supernis_ is more than respectable. In this -manuscript is found the beautiful hymn for Septuagesima and succeeding -Sundays, _Alleluia, dulce carmen_, which therefore may be an old English -hymn. It was written in accordance with the old usage that “Alleluia!” -should be sung frequently on that and the following Sundays in -preparation for Lent. To this century Koch assigns the abecedarian hymn, -_A patre unigenitus_, which gets almost through the alphabet in twenty -lines, but is better than this would indicate, or Mr. Chambers would not -have translated it. Here belongs the _Audi, tellus, audi_, which -unfortunately is only partly preserved in its original and unexpanded -form. It is a judgment hymn, but not one of the greatest. The Lutherans -used it for some time after the Reformation, and Dr. Washburn has -translated it. The enlarged form recalls the _Cur mundus militat_ of -Jacoponus. Du Méril has published a Christmas hymn of this century, -_Congaudeat turba fidelium_, whose first six verses indicate its popular -use by their refrain, “In Bethlehem!” It bears a close resemblance to -many of the fifteenth century, and may have been their model. To the -same editor we owe the terse and spirited Easter hymn of this same -century, _Mitis agnus, leo fortis_, which has found several English -translators. To this century or, at latest, to the next, we must assign -the very beautiful hymn in commemoration of Stephen the Protomartyr, -_Sancte Dei pretiose_, whose popularity seems to have made it especially -tempting to the hymn-tinkers of the Middle Ages. It is found in two -other forms, both of them much watered; “but nobody likes inspiration -and water,” as Lowell says. - -To Anselm of Canterbury, the great archbishop and theologian, seven -hymns are assigned in the collections. They are so much below the level -of the _Cur Deus Homo_, the _Monologion_, and the _Prosologion_ of that -great master, as to suggest that they are the work of one of the lesser -Anselms—for the name was a common one in that age—and that they have -been assigned to him by the eagerness of his editors to swell his works, -as has been done with many prose treatises. One of the best is a long -“Prayer to the Lord and all His Saints,” beginning _Deus, pater -credentium_, of which Mr. Duffield says, in a manuscript note, that it -“contains many excellent stanzas.” There is another, “To Mary and all -the Saints,” nearly as long, which shows the author’s training in a -French school by its use of the assonance. Yet another on Mary -alone—_Lux quae luces in tenebris_—which has been broken into eight -brief hymns for the canonical hours. Christ as the Son and Mary herself -are invoked in alternate verses. - -Better than any of these is a little hymn which is his in the sense of -being based on a fine passage of his prose meditations. This “second -Augustine,” like the first, was happier as an occasion of poetry in -other men, than in his own verses. Here it is: - - - TO THE HOLY SPIRIT. - - Veni jam veni - Benignissime, - Dolentis animiae - Consolator, - Promptissimus - In opportunatibus - Et tribulationibus - Adjutor! - - Veni fortitude fragilium, - Relevator labentium - - Veni doctor humilium - Destructor superborum, - Pius pater orphanorum, - Dulcis vindex viduarum. - - Veni spes pauperum, - Refocillator deficientium! - - Veni navigantium - Sidus, - Naufragantium - Portus! - - Veni omnium viventium - Singulare decus, - Morientium - Unica salus, - Veni Sancte Spiritus! - - - Come, yea and quickly come, - Thou gentlest guest, - To them of sorrowing mind, - Consoler blest! - Thou swiftest help and guide - In every chance, - And in our sharp distress - Deliverance. - - Come, courage of the coward breast, - Who raisest them that sink oppressed! - - Come, teacher of the humble, thou - Who bringest pride to dust, - Thou Father of the fatherless, - The widow’s stay and trust. - - Come, thou hope of poverty, - Reviving from despondency. - - Come, thou of sailing souls - The Star; - Come, thou the port of them - Which shipwrecked are! - - Come, thou the one renown - Of all that live; - Come, thou the single trust - Which death can give; - Come, Holy Spirit! - -Another Anselm of this century is the Bishop of Lucca, who died 1086, -and to whom is ascribed a long meditative poem on our Lord’s life, in a -kind of rhymed verse which is much more frequently met in the narrative -or humorous poems of the next century, called Goliardic. It does not -belong to the lyric poetry of the Church, although a spirited hymn has -been extracted by Herbert Kynaston from the passage given by Trench. -(See _Lyra Messianica_, pp. 283, 284.) Anselm was a weak man caught in -the storm of the controversy over investitures, and would have ended his -days as a monk of Cluny, if Gregory VII. had not forbidden him. It is -said that, although he had written in defence of the claims of Gregory -against the anti-pope Guibert, he finally joined Guibert’s party before -his death. - -Godefroy or Geofroy, Abbot of Vendome, is another hymn-writer who was -mixed up in that controversy, but remained steadfast on the papal side. -He belongs both to this and the next century, having been made abbot in -1094, and lived on till 1129 at least. Twelve times he crossed the Alps -in the interest of the papacy, and was rewarded for his zeal by a -cardinalate. His letters still preserve for us the picture of a zealous -ultramontane churchman; but his four “proses”—one about our Lord’s -mother and three on Mary Magdalene—are of less importance. - -To Heribert (_ob._ 1042), Bishop of Eichstetten, in modern Baden -(anciently part of Swabia), Migne (_Patrologia_, 141) ascribes a number -of hymns, which previously had borne no other name in the collections. -His dominant tendency as a hymn-writer is shown by the fact that he -wrote five hymns beginning _Ave Maria, gratia plena_, none of which, -however, is the well-known hymn beginning with those words. That belongs -to a later century. The best of his hymns are that to all saints, _Omnes -superni ordines_, and that to the cross, _Salve crux sancta, salve mundi -gloria_, of which Prior Aylward has furnished a spirited version to Mr. -Shipley’s _Annus Sanctus_. Of the author we can learn nothing more than -his date and location. - -The succession of sequence-writers in Southern Germany was kept up -through this century by Gottschalk and the fourth Ekkehard of St. Gall. -Of Gottschalk we know little more than that he studied under a master, -Heinrich, in an unnamed monastery of South Germany, to whom Schubiger -(_Die Sängerschule St. Gallens_, 1858) assigns the _Ave praeclara Maris -stella_ (see p. 163), on the authority of a manuscript he believes to be -older than Hermann Contractus. Of Gottschalk’s own sequences there are -but three which certainly are his, and they all are prosy. If he and not -some French Gottschalk of this century be the author of the _O Deus, -miseri misereri servi_, which Daniel (IV., 173) copies from Du Méril, it -is better than any of his sequences. Du Méril inclines to ascribe it to -the Gottschalk of the ninth century, whom we met in the history of -Rabanus Maurus. Ekkehard IV. is memorable only for his Latin version of -the German hymn by Ratpert in honor of St. Gall, of which the original -is lost. - -The twelfth century is that of the great Crusades, of Bernard and -Abelard, and Peter the Venerable, and Hildebert and Adam of St. Victor. -The age also of Thomas Becket, Peter Lombard, and Saladin. The Civil Law -was rediscovered at Amalfi; the Canon Law digested by Gratian; the -age-long conflict of Guelphs and Ghibellines began, to end only with the -political ruin of Germany and the dismemberment of the Empire. - -It was a time of great intellectual activity in Western Europe. The -universities took their rise now, although not known by that name till -the next century. In the national literatures of France and Germany it -was the springtime of a new age—the age of the troubadours and the -trouvères, of the Minnesingers, and the popular romances. In Latin -hymnology no century was more fertile in great things than this. - -Of the anonymous hymns traced to this century there are several of great -beauty. The hymn on the Apostles, _Exultet coelum laudibus_, holds its -place in the Roman Breviary in a much diluted revision. It shows a close -study of Scripture and great command of terse expression. The Easter -hymn, _Finita jam sunt praelia_, generally is given with a double -Alleluia prefixed. Daniel refers it to this century; Neale to the next. -It is known to English readers by the versions of Rev. Francis Pott -(“The strife is o’er, the victory won!”) and of Dr. Neale (“Finished is -the battle now”), both of great merit. Exactly the same difference of -authorities we find as to the date of the _O filii et filiae_, another -Easter hymn of great beauty and still more honored by the preferences of -the translators, but ignored by the collectors, Professor March -excepted. The Passion hymn, _Patris Sapientia, veritas divina_, has been -bandied about among many supposed authors, two popes of the fourteenth -century included. It is in the “Goliardic” metre we find in Anselm of -Lucca, which was widely used in the satirical poetry of this century. It -therefore probably belongs here, and may be the work of the “Egidius -Episcopus” specified in one copy of the hymn. A third Easter hymn, the -_Surrexit Christe hodie_, may be as old as this century, as there is a -German hymn of this century which borrows from it, _Christus ist -erstanden_. In its Latin, indeed, lies the germ of many later Easter -hymns, including that of Charles Wesley, “Christ the Lord is risen -to-day.” It is itself the simplest and truest expansion of the Easter -morning greeting of the early Christian Church, when its members, as -they met each other on the street on that Sunday, substituted “Christ is -risen!” for the usual “Peace be with you!” That was the word of -confession by which the Church’s Easter joy in the triumph of good over -evil, light over darkness, the spiritual springtide over spiritual -winter, was proclaimed to a joyless and despairing world. - -To this century also belongs the Advent sequence, _Veni, veni Emmanuel!_ -So Dr. Neale thinks, but Professor Daniel hesitates. It undoubtedly is -based on the eight “Greater Antiphons,” which were sung at the Vesper -service on the eight days preceding Christmas (_O Sapientia_, etc.), of -which a metrical version by Lord Nelson and others is in the Hymnal of -the Episcopal Church. At least as old as this century is the very -beautiful sequence on the life of Christ, _In sapientia disponens -omnia_, which Mone found in a MS. of this century, and Trend (_Lyra -Mystica_) and Crippen have translated. The two halves of the sequence -differ in a marked way in their metrical structure. - -Of the lesser hymn-writers of the century, Marbod is the most -productive. Like Fulbert and Odilo, he might as well be credited to the -last century as to this. He was the son of a fur dealer at Angers, named -Robert, became Bishop of Rennes, and died a monk at St. Aubin in 1123. -He had the fighting qualities of the Angevins, whose churches are full -of the tombs not of saints, but of armed warriors, Michelet says. He -took such an active and aggressive part in a dispute over the election -of a bishop of Angers that the other party made him their prisoner and -carried him out of the _mélée_. But it was his eminence as a Latin poet -for which his age most valued him. When he died the monks of St. Aubin -announced the fact in a circular letter, and Ulger, Bishop of Angers, -anticipated the extravagance of Dryden’s epigram on Milton in his -praises of his friend: - - “Cessit ei Cicero, cessit Maro - Junctus Homero.” - -Beaugendre in 1708 collected his poems and published them along with -those of his contemporary, Hildebert of Tours. They are mostly versified -legends of the saints, with a long poem, _De Gemmis_, interesting and -curious as showing the “mystical” associations of the mediaeval mind -with precious stones. From this Mone gives the interpretation of the -precious stones in the heavenly Jerusalem, beginning _Cives coelestis -patriae_. More hymn like in character is the _Deus-Homo rex coelorum_, -which Chancellor Benedict has translated from Trench’s anthology: - - Deus-Homo, Rex coelorum, - Miserere Miserorum; - Ad peccandum proni sumus, - Et ad humum redit humus; - Tu ruinam nostri fulci - Pietate tua dulci. - Quid est homo, proles Adae - Germen necis, dignum clade. - Quid est homo nisi vermis, - Res infirma, res inermis. - Ne digneris huic irasci, - Qui non potest mundus nasci - Noli Deus, hunc damnare, - Qui non potest non peccare; - Judicare non est equum - Creaturam, non est tecum; - Non est miser homo tanti, - Ut respondeat Tonanti. - Sicut umbra, sicut fumus, - Sicut foenum facti sumus; - Miserere, Rex coelorum, - Miserere miserorum. - - - Thou God-man in heaven above us, - Look upon us, Lord, and love us. - We to sin are always tending, - Earth with earth is always blending. - Thou, O Lord, from ruin save us - Through the hope thy goodness gave us. - What is man from Adam springing? - Born of sin, destruction bringing. - What is man but worm degraded, - Weak and helpless when unaided? - Make not him thy wrath inherit, - Who cannot thy favor merit. - Born to be a sinful being; - Damn him not, thou God all-seeing. - To condemn thy helpless creature - Is not worthy of thy nature; - Wretched man is not sufficient, - Lord, to answer the omniscient. - Made like smoke and shadow fleeting, - Like the hay the tempest meeting, - Pity, Lord in heaven above us, - Wretched sinners! save and love us. - -There are two notable sequences attributed to the nun Hildegard of -Bingen (1104-78), a visionary and prophetess who commanded the respect -of Bernard and his pupil, Pope Eugenius, by her castigations of the -disorders of Christendom, as did Birgitta of Sweden and Catherine of -Sienna in a later period. There is extant a letter of hers to Bernard, -written during his visit to Germany to preach the second crusade, in -which she explains in very imperfect Latin the nature of her gift. Her -life was begun by Gottfried and finished by Theodorich, monk of Trier. A -comparison of her works—the _Scivias_ and the _Liber Divinorum -Operum_—with the letter to Bernard on the one hand, and Theodorich’s -part of the biography on the other, makes it very evident that the monk -wrote her works as well as her life; and how much of her genuine -prophecies he worked into them we are unable to say. It therefore is not -decisive as to her authorship that the _O ignis Spiritûs Paracliti_ and -the _O virga ac diadema_ are found in the manuscripts of her works, and -that Theodorich vouches for the former. The author of these sequences -had no acquaintance with the metrical principles of the school of St. -Gall, and seems to have taken the Latin psalter as a model. Dr. -Littledale, in his version of the former, substitutes a stricter -metrical form. - -Pierre de Corbeil was successively teacher of theology at Paris—where he -had Innocent III. among his pupils—Bishop of Cambray, and in 1200 -Archbishop of Sens. Innocent employed him on important missions, and he -was a man of note in the Church and State of his age. A manuscript still -preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale of Paris contains a satire on -married men which is ascribed to him (_Satyra adversus eos qui Uxores -ducunt_). But it is a very different kind of poem which entitles him to -mention here, his hymn - - - TRINITAS, UNITAS, DEITAS. - - Trinity, unity, Deity - Eternal; - Majesty, potency, purity - Supernal! - - Stone and mountain, rock and fountain, - Breath and bridge most certain, - Travelled way; - Sun and light and brightness, snowy peak in whiteness, - Perfect day! - - Thou art lover and giver, - Creator, receiver, - Redeemer, - And door unto life; - - Thou art favor and fitness - And splendor and brightness - And fragrance, - Where deadness is rife. - - Thou art highest and nighest; - Of monarchs the king, and of statutes the spring, - And the judge— - Whom angels adore: - - These laud thee, applaud thee, - And chant in their song, as they praise loud and long, - Whom they love— - Thy saints evermore. - - Thou art greatness and oneness— - The flower as it shineth, the rose as it twineth; - Then rule us and save us - And bring us before thee - In glory - And joy, we implore thee. - - Thou art God in thy justice - And trueness and goodness; - Thou art wholly and solely - The Lord!— - To thee be the glory - Which saints, in the highest, accord. - -Pietro Gonella, a Franciscan monk of Tortona in Piedmont, is the reputed -author of a long meditative poem on the miseries and follies of life and -the certainty of death and judgment, which Du Méril found in a -manuscript of this century. If he be not mistaken as to the date of the -manuscript, of course, Eug. de Levis (_Anecdota Sacra_, Turin, 1789) is -wrong in ascribing it to Pietro, as there were no Franciscans in the -twelfth century. The chronology is important because of the relation of -the poem to the _Dies Irae_. In point of metrical form they differ only -in this _Heu! Heu! mala mundi vita_ (better known as the _Cum revolvo -toto corde_, from the opening line of its second part), having four -lines to the verse instead of three. In point of sense the resemblances -are so striking as to suggest that Thomas of Celano has ploughed with -the heifer of his earlier countryman. In proof of this take these -stanzas: - - Terret me dies terroris, - Irae dies et furoris, - Dies luctus et moeroris, - Dies ultrix peccatoris. - - Veniet Judex de coelis, - Testis verax et fidelis, - Veniet et non silebit, - Judicabit nec timebit. - - - Expavesco quidem multum - Venturi Judicis vultum, - Cui latebit nil occultum, - Et manebit nil inultum. - - Juste quidem judicabit, - Nec personam acceptabit, - Pretio non corrumpetur, - Sed nec precibus flectetur. - - - Et quis nostrûm non timebit, - Quando Judex apparebit, - Ante quem ignis ardebit, - Peccatores qui delebit. - - Judicabit omnes gentes - Et salvabit innocentes, - Arguet omnes potentes - Et deliciis fluentes. - -Especially notable are the stanzas: - - Dies illa, dies vitae, - Dies lucis inauditae, - Et mors ipsa morietur, - Qua nox omnis destruetur. - - Jam festinat rex coelestis, - Judex noster atque testis, - Festinanter apparebit, - Omnis caro quem videbit. - - - Ecce Rex desideratus - Et a justis expectatus - Jam festinat exoratus, - Ad salvandum praeperatus. - - Apparebit nec tardabit, - Veniet et demonstrabit - Gloriam, quam praestolantur, - Qui pro fide tribulantur. - -If nothing whatever had been known as to the date of the two poems, we -should have pronounced this an expansion of the _Dies irae, dies illa_ -by a later poet, who had two objects in view: the first, to sharpen to -the conscience of his readers the warnings of the impending judgment; -the second, to complete the poem by bringing the joys of the judgment -more prominently into view. And with all respect for Edelestand du -Méril’s judgment, we would like to have more light on the date of his -manuscript. - -A manuscript still preserved at Liege in Belgium contains the letters of -Guido of Basoches, which is either Bas-oha, a village near that city, -or, as Mone thinks, a place near Châteaudun in France. Among these -letters are given a number of hymns, which he sends to his -correspondents. They show some power of versification, but nothing more, -and are defaced by conceits and puns. Thus he puts the name of Stephen -through the six cases of the Latin grammar in as many verses of a hymn. - -There are five writers of this century, each of whom is credited with a -single hymn. Rudolph of Radegg, a schoolmaster of Einsiedeln, wrote a -hymn in honor of St. Meinrad, which begins _Nunc devota silva tota_. To -Thomas Becket is ascribed the _Gaude Virgo, Mater Christi, Quia..._. It -is said to be his in a manuscript of the fifteenth century. To another -Englishman, Bertier, is ascribed the only Latin hymn in the collections -which relates directly to the Crusades, _Juxta Threnos Jeremiae_. It -first appears in the chronicle of Roger of Hoveden, with the statement -that Bertier wrote it in 1188. Last is Aelred (1104-66), who seems to -have been a lowland Scotchman by birth, and to have shared the education -of Henry, son of King David of Scotland. King David wished to make him a -bishop, but he preferred the life of a monk. He made his way to the -Cistercian monastery at Rievaulx in Yorkshire (not Revesby in -Lincolnshire, as some say), and there spent his days, becoming abbot in -1146. That he was a most lovable man we must infer from his sermons to -his monks. He is one of the few preachers in Dr. Neale’s _Mediaeval -Preachers and Preaching_ (London, 1856), of whom we wish for more. His -epitaph likens him, among others, to Bernard of Clairvaux, and the -comparison is apposite. He was an English Bernard, with less personal -force and grasp of intellect, but with the same gentleness and -friendliness. His one hymn is the _Pax concordat universa_, which is -found in his works, but not in any of the collections. The theme is -congenial. - -The thirteenth century, the century of Francis and Dominic, of Aquinas -and Bonaventura, of Thomas of Celano and Jacoponus, is the age of the -giants. - -Its anonymous hymns worthy of special mention are few in number. One of -the most beautiful is the Easter hymn, _Cedit frigus hiemale_, in which -the coincidence of Easter with spring furnishes the starting-point. It -is probably French. The _Ave quem desidero_ is a rosary hymn, which -rehearses our Lord’s life, with a verse for each of the beads, which -surely is better than the usual _Ave Marias_. The use of rosaries is -very ancient—pre-Christian even—but it was with the rise of the -Dominican Order in this century that it became a sanctioned practice. -The _Jesu Salvator seculi_ and the _O Trinitas laudabilis_ have been -traced no further back than to this age; but they preserve the tone and -style of the school of Ambrose. So the _Mysteriorum signifer_, in honor -of the Archangel Michael, recalls an earlier age, while the _Jesu dulce -medicamen_ suggests the school of Bernard. This beautiful hymn has both -thoughtfulness and unction to commend it. It represents the sounder -tradition of Christian teaching in the mediaeval Church, and has been -neglected unduly by Protestant translators. Mr. Crippen is the only one -who has rendered it, and also the _Juste judex Jesu Christe_, a hymn of -the same age and much the same character. Notable Marian hymns are the -_Gaude virgo, stella Maris_, _Salve porta chrystallina_, and the _Verbum -bonum et suave_; with which may be named that to St. John, _Verbum Dei -Deo natum_, often ascribed to Adam of St. Victor, and certainly of his -school. Also of that school is the vigorous hymn in commemoration of St. -Paul, _Paulus Sion architecta_. We add the terse and forceful hymn in -commemoration of Augustine of Hippo, _Salve pater Augustine_, and the -still finer in commemoration of the martyrs of the Church, _O beata -beatorum martyrum certamina_, which has found translators in both Dr. -Neale and Mr. Chambers. It is defective, as making them and not Christ -the central theme. - -St. Edmund, the archbishop who gave up the see of Canterbury because his -heart was broken between the demands of the Pope and the exactions of -the king, and died (1240) an exile in a French monastery, is credited -with two Marian hymns, one of which is a “psalter,” or hymn of one -hundred and fifty stanzas. They are not of great importance. Another is -ascribed to Robert Grosstete, Bishop of Lincoln (died 1253), one of the -great Churchmen who spoke the truth to the see of Rome. He was the -friend of Simon de Montfort and of the Friars, and the foremost -Churchman of England in his time, as zealous for the reformation of the -clergy of his diocese and the maintenance of the Church’s rights against -the King as for its relative independence of the Roman curia. The _Ave -Dei genetrix_ ascribed to him exists only in a revised and not improved -shape. Its twelve verses each begin with a word from the angelic -salutation. The author seems to have borrowed from a hymn of Peter -Damiani. - -To Hugo, a Dominican monk, who was Bishop of Strasburg toward the close -of the century, and had taught theology with success, is ascribed the -_Ave mundi domina_, in which Mary is greeted as a fiddle—_Ave dulcis -figella_! - -The fourteenth century, like the seventh, furnishes us with the name of -not a single hymn-writer of real eminence, and of very few who are not -eminent. Yet this century and the next exceed all others in the number -of the hymns, which either certainly were written in this age, or can be -traced no farther back. But the quality falls short as the quantity -increases. Mary and the saints are the favorite themes; and those two -great repositories of perverted praise, the second and third volumes of -Mone’s collection, bear emphatic witness to the extent to which the -hierarchy of saints and angels had come to eclipse the splendors of the -White Throne and even of the Cross. There is not a single hymn of the -highest rank which we can ascribe to these centuries of decay, when the -Middle Ages were passing to their death, to make way for the New -Learning and the Reformation. But the great revival, which first swept -over Italy and then reached Germany about 1470, which showed its power -in the revival of “strict observance” in the mendicant orders, in the -multiplication of new devotions and pilgrimages, and the accumulation of -relics—that revival which laid such a powerful grasp on young Martin -Luther and made a monk of him—bore abundant fruit in hymns both in Latin -and the vernacular languages. It is a sign of the new age that the -language consecrated by Church use no longer has a monopoly of -hymn-writing, but men begin to praise as well as to hear in their own -tongues the wonderful works of God. - -The reverence for the Virgin reaches its height in the _Te Matrem -laudamus_ and the _Veni, praecelsa domina_, parodies of the _Te Deum_ -and the _Veni, sancte Spiritus_, which have nothing but ingenuity and -offensiveness to commend them to Protestant readers. Of genuine poetical -merit are the _Regina coeli laetare_ and _Stella maris, O Maria_. Of the -deluge of hymns in commemoration of the saints, we notice only the -_Nardus spirat in odorem_, which indicates the growing worship of our -Lord’s grandmother, by which Luther was captivated; the _Collaudemus -Magdalena_ of the Sarum Breviary, which Daniel calls “a very sweet hymn” -(_suavissimus hymnus_). From it is extracted the _Unde planctus et -lamentum_, of which Mr. Duffield has made the following translation. -Both Mr. Chambers and Mr. Morgan have translated the whole hymn. - - - UNDE PLANCTUS ET LAMENTUM. - - Whence this sighing and lamenting? - Why not lift thy heart above? - Why art thou to signs consenting, - Knowing not whom thou dost love? - Seek for Jesus! Thy repenting - Shall obtain what none might prove. - - Whence this groaning and this weeping? - For the purest joy is thine; - In thy breast thy secret keeping - Of a balm, lest thou repine; - Hidden there whilst thou art reaping - Barren care for peace divine. - -In the _Spe mercede et corona_ we have the Churchly view of Thomas -Becket’s career and its bloody end; and the _O Rex, orbis triumphator_ -and _Urbs Aquensis, urbs regalis_ represent the German effort to raise -Charles the Great to a place among the saints of the calendar. - -Hymns which deal with much greater themes are the metrical antiphon, -_Veni, sancte Spiritus, Reple_, whose early translations hold a high -place in German hymnology; the _Recolamus sacram coenam_, which Mone -well characterizes as a side-piece to the great communion hymn of Thomas -Aquinas, _Lauda, Sion, Salvatorem_. Like that, it aims at stating the -doctrine of Transubstantiation in its most paradoxical form (_stat esus -integer_). The century furnishes several pretty Christmas hymns—_En -Trinitatis speculum_, _Dies est laetitiae_, _Nunc angelorum gloria_, -_Omnis mundus jucundetur_, and _Resonet in laudibus_—all of German -origin seemingly and early known to the German people by translations. -This is the festival which the childlike and child-loving Teutons always -have made the most of; and these hymns, with others of the next century, -are among the earliest monuments of the fact. To this, or possibly the -next century, belongs the mystical prayer-hymn, _Anima Christi, -sanctifica me_, which came to be ascribed to Ignatius Loyola, because it -was a favorite with him. - -The most notable hymn-writer of the century is Conrad, prior of Gaming, -a town in Lower Austria, where he lived during the reign of Charles IV. -(1350-78). We have his manuscript collection in a copy made in the next -century and preserved at München. It contains thirty-seven hymns which -probably are his, and many of them certainly so. Some certainly are -recasts of earlier hymns. Thus he has tinkered Hildebert’s great hymn, -without at all improving it. Most of his hymns relate to Mary, the -apostles, and the other saints of the Church. His hymns show a certain -facility in the use of Latin verse, but no force of original -inspiration. They are correct metrically and, from the standpoint of his -Church, theologically. The _O colenda Deitas_ is the most notable. - -From the same quarter of Germany and the banks of the same Ems River, -Engelbert, Benedictine abbot of Admont in Styria (died 1331), offers us -a Marian psalter, which has been ascribed to Thomas Aquinas, but of -which two verses content even Mone. Aegidius, Archbishop of Burgos in -Spain, from 1295 to 1315, has written a hymn to the alleged portrait of -Christ impressed on the handkerchief of Veronica. It is in the -rollicking Goliardic metre, but the subject is handled with skill and -success. It has been conjectured that he is the author of the _Patris -sapientia_ in the same metre, which some put back to the twelfth century -and others ascribe to Pope Benedict XII., who died in 1342. This is one -of the many hymns to whose recitation an indulgence was attached. - -That the fifteenth century saw the invention of printing is a cardinal -fact for the hymnologist. It was especially in the service of the Church -that the new art found employment, and more missals, breviaries, and -other Church books were printed between its discovery, in 1452, and the -beginning of the Reformation, than of any other class of books. From -this time, therefore, we have to deal with both written and printed -sources, and printing was the means of saving a multitude of good hymns -and sequences which else might have been lost utterly. The century also -witnesses that great revival of learning to whose advancement printing -contributed greatly, and which in its turn prepared men for the -Reformation. We have seen in the chapter on the two breviaries how it -affected the editing of old hymns and the writing of new. But this does -not begin until the sixteenth century. - -As in the case of the preceding century, we are embarrassed by the -abundance of bad, mediocre, and middling good hymns, by the fewness of -those which are really good, and the absence of such as would be -entitled to take the highest rank. The best of the anonymous which we -can trace farther back than to the printed breviaries are the -continuation of the series of German Christmas hymns, whose beginning we -noticed in the fourteenth century. Such are the _In natali Domini_, the -_Nobis est natus hodie_, the _Quem pastores laudavêre_, the _Puer nobis -nascitur_, the _Eia mea anima_, the _Verbum caro factum est_, and the -_Puer natus in Bethlehem_. Of the last, Dr. A. R. Thompson’s translation -is as follows: - - - PUER NATUS IN BETHLEHEM. - - The child in Bethlehem is born, - Hail, O Jerusalem, the morn! - - Here lies he in the cattle-stall - Whose kingdom boundless is withal. - - The ox and ass do recognize - This Child, their Master from the skies. - - Kings from the East are journeying, - Gold, frankincense, and myrrh they bring. - - Who, entering in turn the place, - The new King greet with lowly grace. - - Seed of the woman lies he there, - And no man’s son, this Child so fair. - - Unwounded by the serpent’s sting, - Of our own blood comes in the King. - - Like us in mortal flesh is he, - Unlike us in his purity. - - That so he might restore us men - Like to himself and God again. - - Wherefore, on this his natal day, - Glad, to our Lord, we homage pay. - - We praise the Holy Trinity, - And render thanks, O God, to thee! - -What Ruskin remarks of the disposition of the art of the time to dwell -on the darker side of things—to insist on the seeming preponderance of -darkness over light, death over life—is seen also in its hymns. The -Advent hymn, _Veni, veni, rex gloriae_, is as gloomy a lucubration as -ever was associated with a Church festival. The _Homo tristis esto_, -which is a study of the Lord’s passion apart from His resurrection, is -hardly more gloomy. But other poets have more joyful strains. In the -_Haec est dies triumphalis_ we have an Easter hymn, and an Ascension -hymn in the _Coelos ascendit hodie_, which are fittingly joyful; and in -the _Spiritus sancte gratia_ an invocation of the Comforter more prosaic -than its great predecessors, but with its own place in the presentation -of that great theme. A rather fine Trinity hymn is the _O Pater, sancte, -mitis atque pie_, written in a sort of sapphic verse with iambic feet -before the caesura, and trochaic following it, the feet in each case -being determined by accent, not quantity. Mr. Chambers and Mr. Hewett -both have translated it. - -Of the innumerable hymns and sequences to the saints, we notice that our -Lord’s grandmother comes in for an increasing share. Mone in his third -volume gives twenty-five, of which sixteen belong to this century and -eight to the fourteenth. It is significant that one of them, _O stella -maris fulgida_, is a hymn to Mary, which was altered to the new devotion -to her mother. She is hailed in others as the “refuge of sinners” -(_peccantibus refugium_), and declared immaculate (_Anna labe carens_), -and exalted in a way which suggests that the other members of the -genealogical line which connects our Lord with Adam have been neglected -most unfairly. Why stop with His grandmother and exclude His -grandfather? It was in the next century that the cult of Joseph came to -the front. Of the Marian hymns of this time the _Virginis in gremio_ is -about the best, and the _Ave hierarchia_ comes next. The _Ave Martha -gloriosa_, in commemoration of Martha of Bethany, is a fine hymn in -itself, and interesting as one of a group of hymns composed in Southern -France in honor of this particular saint. A Church myth brings her to -Provence to kill the monster (_τερας_) from which Tarascon takes its -name, and the Church at Arles still bears a sculptured representation of -the victory. Her real function in Provence was to take the place of the -Martis or Brito-Martis, who was the chief loyal deity, and from whom -Marseilles probably took its name. She was either of Cretan or -Phoenician origin, and corresponded to the Greek Artemis, her name -meaning Blessed Maiden. So her myth was transferred to the over-busy -woman of Judea - - _Per te serpens est subversus,_ - -which saved a great deal of trouble. - -A hymn to the crown of thorns, _Sacrae Christi celebremus_, is quite in -the manner of Adam of St. Victor; the same marvellous ingenuity of -allusion to remote Scripture facts, and the same technical mastery of -flowing verse. The _Novum sidus exoritur_ is the oldest Transfiguration -hymn—that being now a Church festival—and by no means the worst. - -The sequence on the Three Holy Kings (or Magi), who brought offerings to -the infant Saviour, which begins _Majestati sacrosanctae_, is referred -by some critics to the next century. But as it occurs in the list of -sequences which Joachim Brander, a monk of St. Gall, drew up in 1507 for -Abbot Franz von Gaisberg of that monastery, it probably belongs to the -fifteenth century. Brander enumerates three hundred and seventy-eight -sequences, specifying their subjects and authors, the latter not always -successfully, and closes with that which Franz von Gaisberg composed in -honor of Notker Balbulus. His list will be found in Daniel’s fifth -volume. Of this, in commemoration of the three kings, whose relics are -supposed to rest in the cathedral at Koeln (Cologne), he says that it is -beautiful and one of the best. Mr. Duffield has left a translation of -part: - - “A threefold gift three kings have brought - To Christ, God-man, who once was wrought - In flesh and spirit equally; - A God triune by gifts adored— - Three gifts which mark one perfect Lord, - Whose essence is triunity. - - “They bring him myrrh, frankincense, gold; - Outweighing wealth of kings untold— - A type in which the truth is known. - The gifts are three, the emblems three: - Gold for the king, incense to deity, - And myrrh, by which his death is shown.” - -Of hymn-writers, the most prolific is Jean Momboir, generally known by -his Latin name Johannes Mauburnus. He was born in 1460 and died in 1503, -and was a Canon Regular in the congregation founded by the Brethren of -the Common Life in the Low Countries. He lived for a time at Mount St. -Agnes, which makes his emphatic testimony as to the authorship of the -_De Imitatione_ of especial importance. His huge ascetic work, the -_Spiritual Rosegarden_ (_Rosetum spirituale_) made him famous, and he -was invited to France to reform the Canons Regular, according to the -strict observance used in the Low Countries. He was thus, like John -Staupitz, a representative of the current revival of that age, which -tended to greater austerity, not to faith and joy. He spent the last six -years of his life in this labor, dying at Paris in 1503. He was the -friend and correspondent of Erasmus. His hymns generally begin with an -O, and seem to be written on a system like that of the scholastic -treatises. Indeed, his _Rosegarden_, both by its bulk and its method, -suggests a _Summa_ of Christian devotion. From his poem, _Eia mea -anima_, given, there has been extracted the pretty Christmas hymn, _Heu -quid jaces stabulo_, which has been translated several times into -English and German. - -Next to him comes Casimir, Crown Prince of Poland, whose _Omni die dic -Mariae_ is a Marian hymn in one hundred and twenty six verses. Father -Ragey, however, asserts in _Les Annales de Philosophie Chretienne_ for -May and June, 1883, that Casimir is not the author but the admirer of -these verses, that they are an extract from a poem in eleven hundred -verses, and that Anselm of Canterbury is the probable author. On this he -bases an argument for the reconciliation of England to the Church, which -is devoted to the cult of our Lord’s mother. The poem, whosoever wrote -it, is a fine one—too good, Protestants will think, for the theme, and -too good to take its place among the other verses ascribed to Anselm of -Canterbury. Here also there is room to ask a close examination of the -manuscripts to which Father Ragey appeals, with reference to their -dates. The controversy over the antiquity of the _Quicunque vult salvus -esse_ and the authorship of the _Imitation_ suggest caution in taking -the _ipse dixit_ of diplomatists. - -To an unknown Babo, and to Jacob, schoolmaster of Muldorf, are -attributed Marian hymns of no great value. More important is Dionysius -Ryckel (1394-1471), a Belgian Carthusian, the character of whose -multitudinous writings is indicated by his title, _Doctor Ecstaticus_. -He wrote a _Comment on Certain Ancient Hymns of the Church_ (_Enarratio -in Hymnos aliquot veteres ecclesiasticos_), which puts him next to -Radulph de Rivo (_ob._ 1403) among the earliest of the hymnologists. To -Dionysius is ascribed also the long poem on the Judgment, from which -Mone has given an extract—_Homo, Dei creatura_, etc.—by way of -comparison with the _Dies Irae_ and the _Cum revolvo toto corde_. It -evidently has been influenced by the former, but is devoted to a picture -of eternal torment. - -To John Huss we owe the beautiful Communion hymn, _Jesus Christus, -noster salus_, which shows that his alleged heresies did not touch the -Church doctrine on this point. - -To Peter of Dresden, schoolmaster of Zwickau in 1420, and afterward -described as a Hussite or a Waldensian, is ascribed the - - “In dulci jubilo - Nu singet und seit fro,” - -which is the type of the mixed hymns of this age. It was his purpose to -secure the introduction of hymns in the vernacular into the Church -services, as his friend Jakob of Misa sought to do in Bohemia. In mixed -hymns of this kind he seems to have tried to find the sharp end of the -wedge. Some ascribe to him the _Puer natus in Bethlehem_, which also -exists in the mixed form. Both hymns long stood in the Lutheran -hymn-books in the mixed form,—for instance, in the _Marburg Hymn-Book_, -which was used by the Lutherans of Colonial Pennsylvania. - -The invention of printing from movable types, about 1452, by Johann -Gutenberg of Mainz marks an era in Latin hymnology, because of the -prompt use of the new method to multiply the Church books in use in the -various dioceses. In every part of Western Europe, from Aberdeen, Lund, -and Trondhjem, on the north, to the shores of the Mediterranean, the -missals, breviaries, and hymnaries were given to the early printers, -with the result of bringing to light many fine hymns and sequences whose -use had been merely local. The Sarum Breviary and Missal and those of -Rome and Paris were printed more frequently than any other. To the Sarum -Breviary we owe the fine Transfiguration hymns—_Coelestis formam -gloriae_ and _O nata lux de lumine_ and _O sator rerum reparator aevi_, -which Anglican translators have made into English hymns; to the Missal -the fine sequence on the crown of thorns, _Si vis vere gloriari_, of -which Dr. Whewell published a translation in _Frazer’s Magazine_ for -May, 1849. To the York Processional (1530) we owe the four “proses” -which begin _Salve festa dies, toto venerabilis aevo_, which suggest to -Daniel that “in England also there was no lack of those who celebrated -the divine majesty in very sweet hymns.” - -To the Breviary and Missal of Trondhjem (Drontheim, anciently Nidaros) -we owe some of the finest hymns and sequences recovered at this time. Of -these the _Jubilemus cordis voce_ is the most characteristic and perhaps -the most beautiful—full of local color and characteristic love of -nature. Mr. Morgan has translated it; but the dedication hymn, _Sacrae -Sion adsunt encaenia_, has found more favor with Anglican translators, -and commends itself by scriptural simplicity. Of course this breviary -has fine hymns to St. Olaf, the king who did so much to make Norway a -Christian country, although hardly so much as his neglected predecessor, -Olaf Tryggveson. Similarly the Swedish missals honor King Eric and St. -Birgitta. - -The German Church books yield less that is novel probably because the -earlier German sources have been so much more thoroughly explored. The -breviaries of Lubec, of Mainz, of Koeln, and of Meissen furnish most, -but chiefly in praises of the Mother of our Lord and the saints. The -_Gloriosi Salvatoris nominis praeconia_ of Meissen is an exception, and -has found many admirers and several translators. From Mainz comes the -fine hymn in honor of the apostles, _Qui sunt isti, qui volant_, and -that for the martyrs, _O beata beatorum_, and the Passion hymn, _Laus -sit Regi gloriae, Cujus rore gratiae_. - -It is different with the French Church books and those of Walloon -Belgium. From the Breton see of Rennes, and those of Angers, Le Mans, -and Poitiers in the adjacent provinces of Northwestern France come some -of the best hymns of this class. From Rennes comes the pretty and -fanciful sequence on the Saviour’s crown of thorns, _Florem spina -coronavit_; from Angers the Christmas hymn, _Sonent Regi nato nova -cantica_, which shows how far the French lag behind the Germans of the -same age in handling this theme; also the Advent sequence, _Jubilemus -omnes una_, which suggests Francis’s “Song of the Creatures,” but lacks -its tenderness. From Le Mans the _Die parente temporum_, which Sir Henry -Baker has made English in “On this day, the first of days.” From -Poitiers the fine Advent sequence, _Prope est claritudinis magnae dies_, -translated by Mr. Hewett. From Noyon, in Northeastern France, the two -Christmas hymns, _Lux est orta gentibus_ and _Laetare, puerpera_, whose -beauty is defaced by making the Mother and not the divine Child the -central figure. - -From the Missal of Belgian Tournay we have the Easter sequence, _Surgit -Christus cum tropaeo_, and the transfiguration sequence, _De Parente -summo natum_, which have found and deserved translators. From that of -Liege several sequences, of which the best is that for All Saints Day, -_Resultet tellus et alta coelorum machina_. In the South it is the -breviaries of Braga, in Portugal, and Piacenza, in Italy, which have -furnished most new hymns. - -From the breviaries of the great monastic orders come many hymns, those -of the Franciscans furnishing the greater number. That of the -Cistercians furnishes the _Domine Jesu, noverim me, noverim Te_, one of -the many hymns suggested by passages in the writings of Augustine of -Hippo. - -This notice of the early printed Church books, which Daniel, Neale, -Morell, and Kehrein have brought under requisition, carries us over into -the century of the Reformation, which also is that in which the -Renaissance began to affect the matter and manner of hymn-writing. -Already in the fifteenth century we have hymns of the humanist type by -Aeneas Sylvius (Pope Pius II.); by Adam Wernher of Themar, a friend of -Johann Trithemius, a jurist by profession, and the instructor of Philip -of Hesse in the humanities; and by Sebastian Brandt, the celebrated -author of the “Ship of Fools.” All these give careful attention to -classic Roman models in the matter of both prosody and vocabulary. If we -were to put Brandt’s _Sidus ex claro veniens Olympo_ alongside the _Puer -natus in Bethlehem_, we should see how little of the life and force of -simplicity and reality there was in the new poetry. - -The sixteenth century begins with the hymns of the humanist Alexander -Hegius, a pupil of the school at Deventer and a _protégé_ of the -Brethren of the Common Life, who may have known Thomas à Kempis, as he -was born in 1433, or at latest in 1445. He died in 1498, but his hymns -appeared in 1501 and 1503. He was the friend of Rudolph Agricola and of -Erasmus, and introduced the new learning, especially Greek, into -Holland. His hymns are pagan in their vocabulary, although in accord -with the orthodoxy of the time. Two lines of his, - - “Qui te ‘Matrem’ vocat, orbis - Regem vocat ille parentem,” - -might have suggested two of Keble’s, which have given no small offence, - - “Henceforth, whom thousand worlds adore, - He calls thee ‘Mother’ evermore.” - -To Zacharias Ferrari ample reference has been made in the chapter on the -Breviaries. Specimens of his work may be found in Wackernagel’s first -volume, as also of the hymns of Erasmus (1467-1536), of Jakob Montanus -(1485-1588), of Helius Eobanus Hessus (1488-1540), and Marc-Antonius -Muretus. To these Roman Catholic humanists—Eobanus Hessus afterward -became a Lutheran—might have been added J. Ludovicus Vives (1492-1540), -Marc-Antonio Flaminio (1498-1550), and Matthias Collinus (_ob._ 1566). -Wackernagel does add Joste Clichtove (_ob._ 1543), and Jakob Meyer -(1491-1552), who did not attempt original hymns, but recast in classic -forms those already in use. Clichtove was a Fleming, and one of the -earliest collectors. - -The series of Protestant hymn-writers joins hard on to that of the Roman -Catholic humanists. In the main they belong to the same school. Their -hymns are not, like the Protestant German hymns, the spontaneous and -inevitable outpouring of simple and natural emotion—a quality which puts -Luther and Johann Herrmann beside Bernard of Clairvaux and Thomas of -Celano. They are the scholastic exercises of men singing the praise of -God in a tongue foreign to their thought. Even the best of them, George -Fabricius of Chemnitz, whose edition of the early Christian poets has -laid us under permanent obligations, although the most careful to avoid -paganisms in his hymns, and the most influenced by the earlier Latin -hymns, never impresses us with the freedom and spontaneity of his verse. -The series runs: Urbanus Rhegius (_ob._ 1541), Philip Melanchthon -(1497-1572), Wolfgang Musculus (1497-1563), Joachim Camerarius -(1500-74), Paul Eber (1511-69), Bishop John Parkhurst of Norwich -(1511-74), Johann Stigel (1515-71), George Fabricius (1516-71), George -Klee, or Thymus (_fl._ 1548-50), Nicholas Selneccer (1530-92), Ludwig -Helmbold (1532-98), Wolfgang Ammonius (1579), and Theodore Zwinger -(1533-88). Recasts of old hymns both as to literary form and theological -content we have from Hermann Bonn (1504-48), Urbanus Rhegius, George -Klee, and Andreas Ellinger (1526-82). The last-named was a German -physician who graduated at Wittemberg in 1549. His _Hymnorum -Ecclesiasticorum Libri Tres_ (1578) is described by Daniel as the most -copious collection he has seen, but worthless as an authority in its -first and second books, as the hymns in these are altered for metrical -reasons. Hermann Bonn was a Westphalian, who became the first Lutheran -Superintendent in Lubeck, and introduced the Reformation into Osnabruck. -He published the first hymn-book in Platt-Deutsch in 1547. - -To a later generation belongs Wilhelm Alard (1572-1645), the son of a -Flemish Lutheran, who fled to Germany from the Inquisition. Wilhelm -studied at Wittemberg, and became pastor at Crempe in Holstein, and -published two or perhaps three small volumes of original Latin hymns. -Dr. Trench has extracted from one of these two hymns. Of that to his -Guardian Angel, Chancellor Benedict, Dr. Washburn, and Mr. Duffield have -made translations. This is Mr. Duffield’s: - - - CUM ME TENENT FALLACIA. - - When specious joys of earth are mine, - When bright this passing world doth shine, - Then in his watchful heavenly place - My angel weeps and veils his face. - - But when with tears my eyes o’errun - Deploring sin that I have done, - Then doth God’s angel, set to keep - My soul, rejoicing, cease to weep. - - Far hence be gone, ye fading joys, - Which spring from earth’s too brittle toys! - Come hither, tears! for I would show - That penitence by which ye flow. - - I would not be in evil glad, - Lest he, my angel, should be sad; - Rise then, my true, repentant voice, - That angels even may rejoice. - -Another on the Eucharist Mr. Duffield alone has translated: - - - SIT IGNIS ATQUE LUX MIHI. - - When I behold thy sacred blood, - Thy body broken for my good; - O blessed Jesus, may they be - As flame and as a light to me. - - So may this flame consume away - The sins which in my bosom stay, - Destroying fully from my sight - All vanity of wrong delight. - - So may this light which shines from thee - Break through my darkness utterly, - That I may seek with fervent prayer, - Thine own dear guidance everywhere. - -A very different group are the hymn-writers of the Jesuit Order, to whom -we owe many hymns which have been ascribed to mediaeval authors, -although they have marked characteristics which betray their authorship. -Thus the _Eia Phoebe, nunc serena_ has been ascribed to Innocent III., -the _O esca viatorum_ to Thomas Aquinas, the _O gens beata coelitum_ to -Augustine, the _Pone luctum, Magdalena_ to Adam of St. Victor; while the -later Middle Ages have been credited with the _Angelice patrone_, the -_Ecquis binas columbinas_, the _Jesu meae deliciae_, and the _Plaudite -coeli_. The London _Spectator_ ascribes a very early origin to the -_Dormi, fili, dormi_. All these are Jesuit hymns, collected by Walraff -(1806) out of the _Psalteriolum Cantionum Catholicarum a Patribus -Societatis Jesu_. The title of that collection (_Psalteriolum_) is -suggestive of the contents. As the critics of the Society long ago -remarked, there is a mark of pettiness on the literature, the art, the -architecture, and the theology of the Jesuits. In both prose and poetry -they tend to run into diminutives. No hymn of theirs has handled any of -the greatest themes of Christian praise in a worthy spirit. The charge -made against them by the Dominicans that in their labors to convert the -Chinese and other pagans they concealed the cross and passion of our -Lord, and presented Him as an infant in His mother’s arms, whether -literally true or not, is not out of harmony with their general tone. -Christ in the cradle or on the lap of His mother is the fit theme of -their praises. In their hands religion loses its severity and God His -awfulness. To win the world they stooped to the world’s level, and -weakened the moral force of the divine law by cunning explanations, -until, through Arnauld and his fellow-Jansenists, “Christianity appeared -again austere and grave; and the world saw again with awe the pale face -of its crucified Saviour.” - -Some of the Jesuit hymns are very good of their kind. The _Dormi, fili, -dormi_ anticipates the theme of Mrs. Browning’s “The Virgin Mary to the -Child Jesus,” and of Dr. George Macdonald’s “Babe Jesus Lay on Mary’s -Lap.” It is beautiful in its way, but betrays its Jesuit origin by its -diminutives. The _Ecquis binas columbinas_ is a very graceful poem, and -the best passion hymn of the school, but is below the subject. The -_Tandem audite me_ is a hymn based on the false interpretation of -Solomon’s Song, but is very pretty. The _Pone luctum, Magdalena_ is -perhaps the greatest of all Jesuit hymns, and has found nine Protestant -translators to do it into English. It is rather a fine poem than a fine -hymn. The _Parendum est, cedendum est_ is a death-bed hymn whose length -and ornateness rob it of a sense of reality. Of the _Altitudo, quid hic -jaces_ and the _Plaudite Coeli_ Mr. Duffield has left versions which -will enable our readers to judge of their worth for themselves: - - - ALTITUDO, QUID HIC JACES? - - Majesty, why liest thou - In so low a manger? - Thou that kindlest heavenly fires - Here a chilly stranger! - O what wonders thou art doing, - Jesus, unto men; - By thy love to us renewing - Paradise again! - - Strength is made of no account; - Space is here contracted; - He that frees in bonds is bound; - Time’s new birth enacted. - Yes, thy little lips may touch - Mary’s spotless bosom; - Yes, thy bright eyes weep for men - While heaven’s joy shall blossom. - - - PLAUDITE COELI! - - Lo! heaven rejoices, - The air is all bright, - And the earth gives her voices - From depth and from height. - For the darkness is broken, - Black storm has passed by, - And in peace for a token - The palm waves on high. - - Spring breezes are blowing, - Spring flowers are at hand, - Spring grasses are growing - Abroad in the land. - And violets brighten - The roses in bloom, - And marigolds heighten - The lilies’ perfume. - - Rise then, O my praises, - Fresh life in your veins, - As the viol upraises - The gladdest of strains. - For once more he sees us - Alive, as he said; - Our holy Lord Jesus - Escaped from the dead. - - Then thunder ye mountains, - Ye valleys resound, - Leap forth, O ye fountains, - Ye hills echo round. - For he alone frees us, - He does as he said, - Our holy Lord Jesus - Alive from the dead. - -The later additions to the stock of Latin hymns are important only to -the student of Roman Catholic liturgies, as connected with the new -devotions sanctioned from time to time by the Congregation of Sacred -Rites. Thus the devotion to the Sacred Heart led to the writing of the -hymn _Quicunque certum quaeritis_, which the Roman Breviary has copied -from the Franciscan, and whose translation by Mr. Caswall has found its -way even into Protestant hymn-books. And the crowning sanction of the -extravagant reverence for our Lord’s mother, the declaration that she -was conceived without sin, and the institution of the feast of the -Immaculate Conception, caused Archbishop John von Geissel of Koeln to -write, in 1855, a new sequence for the Missal service, _Virgo virginum -praeclara_. - -Last in the series of the Latin hymn-writers stands the present pope, -Leo XIII., who is the third pope in the long series to whom any hymn can -be ascribed with any degree of certainty, the other two being Damasus -and Urban VIII. In his Latin poems, published in 1881, there are three -hymns in honor of two bishops of Perugia who suffered martyrdom in the -early age of the Church. They are not remarkable for poetical -inspiration, although they show that his Jesuit masters imbued him with -the rules of classic verse and expression. All his poems have been -reprinted in this country (Baltimore, 1886), with an English version by -the Jesuits of Woodstock College. - -In any other field of Christian hymnology we should close our account of -the past by the expression of confidence in the fertility of the future. -But as regards Latin hymnology, we feel that the period of greatest -value has passed by, and the record is sealed. While it is true that - - “Generations yet unborn - Shall bless and magnify the Lord,” - -as Rouse sings, we feel that it will not be in the medium of a dead -language, but in the tongues “understanded of the people.” The attempt -to maintain Latin as the language—as the exclusive speech of Christian -worship in Western Europe, is one of those parts of the Roman Catholic -system which are already condemned by results. The comparative -barrenness of Latin hymnology for the past hundred years is evidence -enough that this is not the channel in which Christian inspiration now -flows; and the attention paid even by Roman Catholic poets to -hymn-writing in the national languages is fresh evidence of the -readiness of that communion to adapt itself to new conditions as soon as -this is seen to be inevitable. - - - - - CHAPTER XXXI. - LATIN HYMNOLOGY AND PROTESTANTISM. - - -It has been asked by both Roman Catholics and Protestants—and not -unfairly—whether the interest shown for the last half century by -Protestant writers in the hymns of Latin Christendom, is a legitimate -one. It is said by the former: “You are poaching on our preserves. All -this you admire so much is what your fathers turned their backs upon -when they renounced the Roman obedience. You cannot with any consistency -attempt to naturalize in your churches and their services, hymns which -have been written for a worship which differs in idea and principle, not -in details merely, from your own. At best you can pick out a little here -and a little there, which seems to suit you. But even then you are in -danger of adopting what teaches doctrine which your Protestant -confessions and their expositors denounce as idolatry, as when the -compilers of the hymnal in use by American Presbyterians adopted Mr. -Caswall’s English version of - - _Quicunque certum quaeritis,_ - -ignoring its express reference to the devotion to the Sacred Heart. This -is a gross instance of what you are doing all the time. If it lead you -back to the bosom of the Catholic Church we shall be glad of it. But it -grates on Catholic nerves to see you employing the phrase which we -regard as a serious statement of doctrinal truth, as though it were a -mere purple patch of rhetoric.” - -This leads us to ask what the Reformation was in the idea of the -Reformers themselves. They never took the ground that the religious life -of Protestant nations and churches was out of all relation to the life -of the nations and churches of Western Europe, as these were before -Luther began his work. With all their regard for the Scriptures, they -never assumed that out of these could be created a Christian Church upon -ground previously held by Antichrist and him alone. Luther declared that -the elements of the Church for whose upbuilding he was laboring were -just those in which he had been educated. As he expressed it, these were -found in the Catechism taught to every child in Germany, and which -embraced the creed, the commandments, the sacraments, and the Our -Father. What he had learned from study of the New Testament was to give -these elements their due prominence, and to disengage them from the -additions and corruptions by which they had been obscured. It was not a -destructive revolution, but a change of doctrinal perspective for which -he was contending. He never lost his relish for the good things he had -learned in the Church of his childhood. While he rendered the service -into the German speech of the people, he followed in the main the old -order of the service in his _Deutsche Messe_. He also rendered into -German sixteen old hymns, twelve from the Latin, from Ambrose down to -Huss, and four from the old German of the Middle Ages. In his -_House-Postil_ he speaks with great enthusiasm of the hymns and -sequences he had learned to sing in church as a boy; and in his _Table -Talk_, while he censures Ambrose as a wordy poet, he praises the _Patris -Sapientia_, but above all the Passion hymn of Pope Gregory the Great, -_Rex Christe factor omnium_, as the best of hymns, whether Latin or -German. - -Melanchthon’s gentler spirit more than shared in Luther’s reverence for -the good in the mediaeval Church. The antithesis to Melanchthon, the -representative of the extreme party among Protestants, is Matthias -Flacius Illyricus, a man of Slavic stock and uncompromising temper. Yet -he also searched the past for witnesses to the truth which Luther had -proclaimed. He appeals to a hymn in the Breviary of the -Premonstratensian Order, as old, he thinks, as the twelfth century, -which testifies against saint worship: - - Adjuvent nos eorum merita, - Quos propria impediunt scelera? - Excuset eorum intercessio, - Quos propria accusat actio? - At tu, qui eis tribuisti - Coelestis palmam triumphi, - Nobis veniam non deneges peccati. - -In the same spirit he and his associates edited the first great -Protestant work on Church history—the _Magdeburg Centuries_ (1559-74, in -thirteen folio volumes). The first Protestants had no more idea of -surrendering the history of the Church to the champions of the Roman -Catholic Church, than of giving up to them the New Testament. They held -that down through all the ages ran a double current of pure Christianity -and scholastic perversion of that, and that the Reformation succeeds to -the former as the Tridentine Church to the latter. This especially as -regards the great central point in controversy, the part of grace and of -merit in the justification of the sinner. And they found the proof of -this continuity especially in the devotions of the early Church. They -found themselves in that great prayer of the Franciscan monk, which the -Roman Missal puts into the mouth of her holiest members as they gather -around the bier of the dead: - - Quid sum miser tunc dicturus, - Quem patronum rogaturus, - Quum vix justus sit securus? - - Rex tremendae majestatis, - Qui salvandos salvas gratis, - Salve me, fons pietatis! - -“Whenever in the Middle Ages,” says Albrecht Ritschl, “devotion, so far -as it has found articulate expression, rises to the level of the thought -that the value of the Christian life, even where it is fruitful of good -works, is grounded not upon these as human merits, but upon the mercy of -God ... then the same line of thought is entered upon as that in which -the religious consciousness common to Luther and Zwingli was able to -break through the connection which had subsisted between Catholic -doctrine and the Church institutions for the application of -salvation.... Whenever even the Church of Rome places herself in the -attitude of prayer, it is inevitable that in the expression of her -religious discernment, in thanksgiving and petition, all the benefits of -salvation should be referred to God or to Christ; the daily need for new -grace, accordingly, is not expressed in the form of a claim based upon -merits, but in the form of reliance upon God.”[26] - -That the Latin hymns of those earlier centuries show a steadily -increasing amount of unscriptural devotion to the mother of our Lord and -to His saints, and of the materializing view of our Lord’s presence with -His Church in the Communion, is undeniable. But even in these matters -the hymns of the primitive and mediaeval Church are a witness that these -and the like misbeliefs and mispractices are a later growth upon -primitive faith and usage. - -The first generation of Protestants, to which Luther, Melanchthon, and -Zwingli belong, had been brought up on the hymns of the Breviary and of -the Missal, and they did not abandon their love for these when they -ceased to regard the Latin tongue as the only fit speech for public -worship. They showed their relish for the old hymns, by publishing -collections of them, by translating them into the national languages, by -writing Latin hymns in imitation of them, and even by continuing their -use in public worship to a limited extent. - -As collectors and editors of the old Latin hymns, the Protestants of the -sixteenth century surpassed the Roman Catholics of that age. Over -against the names of Hermann Torrentinus (1513 and 1536), Jacob -Wimpheling (1519), Joste Clichtove (1515-19), Jacob van Meyer (1535), -Lorenzo Massorillo (1547), and George Cassander (1556), the Roman -Catholic hymnologists of the half century which followed the -Reformation, we may place the anonymous collector of Basel (1538), -Johann Spangenberg (1545), Lucas Lossius (1552 _et seq._, with Preface -by Melanchthon), Paul Eber (1564), George Fabricius (1564), Christopher -Corner (1568), Hermann Bonn (1569), George Major (1570), Andreas -Ellinger (1573), Adam Siber (1577), Matthew Luidke (1589), and Francis -Algerman (1596). All these, with the possible exception of the first, -were Lutherans, trained in the humanistic school of Latin criticism and -poetry; but only two of them found it needful or desirable to alter the -hymns into conformity with the tastes of the age. The collections of -Hermann Bonn, the first Lutheran superintendent of Lubeck, and that of -George Fabricius, are especially important, as faithfully reproducing -much that else might have been lost to us. - -The work of translating the old Latin hymns fell especially to the -Lutherans. Roman Catholic preference was no stronger for the original -Latin than that of the Reformed for the Psalms. Of the great German -hymn-writers from Luther to Paul Gerhardt, nearly all made translations -from the storehouse of Latin hymnody, Bernard of Clairvaux being the -especial favorite with Johann Heermann, John Arndt, and Paul Gerhardt. -And even in hymns which are not translations, the influence of the Latin -hymns is seen in the epic tone, the healthy objectivity of the German -hymns of this age, in contrast to the frequently morbid subjectivity of -those which belong to the age of Pietism. - -More interesting to us are the early translations into English. The -first are to be found in the _Primer_ of 1545, a book of private -devotions after the model of the Breviary, published in Henry VIII.’s -time both in English in 1545 and again in Latin (_Orarium_) in 1546. In -the next reign a substitute for this in English alone was prepared by -the more Protestant authorities of the Anglican Church, in which, -besides sundry doctrinal changes, the hymns were omitted. But the scale -inclined somewhat the other way after Elizabeth’s accession. The English -_Primer_ of 1559 and the Latin _Orarium_ of 1560 are revised editions of -her father’s, not of her brother’s publications. The parts devoted to -the worship of Mary are omitted, but the prayers for the dead and the -hymns are retained. These old versions are clumsy enough, but not -without interest as the first of their kind. Here is one with the -original text from the _Orarium_, differing from any other authority -known to us: - - Rerum Creator omnium, - Te poscimus hoc vesperi - Defende nos per gratiam - Ab hostis nostri fraudibus. - - Nullo ludamur, Domine, - Vel somnio vel phasmate: - In Te cor nostrum vigilet, - Nec dormiat in crimine. - - Summe Pater, per Filium - Largire quod Te poscimus: - Cui per sanctum Spiritum - Aeterna detur gloria. Amen. - - - O Lord, the Maker of all thing, - We pray thee now in this evening - Us to defend, through thy mercy, - From all deceit of our enemy. - - Let us neither deluded be, - Good Lord, with dream nor phantasy. - Our heart waking in thee thou keep, - That we in sin fall not on sleep. - - O Father, through thy blessed Son, - Grant us this our petition; - To whom, with the Holy Ghost, always - In heaven and earth be laud and praise. Amen. - -It is not wonderful that when the Anglo-Catholics sought to revive the -_Primer_ as “the authorized book of Family and Private Prayer” on the -same footing as the Prayer book, they took the liberty of substituting -modern versions of the hymns for these “authorized” translations.[27] -But the _Primer_, whatever its authority, never possessed that much more -important requisite to success—vitality. A very few editions sufficed -for the demand, and Bishop Cosin’s attempt to revive it in Charles I.’s -time only provoked a Puritan outcry against both him and it. Rev. Gerard -Moultrie has attempted to revive it in our own time, as “the only book -of private devotion which has received the sanction of the English -Church,” and has not achieved even thus much of success. No Prynne has -assailed him. - -In the Book of Common Prayer, besides such “canticles” as the _Gloria in -Excelsis_ and the _Te Deum_, there is but one hymn, an English version -of the _Veni, Creator Spiritus_ in the Ordination Service. It is the -wordiest of all known versions, rendering one hundred and five Latin by -three hundred and fifty-seven English words, but is not without its -old-fashioned felicities. The revisers of 1661 cut it down by omitting -just half of it, and modernized the English in a number of places. Its -very verbosity seems to have suggested Bishop Cosin’s terse version, -containing but four more words than the original, which, however, it -somewhat abridges. This was inserted in 1661 as an alternate version. -The author of the paraphrase in the Prayer-Book is unknown. It is not -Bishop Coverdale, as his, although translated at second-hand from -Luther, as, indeed, all his hymns are from some German source, is far -closer and less wordy.[28] It also was adopted into the old Scottish -Psalter of the Reformation, where it appears in the appendix, along with -a metrical version of the Apostle’s Creed and other “uninspired -compositions.” - -From the Reformation until about fifty years ago, there was among -English-speaking people no interest in Latin hymnology worth speaking -of. A few Catholic poets, like Crashaw and Dryden, honored their Church -versions from the hymns of the Breviary. But even John Austin, a -Catholic convert of 1640, when he prepared his _Devotions in the Ancient -Way of Offices_ after the model of the Breviary, wrote for it hymns of -his own instead of translating from the Latin. Some of these (“Blessed -be Thy love, dear Lord,” and “Hark, my soul, how everything”) have -become a part of our general wealth. Of course some versions of a homely -sort had to be made for Catholic books of devotion, and I possess _The -Evening Office of the Church in Latin and English_ (London, 1725), in -which the Vesper hymns of the Roman Breviary are closely and roughly -versified. It is notable that “the old hymns as they are generally sung -in churches”—_i.e._, the hymns as they stood before the revision of -1631, are printed as an appendix to the book, showing how slow English -Catholics were to accept the modernization of the hymns which the papacy -had sanctioned nearly a century before. - -Mr. Orby Shipley, in his _Annus Sanctus_ (London, 1884), gives a large -number of these early versions from the Roman Catholic _Primers_ of -1619, 1684, 1685, and 1706; from the _Evening Office_ of 1710, 1725, and -1785; and from the _Divine Office_ of 1763 and 1780. The translations of -1619 have been ascribed to William Drummond, of Hawthornden, and those -of 1706 to Dryden. Drummond was the first Scotchman who adopted English -as the language of literature, and although a Protestant, he belonged to -the Catholicizing party represented by William Forbes, the first -Protestant bishop of Edinburgh. Three hymns are given in Sir Walter -Scott’s edition of Dryden on the authority of English Roman Catholic -tradition, the best known being his version of the _Veni Creator -Spiritus_. These three are found in the _Primer_ of 1706, along with -versions of the other hymns of the Roman Breviary sufficiently like them -to suggest that they are all by the same hand. But this judgment is -disputed. - -Among Protestants the neglect was as great. So profuse a writer of hymns -for the Christian year as George Wither translated only the _Te Deum_ -and the _Veni, Creator Spiritus_ into English verse.[29] Tate and Brady, -in their _Supplement_ (1703) to their _New Version of the Psalms_ -(1696), published a translation of the _Veni, Creator Spiritus_. But -Bishop Symon Patrick was the only hymn-writer of that age who may be -said to have given any special attention to Latin hymns. His hymns were -chiefly translations from that source, especially Prudentius, and Lord -Selborne mentions that of _Alleluia, dulce carmen_, as the best. - -The Methodist revival, which did so much to enrich our store of hymns, -and which called attention anew to those of Germany, accomplished -nothing for us as regards Latin hymns. The Earl of Roscommon’s -translation of the _Dies Irae_ (1717), and Dr. Johnson’s affecting -reference to the stanza, - - _Quaerens me sedisti lassus, ..._ - -stand almost alone in that age. It was not until the Romantic movement -in Germany and then in England broke the bonds of a merely classic -culture, taught the world the beauty of Gothic art, and obliged men to -revise their estimate of the Middle Ages, that the singers of the -praises which sounded through those earlier centuries had a fair chance -to be judged at their real worth. The forerunner of that movement was -Johann Gottfried von Herder, who indeed may be said to have anticipated -the whole intellectual movement of the past century, Darwinism not -excepted. From his friend and master Hamann, “the Magus of the North,” -he had learned “the necessity for a complete and harmonious expression -of all the varied faculties of man,” and that “whatever is isolated or -the product of a single faculty is to be condemned.” This made him as -much discontented with the eighteenth century and its literature and -philosophy of the enlightened understanding, as Hamann himself was. It -was the foundation for that Catholic taste which enabled him to -appreciate the excellence of all those popular literatures which are the -outflow of the life of whole peoples. His _Voices of the Peoples_ did -for the Continent what Bishop Percy’s _Reliques_ did for England, and -did it much better. He saw that “the people and a common sentiment are -the foundations of a true poetry,” and the literature of the schools and -that of polite society are equally condemned to sterility. For this -reason he had small respect for that classic Latin literature at whose -bar every modern production was impleaded. He found far more genuine -life and power in the Latin poems of the Jesuit father, Jacob Balde, and -still more in the hymns of the Latin Church. His _Letters for the -Promotion of Humanity_ (1794-96) contain a passage of classic -importance: - - “The hymns which Christianity introduced had for their basis those old - Hebrew Psalms which very soon found their way into the Church, if not - as songs or anthems, at any rate as prayers.... The songs of Mary and - of Zacharias, the Angelic Salutation, the _Nunc Dimittis_ of Simeon, - which open the New Testament, gave character more immediately to the - Christian hymns. Their gentler voice was more suitable to the spirit - of Christianity than even the loud trumpet note of that old jubilant - Hallelujah, although that note was found capable of many applications, - and was now strengthened with the words of prophet or psalmist, now - adapted to gentler strains. Over the graves of the dead, whose - resurrection was already present to the spirit’s vision, in caves and - catacombs, first were heard these psalms of repentance and prayer, of - sorrow and hope, until after the public establishment of Christianity, - they stepped out of the dark into the light, out of solitude into - splendid churches, before consecrated altars, and now assumed a like - splendor in their expression. There is hardly any one who can listen - to the _Jam moesta quiesce querula_ of Prudentius without feeling his - heart touched by its moving strains, or who can hear the funeral - sequence _Dies irae, dies illa_, without a shudder, or whom so many - other hymns, each with its own character—_e.g._, _Veni, Redemptor - gentium_; _Vexilla Regis prodeunt_; _Salvete flores Martyrum_; _Pange, - lingua, gloriosi_, etc., will fail to be carried into that frame of - feeling which each seeks to awaken, and with all its humility of form - and its churchly peculiarities, never fails to command. In one there - sounds the voice of prayer; another could find its accompaniment only - in the harp; in yet another the trumpet rings, or there sounds the - thousand-voiced organ, and so on. - - “If we seek after the reason of this remarkable effect, which we feel - in hearing these old Christian hymns, we find it somewhat peculiar. It - is anything but the novelty of the _thoughts_ which here touches and - there shakes us. Thoughts in these hymns are found but sparingly. Many - are merely solemn recitations of a well-known story, or they are - familiar petitions and prayers. They nearly all repeat each other. Nor - is it frequently surprisingly fine and novel sentiments with which - they somehow permeate us; the novel and the fine are not objects in - the hymns. What, then, is it that touches us? _Simplicity_ and - _Veracity_. Here sounds the speech of a general confession of one - heart and one faith. Most of them are constructed either so as to be - fit for use every day of the year, or so as to be used on the - festivals of the various seasons. As these come round there comes with - them in constant recurrence their rehearsal of Christian doctrines. - There is nothing superfine in the hymns as regards either emotion, or - duty, or consolation. There reigns in all of them a general popularity - of content, expressed in great accents. He who seeks novel thoughts in - a _Te Deum_ or a _Salve Regina_ looks for them in the wrong place. It - is just what is every day and always known, which here is to serve as - the garb of truth. The hymn is meant to be an ambrosial offering of - nature, deathless like that, and ever returning. - - “It follows that, as people in these Christian hymns did not look for - the grace of classic expression or the pleasurable emotion of the - instant—in a word, what we expect from a work of art, they produced - the strangest effects at once after their introduction. Just as - Christian hands overthrew the statues and temples of the gods in honor - of the unseen God, so these hymns contained a germ which was to bring - about the death of the pagan poetry. Not only were those hymns to gods - and goddesses, heroes and geniuses, regarded by the Christians as the - work of unbelievers or misbelievers, but the germ from which they - sprang, the poetic and sportive fancy, the pleasure and rejoicing of - the peoples in their national festivals, were condemned as a school of - evil demons; yes, even the national pride, to which those songs - appealed, was despised as a perilous though splendid sin. The old - religion had outlived its time, the new had won its victory, when the - absurdity of idol-worship and pagan superstitions, the disorders and - abominations which attended the festivals of Bacchus, Cybele, and - Aphrodite, were brought to the light of day. Whatever of poetry was - associated with these was a work of the devil. There began a new age - for poetry, music, speech, the sciences, and indeed for the whole - direction of human thought.” - -As the Romanticist movement gained ground in Germany, attention to the -early hymns increased. Even Goethe, the _weltkind_ among the prophets, -was influenced. Hence his use of the _Dies Irae_ in the first part of -_Faust_, although he was pagan enough to care for nothing at Assisi -except the Roman remains. A. W. Schlegel made a number of translations -for the _Musen-Almanach_. Then came the long series of German -translators, of whom A. J. Rambach, A. L. Follen (brother of Professor -Charles Follen of Harvard), Karl Simrock (1850 and 1866), and G. A. -Koenigsfeld (1847 and 1865) are the most notable. Much more important to -us are the German collectors: G. A. Björn (a Dane, 1818), J. C. von -Zabuesnig (1822 and 1830), H. A. Daniel (_Blüthenstrauss_, 1840; -_Thesaurus_, 1841-56), F. J. Mone (1853-55), C. B. Moll (1861 and 1868), -P. Gall Morel (1866), Joseph Kehrein (1873). To the unwearied -thoroughness of these editors, more than of any other laborers in this -field, we owe our ampler access to the treasures of Latin hymnody. But -what field of research is there in which the scholarship of Germany has -not laid the rest of the world under obligations? - -In English literature the Romanticist movement begins properly with Sir -Walter Scott. Himself a Presbyterian, he was brought up on the old -Scotch Psalm-book, for which he entertained the same affection as did -Burns, Edward Irving, Campbell, Carlyle, and Archdeacon Hare. He opposed -any attempt to improve it, on the ground that it was, “with all its -acknowledged occasional harshness, so beautiful that any alterations -must eventually prove only so many blemishes.” But his literary tastes -led him to a lofty appreciation of the Anglican liturgy—a circumstance -which has led many to class him as an Episcopalian—and equally for the -poetry of the mediaeval hymns. His vigorous version of a part of the -_Dies Irae_ inserted in _The Lady of the Lake_ (1805) gives him his -smallest claim to mention in the history of hymnody. It was the new -atmosphere he carried into the educated world, his fresh and hearty -admiration of admirable things in the Middle Ages, which had been -thought barbarous, that makes him important to us. He gave the English -and Scottish people new weights and measures, new standards of critical -judgment, which emancipated them from narrow, pseudo-Protestant -traditions. He made the great Church of undivided Western Europe -intelligible. No doubt many follies resulted from this novel lesson, the -worst of all being contempt for Luther and his associates in the -Reformation. The negations which attend such revolutions in opinion -always are foolish exaggerations. It is the affirmations which are -valuable and which remain. And Romanticism for more than half a century -has been affecting the religious, the social, the intellectual life of -Great Britain and America in a thousand ways, and with, on the whole, -positive and beneficial results. Its most powerful manifestation was in -the Oxford movement,[30] but both in its causes and its effects it has -transcended the limits which separate the divided forces of -Protestantism. - -Naturally the Oxford movement was the first to turn attention to the -hymns of the Middle Ages, or what it regarded as such. We use this -qualified expression because its leaders at the outset were much better -poets than hymnological scholars, and welcomed anything in the shape of -a Latin hymn as “primitive,” no matter what. Isaac Williams, in the -_British Magazine_ in 1830, published a series of translations of -“primitive hymns” which he gathered into a volume in 1839. They were -from the Paris Breviary, of whose hymns only one in fourteen were older -than 1685, and most of them not yet a hundred years old. Rev. John -Chandler, in his _Hymns of the Primitive Church_ (1837), drew on Santeul -and Coffin with equal freedom, evidently supposing he was going back to -the early ages for his originals. Bishop Mant, in his _Ancient Hymns -from the Roman Breviary_ (1837), did a little better, although not -half-a-dozen hymns in that Breviary are unaltered from their primitive -forms, and many are no older than the fifteenth or sixteenth century. -Rev. Edward Caswall, an Oxford convert to the Church of Rome, naturally -confined his _Lyra Catholica_ (1849) to the Breviary hymns, -supplementing those of Rome with some from Paris. The first collection -published by Dr. Newman (_Hymni Ecclesiae_, Pars I., 1839) was confined -to the Paris Breviary, but with the notice that they “had no equal claim -to antiquity” with “the discarded collections of the ante-reform era.” -But he claimed on rather slight ground that they “breathe an ancient -spirit, and even where they are the work of one pen, are the joint and -indivisible contribution of many ancient minds.” This is an opinion of -the work of Santeul and Coffin in which neither Cardinal Newman nor the -Gallican Church would agree to-day. - -In fact, these English scholars, with their constant habit of making -Latin verse after classic models from their school-days, and their -entire want of familiarity with post-classic Latin, found what pleased -them best in the two Breviaries of Rome and Paris. With that they seemed -likely to stop. It was Dr. John Mason Neale (1851-58) who, among -translators, first broke these bounds, went to the older sources, and -introduced to English readers, both by his collections and his -translations, the great hymns of the Western Church. As a translator he -leaves much to be desired. His ideas as to faithful reproduction of the -form of his originals are vague. His hymns too often might be said to be -based on the Latin text rather than to reproduce it. But they are -spirited poems, whose own vigor and beauty sent readers to the original, -and they were not disappointed. - -From that time we have had a series of excellent workers in this -field—John Keble, Rev. W. J. Blew (1855), Mr. J. D. Chambers (1857 and -1866), Rev. J. W. Hewett (1859), Sir Henry Baker (1861 and 1868), Rev. -Herbert Kynaston (1862), Rev. J. Trend (1862), Rev. P. S. Worsley -(1863), Earl Nelson (1857 and 1868), Rev. Richard F. Littledale (1867), -R. Campbell, of the Anglo-Catholic party; and Dean Stanley, Mrs. Charles -(1858 and 1866) and Dr. Hamilton Magill (1876) outside its ranks. Theirs -have been no inconsiderable part of those labors which have made the -last thirty years the golden age of English hymn-writing, surpassing -even the era of the Methodist revival. - -In America the work was begun in 1840 with a modest little volume -published at Auburn, in New York, and ascribed by Mr. Duffield to Dr. -Henry Mills of Auburn Theological Seminary, who in 1856 also published a -volume of translations of German hymns. His earlier book was _The Hymn -of Hildebert and the Ode of Xavier, with English Versions_, and -contained thirty-five duodecimo pages. Next in order came Dr. John -Williams, Bishop of Connecticut, with _Ancient Hymns of the Holy Church_ -(1845). Dr. William R. Williams of New York, in his address on “The -Conservative Principle in our Literature,” delivered in 1843, made a -reference to the _Dies Irae_, which gave him the occasion to publish in -an Appendix the literary history of the great hymn, giving the text -along with Dr. Trench’s version and his own. This seems to have given -the impulse which has made America so prolific in translations of that -hymn, only Germany surpassing us in this respect. Dr. Abraham Coles may -be said to have led off with his volume, containing thirteen -translations in 1847. But it was not until after the war for the Union -that the productive powers of American translators were brought into -play. Much, no doubt, was due to foreign impulse, especially from Dr. -Trench and Dr. Newman; but it is notable that in America far more work -has been done outside than inside the Episcopalian communion. - -Dr. Coles again in 1866, Mr. Duffield in 1867, Chancellor Benedict in -1869, Hon. N. B. Smithers in 1879 and 1881, and Mr. John L. Hayes in -1887 published volumes of translations. But far more numerous are the -poets whose versions of Latin hymns have appeared in various periodicals -or in collections like Professor Coppée’s _Songs of Praise_ (1866), Dr. -Schaff’s _Christ in Song_ (1869), Odenheimer and Bird’s _Songs of the -Spirit_ (1871), Dr. H. C. Fish’s _Heaven in Song_ (1874), Frank -Foxcroft’s _Resurgit_ (1879), and Dr. Schaff and Arthur Gilman’s -_Library of Sacred Poetry_ (1881 and 1886). Of these contributing poets -we mention Dr. E. A. Washburn, whose translations have been collected in -his posthumous volume, _Voices from a Busy Life_ (1883); Dr. Ray Palmer, -our chief sacred singer, whose versions of the _O esca viatorum_ and the -_Jesu dulcis memoria_ are as classic as his “My faith looks up to Thee;” -Dr. A. R. Thompson, to whom the present volume is under great -obligations; Rev. J. Anketell, another of its benefactors; Rev. M. -Woolsey Stryker, Rev. D. Y. Heisler, Rev. Franklin Johnson, D.D., and -Rev. W. S. McKenzie, D.D. Besides these we may mention the anthology of -translations published by the Rev. F. Wilson (1859), of texts by -Professor F. A. March (1874 and 1883), and of both texts and -translations by Judge C. C. Nott (1865 and subsequent years). - -It is not, however, only as literature, but in the actual use of the -American churches, that the Latin hymns have made a place for -themselves. Since 1859, when the Andover professors published the -_Sabbath Hymn and Tune-Book_, with original translations furnished by -Dr. Ray Palmer, there has been a peaceful revolution in American -hymnology. Every one of the larger denominations and many of the smaller -have provided themselves with new hymn-books, in which the resources of -English, foreign, and ancient hymnology have been employed freely, and -with more exacting taste as to sense and form, than characterized the -hymn-books of the era before the war. While the compilers have drawn -freely upon Caswall, Neale, Chandler, and the Anglican _Hymns Ancient -and Modern_ (1861), in many cases original translations were given, as -in _Hymns of the Church_ for the (Dutch) Reformed Church, of which Dr. -A. R. Thompson was one of the editors; and Dr. Charles Robinson’s -_Laudes Domini_ (1884), to which Mr. Duffield contributed. And there is -evidence that the hymns thus brought into Church use from the storehouse -of the earlier Christian ages have helped thoughtful Christians to -realize more fully the great principle of the Communion of the saints—to -realize that all the faithful of the present are bound in spiritual -brotherhood with those who held to the same Head and walked in the light -of the same faith in bygone centuries, even though it was with stumbling -and amid shadows, from which our path by God’s good providence has been -set free. - - - - - CHAPTER XXXII. - BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES. - - -The first sources of the Latin hymns and sequences are the manuscript -and printed breviaries and missals of the Western Church. Both these -have been explored by the collectors from Clichtove to Kehrein, although -it cannot be said that the examination has been exhaustive either as -regards the manuscripts or the printed books. - -The following is an approximate list of the printed breviaries which -have been examined by modern collectors: - - LOCAL BREVIARIES. - Aberdonense, Aberdeen, 1509-10, Daniel. - Ambrosianum, Milan, 1557, Neale, Morel, Zabuesnig. - Argentinense, Strasburg, 1520, Neale. - Basiliense, Basel, 1493, Morel. - Bracharense, 1494, Neale. - Caduncense, Cahors, Neale. - Coloniense, Koeln, 1521, Zabuesnig. - Constantiense, Konstanz, 1504, 1516, Morel, Daniel. - Cordubiense, Cordova, 1583, Morel. - Cracoviense, Krakau, 1524, Morel. - Curiense, Kur, c. 1500, Morel. - Eboracense, York, Neale, Newman. - Erfordense, Erfurt, 1518, Daniel. - Friburgense, Freiburg, Daniel. - Gallicum, France, 1527, Morel. - Halberstadtense, Halberstadt, 1515, Daniel. - Havelbergense, Havelberg, 1518, Daniel. - Herefordense, Hereford, 1505, Neale. - Lengres, Daniel. - Lundense, Lund, 1517, Daniel. - Magdeburgense, Magdeburg, 1514, Daniel. - Merseburgense, Merseburg, 1504, Daniel. - Mindense, Minden, 1490, Daniel. - Misniense, Meissen, 1490, Daniel. - Mozarabicum, Old Spanish, 1775, Daniel. - Parisiense vet., Paris (old), 1527, Neale. - Parisiense, 1736, Newman, Zabuesnig. - Pictaviense, Poitou, 1515, Daniel. - Placentinum, Piacenza, 1503, Morel. - Romanum vet., Rome (old), 1481, Kehrein. - 1484, 1520, - 1497, Daniel. - 1543, Morel. - Romanum, Rome (new), 1631, Zabuesnig, Daniel. - Roschildense, Roeskild, 1517, Daniel. - Salisburgense, Salzburg, 1515, Neale, Daniel. - Sarisburense, Salisbury, 1555, Neale, Daniel, Newman. - Slesvicense, Schleswig, 1512, Daniel. - Spirense, Speier, 1478, Zabuesnig. - Tornacense, Tournay, 1540, Neale. - Tullense, Toul, 1780, Daniel. - - MONASTIC BREVIARIES. - Augustinianorum, 1557, Morel, Zabuesnig, Neale. - Benedictinorum, 1518, 1543, Daniel, Zabuesnig. - Canonum Reg. Augustini, Zabuesnig. - Carmelitarum, 1759, Daniel, Zabuesnig. - Carthusianorum, 1500, Daniel, Zabuesnig. - Cisterciensium, 1510, 1752, Daniel, Zabuesnig. - Franciscanorum, 1481, 1486, 1495, Daniel, Zabuesnig. - Humiliatorum, 1483, Neale. - Praemonstratensium, 1741, Daniel, Zabuesnig. - Praedicatorum, 1482, Daniel, Zabuesnig. - Servorum Mariae, 1643, Daniel, Zabuesnig. - - LOCAL MISSALS. - Aboense, Abo, 1488, Daniel, Neale. - Ambianense, Amiens, 1529, Neale. - Aquiliense, Aquileia, Daniel. - Argentinense, Strasburg, 1520, Neale. - Athanatense, St. Yrieix, 1531, Morel. - Atrebatense, Arras, 1510, Neale. - Augustense, Augsburg, 1510, Kehrein. - Brandenburgense, Brandenburg, C., 1500, Daniel. - Bursfeldense, Bursfeld, 1518, Kehrein. - Coloniense, Koeln, 1504, 1520, Daniel, Kehrein. - Eychstadense Eichstädt, 1500, Daniel. - Frisingense, Freysingen, 1514, Daniel. - Hafniense, Copenhagen, Neale. - Halberstatense, Halberstadt, 1511, Kehrein. - Herbipolense, Würzburg, 1509, Neale, Kehrein. - Leodiense, Liege, 1513, Neale. - Lubecense, Lubeck, C., 1480, Wackernagel. - Magdeburgense, Magdeburg, 1493, Wackernagel. - Mindense, Minden, 1515, Daniel, Kehrein. - Moguntinum, Mainz, 1482, 1497, Mone, Wackernagel. - 1507, 1513, Kehrein, Neale. - Morinense, Neale. - Narbonense, Narbonne, 1528, Neale. - Nidriosense, Trondhjem, 1519, Neale. - Noviemsense, Noyon, 1506, Neale. - Numburgense, Naumburg, 1501, 1507, Wackernagel, Daniel. - Parisiense vet., Paris (old), 1516, Neale. - Parisiense, 1739, Newman. - Pataviense, Padua, 1491, Daniel. - Pictaviense, Poitou, 1524, Neale. - Pragense, Prag, 1507, 1522, Neale, Daniel, Kehrein. - Ratisbonense, Regensburg, 1492, Daniel, Neale. - Redonense, Rennes, 1523, Neale. - Salisburgense, Salzburg, 1515, Neale. - Sarisburense Salisbury, 1555, Neale. - Spirense, Speier, 1498, Neale. - Strengnense, Strengnaes, 1487, Neale. - Tornacense, Tournay, 1540, Neale. - Trajectense, Utrecht, 1513, Neale. - Upsalense, Upsal, 1513, Neale. - Verdense, Verden, 1500, Neale. - Xantonense Saintes, 1491, Neale. - - MONASTIC MISSALS. - Benedictinorum, 1498, Neale, Kehrein. - Cistercensium, 1504, Daniel. - Franciscanorum, 1520, Kehrein. - Praemonstratensium, 1530, Daniel. - Praedicatorum, 1500, Zabuesnig. - -Of lesser church-books Zabuesnig has used the _Processionale_ of the -Dominicans or Preachers, and Newman that of the Church of York. Morel -has drawn upon the Paris _Horae_ of 1519, and Daniel on the _Cantionale_ -of Konstanz of 1607. - -Yet this shows that either only a minority of the printed church-books -of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries have been examined, or else -that the majority yielded nothing new in return for such examination. - -We proceed with the bibliography of the collections and the historical -treatises and discussions which bear on Latin Hymnology, together with -the most important volumes of translations. These we shall give in -chronological order, and where the initials S. W. D. are appended to the -comments, it will be understood that these are by Mr. Duffield, not by -his editor. The numbers marked with an asterisk (*) indicate works -employed in the preparation of the present volume. - -1. Sequentiarum Textus cum optimo Commento. (S. l. e. a.) - - Printed at Koeln (Cologne) by Henry Quentell in 1492 or 1494. - The following is bound up with the early editions of this as a - kind of appendix, but afterward frequently printed by itself. - -2. Expositio Hymnorum cum notabili [_seu_ familiari] Commento. (S. l. e. - a.) - - Also printed at Koeln by Henry Quentell in 1492 or 1494, and - 1506. Later editions are: Hagenau, 1493; Basil, 1504; Koeln, - 1596; and many others. - - For the full reference, _vide_ Daniel, I.: xvii. There were many - of these, and the most famous was long regarded as indispensable - to the study of the Latin hymns. It is that of Clichtove. S.W.D. - -3. _Liber hymnorum in metra noviter redactorum. Apologia et defensio - poeticae ac oratoriae maiestatis. Brevis expositio difficilium - terminorum in hymnis ab aliis parum probe et erudite forsan - interpretatorum per Henricum Bebelium I ustingensem edita poeticam - et humaniores litteras publice profitentem in gymnasio Tubingensi. - Annotationes eiusdem in quasdam vocabulorum interpretationes - Mammetracti. Thubingen,_ 1501. - - Henry Bebel was a humanist, and became professor at Tübingen in - 1497. Zapf published a biography of him at Augsburg in 1801. - -4. _Hymni et Sequentiae cum diligenti difficillimorum vocabulorum - interpretatione omnibus et scholasticis et ecclesiasticis cognitu - necessaria Hermanni Torrentini de omnibus puritatis lingue latine - studiosis quam optime meriti.—Coloniae, MCCCCCXIII_. - - Daniel says that a second edition (1550, 1536?) has so closely - followed Clichtoveus that the first edition only is worthy of - note. - - Hermann Torrentinus was a native of Zwolle, and belonged to the - Brotherhood of the Common Life. He was professor at Groningen - about 1490, and lived until about 1520. He was one of the group - which gathered around John Wessel Gansfort, in whom Luther - recognized a kindred spirit. - -5. _De tempore et sanctis per totum annum hymnarius in metra ut ab - Ambrosio, Sedulio, Prudentio ceterisque doctoribus hymni sunt - compositi. Groningen phrisie iam noviter redactus incipit - feliciter._ - -6. _Psalterium Davidis adiunctis hymnis felicem habet finem opera et - impensis Melchior Lotters ducalis opidi Liptzensis concivis Anno - Milesimo quingentesimo undecimo XVIII die Aprilis_ [1511]. - -7.* Iodoci Clichtovaei Elucidatorium ecclesiasticum ad Officium - Ecclesiae pertinentia planius exponens et quatuor Libros - complectens. Primus Hymnos de Tempore et Sanctis per totum Annum. - Secundus nonnulla Cantica, Antiphonas et Responsaria. Tertius ea - quae ad Missae pertinet Officium, praesertim Praefationes. Quartus - Prosas quae in sancti Altaris Sacrificio dicuntur continet. Paris, - 1515; Basil, 1517 and 1519; Venice, 1555; Paris, 1556; Koeln, 1732. - - The best book of its time on the subject, and long indispensable - to the hymnologist. Josse Clichtove was a Flemish theologian. He - studied at Paris under the famous Lefevre d’Etaples, and enjoyed - the friendship of Erasmus. He was a zealous opponent of Luther. - He died in 1543. The Venice edition of his _Elucidatorium—Hymni - et Prosae, quae per totum Annum in Ecclesiâ leguntur_—is much - altered, and contains additional hymns from Italian, French, and - Hungarian Breviaries, while it also omits others given by - Clichtove. - -8. _Hymni de tempore et de sanctis in eam formam qua a suis autoribus - scripti sunt denuo redacti et secundum legem carminis diligenter - emendati atque interpretati. Anno Domini, MDXIX._ - - Jacob Wimpheling is the editor. He was an eminent theologian and - humanist of Strasburg, and the first to edit Rabanus Maurus’s - _De Laudibus Sanctae Crucis_. Already in 1499 he had published a - tract: _De Hymnorum et Sequentiarum Auctoribus Generibusque - Carminum quae in Hymnis inveniuntur_. One authority gives 1511 - as the date of his _Hymni_. - -9. _Sequentiarum luculenta interpretatio nedum scholasticis sed et - ecclesiasticis cognitu necessaria per Ioannem Adelphum physicum - Argentinensem collecta. Anno Domini, MDXIX._ - -10. Jakob van Meyer: Hymni aliquot ecclesiastici et Carmina Pia. - Louvain, 1537. - -11. Liber ecclesiasticorum carminum, cum alijs Hymnis et Prosis - exquisitissimis a sanctis orthodoxae fidei Patribus in usum piorum - mentium compositis. Basil, B. Westhemerus, 1538. - -12. Laurentius Massorillus: Aureum Sacrorum Hymnorum Opus. Foligni, - 1547. - -13.* _Hymni ecclesiastici praesertim qui Ambrosiani dicuntur multis in - locis recogniti et multorum hymnorum accessione locupletati. Cum - Scholiis opportunis in locis adjectis et Hymnorum indice Georgii - Cassandri. Et, Beda de Metrorum generibus ex primo libra de re - metrica. Coloniae Anno MDLVI._ - - This was reprinted in Cassander’s Works (Parisiis, 1616). - Cassander was a Catholic, who sympathized with the Reformation, - and his book was prohibited by the Roman Catholic Church. “_In - Romana ecclesia liber est vetitus_,” says Daniel. With the - drawback that his knowledge and opportunities were limited by - the age in which he lived, it can still be said that this is a - very valuable and helpful collection—the scholarly work of an - earnest man. S. W. D. - -14. Cantiones Ecclesiasticae Latinae ac Synceriores quaedam praeculae - Dominicis & Festis Diebus in Commemoratione Cenae Domini, per totius - Anni Circulum cantandae ac perlegendae. Per Johannem Spangenbergium - Ecclesiae Northusianae inspectorem. Magdeburg, 1543. - -15_a_. Carmina vetusta ante trecentos scripta, quae deplorant inscitiam - Evangelii, et taxant abusus ceremoniarum, ac quae ostendunt - doctrinam hujus temporis non esse novam. Fulsit enim semper et - fulgebit in aliquibus vera Ecclesiae doctrina. Cum Praefatione - Matthiae Flacii Illyrici. Wittemberg, 1548. - -15_b_. Pia quaedam vetustissima Poemata, partim Anti-Christum, ejusque - spirituales Filiolos insectantia, partim etiam Christum, ejusque - beneficium mira spiritus alacritate celebrantia. Cum praefatione - Matthiae Flacii Illyrici. Magdeburg, 1552. - -15_c_. Varia Doctorum Piorumque Virorum de Corrupto Statu Ecclesiae - Poemata. Ante nostram aetatem conscripta, ex quibus multa historiae - quoque utiliter ac summa cum voluptate cognosci possunt. Cum - Praefatione Matthiae Flacii Illyrici. Magdeburg, 1556. Reprinted - 1754. - - These three collections are of importance to the hymnologist. - From the first Wackernagel has extracted a number of fine hymns. - The third contains Bernard of Cluny’s _De Contemptu Mundi_. - -16. Hymni aliquot sacri veterum Patrum una cum eorum simplici - Paraphrasi, brevibus argumentis, singulis Carminum generibus, & - concinnis Melodijs ... Collectore Georgio Thymo. Goslar, 1552. - -17. Psalmodia, hoc est Cantica Sacra veteris Ecclesiae selecta. Quo - ordine & Melodijs per totius anni curriculum cantari vsitate solent - in templis de Deo, & de filio ejus Iesv Christo, ... Et de Spiritv - Sancto.... Jam primum ad Ecclesiarum, & Scholarum vsum diligenter - collecta, et brevibus et pijs Scholijs illustrata per Lucam Lossium - Luneburgensem. Cum Praefatione Philippi Melanthonis. Wittemberg, - 1552 and 1595; Nuremberg, 1553 and 1595. - -Die Hymni, oder geistlichen Lobgeseng, wie man die in der Cystertienser - orden durchs gantz Jar singet. Mit hohem vleis verteutschet durch - Leonhardum Kethnerum. Nurnberg, 1555. - -18. Hymni et Sequentiae, tam de Tempore quam de Sanctis, cum suis - Melodijs, sicut olim sunt cantatae in Ecclesia Dei, & jam passim - correcta, per M. Hermannum Bonnum, Superintendentem quondam - Ecclesiae Lubecensis, in vsum Christianae juventutis scholasticae - fideliter congesta & euulgata. Lubeck, 1559. - -19. _Pauli Eberi, Psalmi seu cantica in ecclesia cantari solita. - Witteburgiae_, 1564. - -20.* _Poetarum Veterum Ecclesiasticorum Opera Christiana et operum - reliquiae atque fragmenta. Thesaurus catholicae et orthodoxae - ecclesiae et antiquitatis religiosae ad utilitatem iuventutis - scholasticae, collectus, emendatus, digestus et commentario quoque - expositus diligentia et studio Georgii Fabricii Chemnicensis. - Basileae per Ioannem Oporinum MDLXIIII._ - - A second edition in 1572. George Fabricius, of Chemnitz, besides - editing this important book, was the most prolific writer of - Latin hymns the Lutheran Church possessed. - -21. Johann Leisentrit: Geistliche Lieder und Psalmen der alten - Apostolischer recht und warglaubiger Christlicher Kirchen. 2 parts. - Budissin, 1567. - - Used by Wackernagel. Although Leisentrit was the Roman Catholic - dean of Budissin, his first part seems to have been censured as - of Protestant tendency. The second is made up of hymns to Mary - and the Saints. This part was reprinted in 1573 and 1584. - -22. _Cantica Selecta Veteris Novique Testamenti cum Hymnis et Collectis - seu orationibus purioribus quae in orthodoxa atque catholica - ecclesia cantari solent. Addita dispositione et familiari - expositione Christophori Corneri. Lipsiae cum privilegio MDLXVIII._ - A second edition in 1571, and a third in 1573. - -23. Cantica ex sacris literis in ecclesia cantari solita cum hymnis et - collectis, etc., recognita et aucta per D. Georgium Maiorem. - Wittemberg, 1570. - -23_b_. Hymni et Collectae, item Evangelia, Epistolae, etc., quae diebus - dominicis et festivis leguntur. Koeln, 1573. - -24. Psalterium Davidis, etc., cum lemmatibus ac notis Adami Siberi. - Accesserunt Hymni festorum dierum insignium. Lipsiae, Iohannes - Rhamba excudebat Anno MDLXXVII. - -25. _Hymnorum Ecclesiasticorum ab Andrea Ellingero V. Cl. emendatorum - libri III, etc. MDLXXVIII. Francofurti ad moenum._ - - Daniel calls this the most ample of all the collections, but he - criticises the first two volumes severely for their arrangement, - and the changes in text made for metrical reasons. The third - volume he was able to use, but he felt unsafe in the others - except when the editor positively stated in his notes what he - considered the original and genuine text. S. W. D. - -26. Joh. Holthusius: Compendium Cantionum ecclesiasticarum. Augsburg, - 1579. - -27. _In hymnos ecclesiasticos ferme omnes Michaelis Timothei Gatensis - brevis elucidatio. Venetiae_, 1582. - -28. Hymni et Collectae. Koeln, 1585. - -29. Lorenza Strozzi: In singula totius Anni Solemnia Hymni. Florence, - 1588. - - These hymns were adopted into the service-books of several - dioceses, and were translated into French by Pavillon, and set - to music by Maduit. The author was a Dominican nun of the famous - Strozzi family. - -30. Collectio Hymnorum per totum Annum. Antwerp, Plantin, 1593. - -31. Francis Algermann: Ephemeris Hymnorum Ecclesiasticorum ex Patribus - selecta. Helmstadt, 1596. - - With German translations. - -32. Vesperale et Matutinale, hoc est Cantica, Hymni & Collectae, seu - Precationes ecclesiasticae quae in primis et secundis vesperis, - itemque matutinis Precibus, per totius Anni circulum, in ecclesiis, - & religiosis piorum congressibus cantari solent. 1599. - - The author, Matthew Luidke, was deacon of the Church in - Havelberg, and aimed at the naturalization of the methods of the - old church books among Lutherans. Daniel gives this book the - palm among the Lutheran collections of the Latin hymns. Its - author also published a _Missale_, and died in 1606. - -33. _Divorum patrum et doctorum ecclesiae qui oratione ligata - scripserunt Paraphrases et Meditationes in Evangelia dominicalia e - diversis ipsorum scriptis collectae a. M. Ioach. Zehnero ecclesiae - Schleusingensis pastore et Superintendente. Lipsiae_, 1602, - _sumptibus Thomae Schureri._ - - “_Liber utilissimus_,” Daniel. The author was a Protestant, and - a diligent student of the old hymns. S. W. D. - -34.* Bernardi Morlanensis Monachi ordinis Cluniacensis De Vanitate - Mundi, et Gloriâ Caelesti, Liber Aureus. Item alij ejusdem Libri - Tres Ejusdem fermè Argumenti, Quibus cum primis in Curiae Romanae & - Cleri horrenda scelera stylo Satyrico carmine Rhithmico Dactylico - miro artificio ante annos fermè quingentos elaborato, gravissime - invehitur. Editi recens, et plurimis locis emendati, studio & opera - Eilh. Lubini. Rostochii, Typis Reusnerianis, Anno MDCX. - - One hundred and twenty unnumbered pages in duodecimo, of which - three are filled by a dedicatory letter to Matthias Matthiae, - Lutheran pastor at Schwensdorf. Professor Lubinus gives no - account of the sources of his edition, but says of Bernard: - “Vixit hic Bernardus Anno Christo 1130. Scripsit colloquium - Gabrielis & Mariae. Item hosce, quos jam edimus, & non paucis - locis correximus, libros.” - -35. _Card. Ioannis Bonae, de divina Psalmodia, tractatus, sive - psallentis Ecclesiae Harmonia._ Rome, 1653; Antwerp and Koeln, 1677; - Paris, 1678; Antwerp, 1723. - - Also in his _Opera_, Turin, 1747. - -36. Charles Guyet: Heortologia, sive de Festis propriis Locorum et - Ecclesiarum: Hymni propriae variarum Galliae Ecclesiarum revocati ad - Carminis et Latinitatis Leges. Folio. Paris, 1657; Urbino, 1728; - Venice, 1729. - -37_a_. David Greg. Corner: Grosz Katholisch Gesangbuch. Furth bei Ge., - 1625. - -37_b_. D. G. Corner: Cantionale. 1655. - -37_c_. D. G. Corner: Promptuarium Catholicae Devotionis. Vienna, 1672. - -37_d_. D. G. Corner: Horologium Christianae Pietatis. Heidelberg, 1688. - - Contain many old Latin hymns. The third is used by Trench. - -38. Andreas Eschenbach: Dissertatio de Poetis sacris Christianis. - Altdorf, 1685. (Reprinted in his _Dissertationes Academicae_. - Nuremberg, 1705.) - -39. C. S. Schurzfleisch: Dissertatio de Hymnis veteris Ecclesiae. - Wittemberg, 1685. - -40. Lud. Ant. Muratori: Anecdota quae ex Ambrosianae Bibliothecae - Codicibus nunc primum eruit, notis et disquisitionibus auxit. 2 - vols. in quarto. Milan, 1697-98. - - Contains the Bangor Antiphonary and the hymns of Paulinus of - Nola. - -41. Hymni spirituales pro diversis Animae Christianae Statibus. Paris, - 1713. - -42_a_. Polycarp Leyser: Dissertatio de ficta Medii Aevi Barbarie, - imprimis circa Poesin Latinam. Helmstadt, 1719. - -42_b_. Pol. Leyser: Historia Poetarum et Poematum Medii Aevi. Halle, - 1721. - -42_c_.* J. G. Walch: De Hymnis Ecclesiae Apostolicae. Jena, 1737. - (Reprinted in his Miscellanea Sacra: Amsterdam, 1744.) - -43.* _Josephi Mariae Thomasii S.R.E. Cardinalis Opera omnia.—Rome_, - 1741, in 6 vols., folio, and 1747 et seq. in 12 vols., 4to. (The - Hymnarium is found in pages 351-434 of Vol. II., in the 4to - edition.) - - “This book,” remarks Daniel, “is sufficiently rare in Germany, - but the editor of sacred hymns can by no means do without it.” - The reason is that Thomasius had access to the Vatican MSS., and - was therefore able to unearth many rare and valuable texts. He - also designated the probable authorship of a goodly number of - the hymns—not always correctly, but usually with considerable - truth. S. W. D. - -44. Peter Zorn: De Hymnorum ecclesiasticorum Latinorum Collectoribus. In - his Opuscula Sacra, Altona, 1731 and 1743. - -44_b_. D. Galle: De Hymnis Ecclesiae veteris. Wittemberg, 1736. Pp. 16, - 4to. - -45. _I. H. a Seelen, de poesi Christ. non a tertio post. Chr. nat. - seculo, etc., deducenda.—Lubecae_, 1754. - -46. J. G. Baumann: De Hymnis et Hymnopoeis veteris et recentioris - Ecclesiae. Bremen, 1765. - -47_a_. Mart. Gerbert: De Cantu et Musica Sacra, a prima Ecclesiae aetate - usque ad praesens tempus. 2 vols., 4to. St. Blaise, 1774. - -47_b_. Mart. Gerbert: Scriptores Ecclesiastici de Musica Sacra, - potessimum ex variis Italiae, Galliae et Germaniae Manuscriptis - collecti, et nunc primum publicâ luce donati. 3 vols., 4to. St. - Blaise, 1784. - - This product of unwearied research contains, _inter alia_, - treatises by Alcuin, Notker Labeo, Odo of Cluny, Guido of - Arezzo, Hermann the Lame, Engelbert of Admont. Martin Gerbert - (1720-93) was prince-abbot of St. Blaise in the Black Forest. - -48_a_. Faustino Arevalo: Hymnodia Hispanica ad Cantus Latinitatis, - Metrique leges revocata et aucta; praemittitur Dissertatio de Hymnis - ecclesiasticis eorumque correctione atque optima constitutione; - Accedunt Appendix de festo conversionis Gothorum instituendo; - Breviarii Quignoniani fata, etc. Rome, 1786. - -48_b_. Faustino Arevalo: Poetate Christiani: Prudentius, Dracontius, - Juvencus, et Sedulius. 5 vols., quarto. Rome, 1788-94. - - The former of these works has been much used by Neale and - Daniel. - -49. (Walraff:) Corolla Hymnorum sacrorum publicae devotioni - inservientium. Veteres electi sed mendis quibus iteratis in - editionibus scatebant detersi, strophis adaucti. Novi adsumpti, - recentes primum inserti. Koeln, 1806. - - Taken chiefly from the _Psalteriolum Cantionum_ of the Society - of Jesus, of which the sixteenth edition had appeared in 1792 in - the same city. - -50. _F. Münter: Ueber die älteste Christliche Poesie.—Kopenhagen_, 1806. - -51.* Anthologie christlicher Gesänge aus allen Jahrhunderten der Kirche - nach der Zeitfolge geordnet und mit geschichtlichen Bemerkungen - begleitet. Von Aug. Jak. Rambach. 6 vols. Altona, 1817-33. - - The first volume is occupied with the early and Middle Ages of - the Church, especially the Latin Hymns, the texts being given - with translations and notes. It merits the high praise Daniel - gives it: _studia praeclara Rambachii_. S. W. D. - -52. M. F. Jack: Psalmen und Gesänge, nebst den Hymnen der ältesten - Kirche, uebersetzt. 2 vols. Freiburg, 1817. - - Other German-Catholic translators are George Witzel (1550), a - Mönch of Hildesheim (1776), F. X. Jahn (1785), F. J. Weinzerl - (1817 and 1821), J. Aigner (1825), Casper Ett (1837), A. A. - Hnogek (1837), Deutschmann (1839), R. Lecke (1843), M. A. Nickel - (1845), H. Bone (1847), J. Kehrein (1853), G. M. Pachtler - (1853), H. Stadelmann (1855), a Priest of the diocese of Münster - (1855), J. N. Stoeger (1857), Theodor Tilike (1862), G. M. - Pachtler (1868), P. J. Belke (1869), and Fr. Hohmann (1872). - Silbert, Zabuesnig, Simrock, and Schlosser are given in their - proper places in this list. - -53.* G. A. Bjorn: Hymni veterum poetarum Christianorum ecclesiae latinae - selecti. Copenhagen, 1818. - - Bjorn was the Lutheran pastor of Vemmetofte, in Denmark. His - selection is confined to the very early writers: Victorinus, - Damasus, Ambrose and his school, Prudentius (the - _Kathemerinon_), and Paulinus of Nola. He has a good - introduction and notes. - -54.* Adolf Ludewig Follen: Alte christliche Lieder und Kirchengesänge - teutsch und lateinisch, nebst einem Anhange. Elberfeld, 1819. - - Chiefly hymns of the later Middle Ages or by the Jesuits. The - author, who was a brother of Professor Follen of Harvard, - ascribes the _Dies Irae_ to Malabranca, 1278, Bishop of Ostia, - and accepts the _Requiescat a labore_ as a funeral hymn actually - sung by Heloise and her nuns over Abelard. - - Other German-Protestant translators, besides those given in this - list at their proper places, are H. Freyberg (1839), Ed. von - Mildenstein (1854), H. von. Loeper (1869), H. F. Müller (1869), - J. Linke (1884), and Jul. Thikotter (1888). - -55. J. P. Silbert: Dom heiliger Sanger, oder fromme Gesänge der Vorzeit. - Mit Vorrede von Fr. von Schlegel. Vienna and Prague, 1820. - -56. F. J. Weinzerl: Hymni sacri ex pluribus Galliae diocesium Brevariis - collecti. Augsburg, 1820. - -57. Poetae ecclesiasticae Latini. 4 vols., in 12mo. Cambray, 1821-26. - - Embraces Fortunatus, Prudentius, Cherius, Tertullian, Cyprian, - Juvencus, Sedulius, Belisarius, Liberius, Prosper, Arator, - Lactantius, and Dracontius. - -58.* Johann Christoph von Zabuesnig: Katholische Kirchengesänge in das - Deutsche übertragen mit dem Latein zur Seite. 3 vols. Augsburg, - 1822. - - A second edition, with a Preface by Carl Egger, Augsburg, 1830. - The collection is a large one, made from fourteen breviaries, - three missals, and other church-books and private collections, - besides one manuscript antiphonary. Although a Catholic priest, - Zabuesnig selects (from Christopher Corner, 1573) and translates - hymns by Melanchthon and Camerarius. - -59_a_. Gottl. Ch. Fr. Mohnike: Kirchen- und Literar-historische Studien - und Mittheilungen. Stralsund, 1824. - -59_b_. Gottl. Chr. Fr. Mohnike: Hymnologische Forschungen. 2 vols. - Stralsund, 1831-32. - -60.* Ludwig Buchegger: De Origine sacrae Christianorum Poeseos - Commentatio. Freiburg, 1827. - -61.* Sir Alexander Croke: An Essay on the Origin, Progress, and Decline - of Rhyming Latin Verse; with many Specimens. Oxford, 1828. - -62.* Jakob Grimm: Hymnorum veteris Ecclesiae XXVI Interpretatio - Theotisca nunc primum edita. 4to, pp. 1830. - - Grimm’s “Habilitationsschrift” on entering on his professorship - at Göttingen. It is from the manuscript presented in the - seventeenth century by Francis Junius to the University of - Oxford, which contains twenty-six hymns by Ambrose and his - school, with a prose version in Old High German of the eighth or - ninth century. Four of the hymns had never appeared in any - previous collection. - -63_a_. Rev. Isaac Williams: Thoughts in Past Years. London, 1831. A - sixth edition in 1832. - - Contains twelve versions of Ambrosian and other primitive hymns. - -63.* Hoffmann von Fallersleben: Geschichte des deutschen Kirchenliedes - bis auf Luther’s Zeit. Hannover, 1832. Second edition, 1854; third - edition, *1861. - - Shows the transition from Latin to German in popular use, and - discusses the history of forty-five Latin hymns in this - connection. - -64. F. Martin: Specimens of Ancient Hymns of the Western Church, - transcribed from an MS. in the University Library of Cambridge, with - Appendix of other Ancient Hymns. Pp. 36, octavo. Norwich, 1835. - - Privately printed in fifty-six copies. - -65.* J. C. F. Bähr: Die Christlichen Dichter und Geschichtschreiber - Roms. Eine literärhistorische Uebersicht. Carlsruhe, 1836. New - edition, 1872. - -66_a_.* Rev. John Chandler: The Hymns of the Primitive Church, now first - collected, translated, and arranged. London, 1837. - - Contains 108 Latin hymns with Chandler’s translation, several of - which were adopted by the editors of _Hymns Ancient and Modern_. - Mr. Chandler died, July 1st, 1876. - -66_b_.* Bishop Richard Mant: Ancient Hymns from the Roman Breviary. - London, 1837. New edition, 1871 (272 pages). - - Dr. Mant was Bishop of Down and Connor in the Irish Established - Church, and died November 2d, 1848. He was an original Latin - poet of some note, and a writer of English hymns. - -67.* (J. H. Newman:) Hymni Ecclesiae. Pars I., e Breviario Parisiensi; - Pars II., e Breviariis Romano, Sarisburiensi, Eboracensi et aliunde. - Oxford, 1838. - - A new edition, London, 1865. - - This collection, sometimes known as the Oxford Hymns, was - prepared by Cardinal Newman while he was still a presbyter of - the Anglican Church, and exhibits everywhere his cultivated - taste. Many of the hymns it includes are not to be found in - other collections. This is especially true of the hymns from the - Paris Breviary of 1736, which make up half the book. S. W. D. - -68.* Rev. Isaac Williams: Hymns translated from the Paris Breviary. - London, 1839. - - These translations had already appeared in _The British - Magazine_ about 1830. Mr. Williams takes rank next after Keble - among the poets of the Tractarian movement. He died in 1865. - -69.* Ioseph Kehrein: Lateinische Anthologie aus den christlichen - Dichtern des Mittelalters. Für Gymnasien und Lyceen herausgegeben - und mit Anmerkungen begleitet. Erster Theil. Die acht ersten - christlichen Jahrhunderte. Frankfurt a. M., 1840. - - An anthology prepared with great labor and small judgment by a - prosaic scholar. S. W. D. - -70_a_.* Friedrich Gustav Lisco: Dies Irae, Hymnus auf das Weltgericht. - Als Beitrag zur Hymnologie. Pp. 156. Great 4to. Berlin, 1840. - -70_b_. Friedrich Gustav Lisco: Stabat Mater. Hymnus auf die Schmerzen - Mariä. Nebst einem Nachtrage zu den Uebersetzungen des Hymnus Dies - Irae. Zweiter Beitrag zur Hymnologie. Great 4to. Pp. 58. Berlin, - 1843. - -71.* (Professor Henry Mills:) The Hymn of Hildebert, and the Ode of - Xavier, with English Versions. Auburn, 1840. - -72.* Hermann Adalbert Daniel: Hymnologischer Blüthenstrauss aus dem - Gebiete alt-lateinischer Kirchenpoesie. 12mo. Halle, 1840. - - Professor Daniel’s first appearance in a field in which he still - is the highest authority. Besides his Thesaurus and this little - precursor to it, and the dissertation mentioned below, he - labored in German hymnology, editing an _Evangelisches - Kirchen-Gesangbuch_ in 1842, and Zinzendorf’s hymns in 1851. He - also took part in the preparation of the standard German - hymn-book of the Eisenach Conference, which is intended to put - an end to the unlimited variety of hymn-books in the local - churches of Germany. For Ersch and Gruber’s huge _Encyclopädie_, - he wrote the article “Gesangbuch,” which is reprinted in his - _Zerstreute Blätter_ (Halle, 1840). And besides all this he - published in 1847-53 a _Codex Liturgicus Ecclesiae Universae_, - and was a leading authority in Pedagogics and in Geography. - -73.* Ferdinand Wolf: Ueber die Lais, Sequenzen und Leiche. Ein Beitrag - zur Geschichte der Rhythmischen Formen und Singweisen der - Volkslieder und der Volksmässigen Kirchen- und Kunstlieder im - Mittelalter. Mit VIII Facsimiles und IX Musikbeilagen. Heidelberg, - 1841. - -74.* Hermann Adalbert Daniel: Thesaurus Hymnologicus sive hymnorum - canticorum sequentiarum circa annum MD usitatarum collectio - amplissima. Carmina collegit, apparatu critico ornavit, veterum - interpretum notas selectas suasque adiecit. V Tomi. Leipzig, - 1841-56. - - Still the chief text-book for the student of Latin hymnology. - Vols. I. (1841) and IV. (1855) contain the Hymns. Vols. II. - (1844) and V. (1856), the Sequences. Vol. III. (1846), Hymns of - the Greek and Syrian Churches. To Vol. V. Dr. Neale contributes - a Latin introduction on the nature of the Sequence. - - In the two last volumes Daniel uses freely and with - acknowledgment the labors especially of Mone and Neale. The - fifth volume contains also indices to all five volumes by first - lines, and also a topical index. The worst defect of the book is - the poorness of this latter. Next to that is its author’s very - insufficient preparation for his work when he published his two - first volumes; but that probably was unavoidable. Vols. IV. and - V. show how much he had grown in his mastery of his field of - labor. But his learning and his care give his book a place - inferior to none. - -75.* K. E. P. Wackernagel: Das Deutsche Kirchenlied von Martin Luther - bis auf Nicolaus Herman und Ambrosius Blaurer. Stuttgart, 1841. - - Wackernagel’s first and shorter work. Recognizing in the Latin - hymns the starting-point of German hymnology, he begins his book - with thirty-seven pages of Latin hymns and sequences, taken - mostly from Lossius and Rambach, with some from the _Hymni et - Collectae_ of 1585. - -75_b_. A. D. Wackerbarth: Lyra Ecclesiastica: a Collection of Ancient - and Godly Latin Hymns, with an English Translation. Two series. - London, 1842-43. - -76_a_.* Edélestand du Meril: Poesies populaires latines anterieures au - douzième siècle. Paris, 1843. - - This book, like the similar work of Thomas Aldis Wright, - contains the popular Latin poetry of the Middle Ages previous to - the twelfth century. But it also contains the first part of the - hymns of Abelard, and it is from this volume that Trench and - March took their examples of his poetry. The later discovery of - the entire hymnarium prepared for the Abbey of the Paraclete - emphasizes the importance of De Meril’s researches. S. W. D. - -76_b_. Edélestand du Meril: Poesies populaires latines du Moyen Age. - Paris, 1847. - - A continuation of his first work of 1843. Both are used freely - by Daniel in his later volumes and by Mone. - -77.* Jacques Paul Migne: Patrologiae Cursus Completus, sive Bibliotheca - Universalis, Integra, Uniformis, Commoda, Oeconomica omnium Patrum, - Doctorum Scriptorumque Ecclesiasticorum qui ab Aevo Apostolico ad - Innocentii III Tempora floruerunt. CCXXI Tomi Paris, 1844-55. New - edition begun in 1878. - - For the Christian Poets, see the following volumes: Abelard, - 168; Adam of St. Victor, 196; Alan of Lisle, 210; Ambrose, 16 - and 17; Anselm of Canterbury, 158; Bede, 94; Bernard of - Clairvaux, 184; Damasus, 13; Drepanius Florus, 61; Elpis, 63; - Ennodius, 63; Eugenius, 87; Florus, 110: Venantius Fortunatus, - 88; Fulbert, 141; Godeschalk, 141; Gregory the Great, ——; the - Emperor Henry, 140; Heribert of Eichstetten, 141; Hilary, 10; - Hildebert, 171; Hincmar, 125; Innocent III., 217; Isidore, 83; - John Scotus Erigena, 122; Juvencus, 19; Claudianus Mamertus, 53; - Marbod, 171; Notker, 131; Odo of Cluny, 142; Paulinus of Nola, - 61; Peter Damiani, 145; Peter of Cluny, 189; Prudentius, 59; - Rabanus Maurus, 112; Robert II, 141; Ratpert of St. Gall, 87; - Coelius Sedulius, 19; Walafried Strabo, 114; Tutilo of St. Gall, - 87; Paul Warnefried, 95. - - Anonymous poems as follows: IId and IIId centuries, 2; IVth - century, 7; Vth century, 61; VIIth century, 87; IXth century, - 98; XIth century, 151; XIIth century, 190. - -78.* C. Fortlage: Gesänge Christl. Vorzeit. Auswahl der vorzüglichsten - aus den Griechischen und Lateinischen übersetzt. Berlin, 1844. - -78_a_.* (John Williams): Ancient Hymns of Holy Church. Pp. 128, 12mo. - Hartford, 1845. - - Contains original translations of forty Latin hymns, mostly - Ambrosian and other early hymns in the abbreviated versions of - the Roman Breviary. Twenty-two of Isaac Williams’s translations - of hymns from the Paris Breviary are appended. The author was at - the time rector of St. George’s church in Schenectady, and in - 1851 became bishop of Connecticut. - -79.* K. I. Simrock: Lauda Syon, altchristliche Kirchenlieder und - geistliche Gedichte, lateinisch und deutsch. Köln, 1846. - - A second edition in 1868. One of the most eminent Germanists, - and an extremely felicitous translator (1802-76). - -80.* G. A. Königsfeld: Lateinische Hymnen und Gesänge aus dem - Mittelalter, deutsch, unter Beibehaltung der Versmasse. Nebst - Einleitung und Anmerkungen; unter brieflicher Bemerkungen und - Uebersetzungen von A. W. Schlegel. Bonn, 1847. - - An admirably done piece of work. Specimens from twenty-five - authors, with twenty anonymous hymns chiefly of the Jesuit - school. A second series in 1865. - -81.* Richard Chenevix Trench: Sacred Latin Poetry. London, 1849. Second - edition, 1864; third edition, 1878. - - Archbishop Trench’s little book has had a wide popularity, and - many persons have been induced by it to take a deeper interest - in the subject. But it is disfigured by its arrangement, which - excludes everything that cannot be safely employed by - Protestants. Lines are omitted from Hildebert; the _Stabat - Mater_ of Jacoponus is absent, and the _Pange lingua_ of Aquinas - is also missing. Moreover the notes, which have been easily - prepared from Latin sources, are scarcely satisfactory. Yet, - take it for all in all, it is a volume that may be highly - commended, for the archbishop is a poet, and has a poet’s - appreciation of the beautiful. We are indebted to him for hymns - from Marbod, Mauburn, W. Alard, Balde, Pistor, and Alan of - Lisle, which are not readily found. S. W. D. - - There is much in the recent biography of Archbishop Trench which - is of interest to hymnologists, especially his correspondence - with Dr. Neale. - -82_a_.* Edward Caswall: Lyra Catholica: containing all the Hymns of the - Roman Breviary and Missal, with others from various Sources. London, - 1849; New York, 1851. New edition, London, 1884. - - Mr. Caswall was one of the clergymen who left the Church of - England for the Roman communion with Dr. Newman. Some of his - translations, especially of Bernard of Clairvaux, are among the - most felicitous in the language. The American edition has an - Appendix of “Hymns, Anthems, etc., appropriate to particular - occasions of devotion.” It is this edition which has been - abridged in the first volume of the _Hymns of the Ages_ (1858). - -82_b_. J. R. Beste: Church Hymns in English, that may be sung to the old - church music. With approbation. London, 1849. - -83.* D. Ozanam: Documents inedits pour servir a l’Histoire litteraire de - l’Italie depuis le VIIIe Siecle jusq’au XIIIe. Paris, 1850. - - Pages 221-57 is an account of a collection of two hundred and - forty-three Latin hymns found in a Vatican manuscript, which he - assigns to the ninth century, and to the Benedictines of Central - Italy. He prints those not found in Daniel. Reprinted in Migne’s - _Patrologia_: 151; 813ff. - -84. Hymnale secundum Usum insignis et praeclarae Ecclesiae - Sarisburiensis. Littlemore, 1850. - -85.* Hymnarium Sarisburense, cum Rubricis et Notis Musicis. Variae - inseruntur lectiones Codicum MSS. Anglicorum, cum iis quae a Geo. - Cassandro, J. Clichtoveo, J. M. Thomasio, H. A. Daniel, e Codd. - Germanis, Gallicis, Italis, erutae sunt. Accedunt etiam Hymni et - Rubricae e Libris secundum usus Ecclesiarum Cantuariensis, - Eboracensis, Wigornensis, Herefordensis, Gloucestrensis, aliisque - Codd. MSS. Anglicanis excerpti. Pars prima. London and Cambridge, - 1851. - - Gives hymns and various readings from twenty-six English - manuscripts. - -86.* Joseph Stevenson: Latin Hymns of the Anglo-Saxon Church; with an - Interlinear Anglo-Saxon Gloss, from a Manuscript of the Eleventh - Century in Durham Library. Edited for the Surtees Society. London - and Durham, 1851. - - Of some value as showing what hymns were used in the early - English Church, before the Norman Conquest. The gloss is not - Northumbrian, as might be supposed from its being found in the - Library of the Dean and Chapter of Durham, but West-Saxon, - probably from Winchester. - -86_b_. Boetticher: Hymns of the old Catholic Church of England. Halle, - 1851. - -87.* Joh. F. H. Schlosser: Die Kirche in ihren Liedern durch all - Jahrhunderte. 2 vols. Mainz, 1851-52. Second edition. Freiburg, - 1863. - - Translations without texts, but some valuable notes, especially - to later hymns. The first volume is devoted to the Latin hymns, - and contains the beautiful fragment of a lost sequence which - Schlosser heard from his brother in 1812. It represents the - Apostle Paul weeping over the grave of Virgil at Puteoli: - - Ad Maronis mausoleum - Ductus, fudit super eum - Piae rorem lachrymae: - Quantum, inquit, te fecissem, - Vivum si te invenissem, - Poetarum maxime. - - Dean Stanley has translated it. - -88_a_.* J. M. Neale: Hymni Ecclesiae e Brevariis et Missalibus - Gallicanis, Germanis, Hispanis, Lusitanis, desumpti. Oxford, 1850. - -88_b_.* J. M. Neale: Mediaeval Hymns and Sequences, translated into - English. London, 1851. A second edition in 1863. - -88_c_.* J. M. Neale: Sequentiae ex Missalibus Germanicis, Anglicis, - Gallicis, aliisque Mediaei Aevi collectae. London, 1852. - -88_d_.* J. M. Neale and Thos. Helmore: A Hymnal Noted; or Translations - of the Ancient Hymns of the Church set to their proper Melodies. - London, 1852. - - These four volumes are the first of Dr. Neale’s; but in the - pages of the _Ecclesiologist_, both before and after this, he - was collecting and publishing unnoticed sequences from English - and Continental sources. - -89.* Card. Angelo Mai: Nova Patrum Bibliotheca. 6 vols. Rome, 1852-53. - - Vol. I. (Part II, pp. 199 et seq.) contains unpublished hymns - supplementary to Thomasius. - -90.* F. J. Mone: Lateinische Hymnen des Mittelalters, aus Handschriften - herausgegeben und erklärt. In Drei Bände: I, Gott und die Engel; II, - Marienlieder; III, Heiligenlieder. 3 Vols. Freiburg, 1853. - - Mone’s book appeared while Daniel’s Thesaurus was in process of - publication. The value of it is in its arrangement, for it - groups the hymns, “To God and the Angels,” “To Mary,” and “To - the Saints,” in three separate volumes, and with some regard to - dates. It also furnishes many hymns and sequences never - previously published. It is deficient in taste, and very Roman - Catholic in its ideas. Several of the best known hymns—for - example, the _Dies Irae_—are not found in it. Daniel 5:5 gives - in a footnote a list of these delinquencies, embracing sixty of - the most ancient and celebrated hymns and sequences. Aside from - this, Mone is a careful and admirable editor. His pages are well - printed, and the notes are in German instead of Latin. Mone was - “Director of Archives” at Carlsruhe, and died March 12th, 1871. - S. W. D. - -91.* Cl. Frantz: Geschichte der geistlichen Liedertexte vor der - Reformation mit besonderer Beziehung auf Deutschland. Halberstadt, - 1853. - -92.* Felix Clément: Carmina e Poetis Christianis excerpta. Parisiis - (Gaume Fratres), 1854. 564 pp. - - Latin texts from the fourth to the fourteenth century, with - French notes. - -93.* Kauffer: Jesus Hymnen. Sammlung altkirchlicher lateinischer Gesänge - mit freier deutscher Uebersetzung. Leipzig, 1854. - - Small, but good. The selections are admirable. S. W. D. - -94.* H. N. Oxenham: The Sentence of Kaires, and other Poems. London, - 1854. - - Contains important translations, as does the following: - -95. W. J. Blew: A Church Hymn and Tune Book. London, Rivingtons, 1855. - -96.* J. H. Todd: Leabhar Imnuihn. The Book of Hymns of the Ancient - Church of Ireland. Edited from the original Manuscript in the - Library of Trinity College, Dublin, with Translation and Notes. - Dublin (Irish Archaeological and Celtic Society), 1855 and 1869. - -97.* John David Chambers (Recorder of New Sarum): Lauda Syon: Ancient - Latin Hymns of the English and other Churches, translated into - corresponding metres. II. Parts. London, 1857. New edition, 1866. - -97_a_.* Earl Nelson and others: The Salisbury Hymn-Book. London, 1857. - -98.* A. F. C. Vilmar: Spicilegium Hymnologicum, continens I, Hymnos - veteres ineditos et editorum lectionis varietatem; II, Hymnorum - veterum qui apud Evangelicos in Linguam Germanicam versi usu - venerunt Delectum. Marburg, 1857. - -99.* (Mrs. E. R. Charles:) The Voice of the Christian Life in Song; or - Hymns and Hymn-Writers of Many Lands and Ages. London, 1858; New - York, 1859. - - Very interesting—and not always accurate. There are no Latin - texts. Several of the translations are excellent. Six of the - fourteen chapters are given to the Latin hymns. S. W. D. - -100.* Ferd. Bässler: Auswahl altchristlicher Lieder vom 2-15sten Jahrh. - Berlin, 1858. - - Well chosen and good. S. W. D. - -101. Ans. Schubiger: Die Sängerschule St. Gallens vom achten bis - zwölften Jahrhundert. Ein Beitrag zur Gesanggeschichte des - Mittelalters. Mil vielen Facsimile und Beispielen. Einsiedeln und - New York, 1858. - - Sixty texts with the old music and fac-similes. - -102. Gautier: Oeuvres poetiques de Adam de St. Victor. Paris, 1858-59. - -103.* John Mason Neale: The Rhythm of Bernard de Morlaix, Monk of Cluny, - on the Celestial Country. London, 1858. Sixth edition, 1866. - - The translation is reprinted by Judge Mott, and by Schaff and - Gilman in the _Library of Religious Poetry_. - -104.* Ebenezer Thomson: A Vindication of the Hymn Te Deum Laudamus from - Errors and Misrepresentations of a Thousand Years. With Translations - into various Languages, ancient and modern. And a Paraphrase in Old - English, now first printed from the original MS. London, 1858. - -105.* Frederick Wilson: Sacred Hymns; chiefly from Ancient Sources. - Arranged according to the Seasons of the Church. Philadelphia, 1859. - -106.* Dies Irae in Thirteen Original Versions by Abraham Coles, M.D., - Ph.D. New York, 1859. Fourth edition, 1866. - - Dr. Coles is a practising physician of Newark, N. J., who has - translated the _Dies Irae_ some sixteen or seventeen times, and - has also given versions of the _Stabat Mater_, the _Rhythm_ of - Bernard of Cluny, and other hymns. The merit of these - translations is slight; but one of the renderings of the _Dies - Irae_ was introduced into the _Plymouth Collection of Hymns and - Tunes_, and two stanzas gained currency through Mrs. Stowe’s - novel of _Uncle Tom’s Cabin_. Dr. Coles has also compared the - Mantuan and Roman texts of the _Dies Irae_, and has given the - results of his investigation. His book has passed through four - or five editions. S. W. D. - -107.* (John William Hewett:) Verses. By a Country Curate. - Ashby-de-la-Zouche and London, 1859. - -108.* Rev. Sir Henry W. Baker and others: Hymns Ancient and Modern for - use in the Services of the Church. London, Novello (1861). - - New edition in 1868, with an Appendix, which increased the - number of hymns from two hundred and seventy-three to three - hundred and eighty-six. Revised and enlarged edition in 1874. An - edition annotated by Rev. L. C. Biggs in 1867.* See No. 132. - -109.* (C. B. Moll:) Hymnarium. Blüthen lateinischer Kirchenpoesie. - Halle, 1861. - - An improved edition, with biographical notices of the authors, - in 1868.* - -110_a_. Eucharistic Hymns: now first translated. Edited by a Committee - of Clergy. London, 1862. - -110_b_. Prayers and Meditations on the Passion. Edited by a Committee of - Clergy. London, 1862. - - Contain translations of Latin hymns by L. - -111. H. Trend: A Hymnal for Use in the Services of the Church of - England. London, Rivington, 1862. - - Translations from the Latin by Dr. Trend and Mr. I. C. Smith. - -112. Herbert Kynaston: Occasional Hymns. London, 1862. - -113_a_. The Divine Liturgy. Edited by the Rev. Orby Shipley. London, - Masters, 1863. - -113_b_.* Lyra Eucharistica: Hymns and Verses on the Holy Communion, - Ancient and Modern; with other Poems. Edited by the Rev. Orby - Shipley. London, 1863. - -113_c_.* Lyra Messianica: Hymns and Verses on the Life of Christ, - Ancient and Modern; with other Poems. Edited by the Rev. Orby - Shipley. London, 1864. - - A second edition, revised and enlarged, in 1865.* - -113_d_.* Lyra Mystica: Hymns and Verses on Sacred Subjects, Ancient and - Modern. Edited by the Rev. Orby Shipley. London, 1869. - - These four books, compiled while Mr. Shipley was still a - clergyman of the English Church, contain many original - translations, besides selections from other authors. Some are - excellent, but many are mediocre. S. W. D. - -114. P. S. Worsley: Poems and Translations. Edinburgh, Blackwood, 1863. - -115.* Philipp Wackernagel: _Das deutsche Kirchenlied von der ältesten - Zeit bis zu Anfang des siebenzehnten Jahrhunderts_. 5 vols. Leipzig, - 1864-77. - - This is the greatest work except Koch’s (which is more recent) - upon German hymns. In the first volume, which contains Latin - hymns only, we find many originals, and some texts which have - been printed from MSS. sources. Hymns by Protestants are - included. The order is chronological. The notes are extremely - valuable. S. W. D. - -116.* Edward Hobein: Buch der Hymnen. Aeltere Kirchenlieder, aus dem - Lateinischen übertragen. Schwerin, 1864. - - The Latin text (sixty-seven hymns) at the foot of the page. The - order is chronological. A second edition in 1870. - -117.* G. A. Königsfeld: Lateinische Hymnen und Gesänge aus dem - Mittelalter. Bonn, 1865. - - This, with the selection of 1847, contitutes a most admirable - anthology of texts translated into German verse, and with notes - and brief biographies. Königsfeld is substantially accurate, but - he does not attempt anything very deep or original. The second - volume contains a commendatory letter from the Emperor of - Germany. S. W. D. - -118_a_.* Abraham Coles: Stabat Mater: Hymn of the Sorrows of Mary, - translated. New York, 1865. - -118_b_.* Abraham Coles: Old Gems in new Settings, comprising the - choicest of the Mediaeval Hymns, with original Translations. New - York, 1866. - - Contains Dr. Trench’s cento from Bernard of Cluny, the _Veni, - sancte Spiritus_, the _Veni, Creator Spiritus_, the _Apparebit - repentina_, and the _Cur Mundus militat_, with versions. These - two books and the author’s versions of the _Dies Irae_ appeared - in one volume in New York, 1867. - -119.* Seven Great Hymns of the Mediaeval Church. New York, 1865. - - This collection, made by Judge Noyes, includes Dr. Neale’s - translation from Bernard of Cluny, English versions of the _Dies - Irae_, the _Mater Speciosa_, the _Stabat Mater_, the _Veni - Sancte_, the _Veni Creator_, and the _Vexilla Regis_. The - originals are given. The book, though quite small, has been - extremely popular, and there have been some seven editions. S. - W. D. - -120_a_. Th. J. Michael: Dissertatiuncula de Hymno “Te Deum laudamus,” - praemissis paucis de Poeseos hymnicae veteris Historiâ. Zittau, - 1865. - -120_b_.* Th. J. Michael: Dissertatio de Sequentia Mediae Aetatis “Dies - Irae, Dies Illa.” Quarto. Zittau, 1866. - -121.* Songs of Praise and Poems of Devotion in the Christian Centuries. - With an introduction by Henry Coppée, Professor of English - Literature in the University of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, E. H. - Butler & Co., 1866. - - Notable for translations made by the late Rev. E. A. Washburn, - D. D., an accomplished and elegant scholar, whose versions are - among the best. S. W. D. - -122.* John Mason Neale: Hymns on the Glories and Joys of Paradise. - Translated or edited. London, 1865. Second edition, 1866. - -123.* H. N. Schletterer: Uebersichtliche Darstellung der Geschichte der - kirchlichen Dichtung und geistlichen Musik. Nördlingen, 1866. - -124. J. Kayser: Beiträge zur Geschichte und Erklärung der Kirchenhymnen. - Drei Hefte. Paderborn, 1866-69. - -125.* Ed. Emil Koch: Geschichte des Kirchenlieds und Kirchengesangs der - christlichen, inbesonders der deutschen evangelischen Kirche. Third - edition. 8 vols. Stuttgart, 1866-69. - - It is in this last edition that Koch gives considerable space to - the Latin hymns, which got about fifty pages in his second - edition, in 4 volumes, 1852-53. - -126.* Samuel W. Duffield: The Heavenly Land, from the De Contemptu Mundi - of Bernard de Morlaix, monk of Cluny (XIIth century), rendered into - corresponding English verse. New York, 1867. - - This was the first attempt to render the cento prepared by - Trench into the rhythm of the original. - -127.* Erastus C. Benedict: The Hymn of Hildebert and other Mediaeval - Hymns, with Translations. New York, 1867. - - Chancellor Benedict (_ob._ 1878) was a judge in New York, - equally respected for his attainments as a jurist and his - character as a man and a Christian. This volume contains - seventeen hymns, with translations, including three of the _Dies - Irae_. He contributed many others to the columns of the - _Christian Intelligencer_, including a translation of the long - hymn, or rather series of hymns, on the Epiphany by Prudentius. - -128.* Hermann Adalbert Daniel: Die Kirchweih-Hymnen Christe cunctorum - Dominator alme. Urbs beata Hirusalem. Pp. 24, great quarto. Halle, - 1867. - - A defence of his view that the former hymn was not written for a - church dedication, but had been converted to that use by adding - three verses. It is in reply to a dissertation by Professor Hugo - Lämmer, who had published a dissertation: _Coelestis Urbs - Ierusalem: Aphorismen nebst Beilage_. Breslau, 1866. - -129.* _P. Gall Morel: Lateinische Hymnen des Mittelalters, - grösstentheils aus Handschriften Schweizerischer Klöster, als - Nachtrag zu Hymnensammlungen von Mone, Daniel und Andern - herausgegeben.—Einsiedeln, New York und Cincinnati, Benzigers_, - 1868. - - Based on an examination of one hundred and thirty-six - manuscripts, chiefly from Rheinau, Einsiedeln, and Engelberg. - Edited in the style of Mone, who indeed suggested the work, but - without annotations of any extent. - -129_b_. P. Baur: Cantiones selectae ex vetere Psalteriola Rev. Patrum - Societatis Jesu, cum Modis musicis. Aachen, 1868. - -129_c_. J. Pauly: Hymni Breviarii Romani. Zum gebrauche für Kleriker - übersetzt und erklärt. 3 parts. Aachen, 1868-70. - -130.* T. G. Crippen: Ancient Hymns and Poems. Chiefly from the Latin. - Translated and Imitated. London, 1868. - -131. Karl Bartsch: Die lateinische Sequenzen des Mittelalters in - musicalischer und rhythmischer Beziehung dargestellt. Rostock, 1868. - - Karl Friedrich Bartsch was a philologist equally eminent in the - Germanic and the Romance fields, and was professor at Rostock. - He died in 1888. - -132.* Rev. Sir Henry Baker and others: Hymns Ancient and Modern, for use - in the Services of the Church; with Annotations, Originals, - References, Authors’ and Translators’ Names, etc. Re-edited by Rev. - Louis Coutier Biggs. London, 1868. - -133.* A. Thierfelder: De Christianorum Psalmis et Hymnis usque ad - Ambrosii Tempora. Leipzig, 1868. - -134.* Philip Schaff: ΙΧΘΥΣ, Christ in Song. Hymns of Immanuel. Selected - from all Ages, with Notes. New York, 1869. - - Contains translations of seventy-three Latin hymns by various - authors, some of them by the editor. - -135.* H. M. Schletterer: Geschichte der geistlichen Dichtung und - kirchlichen Tonkunst vom Beginne des Christenthums bis zum Anfange - des elften Jahrhunderts. Mit einer Einleitung über die Poesie und - Musik der alten Völker. Hannover, 1869. - - Meant to be the first part of a history coming down to our own - times, but not continued. The author was a musician by - profession—_Kapellmeister_ at Augsburg—so his interest is - chiefly in the musical history. But he gives a good deal of - information about the hymns and their writers, and appends - translations of one hundred and twenty-seven by various German - authors. - -136.* J. Keble: Miscellaneous Poems. London and New York, 1869. - -137.* Lateinische Hymnen aus angeblichen Liturgien des Tempelordens. - Kritisch und exegetisch bearbeitet von Dr. Hermann Hoefig. Parchim, - 1870. - - A curiosity. The eleven hymns are partly church hymns, adapted - to the alchemico-mystical ideas which pervaded the order of the - Templars in its last years, and partly lamentations over the - fall of Jerusalem and other calamities of the kingdom of - Jerusalem. - -138.* David T. Morgan: Hymns of the Latin Church. Translated; with the - originals appended. Privately printed (London), 1871. - - My own copy was presented by the author in autograph to James - Appleton Morgan, and bears the latter’s book-plate. The range of - selections is moderate; the execution of the versions is fair, - and the text is well edited. There are numerous corrections and - improvements made in the author’s handwriting. S. W. D. - -139.* Charles Buchanan Pearson: Sequences from the Sarum Missal. London, - 1871. - - In the preface is a good description of the Sequence and its - origin. The book is useful and well edited. S. W. D. - -140. Cl. Brockhaus: Aurelius Prudentius Clemens in seiner Bedeutung für - die Kirche seiner Zeit. Nebst Uebersetzung des Gedichtes - _Apotheosis_. Leipzig, 1872. - -141.* W. H. Odenheimer and Fred. M. Bird: Songs of the Spirit. New York, - 1871. - - Twenty-three translations of Latin hymns, with a much larger - number of English. - -142.* Joseph Kehrein: _Lateinische Sequenzen des Mittelalters aus - Handschriften und Drucken.—Mainz_, 1873. - - This latest collection of the original texts of the hymns is - prepared by one of the most patient and laborious of scholars. - But there is scarcely to be found in it a single spark of the - divine fire. It is filled, on the contrary, with the scoriae and - ashes of monastic illiteracy. It contains eight hundred and - ninety-five hymns—few of which are familiar and many of which - are strictly unnecessary. The classification and especially the - glossary of mediaeval Latin words can be highly commended. It is - confined to “sequences,” but this word is used in so loose a - sense as to include many regularly formed hymns along with the - rhythmical proses. S. W. D. - -143.* Edward Caswall: Hymns and Poems, Original and Translated. Second - edition, 1873. - -144. S. G. Pimont: Les Hymnes du Brévaire romaine. Études critiques, - littéraires et mystiques. III. Tomes. Paris, 1874-84. - -145.* Ad. Ebert: Allgemeine Geschichte der Literatur des Mittelalters im - Abendlande. 3 vols. Leipzig, 1874-87. - - See especially the third book of Vol. I.; and Vol. II., which - embraces the age of Charles the Great and his successors. S. W. - D. - -146.* F. A. March: Latin Hymns, with English Notes. For use in schools - and colleges. New York, 1875 and 1883. - - This is the first volume of the “Douglass Series of Christian - Classics for Schools and Colleges.” Professor March’s text is - carefully edited; his selections are wisely made, and his notes - are judicious. This is the cheapest, fullest, and best work, if - the Latin texts are desired. It contains no translations, and it - so far mistakes its scope and purpose as to give space to Mr. - Gladstone’s version of _Rock of Ages_, and Philip Buttmann’s - rendering of Luther’s _Ein’ feste Burg_. S. W. D. - -147. J. Hümer: Untersuchungen über den iambischen Dimeter bei den - christlichen-lateinischen Hymnendichtern. Vienna, 1876. - -148.* (Rich. F. Littledale:) The People’s Hymnal. London, 1877. - -149.* Lyra Sacra Hibernica, compiled and edited by Rev. W. MacIlwaine, - D.D. Belfast (1878). Second edition, 1879. - - An unusually poetic and capital volume. It embraces several - translations of early hymns, and contains the Latin of the Hymn - of Columba, the _Lorica_ S. Patricii in a Latin version, the - _Sancti Venite_, and the Hymn of Sedulius. S. W. D. - -150.* Frank Foxcroft: Resurgit: A Collection of Hymns and Songs of the - Resurrection. Edited with Notes. With an Introduction by Andrew - Preston Peabody, D.D. Boston and New York, 1879. - -151. J. Hümer: Untersuchungen über die ältesten lateinischen - christlichen Rhythmen. Vienna, 1879. - -152_a_. E. Dummler: Poetae Latini Aevi Carolini. Berlin, 1880-84. 2 - vols. - - Contains also hymns. II., p. 244-58. - -152_b_. E. Dummler: Rythmorum Ecclesiasticorum Aevi Carolini Specimen. - Berlin, 1881. - -153.* Philip Schaff and Arthur Gilman: A Library of Religious Poetry. A - Collection of the best Poems of all Ages and all Tongues. With - Illustrations. Pp. 1036, lexicon octavo. New York, 1880. - - Contains many of the finest translations of the Latin hymns. - -154.* Digby S. Wrangham: The Liturgical Poetry of Adam of St. Victor. 3 - vols. London, 1881. - - Mr. Wrangham has compiled—principally from Gautier—the various - poems attributed to this author. He has given translation and - text upon opposite pages, but adds nothing to our knowledge by - any special scholarship. S. W. D. - -155.* Joh. Kayser: Beiträge zur Geschichte und Erklärung der Ältesten - Kirchenhymnen. Second edition. Paderborn, 1881 (477 pp.). - - This is the latest German contribution to the criticism of the - earliest hymns. It is a series of monographs on these and their - authors. It comes down only to the sixth century, and closes - with Fortunatus. See also his article, “Der Text des Hymnus - _Stabat Mater Dolorosa_,” in the Tübingen _Theologische - Quartalschrift_ for 1884, No. I., pp. 85-103. S. W. D. - -156.* (N. B. Smithers:) Translations of eight Latin Hymns of the Middle - Ages. Dover, Del., 1881. - -157.* Josef Sittard: Compendium der Geschichte der Kirchenmusik mit - besonderer Berüchsichtigung des kirchlichen Gesanges. Von Ambrosius - zur Neuzeit. Stuttgart, 1881. - -157. O. Zardetti: Die kirchliche Sequenz. Freiburg, 1882. - -158_a_. J. B. Haureau: Melanges poëtiques d’Hildebert de Lavardin. - Paris, 1882. - -158_b_. J. B. Haureau: “Poëmes latines attribues a St. Bernard.” In the - _Journal des Savants_, Febr.-Juli, 1882. - -159_a_. “Mediaeval Hymns” in the _Quarterly Review_ for 1882. Reprinted - in Littell’s _Living Age_ of same year. - -159_b_. N. MacNeil: “Latin Hymns of the Celtic Church,” in the _Catholic - Presbyterian_ for 1883. - -160. Anselm Salzer: Die christliche römische Hymnenpoesie. Brünn, 1883. - -161.* (W. W. Newton:) Voices from a busy Life; or Selections from the - Poetical Works of the late Edward A. Washburn, D.D. New York, 1883. - Pp. 122-86: “Ancient Christian Hymns.” - -162.* Johannes Linke: Die Hymnen des Hilarius und Ambrosius verdeutscht. - Bielefeld und Leipzig, 1884. - - This little volume of 194 pages, 12mo, is intended to be the - first of a series furnishing translations (with the Latin texts - _en regard_) of the hymns of the Early Church. In the preface - Dr. Linke announces his purpose to bring out a new _Thesaurus - Hymnorum_, based on the labors of Daniel, Neale, Mone, and - Morel, and on an examination of about a hundred unused - manuscripts. He regards Wackernagel as the best editor of the - texts, and as characterized by the finest critical instinct in - determining authorship. As he and Wackernagel agree in assigning - the _Ad coeli clara_ to Hilary, there is room for a difference - of opinion. - -163.* Annus Sanctus. Hymns of the Church for the Ecclesiastical Year. - Translated from the Sacred Offices by various Authors, with Modern, - Original and other Hymns, and an Appendix of Earlier Versions. - Selected and Arranged by Orby Shipley, M.A. Vol. I. Seasons of the - Church: Canonical Hours: and Hymns of our Lord. Pp. 443, 12mo. - London and New York, 1884. - - Important for the translations by English Roman Catholics from - the Reformation to our own times. - -164.* The Catholic Hymnal; containing Hymns for Congregational and Home - Use, and the Vesper Psalms, the Office of the Compline, the - Litanies, Hymns at Benediction, etc. The Tunes by the Rev. Alfred - Young, priest of the Congregation of St. Paul. The Words original - and selected. New York Catholic Publication Co., 1884. - -165.* The Roman Hymnal. A Complete Manual of English Hymns and Latin - Chants for the Use of Congregations, Schools, Colleges and Choirs. - Compiled and arranged by Rev. J. B. Young, S. J. New York and - Cincinnati, Fr. Pustet & Co., 1884. - -166. A. Meiners: Die Tropen, Prosen und Präfationsgesänge des - feierlichen Hochamtes im Mittelalter. Aus drei Handschriften der - Abteien Prüm und Echternach. Luxemburg, 1884. - -167. Bonif. Wolff and others: Studien und Mittheilungen aus dem - Benedict.-Orden. Since 1884. - -168_a_. Leo XIII: Carmina. Rome, 1885. - -168_b_.* Leo XIII: Latin Poems done into English Verse, by the Jesuits - of Woodstock College. Published with the Approbation of his - Holiness. Baltimore, 1886. - -169. J. Linke: Specimen hymnologicum de Fontibus Hymnorum Latinorum - Festum Dedicationis Ecclesiae celebrantium. Pp. 24, great 8vo. - Leipzig, 1886. - -170. J. Hümer: “Zur Geschichte der mittellateinischen Dichtung” in the - _Romanische Forschungen_ for 1886. - -171. P. Ragey: Sancti Anselmi Mariale seu Liber Precum Metricarum ad - beatam Virginem, primum ex manuscriptis codicibus typis manadatum. - London, 1886. - -172. Aug. Rösler: Der katholischer Dichter Aurelius Prudentius Clemens. - Ein Beitrag zur Kirchen- und Dogmengeschichte des vierten und - fünften Jahrhunderten. Freiburg, 1886. - -173. G. E. Klemming: Hymni, sequentiae et piae cantiones in Regno - Sueciae olim usitatae. Pp. 186, 8vo. Stockholm, 1886. - -174. Guido Maria Dreves: Analecta hymnica Medii Aevi. I. Cantiones - Bohemicae: Leiche, Lieder und Rufe des 13., 14., und 15. - Jahrhunderts, nach Handschriften aus Prag, Jistebnicz, Willingau, - Hohenfurt und Tegernsee. II. Hymnarius Moissiacensis: Das Hymnar der - Abtei Moissac im 10. Jahrhundert, nach einer Handschrift der - Rossiana. Im Anhang: (_a_) Carmina scholarium Campensium, (_b_) - Cantiones Vissegradenses. III. Conradus Gemnicensis: Konrads von - Haimburg und seiner Nachamer, Alberts von Prag und Ulrichs von - Wessobrun, Reimgebete und Leselieder. IV. Liturgische Hymnen des - Mittelalters aus handschriftlichen Brevarien, Antiphonalien und - Processionalien. Four volumes. Leipzig, 1886-1888. - -175.* Corolla Hymnorum Sacrorum, being a Selection of Latin Hymns of the - Early and Middle Ages. Translated by John Lord Hayes, LL.D. Pp. 211. - Boston, 1887. (With the texts _en regard_.) - -176. H. Breidt: De Aurelio Prudentio Clemente Horatii Imitatore. - Heidelberg, 1887. - -177. Ad. Meiners: Unbekannte Tropen-gesänge des feierlichen Messamtes im - Mittelalter, nebst einigen Melodien der Kyrientropen. Gesammelt aus - ungefähr fünfzig Handschriften des 10-13ten Jahrhunderten in den - Bibliotheken zu Paris, Brüssel, London, und A. Luxemburg, 1887. - -178. N. Gihr: Die Sequenzen des römischen Messbuches dogmatisch und - ascetisch erklärt. Freiburg, 1887. - -179.* F. W. E. Roth: Lateinische Hymnen des Mittelalters. Als Nachtrag - zu den Hymnensammlungen von Daniel, Mone, Vilmar und G. Morel, aus - Handschriften und Incunabeln herausgegeben. Pp. 175, great 8vo. - Augsburg, 1888. - -180. J. Linke: “Rundschau auf dem Gebiete der Lateinischen Hymnologie” - in four articles in his and Dr. A. F. W. Fischer’s periodical, - _Blätter für Hymnologie_. Leipzig, 1888. - - - - - CHAPTER XXXIII. - INDEX TO TRANSLATED HYMNS. - - -Among the labors of preparation which Mr. Duffield undertook as -preliminary to this book, the most unique was his manuscript “List of -the Latin Hymns,” as found in all the collections accessible to him, -from Clichtove to Kehrein, with references to the authorship, the age, -and the sources of each; together with notes of the names of English -translators. It was his intention that the list should form an integral -part of his book; but as it contains between four and five thousand -references by first lines, it would make a book of itself, and it is the -hope of the editor to secure its separate publication in that form. The -work cost so much patient labor, and is in itself so valuable to -hymnological students, that it would be a pity if it were not made still -more complete, and given to the public at an early date. - -It seemed best not to include the list in all its bulk in this work, but -to make from it a selection of those hymns which have found favor in the -eyes of English translators, and to print them with the names of the -translators. These are not one in five of the whole number of Latin -hymns, but they constitute the best of them, and they are those which -are most likely to be of use and interest to our readers. These eight -hundred and seventy hymns, recasts of hymns, and portions of hymns which -translators have treated as wholes, are a body of sacred song which will -bear comparison with any other in the world, either as regards loftiness -of devotion, weight of thought, or excellence as poetry. And in no -respect has our English hymnody been more enriched during the last fifty -years than by the felicitous versions made by British and American -translators, from Chandler’s to our own days. - -It will be observed that the name of the author, or the source, or at -least the date of each hymn, is given on the left side of the list. This -is followed by the first line of the hymn, and where several hymns begin -nearly alike, enough is given to identify each. After this comes the -reference to the source where the hymn is to be found, if this be known -to the editor. Where it is given in any volume of Daniel’s great work, -that is referred to by Roman and Arabic numerals simply, without -repetition of his name. In every case where it is to be found in -Newman’s _Hymni Ecclesiae_, or Trench’s _Sacred Latin Poetry_, or -March’s _Latin Hymns_, this is indicated, as these are the collections -most accessible to American students generally. Then follow in _Italics_ -the names of the translator or translators, either on the same line, or -on the lines below. The use of an asterisk (*) indicates that this is a -recast of an older hymn. - -The chapter of “Bibliographical Notes” will furnish the proper reference -to the sources of the translations in most cases. It is necessary to -specify a few which are not given there. - -Rev. John Anketell’s translations are given mostly in _The Church -Review_ for 1876 and 1877. For those of Dr. Benson, H. R. B., C. I. -Black, E. L. Blenkinsopp, W. C. C., J. M. H., Dr. Littledale, M., A. M. -M., O. C. P., J. G. Smith, H. Thompson, J. S. Tute, R. E. E. W., see Mr. -Orby Shipley’s three _Lyras_. For translations by Prior Aylward, Mr. J. -R. Beste, Lord Braye, John Dryden (?), and other versions from the old -Catholic _Primers_ and _Evening Offices_, J. C. Earle, Provost -Husenbeth, Charles Kent, Cardinal Newman, Professor Potter, Father -Ryder, A. D. Wackerbarth, and Dr. Wallace, see Mr. Shipley’s _Annus -Sanctus_. For translations by Dr. Littledale, B., F., D. L., A. L. P., -F. R., and B. T., see _The People’s Hymnal_ (1877); for those of Mr. -Singleton, see _The Anglican Hymn-Book_ (1868); for those of Mr. Blew, -see his _Church Hymn and Tune Book_ (1851 and 1855); for those of Rev. -W. J. Copeland, see his _Hymns for the Week and for the Seasons_ (1848). -For Mr. A. J. B. Hope’s, see his _Hymns of the Church Literally -Translated_ (1844), an attempt to substitute classic metre for rhyme. - -H. A. M. stands for _Hymns Ancient and Modern_, which is specified where -the translation is materially altered by the compilers, as well as where -an original version has been supplied. H. A. stands for the _Hymnarium -Anglicanum, or the Ancient Hymns of the Church of England Translated -from the Salisbury Breviary_ (1844). - -Of Dr. A. R. Thompson’s hymns several were contributed to Dr. Schaff’s -“Christ in Song,” but they have not appeared separately in book form. -The same is true of Dr. W. S. McKenzie’s, which have appeared chiefly in -the columns of two Boston weeklies—_The Beacon_ and _The Watchman_. We -are glad to learn that they are to be collected. To Mr. Anketell, Dr. -Thompson, Dr. McKenzie, Professor S. Hart, of Hartford, Mr. Stryker and -Mr. C. H. A. Esler, I am indebted for lists of their translations. - - Early Irish Ad coeli clara non sum IV. 127, 368. - dignus. March.—_Duffield_ (part), - _Hart_. - Ambrosian Ad coenam Agni providi. I. 88, IV. 73, 353. - March.—_Chambers, Neale, H. - A. M., Charles, Morgan, - Anketell._ - Prudentius Ades, Pater supreme. Bjorn.—_Bp. Patrick, Neale._ - Nic. le Tourneux Adeste coelitum chori. Newman.—_Chambers, Campbell, - Blew, A. R. Thompson, - Littledale, Chandler, I. - Williams._ - XVth or XVIth Adeste fideles. Briggs.—_Caswall, Campbell, - Century. Oakeley, Mercer, Neale, - Earle, Anketell, Schaff, - Chandler, H. A. M., Esling._ - Jean Santeul Adeste sanctae conjuges. Newman.—_Chambers, I. - Williams._ - XIVth Century Adesto sancta Trinitas. IV. 234.—_Chambers, Neale, - Pott._ - Paris Breviary Adeste sancti plurimo. Zabuesnig.—_Caswall._ - XIIIth Century Ad laudes Salvatoris. V. 149.—_S. M._ - Guill. de la Ad nuptias Agni Pater. Newman.—_Chambers, I. - Brunetière. Williams._ - Thos. Aquinas Adoro Te devote, latens I. 255. March.—_Caswall, - Deitas. Chambers, Neale, Woodford, - Hewett, Aylward, O’Hagan, - Walworth, William Palmer, I. - Williams, Anketell._ - Peter Damiani Ad perennis vitae fontem. I. 116, IV. 203. March, - Trench.—_Anon._ 1631, - _Anon._ 1679, _Sylvester, - Caswall, Neale, Kynaston, - Charles, Littledale, Morgan, - Hayes, Wackerbarth, - Anketell, Banks, J. Dayman._ - Roman Breviary* Ad regias Agni dapes. I. 88. Newman, March.—_Bp. - Williams, Caswall, Oxenham, - Campbell, H. A. M., Potter, - Husenbeth, A. R. Thompson, - Esling, Benedict, Mant, - Copeland, Singleton._ - Paris Breviary Adsis superne Spiritus. Newman.—_Blenkinsopp, I. - Williams._ - 449 - Thos. à Kempis Adstant angelorum chori. Trench, March.—_Charles, - Washburn, McGill, H. M. C., - Anon._ - VIth-IXth Century. Adsunt tenebrae primae. I. 199, IV. 57.—_Blew._ - Chas. Coffin Ad templa nos rursus vocat. Newman.—_I. Williams, Wm. - Palmer, Chandler, Caswall, - Chambers._ - Thos. à Kempis Adversa mundi tolera. II. 379. March.—_Benedict, - Anketell, Duffield, Caswall._ - XIVth Century Aestimavit ortolanum. I. 312. Newman.—_Neale._ - Roman Breviary* Aeterna Christi munera, I. 27.—_Caswall, F. R., - Apostolorum. Hope, Chambers, Neale, Mant, - Woodford._ - Ambrosius Aeterna Christi munera, Et I. 27. March, - martyrum. Trench.—_Chambers, McGill, - Copeland, Campbell, - Washburn._ - Ambrosian Aeterna coeli gloria. I. 55, IV. 40.—_Primer_, - 1545 and 1559, _Mant, - Caswall, Campbell, Newman, - H. A., Bp. Williams._ - Acta Sanctorum Aeterna coeli gloria. —_Chambers, Copeland, - Caswall._ - Aeterna lux, divinitas. II. 369.—_Caswall, L._ - Rob. Bellarmine Aeterne Rector siderum. IV. 306.—_Mant, Caswall, - Copeland, Morgan._ - Ambrose Aeterne rerum Conditor. I. 15, IV. 3. March.—_Mant, - Caswall, Chambers, Charles, - Hewett, McGill, Copeland, H. - A., Bp. Williams._ - Gregory Aeterne Rex altissime. I. 196, IV. 79, - 353.—_Dryden_ (_?_), _Mant, - Neale, Chambers, Caswall, H. - A. M., Copeland, P. C. E._ - Odo of Cluny Aeterni Patris unice. I. 287, IV. 244.—_Chambers._ - Fortunatus Agnoscat omne saeculum. I. 159, IV. 176.—_Chambers, - Neale._ - Copenhagen Missal Agnus Dei collaudetur. V. 230.—_Moultrie._ - Prudentius Ales diei nuntius. I. 119, IV. 39. - March.—_Primer_, 1545 and - 1559, _Mant, Caswall, - Chambers, Campbell, - Duffield, Copeland, Banks, - Bp. Patrick, H. A., Morgan, - McGill, Anketell._ - XIIth Century Alleluia! alleluia! finita II. 363.—_Neale, Pott_ (_H. - jam sunt praelia. A. M._), _Hewett, Bp. - Williams._ - XIth Century Alleluia dulce carmen. I. 261, IV. 152, V. 51. - March.—_Patrick, Neale, - Keble, Chambers, Campbell, - Singleton, Chandler, H. A. - M., Edersheim, H. B., - Morgan, Anketell._ - XVth Century MS. Alleluia nunc decantet. V. 335.—_D. L._ - 450 - Mozarabic Breviary Alleluia piis edite IV. 63. March.—_Chambers, - laudibus. Neale, Ellerton, Crippen, - Anketell._ - Hermann Contr. Alma Redemptoris mater. II. 318.—_Wordsworth, - Caswall, Oxenham, Esling._ - Old Roman Missal Alma virgo Christum regem. Neale.—_H. R. B._ - Almo supremi numinis in —_Caswall._ - sinu. - Almum flamen, vita mundi. II. 368.—_Caswall._ - Hildebert Alpha et O, magne Deus. Trench, March.—_Crashaw, - Mills, Neale, Kynaston, - McGill, McKenzie, Benedict._ - Jesuit Altitudo, quid hic jaces. II. 341.—_Washburn, McGill, - Morgan, Hayes, McKenzie, - Duffield, Edersheim._ - Roman Breviary* Alto ex Olympo vertice. I. 240.—_Mant, Caswall._ - XII-XVth Century Amorem sensus erige. I. 274, IV. 261.—_Morgan._ - Bernard of Amor Jesu dulcissimus. Wackernagel.—_Caswall, H. A. - Clairvaux M._ - XIVth Century MS. Amor Patris et Filii, V. 203.—_Littledale._ - totius. - French Breviary A morte qui Te suscitans. Neale.—_Chambers, J. G. - Smith._ - Angele qui meus es custos. —_Chambers._ - Jesuit Angelice patrone. II. 376.—_Caswall, Morgan._ - VII-VIIIth Century Angulare Fundamentum. I. 239.—_Benson, Neale, - Hewett, Chandler, H. A. M., - I. Williams, Singleton, A. - R. Thompson._ - XIV-XVth Century Anima Christi, sanctifica I. 345.—_O. C. P._ (_Lyra - (Spanish) me. Euch._), _Chadwick, Anon._ - Anglo-Saxon Anni peractis mensibus. Stevenson.—_Chambers._ - XIV-XVth Century Annue Christe, saeculorum I. 273. Newman.—_Chambers, - Domine. Neale, F. K._ - Paul Warnefried Antra deserti teneris. I. 209.—_Chambers, Caswall._ - XIth Century (K.) A Patre unigenitus. I. 234. Newman.—_Chambers, - A. L. P._ - VIIth Century Apparebit repentina magna I. 194, IV. 11. March, - dies Domini. Trench.—_Neale, Charles, - Benedict, Morgan, McKenzie, - Anketell, Banks, Hart, Bp. - Williams._ - Pietro Gonella Appropinquet enim dies. IV. 200.—_F. R._ - Jean Santeul Ardet Deo quae femina. Newman.—_I. Williams, - Chandler._ - C. Sedulius A solis ortu cardine Ad I. 143, IV. 144. - usque. March.—(_Luther_), _Dryden_ - (_?_), _Chambers, Caswall, - Esling, Bp. Williams, - Schaff, Copeland, - MacIlwaine, A. L. P._ - Ambrosian A solis ortu cardine Et I. 21, IV. 58. March.—_Mant, - usque. Schaff, Copeland._ - 451 - Roman Breviary Aspice infami Deus ipse —_Caswall, Wallace, Blew._ - ligno. - Roman Breviary Aspice ut Verbum Patris a —_Caswall, Wallace._ - supernis. - Roman Breviary Athleta Christi nobilis. IV. 301.—_Caswall._ - XVI-XVIIth Century Attolle paulum lumina. II. 345.—_Neale, Pott, H. A. - M._ - Roman Breviary Auctor beati saeculi. IV. 311.—_Caswall, Potter, - Husenbeth, Sarum Hymnal._ - Anglo-Saxon Auctor salutis unice. I. 236. - Stevenson.—_Chambers._ - IXth Century Audax es, vir juvenis. IV. 132.—_Crippen._ - Gregory Audi, benigne Conditor. I. 178, IV. 121. - March.—_Primer of_ 1685, - _Caswall, Campbell, Kent, - Husenbeth, Mant, Potter, - Hewett, Chambers, Anketell, - Chandler, Copeland, Neale, - H. A. M., Bp. Williams, I. - Williams._ - Chas. Coffin Audimur: almo Spiritus. Newman.—_Chambers, - Calverley, Chandler, Wm. - Palmer, I. Williams._ - XIth Century Audi nos, Rex Christe. IV. 171.—_Neale._ - Anglo-Saxon Audi, Redemptor gentium. Stevenson.—_Chambers._ - XIth Century MS. Audi, tellus, audi. I. 350, IV. 291.—_Washburn._ - Prudentius Audit tyrannus anxius. I. 124. Newman.—_Caswall, - Copeland, McGill, Esling, - Benedict._ - Elpis Aurea luce et decore roseo. I. 156. March.—_Chambers._ - Roman Breviary* Aurora coelum purpurat. I. 83.—_Dryden_ (_?_), - _Caswall, Chandler, Mant, - Campbell, A. R. Thompson, - Esling, McGill, Copeland._ - Adam of St. V. Aurora diem nuntiat. Wrangham.—_Wrangham._ - Ambrosian Aurora jam spargit polum. I. 56, IV. 40.—_Mant, - Caswall, Campbell, Chambers, - Copeland, H. A., Bp. - Williams, Neale._ - Nic. le Tourneux Aurora lucis dum novae. Newman.—_Chambers, Cooke, I. - Williams._ - Ambrosian Aurora lucis rutilat. I. 83, IV. 72. - March.—_Chambers, Neale, Van - Buren, Braye, Tute, - Washburn, Charles, Anketell, - Bp. Williams, H. A. M., - Hope._ - Jean Santeul Aurora quae solem paris. IV. 339.—_Caswall._ - Gregory XI Ave caput Christi gratum. Mone, 121.—_Chambers._ - XVIth Century Ave caro Christi. —_A. M. M._ - XIVth Century MS. Ave caro Christi cara. I. 344.—_Chambers, M._ - Prague Missal Ave caro Christi Regis. V. 211.—_A. M. M._ - Ave, Carole sanctissime. —_Caswall._ - 452 - XIVth Century MS. Ave Christi corpus verum. Mone, 219.—_L._ - Anglo-Saxon Ave colenda Trinitas. Stevenson.—_Chambers, H. A. - M._ - Ave crucis dulce lignum. V 183.—_Morgan, M._ - XIV-XVIth Century Ave Jesu, qui mactaris. Koenig.—_Ryder._ - Xth Century Ave, maris stella. I. 204, IV. 136. - March.—_Caswall, Chambers, - Hewett, Duffield, Charles, - Anketell, Oxenham, Walworth._ - Paris Missal Ave, plena gratiâ, Cujus. Newman.—_Copeland._ - Franciscan Ave regina coelorum. II. 319.—_Caswall._ - Breviary - XIVth Century MS. Ave Rex, qui descendisti. Mone, 206.—_L._ - XVth Century MS. Ave rosa spinis puncta. Mone, 136.—_Washburn._ - Ave solitudines. —_Caswall._ - MS. of 1440 Ave Verbum incarnatum. II. 328.—_A. M. M._ - XIVth Century MS. Ave verum corpus natum. II. 327.—_Caswall._ - Ave vulnus lateris nostri —_Chambers._ - Salvatoris. - Bonaventura Beata Christi passio. IV. 220. March.—_Chambers, - Charles._ - Ambrosian Beata nobis gaudia. I. 6, IV. 160. - March.—_Dryden_ (_?_), - _Caswall, Campbell, Aylward, - Chambers, Anketell, Blew, - Esling, Bp. Williams, Hope, - Duffield._ - Roman Breviary* Beate pastor Petre. I. 156.—_Caswall._ - Belli tumultus ingruit. —_Caswall._ - Ambrosian Bis ternas horas explicans. I. 23, IV. 13.—_Copeland._ - Cantant hymnos coelites. —_Caswall._ - Notker Cantemus cuncti melodum II. 52. March.—_Neale._ - nunc Alleluia. - Old French (XIV) Cedant justi signa luctus. II. 362.—_Kynaston, Kennedy._ - Hereford Hymnal Celsorum civium inclyta IV. 287.—_Neale._ - gaudia. - Fulbert Chorus novae Jerusalem. I. 222, IV. 180.—_Neale, - Keble, Chambers, Campbell, - Braye, Hewett, Thompson, H. - A. M., Anketell, Copeland, - D. L., Singleton._ - Mozarabic Breviary Christe, coelestis I. 198.—_Priest’s - medicina. Prayer-Book._ - Ambrosian Christe, cunctorum I. 107. March.—_Chambers._ - dominator. - Jean Santeul Christe, decreto Patris Newman.—_I. Williams, - institutus. Hewett._ - VIth Century Christe fili Jesu summi. IV., 184.—_Moultrie._ - (Mone) - Innocent III Christe, fili summi Patris. —_G. W. Cox., M._ - Anglo-Saxon Christe, hac hora tertia. Stevenson.—_Chambers._ - 453 - Ennodius Christe, lumen perpetuum. I. 151.—_Duffield._ - Guill. de la Christe, pastorum caput. Newman.—_Chambers, I. - Brunetière Williams._ - Ennodius Christe, precamur annue. I. 151.—_Duffield._ - Ambrosian Christe, qui lux es et I. 33, IV. 54. - dies. March.—_Chambers, Aylward, - McGill, Duffield, McKenzie, - Charles, Wedderburn, A. L. - P., Copeland, H. A. M._ - Jean Santeul Christe, qui sedes Olympo. Newman.—_Woodford_ (_?_), - _Cooke and Webb’s Hymnary, - Chandler, H. A. M., Wm. - Palmer, I. Williams._ - Ambrosian Christe, Redemptor gentium. I. 78.—_Chambers._ - Rabanus Maurus Christe, Redemptor omnium, I. 256, IV. 143, - Conserva. 369.—_Chambers, Baker, F. - R., Hewett._ - Ambrosian Christe, Rex coeli. I. 46.—_Woodford_ (_?_), - _Charles._ - Mozarabic Brev. Christe rex, mundi creator. IV. 117.—_F._ - Ennodius Christe Salvator omnium. I. 152.—_Duffield._ - Rabanus Maurus Christe, sanctorum decus I. 218, IV. 165, 371.—_Mant, - angelorum. Caswall_ (_bis_), _Chambers, - Hewett, Copeland, Anketell._ - Vth Century (Mone) Christi caterva clamitat. IV. 119.—_Onslow._ - Anselm (?) Christi corpus, ave. II. 328.—_A. M. M., L._ - Chas. Coffin Christi martyribus debita. Newman.—_I. Williams, - Chambers._ - XVth Century MS. Christi miles gloriosus. Newman.—_Chambers._ - Christi nam resurrectio. —_Trend._ - Jean Santeul Christi perennes nuntii. Newman.—_Mant, Caswall, - Chandler, H. A. M., I. - Williams._ - Roman Breviary* Christo profusum sanguinem. I. 27.—_Caswall._ - Bonaventura (Ko) Christum ducem, qui per I. 340, IV. 219. - crucem. March.—_Chambers, Oakeley, - Anketell, Edersheim._ - XVth Century MS. Christus lux indeficiens. Mone, 204.—_Chambers, L._ - Christus pro nobis passus Wackernagel, - est. 476.—_Wedderburn, in “Guid - and Godlie Ballatis.”_ - Jean Santeul Christus tenebris obsitam. Newman.—_Chambers, Chandler, - I. Williams, Campbell._ - Marbod Cives coelestis patriae. Mone, 637.—_Neale._ - Nic. le Tourneux Clamantis ecce vox sonans. Newman.—_Chambers, Chandler, - I. Williams._ - Cisterc. Brev., Clarae diei gaudiis. Zabuesnig.—_Caswall._ - 1678 - Ambrosian Claro paschali gaudio. I. 84.—_Neale._ - Gregory (?) Clarum decus jejunii. I. 178, IV. 180.—_Chambers, - Hewett, Copeland, P. C. E._ - Fr. Lorenzini Coelestis Agni nuptias. IV. 303.—_Caswall._ - Jean Santeul Coelestis ales nuntiat. Newman.—_I. Williams, A. C. - C., Chambers._ - 454 - Jean Santeul Coelestis aulae principes. Newman.—_Chambers, I. - Williams, Baker, Chandler._ - Jean Santeul Coelestis aula panditur. Newman.—_Chambers, I. - Williams._ - Sarum Breviary Coelestis formam gloriae. I. 290, IV. 279.—_Chambers, - Neale, H. A. M., Calverley._ - Paris Breviary Coelestis, O Jerusalem. Newman.—_I. Williams._ - Roman Breviary* Coelestis urbs Jerusalem. I. 239.—_Dryden_ (_?_), - _Caswall, Copeland, - Duffield._ - Coeli choris perennibus. Neale.—_Onslow._ - Ambrosian Coeli Deus sanctissime. I. 60, IV. 51. March.—_Mant, - Caswall, Chambers, Benedict, - Bp. Williams, H. A., - Copeland, Hope._ - Godeschalk Coeli ennarant gloriam Dei. II. 44.—_Neale._ - Roman Breviary Coelitum Joseph decus IV. 296.—_Caswall._ - atque nostrae. - Jean Santeul Coelo datur quiescere. Newman.—_Chambers, I. - Williams, A. L. P._ - Jean Santeul Coelo quos eadem gloria. Newman.—_I. Williams, Pott._ - Roman Breviary Coelo Redemptor praetulit. IV. 308.—_Caswall, H. M. C._ - XVth Century Coelos ascendit hodie. I. 343. March.—_Neale, - Hewett, Anketell._ - Peter the Coelum gaude, terra plaude. Trench.—_Onslow._ - Venerable - Peter Damiani Coelum, terra, pontus, Migne.—_Neale._ - aethera. - XIIth Century Coenam cum discipulis. II. 230, V. 159.—_Neale._ - Coetus parentem Carolum. —_Caswall._ - XIVth Century Collaudemus Magdalena. I. 311, IV. 245, - 371.—_Chambers, Morgan, - Moultrie, Duffield_ (_part_). - Ambrosius Conditor alme siderum. I. 74, IV. 118, - 368.—_Chambers, Hewett, - Aylward, Braye, Neale, H. A. - M., H. A., Edersheim, F., - Copeland, Anketell._ - Italian Congregavit Deus aquas. IV. 342.—_Hayes._ - Ambrosius Consors paterni luminis. I. 27, IV. 37.—_Primer_, - 1545 and 1559, _Mant, - Caswall, Newman, Copeland, - H. A., Chambers._ - Roman Breviary Cor arca legem continens. II. 361.—_Caswall, - Mulholland, Anon._ - Prudentius Corde natus ex parentis. I. 122, IV. 176. - March.—_Chambers, Neale, - Keble, Baker, Schaff, Hope, - H. A._ - Cor meum Tibi dedo. II. 370.—_Palmer, Priest’s - Prayer-Book._ - Roman Breviary Corpus domas jejuniis. IV. 310.—_Caswall._ - 455 - Roman Breviary* Creator alme siderum. I. 74.—_Primer_, 1685, - _Mant, Caswall, Newman, - Potter, Husenbeth, Campbell, - Copeland, Bp. Williams, Wm. - Palmer._ - Bonaventura Crucem pro nobis subiit. IV. 220. March.—_Charles, - Chambers._ - Roman Breviary* Crudelis Herodes Deum. I. 147.—_Primer_, 1685, - _Mant, Husenbeth, Potter, - Aylward, Caswall, Esling, - Copeland, Hope, Singleton, - Bp. Williams._ - Jesuit Crux, ave benedicta. II. 349, IV. 322. March, - Trench.—_Benedict, Worsley, - Anketell._ - Fortunatus Crux benedicta nitet. I. 168, IV. 152. - March.—_Charles, Washburn, - McKenzie._ - Fortunatus Crux fidelis inter omnes. I. 164.—_Caswall, Oakeley._ - Braga Breviary Crux fidelis, terras IV. 276.—_Hewett._ - coelis. - Peter Damiani Crux mundi benedictio. Neale.—_Neale._ - Jean Santeul Crux, sola languorum Dei. Zabuesnig.—_M._ (_Lyra - Euch._) - Prudentius Cultor Dei memento. I. 129, IV. 207.—_Chambers, - Keble, Copeland, H. A., - Anketell._ - Wm. Alard Cum me tenent fallacia. Trench.—_Washburn, Benedict, - Duffield._ - Pietro Gonella Cum revolvo toto corde. IV. 199. Trench.—_Crippen, - Husenbeth._ - Mozarabic Breviary Cunctorum Rex omnipotens. IV. 57.—_I. G. Smith._ - Jacoponus Cur mundus militat. II. 379, IV. 288. March, - Trench.—_Tusser, Washburn, - Hayes, Duffield, Stone_ - (_Catholic World_), _Banks._ - Cur relinquis, Deus, IV. 347.—_A. R. Thompson, - coelum. Hayes._ - Rob. Bellarmine Custodes hominum psallimus II. 375.—_Caswall, I. - (?) angelos. Williams._ - Prudentius Da, puer, plectrum; Bjorn. March.—_Bp. Patrick._ - choreis. - Seb. Besnault Debilis cessent elementa Newman.—_Chambers, H. A. M., - legis. I. Williams._ - Roman Breviary* Decora lux aternitatis I. 156.—_Caswall, Esling._ - auream. - Charles Coffin Dei canamus gloriam. Newman.—_Chambers, - Whytehead, Chandler, H. A. - M., I. Williams._ - Ambrosian Dei fide quâ vivimus. I. 71.—_Chambers._ - Dei, qui gratiam impotes. —_Caswall._ - Tournay Missal De Parente summo natum. V. 287.—_J. M. H._ - Liege Missal De profundis exclamantes. V. 320.—_A. L. P._ - Anselm of Lucca Desere jam anima. Trench, March.—_Charles._ - 456 - Jean Santeul Deserta, valles, lustra, Zabuesnig.—_Caswall._ - solitudines. - Prague Missal De superna hierarchia. V. 211.—_A. M. M._ - Ambrose Deus Creator omnium, I. 17, IV. 1. - Polique. March.—_Primer_, 1545 and - 1559, _Parker, Chambers, - Hewett, McGill, Morgan, - Wrangham, Copeland, H. A., - Bp. Williams, Duffield._ - Marbod Deus-Homo, Rex coelorum. Trench, March.—_Benedict._ - Hilary (?) Deus, Pater ingenite. I. 2. March.—_Duffield._ - Worcester Breviary Deus, Pater piissime. Sarum Hymnary.—_Chambers._ - Ambrosian Deus, tuorum militum. I. 109, IV. 208.—_Caswall, - Chambers, Copeland, Oxenham, - Beadon, Neale, Hewett._ - Charles Coffin Die dierum principe. Newman.—_Chambers, McGill, - I. Williams, H. A. M., - Chandler, Singleton._ - Ambrosian Diei luce reddita. I. 68.—_I. Williams._ - Le Mans Breviary Die parente temporum. Neale.—_Baker, D. L._ - XIIIth Century Dies absoluti praetereunt. IV. 179.—_Bp. Williams._ - (K.) - Benno of Meissen Dies est laetitiae In ortu. I. 330, IV. 254.—_Neale, - Husenbeth._ - Pietro Gonella Dies illa, dies vitae. IV. 200.—_Charles._ - Thos. of Celano Dies Irae, dies illa. II. 103, V. 110.—March, - Trench. (See Mr. John - Edmands’s _Bibliography_. - With his help, I am able to - supplement his list of - translations as follows; - John Murray (1860), Anon. - (1862), John S. Hagar - (1866), Joseph W. Winans - (1879), Edwin S. Hawley - (1886), H. L. Hastings - (1886). S. V. White, John - Lord Hayes (1887), George W. - Pierce (1887), W. S. - McKenzie (twice), 1887, H. - A. Sawtelle, Rev. Mr. - Fairbanks, John D. Meeson, - A. B. K. in _The - Presbyterian_; and in _The - Boston Advertiser_ for May - 3d, 1887, four versions - signed J. A. Chambliss, Fr. - Sargent, E. C. C. and S.) - Dignare me, O Jesu, rogo II. 371.—_Baker, A. L. P._ - Te. - Chas. Coffin Dignas quis, O Deus, Tibi. Newman.—_Chambers, I. - Williams, Chandler._ - Jean Santeul Divine crescebas, puer. Newman.—_Chambers, I. - Williams, Chandler, Keble._ - Urban VIII Domare cordis impetus. IV. 304.—_Caswall._ - Jesuit Dormi, fili, dormi. IV. 318.—_McCarthy, Trend, - Moultrie._ - 457 - Milan Breviary Duci cruento martyrum. Neale.—_Dayman._ - Bernard of Dulcis Jesu, spes pauperis. Mone, 92. March.—_Charles, - Clairvaux Crippen, Colegrove, - McKenzie, Heisler._ - Chas. Coffin Dum, Christe, confixus Newman.—_Chambers, Chandler, - cruci. I. Williams._ - Chas. Coffin Dum morte victor obruta. Newman.—_Chambers, Chandler, - I. Williams._ - Roman Breviary Dum nocte pulsa Lucifer. IV. 301.—_Caswall._ - Adam of St. V. Ecce dies celebris. V. 194.—_Neale, Wrangham._ - Gregory Ecce jam noctis tenuatur I. 177, IV. 176, - umbra. March.—_Mant, Caswall, - Chambers, Crippen, Hewett, - Newman, Hayes, Hedge_ (_?_), - _Esling, Anketell, Duffield, - Copeland, Anon._, 1853, _H. - A._ - Thomas Aquinas Ecce panis angelorum. —_Caswall, Trappes._ - Jean Santeul Ecce saltantis pretium Newman.—_I. Williams._ - puellae. - Seb. Besnault Ecce sedes hic tonantis. Newman.—_I. Williams._ - XIth Century MS. Ecce sollemni hoc die. Mone, 341.—_D. L._ - XIIIth Century Ecce tempus est vernale. IV. 233.—_Neale, Trend._ - Gregory Ecce tempus idoneum. I. 182. Newman.—_Chambers, - Campbell, Neale, H. A. M., - Wm. Palmer, Hewett._ - Jesuit Ecquis binas columbinas. II. 344. Trench, - March.—_Trend, Morgan, - Anketell, Benedict, Mason, - Hayes._ - Roman Breviary* Egregie doctor Paulus. I. 156. Newman.—_Caswall._ - Pietro Gonella Eheu! Eheu! mundi vita. Trench.—_Onslow, Duffield._ - XIIth Century MS. Eja, carissimi, laudes Mone, 691.—_D. L._ - hymnite. - XVth Century Eia! dulcis anima. Mone, 231.—_Chambers._ - XVth Century Electum O frumentum. IV. 327.—_A. M. M._ - Paris Breviary Emergit undis et Deo. Newman.—_Chambers, Chandler, - I. Williams, Pott._ - Roman Breviary* En clara vox redarguit. I. 76.—_Dryden_ (_?_), - _Mant, Newman, Caswall, Bp. - Williams, Copeland, Hope, - Singleton._ - XVth Century MS. En dies est dominica. Mone, 247.—_Trench, Neale, - H. A. M._ - Prudentius En Persici ex orbis sinu. McGill, Bjorn.—_Kynaston, - McGill, Benedict._ - Roman Breviary En ut superba crimina. II. 360.—_Caswall, Anon._ - Francisc. Missal Epiphaniam Domini canamus Kehrein.—_A. L. P._ - gloriosam. - Erumpe tandem juste dolor. II. 366.—_Caswall._ - F. M. Victorinus Est locus ex omni medium. Trench, Bjorn.—_Trench._ - 458 - Hereford Breviary Excelsorum civium inclyta. —_Chambers._ - Chas. Coffin Exiit cunis pretiosus Newman.—_I. Williams._ - infans. - Roman Breviary Exite Sion filiae, Regis. II. 360.—_Caswall, Neale, - Wallace._ - Exite Sion filiae, Videte. II. 348.—_Chambers._ - Gregory (Mone) Ex more docti mystico. I. 96, IV. 121.—_Dryden_ - (_?_), _Mant, Caswall, - Chambers, Hewett, Copeland, - Neale, H. A. M._ - Jean Santeul Ex quo salus mortalium. Newman.—_Chambers, H. A. M., - I. Williams._ - Hildebert Extra portam jam delatum. Trench.—_Neale._ - Hereford Breviary Exultet coelum gaudiis. —_Chambers._ - XIIth Century (K.) Exultet coelum laudibus. I. 247.—_Chambers._ - Exultet cor praecordiis. —_Chambers, Hewett, H. A. - M., F. R._ - Roman Breviary* Exultet orbis gaudiis. I. 247.—_Mant, Oxenham, - Caswall._ - Jean Santeul Fac, Christe, nostri Newman.—_Campbell, I. - gratia. Williams._ - Chas. Coffin Fando quis audivit Dei. Newman.—_Chambers, Campbell, - I. Williams, Pott, Wm. - Palmer, Chandler._ - Jean Santeul Felices nemorum pangimus Newman.—_Chambers, Caswall, - incolas. I. Williams._ - Jean Santeul Felix dies mortalibus. Newman.—_Chambers, Campbell, - I. Williams, Littledale, - Calverley, Chandler._ - Seb. Besnault Felix dies quam proprio. Newman.—_Chambers, Chandler, - H. A. M., Singleton, I. - Williams, Wm. Palmer, - Campbell._ - Jean Santeul Felix morte tua, qui Newman.—_Chambers, I. - cruciatibus. Williams._ - Paulinus (?) Felix per omnes festum. I. 243.—_Chambers._ - Prudentius Ferunt vagantes daemones. McGill.—_McGill._ - Jean Santeul Festis laeta sonent. Zabuesnig.—_Chambers._ - Roman Breviary Festivis resonent compita II. 354.—_Caswall, Potter._ - vocibus. - Durham Hymnal Festivis saeclis colitur. —_Chambers._ - XVth Century Festum matris gloriosae. I. 310.—_Chambers._ - Paris Breviary Flagrans amore perditos. Newman.—_Caswall, I. - Williams._ - Rennes Missal Florem spina coronavit. V. 187.—_J. M. H._ - Silvio Antoniano Fortem virili pectore. IV. 311.—_Caswall, H. A. M._ - Jean Santeul Fortes cadendo martyres. Newman.—_Chambers, I. - Williams._ - 459 - Chas. Coffin* Forti tegente brachio. Newman.—_Chambers, - Littledale, Chandler, I. - Williams, Wm. Palmer._ - XIIth Century MS. Fregit Adam interdictum. Mone, 37.—_Crippen._ - Jean Santeul Fumant Sabeis templa Newman.—_Chambers, I. - vaporibus. Williams._ - Gaude, mater ecclesia. (St. Edward.)—_A. L. P._ - Roman Breviary Gentis Polonae gloria. IV. 310.—_Caswall._ - Theodulph Gloria, laus et honor. I. 215, IV. 153. - March.—_Evening Office_, - 1703, _Caswall, Neale, H. A. - M., Hewett, Anketell._ - Roman Breviary Gloriam sacrae celebremus Fabricius.—_Caswall, Anon._ - omnes. - Meissen Breviary Gloriosi Salvatoris. I. 315.—_Neale, H. A. M., - Singleton, Morgan._ - Notker (?) Grates nunc omnes reddamus. II. 5, V. 41. - March.—(_Luther_), _Schaff._ - Chas. Coffin Grates peracto jam die. Newman.—_Chambers, Chandler, - Wm. Palmer._ - Peter Damiani Gravi me terrore pulsas. I. 224, IV. 291. March, - Trench.—_Neale, Worsley, - Washburn, Morgan, Benedict, - Bp. Williams, Caswall, - Anketell._ - Hildebert Haec est fides orthodoxa. Trench.—_W. Crashaw_, 1611, - _McGill._ - Urban VIII Haec est dies qua candidae. IV. 309.—_Caswall._ - Saintes Missal Haec est dies summe grata. V. 289.—_Black._ - XVth Century Haec est dies triumphalis. IV. 270. Trench.—_Worsley._ - Notker (?) Haec est sancta V. 56.—_Hewett._ - sollemnitas. - Jean Santeul Haec illa sollemnis dies. Newman.—_Chambers, Chandler, - Neale, St. Ninian’s Hymns, - I. Williams._ - Adam of St. V. Harum laudum praeconia. II. 251.—_Neale._ - Adam of St. V. Heri mundus exultavit. II. 64, V. 176. March, - Trench.—_Neale, Charles, - Morgan._ - Joh. Mauburn Heu! quid jaces stabulo. I. 335. March, - Trench.—_Charles, McGill, - Kynaston, McKenzie._ - Bernard of Cluny Hic breve vivitur. Trench, March.—_Neale, - Moultrie, Duffield._ - Mozarabic Breviary Hic est dies verus Dei. I. 49. March.—_Charles, J. - M. H., Duffield._ - His reparandum generator. —_Caswall._ - Jean Santeul Hoc, jussa quondam Newman.—_I. Williams._ - rumpimus. - Trondhjem Missal Hodiernae lux diei V. 213.—_A. M. M._ - sacramenti. - Roman Breviary* Hominis superne Conditor. I. 61. March.—_Dryden_ - (_?_), _Mant, Caswall, - Copeland, Hope, Bp. - Williams._ - 460 - Dion. Ryckel Homo Dei creatura. IV. 250.—_Caswall._ - Anglo-Saxon Hora nona qua canimus. Stevenson.—_Chambers._ - Bernard of Cluny Hora novissima, tempora Trench, March.—_Neale, - pessima. Moultrie, Duffield, Coles, - Mason, O. A. M._ - Bonaventura Hora qui ductus tertia. IV. 220. March.—_Charles, - Chambers._ - Charles Coffin Horres superbos, nec tuam. Newman.—_I. Williams, - Chandler, Chambers._ - Hoste dum victo triumphans. —_Caswall._ - C. Sedulius Hostis Herodes impie. I. 147, IV. 148, 370. - March.—(_Luther_), _Caswall, - Chambers, Neale, H. A. M., - Anketell._ - XVth or XVIth Huc ad jugum Calvariae. II. 353.—_Neale, Kynaston._ - Cent. - Chas. Coffin Huc vos, O miseri! surda Newman.—_Chambers, I. - relinquite. Williams._ - XIIth Century MS. Hujus diei gloria. I. 287, IV. 176.—_A. L. P._ - Paris Missal Humani generis cessent. Newman.—_Neale._ - Jean Santeul Hymnis dum resonat. Newman.—_I. Williams._ - Bede Hymnum canamus gloriae. I. 206. March.—_Chambers, - Charles, Thompson, Copeland, - Anketell._ - Bede Hymnum canentes martyrum. I. 207. March.—_Neale, - Charles_ (_part_), _H. A. - M., Anketell._ - Ambrosian Hymnum dicamus Domino. I. 81. March.—_Charles._ - Chas. Coffin Iisdem creati fluctibus. Newman.—_Chambers, Wm. - Palmer, I. Williams, - Chandler, H. A. M._ - Isaac Habert Illaesa te puerpera. Newman.—_I. Williams._ - Ambrosian Illuminans altissimus. I. 19, IV. 61. - March.—_Copeland._ - Gregory (?) Immense coeli Conditor. I. 58, IV. 50. - March.—_Dryden_ (_?_), - _Mant, Caswall, Chambers, - Gould, Bp. Williams, - Copeland, Hope, H. A._ - Sarum Breviary Impleta gaudent viscera. —_A. L. P._ - Charles Coffin Impune vati non erit: Newman.—_I. Williams, W. - impotens. Palmer._ - Prudentius Inde est quod omnes McGill.—_McGill._ - credimus. - XVth Century MS. In diebus celebribus. Mone, 248.—_Trend._ - XVth Century MS. In domo Patris. Mone, 302.—_H. R. B., Neale._ - Peter of Dresden In dulci jubilo. Wackernagel.—_Wedderburn._ - Hildebert Infecunda mea ficus. Trench.—_W. Crashaw, McGill._ - Jacoponus (?) In hoc anni circulo. I. 331.—_Neale._ - Adam of St. V. (?) In natale Salvatoris. Wrangham.—_A. M. M., - Wrangham._ - XVth Century In natali Domini. I. 329.—_Washburn, - Littledale._ - 461 - Chas. Coffin In noctis umbra desides. Newman.—_Chambers, I. - Williams, Chandler, H. A. M._ - Bonaventura (Mone) In passione Domini. IV. 219.—_Chambers, Oakeley._ - XIIth Century MS. In sapientia disponens Mone, 28.—_Crippen, Trend, - omnia. Hewett._ - Chas. Coffin Instantis adventum Dei. Newman.—_Chambers, I. - Williams, Chandler, H. A. - M., Moultrie._ - Columcille (?) In Te, Christe, credentium. Lyra Hibernica.—_Cusack._ - Peter the Inter aeternas superûm Zabuesnig.—_Caswall._ - Venerable coronas. - Adam of St. V. Interni festi gaudia. II. 250.—_Neale._ - Abelard In terris adhuc positam. Migne, 178.—_Washburn._ - Chas. Coffin Inter sulphurei fulgura Newman.—_I. Williams, Blew._ - turbinis. - Simon Gourdan Intrante Christo Newman.—_I. Williams._ - Bethanicam domum. - Le Puy Missal In triumphum mors mutatur. Moll.—_Morgan._ - Prudentius Inventor rutili dux. I. 131. Newman.—_Bp. - Patrick, Chambers._ - Roman Breviary* Invicte martyr unicum. IV. 138.—_Mant, Caswall._ - Roman Breviary Ira justa Conditoris. II. 355.—_Caswall._ - Roman Breviary* Iste confessor Domini, I. 249.—_Caswall._ - colentes. - IXth Century Iste confessor Domini I. 248.—_Chambers, D. L._ - sacratus. - Roman Breviary Iste quem laeti colimus IV. 297.—_Caswall._ - fideles. - Ite moesti cordis luctus. IV. 321.—_Hayes._ - Modern Ite noctes, ite nubes. IV. 325.—_Hayes, Anketell._ - Chas. Coffin Jactamur heu! quot Newman.—_Chambers, Chandler, - fluctibus. I. Williams._ - Vth or VIth Jam, Christe, sol I. 235, IV. 218.—_Chambers, - Century justitiae. Crippen._ - Ambrosian Jam Christus astra I. 64, IV. 83.—_Dryden_ - ascenderat. (_?_), _Caswall, Chambers, - Trend, Aylward, Blew, - Copeland, L., Dayman, - Esling._ - Chas. Coffin Jam desinant suspiria. Newman.—_I. Williams, - Chambers, Wm. Palmer, - Chandler, Woodford, H. A. - M., A. L. P., Braye._ - Ambrosian Jam lucis orto sidere (iv. I. 56, IV. 42.—_Primer_, - verses). 1545 and 1559, _Mant, - Caswall, Chambers, Keble, - Newman, McGill, Duffield, - Anketell, Cosin, Neale, - Singleton, Hope, Wm. Palmer, - Bp. Williams, Anon.,_ 1847, - _H. A. M., H. A._ - Chas. Coffin* Jam lucis orto sidere (vi. Newman.—_Chambers, Chandler, - verses). I. Williams, Copeland._ - 462 - Hilary Jam meta noctis transiit. I. 3, IV. 36.—_Duffield._ - Prudentius Jam moesta quiesce querula. I. 137. March, - Trench.—_Caswall, I. - Williams, Hewett, Charles, - Morgan, McGill, Davis, - Winkworth, Washburn, - Anketell, Bp. Patrick, A. L. - P._ - M. A. Flaminius Jam noctis umbras lucifer. Preces Privatae, - 1564.—_Rickards._ - Jean Santeul Jam non te lacerant. Newman.—_Chambers, I. - Williams._ - Jean Santeul Jam nunc quae numeras. Newman.—_Chambers, I. - Williams._ - XIIth Century (?) Jam pulsa cedant nubila. Neale.—_Neale._ - Chas. Coffin Jam sanctius moves opus. Newman.—_Chambers, Wm. - Palmer, Chandler, H. A. M., - I. Williams._ - Paris Breviary Jam satis fluxit cruor Newman.—_I. Williams._ - hostiarum. - Ambrosian Jam sexta sensim volvitur. I. 40. March.—_Charles._ - Chas. Coffin Jam solis excelsum jubar. Newman.—_Chambers, Wm. - Palmer, Chandler, I. - Williams._ - Roman Breviary* Jam sol recedit igneus. I. 36. Newman.—_Dryden_ - (_?_), _Evening Office_, - 1710, _Mant, Caswall, - Potter, Beste, Aylward, - Husenbeth, Campbell, Kent, - Phillips, Bp. Williams, - Copeland, Hope._ - Ambrosian Jam surgit hora tertia. I. 18, IV. 3.—_Copeland._ - Ambrosian Jam ter quaternis trahitur. I. 81.—_Chambers._ - Roman Breviary Jam toto subditus vesper. IV. 307.—_Caswall._ - Thos. à Kempis Jerusalem luminosa [_seu_ Mone, 304.—_Neale._ - gloriosa]. - Ambrosian Jesu corona celsior. I. 110. Newman.—_Caswall._ - Ambrosian Jesu corona virginum. I. 112, IV. 140, - 368.—_Caswall, Chambers, - Hewett, Neale, H. A. M., - Oxenham, D. L._ - Bernard of Jesu decus angelicum. I. 229. Newman, - Clairvaux Trench.—_Caswall, Campbell, - Aylward, Crippen._ - Mozarabic Breviary Jesu defensor omnium. IV. 26.—_Blew._ - Bernard of Jesu dulcedo cordium. I. 227. Newman, March, - Clairvaux Trench.—_Caswall, Chambers, - Palmer, I. Williams, - Crippen._ - XIIth Century (K.) Jesu dulce medicamen. IV. 285.—_Crippen._ - Freiburg Breviary Jesu, dulcis amor meus. IV. 323.—_Caswall._ - Bernard of Jesu dulcis memoria. I. 227, IV. 211. March, - Clairvaux Trench.—_Mant, Neale, - Caswall, Chambers, Crippen, - O’Hagan, Dryden_ (_?_), - _Beste, Thompson, Benedict, - Campbell, Aylward, Charles, - Palmer, Alexander, - Singleton, Edersheim, - Copeland._ - 463 - Jesu dulcissime. II. 371.—_Hewett, Benedict, - Anon._ (_Independent_), - _Littledale, Parker._ - Noyon Breviary Jesu manus, pedes, caput. Neale.—_H. Thompson._ - Jesuit Jesu meae deliciae. II. 350.—_L._ - Anselm of Lucca Jesu mi dulcissime. Trench.—_Kynaston._ - Ambrosian Jesu nostra redemptio, I. 63, IV. 78. Newman, - Amor. March.—_Caswall, Chambers, - Charles, Hewett, Aylward, - Hope, I. Williams, H. A., - Chandler, H. A. M., Bp. - Williams, P. C. E., M. A. - G._ (_Watchman_). - Franciscan Jesu nostra redemptio, I. 280. - Breviary Joseph. Zabuesnig.—_Edersheim._ - Hilary (Fab.) Jesu Quadragenariae. I. 5.—_Chambers, Neale, - Pott, Wm. Palmer, Hewett._ - Xth-XIth Century Jesu, Redemptor omnium, I. 249, IV. 143.—_Caswall, - Perpes. Chambers, Benson._ - Roman Breviary* Jesu Redemptor omnium, I. 78.—_Primer_, 1685, - Quem. _Mant, Potter, Caswall, - Esling, Bp. Williams, - Copeland._ - Charles Coffin Jesu, Redemptor omnium, Newman.—_I. Williams, - Summi. Chandler._ - Chas. Coffin Jesu, Redemptor seculi. Newman.—_I. Williams, - Chambers, Campbell, Earle, - Chandler._ - Bernard of Jesu, Rex admirabilis. I. 228. Newman, - Clairvaux March.—_Mant, Caswall, - Campbell, Aylward, Crippen._ - Guill. de la Jesu, sacerdotum decus. Newman.—_Chambers, I. - Brunetière Williams, Chandler, Caswall._ - Rabanus Maurus Jesu, Salvator saeculi, I. 297.—_F., A. L. P., H. A._ - Redemptis. - XIIth Century MS. Jesu, Salvator saeculi, Newman.—_Chambers, Neale, - Verbum. Copeland, H. A. M._ - Bernard of Jesus auctor clementiae. I. 228.—_Chambers._ - Clairvaux - John Huss Jesus Christus, nostra II. 370.—(_Luther_), - salus. _Wedderburn, Littledale._ - Bernard of Jesu, spes poenitentibus. I. 227. March, - Clairvaux Trench.—_McGill, Crippen._ - Early Irish Jesus refulsit omnium. I. 4, IV. 150.—_Chambers._ - Chas. Coffin Jordanis oras praevia. Newman.—_Chandler, Chambers, - W. M. A., I. Williams._ - Chas. Coffin Jubes: et in praeceps Newman.—_Chambers, Chandler, - aquis. H. A. M., I. Williams._ - Adam of St. V. Jubilemus Salvatori. Morel, 15.—_Morgan, J. M. - H., in Lyra Messianica, - Wrangham._ - Adam of St. V. Jucundare plebs fidelis. II. 84, V. 142. - Trench.—_Neale, Campbell, - Wrangham._ - Prudentius Jure ergo se Judae ducem. McGill.—_McGill._ - 464 - Nic. le Tourneux Jussu tyranni pro fide. Newman.—_Caswall, H. A. M., - I. Williams, Chandler._ - XIIth Century MS. Juste judex, Jesu Christe. Mone, 265.—_Crippen._ - Chas. Coffin Labente jam solis rota. Newman.—_Chambers, Chandler, - Wm. Palmer, I. Williams, A. - R. Thompson._ - Adam of St. V. Laetabundi jubilemus. V. 338.—_A. M. M., Wrangham._ - Bernard Laetabundus exultet II. 61, V. 47.—_Chambers, - fidelis chorus: Alleluia. Hewett, Esling._ - Benedict. Missal Laeta quies magni ducis. V. 250.—_Caswall._ - Chas. Coffin Laetare coelum; plausibus. Zabuesnig.—_Chambers._ - Noyon Missal Laetare puerpera. Neale.—_Hewett._ - Liege Missal Laetetur hodie matris V. 285.—_Black._ - ecclesiae. - Meaux Breviary Lapsus est annus; redit IV. 319.—_Hewett, Cooke, - annus alter. Pott, H. A. M., Bonar._ - Odo of Cluny Lauda, mater ecclesia, I. 221, IV. 244.—_Neale, - lauda Christi. Chambers._ - Thomas Aquinas Lauda, Sion, Salvatorem. II. 97, V. 73. - March.—_Crashaw_, 1648, - _Caswall, Chambers, Aylward, - Wackerbarth, Anon., Morgan, - A. R. Thompson, Benedict, H. - A. M., Esling._ - XIVth Century MS. Laudes Christo cum gaudio. Morel, 427.—_Chambers._ - Notker Laudes Christo redempti II. 178.—_Littledale._ - voce. - Adam of St. V. Laudes crucis attollamus. II. 78, V. 89.—_Neale, - Wackerbarth, Lloyd, - Wrangham._ - York Breviary Laudes Deo devotas. Newman.—_Blew._ - Utrecht Missal Laudes Deo dicat per omnes. V. 288.—_H. R. B._ - Notker Laudes Salvatori voce. II. 2, V. 51.—_Plumptre._ - Cisterc. Brev. Laudibus cives resonent. IV. 329.—_Caswall._ - XVIth Century Laureata plebs fidelis. —_A. M. M._ (_Lyra Euch._). - Godeschalk Laus, Tibi, Christe, qui II. 39.—_Neale._ - es Creator. - Roman Breviary Legis figuris pingitur. II. 360.—_Caswall._ - Chas. Coffin Linquunt tecta Magi. Newman.—_Chambers, I. - Williams._ - Gregory Lucis Creator optime. I. 57, IV. 49. - March.—_Dryden_ (_?_), - _Mant, Caswall, Keble, - Newman, Chambers, Oxenham, - Beste, Kent, Campbell, H. A. - M., Gould, Chandler, H. A., - Bp. Williams, Copeland._ - Hilary Lucis largitor splendide. I. 1. March.—_Charles, - Washburn, Morgan, McGill, - Anketell, Duffield, I. C. - (Evangelist), McKenzie._ - Lugete dura marmora. II. 351.—_McGill._ - 465 - Chas. Coffin Lugete pacis angeli. Newman.—_Chambers, Campbell, - Chandler, Pott, I. Williams._ - Fortunatus Lustra sex qui jam peregit. I. 164. Newman.—_Primer_, - 1706, _Caswall, Mant, - Chambers, Aylward, Kent, - Campbell, Hewett, McGill, - Bp. Williams, Copeland._ - Adam of St. V. Lux advenit veneranda. V. 239.—_H. R. B._ (_Lyra - Myst._), _Wrangham._ - Roman Breviary Lux alma, Jesu, mentium. IV. 305.—_Dryden_ (_?_), - _Caswall, Newman, Copeland._ - Prudentius Lux ecce surgit aurea. I. 121, IV. 40. - March.—_Mant, Caswall, - Campbell, Hewett, Bp. - Williams, Copeland, H. A., - Chambers._ - Noyon Missal Lux est orta gentilibus. Neale.—_J. M. H._ and _A. M. - M., in Lyra Messianica._ - Adam of St. V. Lux jucunda, lux insignis. II. 71, Trench.—_Kynaston, - Calverley, Wrangham._ - Ambrosian Magnae Deus potentiae. I. 61, IV. 52. - March.—_Dryden_ (_?_), - _Caswall, Mant, Chambers, - Bp. Williams, H. A., - Copeland, Hope._ - Gregory Magno salutis gaudio. I. 179, IV. 152.—_Copeland._ - W. Lovell Magnum nobis gaudium. —_Blenkinsopp._ - XIIth Century Majestati sacrosanctae. V. 48. Trench.—_Morgan, - Duffield_ (_part_), _I. G. - Smith._ - Adam of St. V. Mane prima Sabbati. II. 255.—_Neale, Wrangham._ - Roman Breviary Maria castis oculis. Newman.—_Caswall, Copeland._ - Jean Santeul Maria sacro saucia. Newman.—_I. Williams._ - Urban VIII Martinae celebri plaudite IV. 293.—_Caswall._ - nomini. - Xth-XIIth Century Martyr Dei qui unicum. I. 247.—_Chambers._ - Roman Breviary Martyr Dei Venantius. IV. 300.—_Caswall._ - Damasus Martyris ecce dies Agathae. I. 9. March.—_Anketell._ - Matris cor virgineum. —_Chambers._ - King Alfred Matutinus altiora. —_Earl Nelson._ - Ambrosian Mediae noctis tempus est. I. 42, IV. 26. - March.—_Charles, Caswall._ - Notker Media vita in morte sumus. II. 329. March.—(_Luther_), - _Washburn, Anketell._ - Roman Breviary* Memento, rerum Conditor. I. 78.—_Caswall, Oxenham._ - Hildebert Me receptet Sion illa. March, Trench.—_W. Crashaw_, - 1611, _McGill, Duffield, - Caswall_ (_?_), _Neale._ - Jean Santeul Mille quem stipant solio Zabuesnig.—_I. Williams._ - sedentem. - 466 - Sarum Missal Mirabilis Deus in sanctis. Pearson.—_Pearson._ - Chas. Coffin Miramur, O Deus, tuae. Newman.—_Chambers, Chandler, - H. A. M., Wm. Palmer, I. - Williams._ - Roman Breviary* Miris modis repente liber. I. 243.—_Oxenham, Caswall._ - Jean Santeul Miris probat sese modis. Newman.—_Chambers, Wm. - Palmer, I. Williams._ - Charles Coffin Missum Redemptorem polo. Newman.—_I. Williams, - Chandler._ - Adam of St. V. Missus Gabriel de coelis. V. 129.—_Neale, Wrangham._ - XIth Century Mitis agnus, leo fortis. IV. 160. Moll.—_McGill, - Trend._ - Abelard Mittit ad virginem. II. 59, V. 127. - March.—_Neale, P. C. E._ - Roman Breviary Moerentes oculi spargite Fabricius.—_Caswall, Potter._ - lachrymas. - Paris Breviary Molles in agnos ceu lupus. Newman.—_I. Williams, - Chandler._ - Jean Santeul Montes superbum verticem. Newman.—_I. Williams._ - Chas. Coffin Mortale, coelo tolle, Newman.—_I. Williams._ - genus, caput. - Peter the Mortis portis fractis Trench, March.—_Charles, - Venerable fortis. Thompson, Duffield._ - Multi sunt presbyteri. Du Meril, Neale.—_Neale, G. - D._ - Brander’s MS., Mundi decor, mundi forma. Morel, 501.—_Morgan._ - 1507 - Adam of St. V. Mundi renovatio nova parit II. 68, V. 58. March, - gaudia. Trench.—_Charles, Washburn, - McGill, Thompson, Heisler, - Morgan, Worsley, Wrangham._ - Sarum Breviary Mundi salus affutura. Newman.—_Chambers._ - Chas. Coffin Mundi salus qui nasceris. Newman.—_I. Williams, - Chandler, Copeland._ - Cahors Breviary Mundo novum jus dicere. Neale.—_Trend._ - Mundus effusis redemptus. —_Caswall._ - Roman Breviary Mysterium mirabile. Zabuesnig.—_Caswall, - Wallace._ - Hildebert (K.) Nate Patri coequalis. Mone, 11. March.—_McGill._ - Sarum Breviary Nato canunt omnia Domino. II. 56.—_Chambers._ - Adam of St. V. Nato nobis Salvatore. II. 222.—_Morgan, A. M. M., - in Lyra Messianica, - Wrangham._ - Jean Santeul Natus Parenti redditus Zabuesnig.—_Chandler._ - Thos. à Kempis (?) Nec quisquam oculis videt. Mone, 305.—_Neale._ - 467 - Chas. Coffin Nil laudibus nostris eges. Newman.—_Chambers, Chandler, - McGill, I. Williams._ - Wolfg. Musculus Nil superest vitae; frigus —_Nevin, Anon._ (_Observer_). - praecordia captat. - Jean Santeul Nobis Olympo redditus. Newman.—_Chambers, Chandler, - H. A. M., I. Williams, - Singleton._ - Benedict XII (?) Nobis, sancte Spiritus. Mone, 191.—_Caswall._ - Nocte mox diem fugata. —_Caswall._ - Gregory Nocte surgentes vigilemus I. 176, IV. 176. - omnes. March.—_Mant, Caswall, - Keble, Newman, Hewett, - Crippen, Chambers, Copeland, - H. A., Esling, Anketell._ - Columcille (?) Noli, Pater, indulgere. Lyra Hib.—_Cusack._ - Nic. le Tourneux Non abluunt lymphae Deum. Newman.—_Chambers, I. - Williams, Campbell._ - Roman Breviary Non illam crucians. —_Caswall._ - Jean Santeul Non parta solo sanguine. Newman.—_Chandler, F. R., I. - Williams, H. A. M., - Chambers._ - De la Brunetière Non vana dilectum gregem. Newman.—_I. Williams._ - Novamne das lucis, Deus. —_Caswall._ - Novi partûs gaudium. Du Meril.—_Neale._ - XVth Century Novum sidus exoritur. IV. 280.—_Onslow._ - Gregory (Mone) Nox atra rerum contegit. I. 54, IV. 37.—_Mant, - Caswall, Chambers, Copeland, - H. A._ - Prudentius Nox et tenebrae et nubila. I. 120, IV. 39.—_Mant, - Caswall, Chambers, Campbell, - Hedge_ (_?_), _Bp. Williams, - Bp. Patrick, H. A., - Duffield._ - Seb. Besnault Noxium Christus simul Newman.—_I. Williams._ - introivit. - Roman Breviary Nullis te genitor IV. 298.—_Caswall._ - blanditiis. - R. Bodius Nuncius praepes mihi labra McGill.—_McGill._ - summo. - Cahors Breviary Nunc novis Christus Neale.—_Morgan._ - celebretur hymnis. - Ambrosian Nunc Sancte nobis Spiritus. I. 50, IV. 43. - Newman.—_Mant, Caswall, - Keble, Newman, Chambers, - Anketell, Chandler, H. A., - Bp. Williams, Copeland._ - Charles Coffin Nunc suis tandem novus e Newman.—_I. Williams, H. A. - latebris. M., W. Palmer._ - Nunc te flebilis —_Caswall._ - concinimus modis. - Jesuit Nunquam serenior. IV. 327.—_Morgan._ - Fulbert of Nuntium vobis fero de March.—_Chambers, Washburn, - Chartres supernis. Anketell._ - Hildebert Nuper eram locuples. Trench.—_Duffield._ - 468 - XVth Century MS. O amor qui extaticus. Mone, 51.—_Neale, H. A. M._ - XIVth Century MS. O beata beatorum martyrum II. 204.—_Neale, Chambers._ - sollemnia. - Ambrosian Obduxere polum nubila I. 29, IV. 110. March.—_Bp. - coeli. Patrick._ - Bernard of Cluny O bona patria. Trench, March.—_Neale, - Duffield, Coles, Moultrie._ - O caeca mens mortalium. II. 378.—_Benedict._ - Paris Breviary O Christe, qui noster poli. Newman.—_Chambers, Chandler, - Black, Calverley, I. - Williams._ - Anglo-Saxon O Christe, splendor Stevenson.—_Chambers._ - gloriae. - Conrad of Gaming O colenda deitas. Mone, 225.—_Trend._ - Prudentius O crucifer bone, lucisator. Mone, 149.—_Crippen._ - XVth Century O Dei sapientia. I. 299, IV. 283.—_Chambers._ - Xavier (?) O Deus ego amo Te, Nam II. 335.—_Keble, Hewett, - prior. McGill, Benedict._ - Xavier (?) O Deus, ego amo Te, Nec II. 335. March.—_Pope, Sarum - amo. Hymnal, Singleton, Mills, - Caswall, Hewett, McGill, - Anketell, Duffield, - McKenzie, Hayes._ - Queen Mary (?) O Domine Jesu (_seu_ March.—_Hewett, Hayes, - Deus), speravi in Te. Anketell, Clarke, Fawcett._ - Jesuit O esca viatorum. II. 369. March.—_Chambers, - Palmer, Washburn, Morgan_ - (_bis_), _Thompson, Hayes, - Trend, H. A. M., Schaff, - Anketell._ - XIIth Century (?) O filii et filiae. March.—_Evening Office_, - 1748, _Caswall, Chambers, - Kent, Neale, H. A, M., - Porter, Anketell._ - Chas. Coffin O fons amoris Spiritus. Newman.—_Chambers, Chandler, - H. A. M., Wm. Palmer, I. - Williams._ - Chas. Coffin O fortis, O clemens Deus. Newman.—_Chambers, Chandler, - I. Williams._ - Jesuit O gens beata coelitum. March.—_Chambers, Washburn, - Johnson._ - Bonaventura O gloriosa domina. I. 302, IV. 231.—_Caswall,_ - Fortunatus O gloriosa femina. I. 173.—_Chambers, F. R._ - Roman Breviary* O gloriosa virginum. I. 173.—_Mant, Caswall._ - Hildegard O ignis Spiritûs Paracliti. V. 201.—_Crippen, - Littledale._ - Jean Santeul O jam beata quae suo. Newman.—_Chandler._ - XVth Century MS. O Jesu dulcissime, Cibus Mone, 230.—_R. W. V._ - salutaris. - Bernard of O Jesu mi dulcissime. I. 229. March, - Clairvaux Trench.—_Crippen._ - 469 - Claude Santeul O luce quae tua lates. Newman.—_Oxenham, Baker, - Caswall, H. A. M., Chandler, - I. Williams, - Duffield-Thompson._ - Chas. Coffin O luce qui mortalibus. Newman.—_Chambers, H. A. M., - I. Williams, Wm. Palmer, - Chandler, Singleton, McGill._ - Ambrosius O lux beata Trinitas. I. 36, IV. 47. - March.—(_Luther_), - _Chambers, Neale, H. A. M., - Duffield, H. A., Edersheim, - McGill, Anketell._ - Bernard of O miranda vanitas. March.—_Anketell._ - Clairvaux - Peter Damiani O miseratrix, O dominatrix. Migne.—_Duffield._ - Brander’s MS., Omnes gentes plaudite. V. 67.—_Black._ - 1507 - Clichtove ed. Omnes unâ celebremus. V. 216.—_Neale._ - Jean Santeul Omnibus manat cruor ecce Newman.—_I. Williams._ - venis. - Casimir or Omni die dic Mariae. II. 372, IV. 237.—_Hayes._ - Hildebert - Meissen Breviary Omnis fidelis gaudeat. I. 301.—_Neale._ - Alanus Omnis mundi creatura. Trench, March.—_Washburn, - Hayes, Worsley, McKenzie._ - Sarum Breviary O nata lux de lumine, Jesu. I. 259, IV. 161.—_Chambers, - Blew._ - Prudentius O Nazarene, lux Bethlehem. I. 128.—_Bp. Patrick._ - Paulus Diaconus O nimis felix meritique I. 210.—_Caswall, Chambers, - celsi. B._ - M. A. Muretus O nox vel medio Opera I. 741.—_Blew._ - splendidior die. - XIIth-XIIIth O panis dulcissime. II. 160, V. 73.—_Trend._ - Cent. MS. - XVth Century O Pater sancte mitis atque I. 263, IV. 270.—_Chambers, - pie. A. L. P., Hewett._ - Urban VIII Opes decusque regium IV. 304.—_Caswall._ - reliqueras. - Chas. Coffin Opprobriis Jesu satur. Newman.—_Chambers, Campbell, - I. Williams, Chandler._ - Ambrosian Optatus votis omnium. I. 62, IV. 77. - March.—_Charles, Chambers, - Mason._ - Jean Santeul O pulchras acies. Newman.—_I. Williams, - Chambers._ - Chas. Coffin Opus peregisti tuum. Newman.—_Chambers, Campbell, - Chandler, H. A. M., Blew, - Singleton, Wm. Palmer, I. - Williams._ - Thos. à Kempis O qualis quantaque Wackernagel.—_Kettlewell_ - laetitia. (_Life of Thomas à Kempis_). - Adam of St. V. O quam felix, quam II. 78.—_Kynaston._ - praeclara. - Peter Damiani (?) O quam glorifica luce. IV. 188.—_Chambers._ - XVth Century MS. O quam glorificum solum Mone, 284.—_Neale, I. G. - sedere. Smith._ - 470 - Jean Santeul O quam juvat fratres. Newman.—_Chambers, Chandler._ - Thos. à Kempis O quam praeclara regio. Wackernagel.—_Benedict._ - Abelard O quanta qualia sunt illa Mone, 282.—_Neale, Chambers, - Sabbata. Hewett, Washburn, Duffield, - Moultrie._ - Jean Santeul O qui perpetuus nos. Newman.—_Chambers, Caswall, - I. Williams._ - Jean Santeul O qui tuo dux martyrum. Newman.—_Chambers, Caswall, - Anon.,_ 1839, _Singleton._ - Roman Breviary O quot undis lachrymarum. IV. 306.—_Caswall._ - Ambrosian Orabo mente Dominum. I. 23, IV. 13.—_Copeland._ - Abelard Ornarunt terram germina. Trench, March.—_Washburn, - Duffield._ - XVth Century MS. O rubentes coeli rosae. IV. 281.—“_Hymns and - Lyrics_.” - Paris Breviary O sacerdotum veneranda Newman.—_I. Williams._ - jura. - O salutaris fulgens stella —_Chambers._ - maris. - XVth Century MS. O salutaris hostia. Koch.—_Caswall, Oxenham._ - O Sapientia, etc. Hymnal Noted.—_Oxenham, - Nelson, Neale, Benson._ - Sarum Breviary O sator rerum, reparator Newman.—_Chambers, Blew._ - aevi. - Prudentius O sola magnarum urbium. I. 127. March.—_Dryden_ - (_?_), _Mant, Caswall, H. A. - M., Charles, Benedict, - McGill, Trend, Anketell, - Esling, Singleton, Copeland, - Hope, Bp. Williams._ - Roman Breviary* O sol salutis intimis. I. 235.—_Dryden_ (_?_), - _Mant, Caswall, Morgan, - Esling, Bp. Williams, - Copeland, Hope._ - Chas. Coffin O splendor aeterni Patris. Newman.—_Campbell, Chandler, - I. Williams._ - Roman Breviary O stella Jacob fulgida. —_Caswall._ - Jesuit O ter foecundas, O ter II. 339, IV. 317. March, - jucundas. Trench.—_McGill, Anketell, - Blenkinsopp._ - Anglo-Saxon O veneranda Trinitas. Stevenson.—_Chambers._ - M. A. Muretus O virgo pectus cui sacrum. Newman.—_Chambers, Chandler, - I. Williams._ - Jean Santeul O vos aetherei plaudite. Zabuesnig.—_Caswall._ - O vos fideles animae. —_Caswall._ - Paris Breviary O vos unanimes Christiadum Zabuesnig.—_I. Williams._ - chori. - Claude Santeul Panditur saxo tumulus Newman.—_I. Williams._ - remoto. - 471 - Thos. Aquinas Pange, lingua, gloriosi I. 251. March.—_Caswall, - corporis mysterium. Wackerbarth, Campbell, - Hewett, T. A. S._ - (_Churchman_), _H. A. M., - Chambers, Oxenham, Anon., - Neale, Pusey, Benedict, - Palmer, I. Williams, Schaff, - J. P. Brown._ - Roman Breviary* Pange, lingua, gloriosi I. 164. Newman.—_Primer_, - lauream certaminis. 1706, _Caswall, Kent, - Aylward, Oxenham, Potter._ - Fortunatus Pange, lingua, gloriosi I. 163, IV. 67, 353. - proelium certaminis. March.—_Mant, Neale, - Chambers, Keble, McGill, - Hewett, Charles, McKenzie._ - XIVth-XVth Cent. Panis descendens coelitus. Mone, 203.—_R. E. E. W._ - MS. (_Lyra Euch._). - Hildebert Paraclitus increatus. Trench, March.—_McGill._ - Jesuit Parendum est, cedendum est. IV. 351.—_Morgan._ - XIV-XVIth Century Parvum quando cerno Deum. II. 342. March.—_Caswall, - Banks, Washburn, Hayes, - Esling._ - Roman Breviary* Paschale mundo gaudium. I. 84.—_Caswall, Neale, - Copeland, Esling._ - Prudentius Pastis visceribus ciboque. Mone, 150.—_Crippen._ - Guill. de la Pastore percusso, minas. Newman.—_Chambers, I. - Brunetière Williams, H. A. M., - Chandler, Pott._ - Rob. Bellarmine Pater superni luminis. IV. 305.—_Caswall, Copeland._ - Claude Guyet Patris aeterni soboles Newman.—_I. Williams, H. A. - coaeva. M., Sarum Hymnal._ - Patris aeterni unice. —_F. R._ - Charles Coffin Patris nefando crimine. Newman.—_Blew._ - Benedict XII. (?) Patris sapientia. I. 337, IV. 223.—_Dryden_ - (_?_), _Neale, Chambers, - Aylward._ - Peter Damiani Paule doctor egregie. I. 225. March.—_Neale._ - XIIIth Century Paulus Sion architectus. V. 75.—_Morgan._ - Prudentius Peccator intueberis. McGill.—_McGill._ - Jean Commire Perfusus ora lachrymis. Zabuesnig.—_Caswall, W. - Palmer._ - Petri laudes exsequamur. —_People’s Hymnal._ - Jean Santeul Petrum, tyranne, quid Newman.—_Pott, I. Williams, - catenis obruis. W. Palmer._ - Piscatores hominum, Priest’s - sacerdotes mei. Prayer-Book.—_Caswall._ - De la Bmnetière Plagis magistri saucia. Newman.—_I. Williams._ - Roman Breviary* Placare, Christe, servulis. I. 256.—_Caswall._ - Le Puy Missal Plange Sion muta vocem. —_H. R. B._ - Ambrosian Plasmator hominis Deus. I. 61.—_Chambers, H. A._ - 472 - Jesuit Plaudite coeli. II. 366. March.—_Charles, - Hewett, McGill, McCarthy, - Duffield, A. R. Thompson, - Hayes._ - Adam of St. V. Plausu chorus laetabundo. II. 88, V. 140.—_A. R. - Thompson, Benedict, - Duffield, Wrangham._ - Jesuit Pone luctum, Magdalena. II. 365. Trench, - March.—_Copeland, Morgan, - Anon., Charles, Benedict, - Washburn, Duryea, A. R. - Thompson, Hayes, Anketell, - Moultrie, Banks, Hart._ - Popule meus, quid tibi Daniel’s - feci. Blüthenstrauss.—_Oakeley, - Moultrie._ - Corner Portas vestras aeternales. Trench.—_Morgan._ - Bede Post facta celsa Conditor. Mone, 1.—_Neale._ - Adam of St. V. Postquam hostem et inferna. Morel, 77.—_Black, Wrangham._ - Servite Breviary Praeclara custos virginum. IV. 340.—_Caswall._ - Bede Praecursor altus luminis. I. 208.—_Neale, Calverley._ - Charles Coffin Praedicta Christi mors Newman.—_I. Williams, - adest. Chandler._ - Pressi malorum pondere. —_Caswall._ - Noyon Breviary Prima victricis fidei Neale.—_W. H. D._ - corona. - Roman Breviary* Primo die, quo Trinitas. I. 175.—_Mant, Caswall, - Newman, H. A. M., Copeland, - Wm. Palmer, H. A., Esling._ - Gregory Primo dierum omnium, Quo I. 175.—_Keble, Chambers, - mundus. Hewett, Morgan._ - Jean Santeul Procul maligni cedite Newman.—_I. Williams._ - spiritus. - Adam of St. V. Profitentes unitatem. V. 72.—_Morgan, Wrangham._ - Claude Santeul Prome vocem, mens, canoram. Newman.—_Chambers, Chandler, - Campbell, I. Williams._ - Seb. Besnault Promissa, tellus, concipe Newman.—_Chambers, I. - gaudia. Williams._ - Chas. Coffin Promittis et servas datam. Newman.—_Chambers, Chandler, - I. Williams._ - Poitiers Missal Prope est claritudinis V. 173.—_Hewett._ - magnae dies. - XVth Century Puer natus in Bethlehem. I. 334, IV. 258. March, - Trench.—_Hewett, Ryder, - Eddy, A. R. Thompson, - Littledale, Charles, Schaff, - Hart, Anketell._ - XIVth or XVth Puer nobis nascitur. I. 333, IV. 258.—_Evening - Cent. Office_, 1748, _Esling._ - Paris Breviary Pugnate, Christi milites. Newman.—_Duffield, Pott, - Hope, I. Williams, A. R. - Thompson._ - Pulchra tota, sine nota. —_Caswall._ - 473 - Jean Santeul Pulsum supernis sedibus. Newman.—_McGill, Chandler, - Baker, Wm. Palmer, I. - Williams._ - Fortunatus Quâ Christus horâ sitiit. I. 169.—_Chambers._ - Cluny Breviary Quae dixit, egit, pertulit. —_Caswall._ - De la Brunetière Quae gloriosum tanta. Newman.—_I. Williams._ - Roman Breviary Quaenam lingua tibi, O —_Caswall, Potter, Anon._ - lancea, debitas. - Charles Coffin Quae stella sole pulchrior. Newman.—_Chandler, Chambers, - Campbell, Charles, Blew, A. - R. Thompson, H. A. M., - Thring, Singleton, I. - Williams._ - Claude Santeul Quae te pro populi Newman.—_I. Williams, - criminibus. Chambers, Earle._ - Charles Coffin Qua lapsu tacito stella Newman.—_I. Williams, - loquacibus. Campbell._ - Jean Santeul Quam, Christe, signasti Newman.—_Chambers, I. - viam. Williams._ - Bonaventura Quam despectus, quam Trench.—_Worsley._ - dejectus. - Adam of St. V. Quam dilecta tabernacula. II. 75, V. 102. March, - Trench.—_Neale, Flower, - Wrangham._ - Jean Santeul Quam nos potenter allicis. Newman.—_I. Williams, - Calverley._ - XIVth Century MS. Quando noctis medium. Mone, 29.—_Neale._ - Paris Breviary Quantis micas honoribus. Newman.—_I. Williams._ - Jean Santeul Quem misit in terras Deus. Newman.—_Chandler, I. - Williams._ - Jean Santeul Quem nox, quem tenebrae. Newman.—_Chambers, I. - Williams._ - Fortunatus Quem terra, pontus, I. 172, IV. 135.—_Chambers, - aethera. H. A. M., Oxenham, Neale._ - Roman Breviary* Quem terra, pontus, sidera. I. 172.—_Mant, Copeland, - Caswall._ - Jean Santeul Qui Christiano nomine Newman.—_I. Williams._ - gloriantur. - Franciscan Brev. Quicunque certum quaeritis. —_Caswall, H. A. M., Potter._ - Prudentius Quicunque Christum I. 135. Newman.—_Primer_, - quaeritis. 1706, _Mant, Caswall, - Newman, Husenbeth, Potter, - Campbell, H. A. M., - Copeland, McGill, Duffield, - Benedict._ - Quicunque sanus vivere. —_Caswall._ - VIIth Century Quicunque vult salvus esse. —_Anon._, 1643. - Prudentius Quid est quod arctum Bjorn.—_McGill, Esling._ - circulum. - 474 - Charles Coffin Quid moras nectis? Domino Newman.—_I. Williams._ - jubente. - Jean Santeul Quid obstinata pectora. Newman.—_I. Williams, - Chandler._ - Benedict. Brev. Quidquid antiqui cecinêre Zabuesnig.—_Caswall._ - vates. - Jean Santeul Quid tu, relictis urbibus. Newman.—_Chambers, I. - Williams._ - Peter Damiani Quid tyranne, quid minaris. II. 378, IV. 349. - March.—_Morgan, McGill, - Washburn, Hayes, Anketell, - Duffield._ - Bonaventura Qui jacuisti mortuus. IV. 220. March.—_Charles, - Chambers._ - Charles Coffin Qui nos creas solus, Pater. Newman.—_I. Williams._ - Bonaventura Qui pressurâ mortis durâ. IV. 221.—_Chambers._ - Adam of St. V. Qui procedis ab utroque. II. 73, V. 201. March, - Trench.—_Caswall, Morgan, - Worsley, Wrangham._ - Chas. Coffin Qui sacris hodie sistitur Newman.—_I. Williams._ - aris. - Quis dabit profundo nostro. —_Caswall._ - Charles Coffin Quis ille sylvis e Newman.—_I. Williams._ - penetralibus. - XVth Century Quisquis valet numerare. Mone, 303.—_Neale._ - Quis Te canat mortalium. —_Caswall._ - Jean Santeul Qui Te, Deus, sub intimo. Newman.—_Chambers, Chandler, - I. Williams._ - IXth Century Quod chorus vatum. Stevenson.—_Chambers, Blew._ - Roman Breviary* Quodcunque in orbe nexibus I. 244.—_Caswall._ - revinxeris. - Charles Coffin Quod lex vetus adumbravit. Newman.—_Campbell, Chandler, - I. Williams._ - Jesuit Quo me, Deus, amore. IV. 326.—_A. M. M._ (_Lyra - Euch._). - Jean Santeul Quo sanctus ardor te rapit. Newman.—_Caswall._ - Jean Santeul Quos in hostes, Saule, Newman.—_I. Williams, H. A. - tendis. M., Chandler, Singleton._ - Charles Coffin Quos pompa secli, quos Zabuesnig.—_I. Williams._ - opes. - Charles Coffin Quo vos magistri gloria, Newman.—_Chambers, I. - quo salus. Williams, Blew._ - Chas. Coffin Rebus creatis nil egens. Newman.—_Chambers, Chandler, - H. A. M., Hope, I. Williams, - Campbell._ - XIVth Century Recolamus sacram coenam. V. 212.—_A. M. M._ (_Lyra - Euch._). - 475 - Bonaventura Recordare sanctae crucis. II. 101. March.—_Alexander, - Harbaugh, Washburn, Morgan, - Benedict, Hayes._ - Ambrosian Rector potens, verax Deus. I. 51, IV. 44.—_Primer_, - 1545 and 1559, _Mant, - Caswall, Chambers, Newman, - Anketell, Chandler, Neale, - Bp. Williams, Copeland, H. - A._ - Claude Santeul Redditum luci, Domino Newman.—_I. Williams._ - vocante. - XIVth Cent. MS. Redeundo per gyram. V. 306.—_Neale._ - Urban VIII Regali solio fortis IV. 297.—_Caswall._ - Iberiae. - XIVth Century (K.) Regina coeli, laetare. II. 319.—_Caswall, Esling._ - Urban VIII Regis superni nuntia. IV. 309.—_Caswall._ - Angers Missal Regnantem sempiterna per V. 172.—_Chambers, Hewett._ - secula. - Jean Santeul Regnator orbis summus et Newman.—_I. Williams, - arbiter. Caswall._ - Jean Santeul Regnis paternis debitus. Newman.—_I. Williams._ - XVIth Century Reminiscens beati Ecclesiologist XXI.—_A. M. - sanguinis. M._ (_Lyra Euch._). - Chas. Coffin Rerum Creator omnium, Newman.—_Chambers, Chandler, - Nostros labores. Duffield._ - Ambrosian Rerum Creator optime. I. 53.—_Primer_, 1545 and - 1559, _Caswall, Chambers, - Newman, Copeland, H. A._ - Ambrosian Rerum Deus tenax vigor. I. 52, IV. 45.—_Mant, - Caswall, Chambers, Anketell, - Chandler, H. A. M., Bp. - Williams, Copeland, H. A., - Ellerton, Hjort._ - XVth Century MS. Resonet in laudibus. I. 327, IV. 252.—_H. E. J._ - (_Lutheran_). - Vth Century (K.) Rex aeterne Domine. I. 85, IV. 20.—_Chambers._ - Old-English Rex angelorum praepotens. Morel.—_Chambers._ - Gregory Rex Christe, factor omnium. I. 180, IV. 176. - March.—_Chambers, Copeland, - Palmer, Inglis._ - Gregory (?) Rex gloriose martyrum. I. 248, IV. 139.—_Chambers, - B. T., Caswall._ - Rex Jesu potentissime. —_Caswall, Chambers._ - Roman Breviary* Rex sempiterne coelitum. I. 85.—_Mant, Caswall, H. A. - M., Copeland, Moultrie, - Esling._ - Mozarabic Brev. Sacer octavarum dies IV. 60.—_Blew._ - hodiernus. - Sacram venite supplices. —_Caswall._ - Mozarabic Brev. Sacrata Christi tempora. IV. 134.—_H. Thompson._ - Hartmann Sacrata libri dogmata. IV. 83.—_Crippen._ - Thos. Aquinas Sacris sollemniis juncta I. 252.—_Bp. Patrick, I. - sint gaudia. Williams, Caswall, Chambers, - Aylward._ - 476 - Roman Breviary Saepe dum Christi populus. IV. 301.—_Caswall._ - Roman Breviary Saevo dolorum turbine. Fabricius.—_Caswall, - Singleton._ - Sarum Missal Salus aeterna indeficiens II. 185, V. 172.—_Caswall, - mundi vita. A. M. M., Chambers._ - Roman Breviary* Salutis aeternae dator. I. 297.—_Mant, Caswall._ - Roman Breviary* Salutis humanae sator. I. 63. Newman.—_Evening - Office_, 1710, _Mant, - Caswall, Campbell, - Husenbeth, Potter, Esling, - Chandler, Copeland._ - VIth or VIIth Salvator mundi domine. I. 274, IV. 209.—_Primer_, - Cent. 1545 and 1559, _Chambers, - Hewett, Browne_ (_?_), _Ken_ - (_?_), _Cosin, Hope, P. C. - E., Copeland, H. A. M., H. - A._ - Salve, arca foederis. IV. 342.—_Caswall._ - Bernard of Salve caput cruentatum. I. 232, IV. 228. - Clairvaux March.—(_Gerhardt_), - (_Hermann_), _Baker, - Charles, Alford, Alexander, - Jackson, Kynaston, J. A. - Symonds._ - Adam of St. V. Salve crux, arbor. V. 90.—_Duffield, Wrangham._ - Heribert Salve crux sancta, salve I. 243, IV. 185.—_Aylward._ - mundi gloria. - Adam of St. V. Salve dies dierum gloria. Morel, 73.—_H. R. B., - Wrangham._ - York Processional Salve festa dies, toto II. 182. Newman.—_Charles, - venerabilis aevo, Qua Deus Anon._ - de coelo. - York Processional Salve festa dies, toto II. 183, V. 211.—_H. R. B., - venerabilis aevo, Qua Deus Moultrie._ - ecclesiam. - Fortunatus Salve festa dies, toto I. 169. Newman, March, - venerabilis aevo, Qua Deus Trench.—_Neale, Charles, - infernum. Ellerton, Schaff, Copeland._ - York Processional Salve festa dies, toto II. 184, V. 214. Newman.—_W. - venerabilis orbe, Qua A., Moultrie._ - sponso. - Bernard of Salve Jesu, pastor bone. IV 226.—(_Gerhardt_), - Clairvaux _Krauth, H. Thompson._ - Bernard of Salve Jesu, Rex sanctorum. IV. 225.—_Chambers, - Clairvaux Whytehead, H. Thompson._ - Bernard of Salve Jesu, summe bonus. IV. 226.—_H. Thompson, - Clairvaux Kynaston._ - XIVth Cent. MS. Salve mi angelice. Mone, 312.—_Chambers, - Mozley._ - XIVth Cent. MS. Salve mundi domina et Mone, 322.—_Caswall._ - coeli. - Bernard of Salve mundi salutare. II. 359, IV. 224. March, - Clairvaux Trench.—_Charles, Morgan, - Kynaston._ - XVth Century MS. Salve, O sanctissime. Mone, 650.—_Moultrie, M._ - Hermann Contr. Salve Regina, mater II. 321.—_Caswall, Duffield._ - misercordiae. - 477 - Conrad of Gaming Salve saluberrima. Mone, 233.—_Chambers._ - XIIth Cent. MS. Salve sancta caro Dei. Mone, 215.—_R. E. E. W._ - Aegidius of Burgos Salve sancta facies. I. 341, II. 232, IV. 222, V. - 158.—_Chambers._ - XVth Cent. MS. Salve suavis et formose. Mone, 229.—_L._ - Roman Breviary Salvete Christi vulnera. II. 355.—_Caswall, Oxenham, - Z._ in _Annus Sanctus._ - Roman Breviary Salvete clavis et lancea. —_Caswall, Wallace._ - Prudentius Salvete Flores martyrum. I. 124, IV. 120. March, - Trench, Newman.—_Chandler, - Caswall, Neale, Keble, - Hewett, Morgan, McGill, - Chambers, Bp. Patrick, - Singleton, Oxenham, Hope, I. - Williams, Banks, Copeland, - Churton, Esling, Benedict._ - Bede Salve tropaeum gloria. I. 208, IV. 271. March, - Trench.—_Kynaston._ - Trondhjem Missal Sanctae Sion adsunt V. 215.—_Onslow, Moultrie, - encaenia. D. P._ - Xth or XIth Cent. Sancte Dei pretiose I. 241, IV. 177.—_Chambers, - protomartyr Stephane. Hewett._ - Notker Sancte Spiritus, adsit II. 16, V. 170.—_Neale, - nobis gratia, Qua corda. Calverley._ - Early Irish Sancti, venite; Christi I. 193, IV. 109.—_Neale, - corpus sumite. McKenzie, McCarthy, - Anketell._ - VIth-IXth Century Sanctorum meritis inclyta I. 203, IV. 139.—_Mant, - gaudia. Caswall, Chambers._ - Guill. de la Sat, Paule, sat terris Newman.—_I. Williams, - Brunetière datum. Chambers._ - Conrad of Gaming Saturatus ferculis. Mone, 232.—_Chambers, L._ - Prudentius Sed verticem pueri supra. McGill.—_McGill._ - Jean Santeul Sensus quis horror Newman.—_Chambers, Campbell, - percutit. Chandler, S. Ninian’s Hymns, - Wm. Palmer, I. Williams._ - Ambrosian Sermone blando angelus. I. 83.—_Chambers, Neale, - Earle, Braye, Anketell._ - Anglo-Saxon Sexta aetate virgine. Stevenson.—_Chambers._ - Adam of St. V. Sexta passus feria. Wrangham.—_Littledale, - Wrangham._ - Prudentius Sic stulta Pharaonis. McGill.—_McGill, Benedict._ - Adam of St. V. Sicut chorda musicorum. March, Trench.—_Charles._ - Jean Santeul Signum novi crux foederis. Zabuesnig.—_M._ - Adam of St. V. Simplex in essentia. II. 72, V. 198.—_Duffield, - Wrangham._ - Jean Santeul Sinae sub alto vertice. Newman.—_Mant, I. Williams, - Caswall, Chandler._ - Wm. Alard Sit ignis atque lux mihi. Trench.—_Duffield._ - 478 - Jean Santeul Sit qui rite canat. Newman.—_Chambers, I. - Williams._ - Si vis patronum quaerere. Morel, 241.—_Caswall._ - Sarum Missal Si vis vere gloriari. V. 186. Trench.—_Whewell_, - 1849, _Worsley, Black._ - XIth Cent. MS. Sol, astra, terra, aequora. I. 257.—_Benedict._ - Charles Coffin Sollemne nos jejunii. Newman.—_Chambers, Campbell, - Chandler, H. A. M., - Singleton, I. Williams._ - Modern Sol praeceps rapitur. Briggs, 190.—_Caswall’s - English is the original._ - Ambrosian Somno refectis artubus. I. 26, IV. 36.—_Mant, Keble, - Newman, Caswall, Chambers, - Hewett, Bp. Williams, H. A., - Copeland._ - Angers Missal Sonent Regi nato nova Mone, 175.—_Hewett._ - cantica. - Padua Missal Speciosus forma prae natis V. 286.—_H. R. B._ (_Lyra - hominum. Myst._). - Ambrosius Splendor paternae gloriae, I. 24, IV. 20. March.—_Mant, - De luce. Chandler, Caswall, Chambers, - Morgan, McGill, Campbell, - Woodford, Wm. Palmer, - Copeland, H. A., Bp. - Williams, Edersheim, - Singleton, Dayman, Duffield._ - Paris Missal Sponsa Christi, quae per Newman, 2.—_Chandler, W. - orbem. Palmer._ - Jacoponus Stabat mater dolorosa. II. 131, V. 59. - March.—_Anon._, 1687, _Mant, - Caswall, Chambers, Aubrey de - Vere, McCarthy, Aylward, - Monsell, Charles, O. H. A._ - (_Interior_), _Coles, - Alexander, Crooke, McKenzie, - Morgan, Esling, Hayes, - Lindsay, Schaff, H. A. M., - Benedict, Sullivan, Phelps._ - Jacoponus (?) Stabat mater speciosa. March.—_McCarthy, McKenzie_ - (twice). - Charles Coffin Statuta decreto Dei. Newman.—_Chambers, W. M. A._ - in _Annus Sanctus, Blew, I. - Williams, Chandler._ - Ambrosian Stephano primo martyri. I. 90, IV. 89, - 354.—_Chambers._ - Adam of St. V. Stola regi laureatus. Trench.—_Neale, Morgan, - Wrangham._ - Mediaeval Stringere pauca libet. Trench.—_Black._ - Jean Santeul Stupete gentes! Fit Deus Newman.—_I. Williams, A. R. - hostia. Thompson._ - Paris Breviary Sublime numen, ter potens. Newman.—_Chambers, I. - Williams._ - 479 - Ambrosian Summae Deus clementiae, I. 34.—_Chambers, H. A._ - Mundique. - Roman Breviary Summae Deus clementiae, IV. 308.—_Caswall._ - Septem. - Roman Breviary* Summae parens clementiae. I. 34.—_Mant, Caswall, - Newman, Hope, Copeland._ - J. Merlo Horst Summe Pater, Deus clemens. —_John Austin_, 1688. - Gregory Summi largitor praemii. I. 182, IV. 217.—_Chambers, - Hewett, H. A. M._ - Franciscan Summi parentis filio. Migne.—_John Austin, - Breviary Caswall._ - Roman Breviary* Summi parentis unice. IV. 244.—_Caswall, H. A. M._ - Guill. de la Summi pusillus grex Patris. Newman.—_Chambers, I. - Brunetière. Williams, Chandler._ - Bernard of Summi Regis cor aveto. IV. 227. March.—_Washburn._ - Clairvaux - Adam of St. V. Supernae matris gaudia. II. 89, V. 109.—_Neale, - Morgan, Wrangham._ - Roman Breviary Supernus ales nuntiat. —_Caswall._ - Supplex sacramus canticum. —_Blew._ - Adam of St. V. Supra coelos dum —_Plumptre._ - conscendit. - Charles Coffin Supreme motor cordium. Newman.—_Chambers, I. - Williams, Chandler, - Woodford._ - Jean Santeul Supreme quales arbiter. Newman.—_I. Williams, - Chambers, Calverley, H. A. - M._ - Paris Breviary Supreme rector coelitum. Newman.—_I. Williams, - Chambers, Chandler, H. A. - M., Calverley._ - Mozarabic Surgentes ad Te, Domine. IV. 28.—_Chambers._ - Breviary. - Mainz Missal Surgit Christus cum Neale.—_Hewett._ - tropaeo. - XIVth Century Surrexit Christus hodie. I. 341, IV. 232. - March.—_Neale, Hewett, H. A. - M._ - XVth Cent. MS. Sursum corda dirigamus. V. 284.—_I. G. Smith._ - Jesuit Tandem audite me. IV. 344. March, - Trench.—_Hayes._ - XVth Century Tandem fluctus, tandem II. 336.—_Neale._ - luctus. - Charles Coffin Tandem peractis, O Deus. Newman.—_Chambers, Chandler, - H. A. M., I. Williams, Wm. - Palmer._ - Roman Breviary Te deprecante corporum. IV. 311.—_Caswall._ - Hilary (?) Te Deum laudamus. II. 276. March.—(_Luther_), - _Wither, Tate, H. A. M., - Cotterill_, 1810, _Anon._, - 1842, _Caswall, Charles, - Walworth, Millard, Hatfield, - Gambold, Conder, Anon.,_ - 1792, _Porter, Robertson._ - Te Deum Patrem colimus. Magdalene College - Hymn.—_Chandler, Sarum - Hymnal._ - Roman Breviary Te, Joseph, celebrent. IV. 296.—_Caswall._ - 480 - Charles Coffin Te laeta, mundi Conditor. Newman.—_Neale, I. Williams, - Chandler, H. A. M., - Chambers, Campbell._ - Roman Breviary* Telluris alme Conditor. I. 59.—_Dryden_ (_?_), - _Mant, Caswall, Bp. - Williams, Copeland, Hope._ - Ambrosian Telluris ingens Conditor. I. 59. March.—_Chambers, H. - A., Duffield._ - Flavius of Chalons Tellus et aethra jubilent. I. 233.—_Chambers._ - Jean Santeul Tellus tot annos. Zabuesnig.—_S. M._ - Ambrosian Te, lucis ante terminum. I. 52. Newman.—_Mant, - Caswall, Newman, Chambers, - Campbell, Kent, Oxenham, - Blount, Hewett, Browne_ - (_?_), _Esling, Anketell, - Neale, Copeland, H. A., Bp. - Williams._ - Roman Breviary Te mater alma numinis. IV. 309.—_Caswall._ - Te matrem laudamus. Mone, 501.—_Charles._ - Jean Santeul Templi sacratas pande, Newman.—_Caswall, Chambers, - Sion, foras. H. A. M., I. Williams, - Singleton, Blew._ - Chas. Coffin Te principem summo, Deus. Newman.—_Chambers, Chandler, - I. Williams._ - French Te quanta victor funeris. Neale.—_W. H. D._ - Roman Breviary Te Redemptoris Dominique IV. 303.—_Caswall._ - nostri. - Ambrosian Ternis ter horis numerus. I. 73.—_Chambers._ - Claude Santeul Ter sancte, ter potens Newman.—_Chambers, I. - Deus. Williams, Caswall, Chandler, - Pott, Ellerton, Wm. Palmer._ - M. A. Flaminius Te, sancte Jesu, mens mea. McGill.—_McGill._ - Roman Breviary* Te, splendor et virtus I. 220. Newman.—_Dryden_ - Patris. (_?_), _Mant, Caswall, - Copeland, Hope, Wm. Palmer._ - Rabanus Maurus Tibi, Christe, splendor I. 220, IV. 165.—_Caswall, - Patris. Neale, Chambers._ - Roman Breviary Tinctam ergo Christi —_Caswall._ - sanguine. - Hildebert Totum, Deus, in Te spero. —_Morgan, McGill._ - Adam of St. V. Tria dona reges ferunt. Trench.—_Littledale._ - Hartmann Tribus signis Deo dignas. Trench.—_McGill._ - Pierre de Corbeil Trinitas, unitas, deitas. V. 206.—_Neale, Duffield._ - Ambrosian Tristes erant Apostoli. I. 83. Newman.—_Caswall, - Neale, Copeland, Esling._ - XVth or XVIth Triumphe plaudant maria. II. 365.—_Neale, Kynaston, - Cent. B. T._ - Gregory (?) Tu, Christe, nostrum I. 197.—_Earle, Chambers._ - gaudium. - 481 - Roman Breviary Tu natale solum protege, IV. 295.—_Caswall._ - tu bonae. - Jean Santeul Tu, quem prae reliquis Newman.—_Chambers, I. - Christus. Williams._ - Bonaventura Tu, qui velatus facie. IV. 220. March.—_Charles, - Chambers._ - Ambrosian Tu Trinitatis unitas. I. 35, IV. 38. - Newman.—_Dryden_ (_?_), - _Mant, Caswall, Chambers, - Newman, Campbell, Copeland, - H. A., Bp. Williams._ - Chas. Coffin Ultricibus nos undique. Newman.—_Chambers, I. - Williams, Chandler._ - XVth Century Unde planctus et lamentum. I. 312.—_Duffield._ - Jean Santeul Uncta crux Dei cruore. Zabuesnig.—_M._ - Charles Coffin Unus bonorum fons Deus Zabuesnig.—_I. Williams._ - omnium. - Jean Santeul Urbem Romuleam quis furor. Newman.—_F. R._ - VIIIth Century Urbs beata Hirusalem. I. 239, IV. 193. Trench, - March.—_Drummond_, 1619, - _Neale, Benson, Chambers, - Hewett, A. R. Thompson, H. - R. B._ (_Lyra Myst._), _H. - A. M., Hope, Singleton._ - Seb. Besnault* Urbs beata, vera pacis Newman.—_A. R. Thompson, - visio. Doggett, I. Williams._ - Old Paris Urbs Jerusalem beata. Zabuesnig.—_Morgan, - Breviary* Chandler, Anketell._ - Bernard of Cluny Urbs Sion aurea. Trench, March.—_Neale, - Coles, Duffield, Moultrie, - Anketell._ - Bernard of Cluny Urbs Sion inclyta. Trench, March.—_Neale, - Morgan, Coles, Duffield, - Moultrie._ - M. Casimir Urit me patriae decor. —_Neale._ - Sarbievius - Jesuit Ut axe sunt serena. IV. 341.—_Morgan._ - Bernard of Ut jucundas cervus undas. Trench.—_Morgan._ - Clairvaux - Paulus Diaconus Ut queant laxis resonare I. 209, IV. 163, 370. - fibris. March.—_Caswall, Chambers, - Copeland, A. C. C., B._ - Paris Breviary Ut sol decore sidere. Newman.—_Caswall, I. - Williams._ - Prudentius Vagitus ille exordium. McGill.—_McGill._ - Trondhjem Missal Veneremur crucis lignum. V. 183.—_Black._ - Rabanus Maurus Veni, Creator Spiritus, I. 213, IV. 124. Trench, - Mentes. March.—(_Luther_), - _Coverdale, Wither, Dryden, - Evening Office_, 1710, - _Tate, Hammond, Mant, - Caswall, Chambers, Charles, - Campbell, Bp. Williams, - Aylward, Husenbeth, Esling, - Stryker, Morgan, Duffield, - McGill, Cosin, Blew, W. P. - R., Anketell, Copeland, I. - Williams, H. A. M., - Chandler._ - 482 - Veni, Creator Spiritus, Trench, March.—_Caswall, - Spiritus recreator. Mason, Charles._ - XIth Century Veni, jam veni. Mone, 188.—_Moultrie, - Duffield._ - Ambrose Veni, Redemptor gentium. I. 12, IV. 4, 353. March, - Trench.—(_Luther_), - _Chambers, Hewett, Charles, - Palmer, Morgan, Anketell, - McGill, Neale, Copeland, Bp. - Williams, A. L. P., Anon._ - (_Quiver_), _Anon._ (_Lyrics - of Light and Life_). - Hermann Contr. Veni, sancte Spiritus. II. 35, V. 69. Trench, - March.—(_Luther_), - _Verstegan_, 1599, _Divine - Office_, 1763, _Hart_, 1759, - _Beste, Campbell, Chambers, - Caswall, Charles, Earle, - Stanley, Worsley, Morgan, - Benedict, A. R. Thompson, - Palmer, McGill, Duffield, - Washburn, M. C._ - (_Churchman_), _Anon._ - (_Christian Instructor_), - _Anon., Hayes, Esling, - McCarthy, Anketell._ - Charles Coffin Veni, superne Spiritus. Newman.—_Chambers, J. M. H., - Chandler, I. Williams._ - Roman Breviary Venit e coelo Mediator Fabricius.—_Caswall._ - alto. - XIIth Century (?) Veni, veni, Emmanuel. II. 336, IV. 316.—_Neale, - Chambers, Singleton, McGill, - Anketell._ - XVth Century MS. Veni, veni, Rex gloriae. Mone, 35.—_Crippen, Bonar._ - Adam of St. V. Verbi veri substantivi. Trench.—_Trench._ - Adam (?) Verbum Dei, Deo natum. II. 166, V. 43. March, - Trench.—_Washburn, Duffield, - Morgan, Plumptre, Dayman._ - Paris Breviary Verbum, quod ante secula. Newman.—_Campbell, Chambers, - I. Williams, Chandler._ - Ambrosian Verbum supernum prodiens A I. 77.—_Campbell._ - Patre. - Roman Breviary * Verbum supernum prodiens E I. 77. Newman.—_Dryden_ (?), - Patris. _Mant, Keble, Newman, - Chambers, Hewett, Caswall, - Wm. Palmer, Chandler, - Singleton._ - Thos. Aquinas Verbum supernum prodiens I. 254. Newman.—_Dryden_ - Nec. (?), _Caswall, Chambers, - Campbell, Kent, Aylward, I. - Williams, H. A. M., - Anketell, Esling._ - Fortunatus Vexilla Regis prodeunt. I. 160, IV. 70. March, - Newman.—_Dryden_ (?), - _Caswall, Chandler, Neale, - Keble, Chambers, Beste, - Massie, Husenbeth, Aylward, - Kent, McGill, Duffield, - Charles, A. R. Thompson, - McKenzie, Campbell, - Benedict, I. Williams, Bp. - Williams, Churton, - Singleton, Anon._, 1706. - 483 - Wipo (?), Notker Victimae paschali laudes. II. 95, 385. III. 287. - (?) Newman.—_Blount,_ 1670, - _Caswall, Campbell, Leeson, - Husenbeth, Anon._ - (_Churchman_), _Abp. - Manning’s Collection, - Esling, Benedict._ - Paris Breviary Victis sibi cognomina. Newman.—_Chambers, Braye, I. - Williams, Singleton, - Chandler._ - Monk of St. Gall Virgines castae, virgines Neale.—_S. M._ - summae. - XVth Century MS. Virginis in gremio. V. 252.—_A. M. M._ - IXth Century (Ko) Virginis proles opifexque I. 250, IV. 140, - matris. 368.—_Caswall, Chambers._ - Virgo vernans velut rosa. —_Caswall._ - Joh. von Geissel Virgo virginum praeclara. V. 349.—_Caswall._ - Alain de Lisle Vita nostra plena bellis. March.—_Washburn, Hayes._ - Charles Coffin Vos ante Christi tempora. Newman.—_Chambers, I. - Williams, Chandler._ - Paris Breviary Vos, O virginei cum Newman.—_Chambers, I. - citharis. Williams._ - Jean Santeul Vos sancti proceres. Zabuesnig.—_I. Williams._ - Jean Santeul Vos succensa Deo splendida. Newman.—_Chambers, I. - Williams._ - Ambrosian Vox clara ecce intonat. I. 76, IV. 143.—_Keble, - Chambers, Hewett, Braye, - Anketell._ - Noyon Breviary Vox clara terris nos gravi. Neale.—_Ryder._ - Adam of St. V. Vox sonora nostri chori. Neale.—_Morgan._ - Adam of St. V. Zyma vetus expurgetur. II. 69, V. 161. - Trench.—_Neale, Morgan, - Plumptre._ - -This list shows how much of the attention of English translators has -been occupied by the hymns of the Paris Breviary of 1736, which for the -most part are contemporary with the English hymns of Watts and -Doddridge. There are 180 translated hymns taken from that breviary, and -of these there are 536 translations—the largest group furnished by any -one source. Next comes the Roman Breviary, chiefly through the labors of -Mr. Caswall and other Roman Catholic translators. Then come the versions -of Ambrosian and other primitive hymns, Prudentius standing next to -Ambrose and his school. Of the mediaeval writers, Adam of St. Victor -would be seen to stand first, if all the versions of Mr. Wrangham had -been catalogued, but this seemed unnecessary. - - - - - APPENDIX. - - -Mr. Duffield had copied for insertion the introduction which Bernard of -Morlaix wrote for his poem, _De Contemptu Mundi_. It is here given from -the text of 1610. The reader will find little difficulty in -distinguishing _u_ and _v_, _i_ and _j_ in the orthography, and in -recognizing _q:_ as the enclitic _que_. It will be observed that the -introduction is not written throughout in the Leonine verse of the poem, -but varies into two easier forms of verse. - - - BERNARDI MORLANENSIS DE VANITATE MUNDI ET APPETITU - AETERNAE VITAE, LIBELLUS AUREOLUS. - - Chartula nostra tibi mandat dilecte salutes, - Plura vides ibi si modo non mea dona refutes. - Dulcia sunt animae solatia quae tibi mando. - Sed prosunt minimè, si non serves operando. - Quae mea verba monent tu noli tradere vento, - Cordis in aure sonent, et sic retinere memento, - Vt tibi grande bonum nostri monitus operentur, - Perq: dei donum tibi caelica regna parentur. - Menti sincerae possunt haec verba placere, - Haeciter ostendunt, hortantur, non reprehendunt. - - Vox diuina monet quod nemo spem sibi ponet - In rebus mundi, quae causam dant pereundi. - Si quis amat Christum mundum non diligat istum - Sed quasi faetorem spernens illius amorem, - Aestimet obscaenum, quod mundus credit amaenum. - Totum huic vilescit iam quidquid in orbe nitescit, - Vitat terrenum decus vt mortale venenum. - Abiectoq: foris caeno carnalis amoris, - Ad regnum caeli suspirat mente fideli, - Atq: fide plena paradisi speret amaena. - Tu quoq: frater ita carnis contagia vita - Vt placeas Christo, mundo dum vivis in isto. - Nec tibi sint curae res ad nihilum rediturae. - Quae cito labuntur, multoq: labore petuntur. - Cur homo laetaris quia forsan cras moriaris? - Per nullam sortem poteris depellere mortem. - Cur caro laetaris quia vermibus esca pararis? - Hic, locus est flendi, sed ibi est peccata luendi. - Postea gaudebunt qui nunc sua crimina flebunt. - Iam non laetetur qui gaudia summa meretur. - Gaudia stultorum cumulant tormenta dolorum. - Talia prudentes fugiunt, ea despicientes. - Cur caro non spernis quae pretereuntia cernis? - Nonne vides mundum miserum, et pariter moribundum - Sub gladio dirae mortis languendo perire? - Mors resecat, mors omne necat quod in orbe creatur, - Magnificos premit et modicos, cunctis dominatur. - Nobilium tenet imperium, nullumq: veretur - Tam ducibus quam principibus communis habetur. - Mors juuenes rapit atq: senes, nulli miseretur, - Illa fremit, genus omne tremit quod in orbe mouetur - Illa ferit, caro tota perit dum sub pede mortis - Conteritur, nec eripitur vir robore fortis. - Cur igitur qui sic moritur vult magnificari? - Diuitias sibi cur nimias petit ille parari? - Instabiles sumus et fragiles, multisq: ruinis - Atterimur, dum sic trahimur sub tempore finis. - Pretereunt et non redeunt mortalia quaeque - Naec statio manet in dubio sic nocte dieque - Vita breuis velut vmbra levis sic annihilatur. - Sic vadit, subitoq: cadit dum stare putatur. - Quis redimit cum mors perimit, quia munera nunquam - Nec pretium nec seruitium mors accipit vnquam? - Sed quid plura loquar? nulli mors invida parcit, - Non euadit inops, nec qui marsupia farcit. - Non igitur cesses ea quae bona sunt operari, - Nam mors non cessat tibi nocte dieq: minari. - Amplius in rebus noli sperare caducis. - Sed cupiat tua mens aeternae gaudia lucis. - Falliter insipiens vitae praesentis amore, - Sed nouit sapiens quanto sit plena dolore - Quidquid formosum mundus gerit et speciosum. - Floris habet morem cui dat natura colorem. - Mox vt siccatur totus color annihilatur, - Postea nec florem monstrat, nec spirat odorem. - Regia majestas, omnis terrena potestas, - Prosperitas rerum, series longinqua dierum - Ibit, et absq: morâ cum mortis venerit hora. - Mundi quid sit honor ego nunc tibi scribere conor. - Nosti quippe satis quam nil ferat vtilitatis. - Praedia terrarum, possessio diuitiarum, - Fabrica murorum, grandis structura domorum, - Gloria mensarum, cum deliciis epularum, - Insignesq: thori pariterq: scyphiq: decori, - Resplendens vestis quae moribus obstat honestis, - Grex armentorum, spaciosus cultus agrorum, - Fertile vinetum diuersâ vite repletum, - Gratia natorum, dilectio dulcis eorum, - Cuncta relinquentur, nec post haec inuenientur. - Quod breuiter durat quis prudens quaerere curat? - Non metuens hominem faciet mors aspera finem - Rebus mundanis mendacibus, et malè sanis. - Causa gravis scelerum cessabit amor mulierum. - Colloquium quarum non est nisi virus amarum, - Praebens sub mellis dulcedine pocula fellis. - Nam decus illarum laqueus fallax animarum, - Cum verbis blandis mendacibus atq: nephandis - Illaqueant, stultosq: ferunt ad tartara multos. - Omnia transibunt, et gaudia vana peribunt, - Et faciunt fructum tristem per faecula luctum. - Omnibus hoc dico ne se subdent inimico. - Ne supplantentur qui subditi in his retinentur. - Noli confundi miserâ dulcedine mundi. - Nam sua dulcedo dilabitur ordine faedo. - Quae trepidas mentes et mollia quaeq: sequentes - Fallit mulcendo carnem, blandeq: fovendo. - Postea finitur, nec dulcis tunc reperitur, - Sed fit amara nimis nec adaequans vltima primis, - Et grauiter pungit miseros, quos primitus vngit. - Nam sic illusus et semper mollibus vsus. - Damnatos dignè post mortem torret in igne. - Atq: voluptatem conuertit in anxietatem, - Et fit flamma furens illos sine fine perurens. - Talia lucra ferent studiis qui talibus haerent. - Sed qui saluari vult perpetuoq: beari - Christo deuotum studeat se tradere totum - Hujus inhaerendo praeceptis, et faciendo - Quae scripturarum monstrant documenta sacrarum. - Accipiet verè qui vult haec jussa tenere - Sedibus in laetis aeternae dona quietis. - Quae cunctis dantur qui corde Deo famulantur, - Atq: ea qui spernunt quae praetereuntia cernunt - Hic est seruorum requies, et vita suorum, - Gaudia quae praestat, tribulatio nulla molestat, - Gloria solennis manet illic, paxq: perennis. - Semper honoratos facit hos Deus atq: beatos - Quos recipit secum. Sed quamuis judicet aequum, - Plura tamen dantur sanctis, quàm promereantur. - Omnia dat gratis fons diuinae pietatis, - Proq: labore breui bona confert perpetis aeui. - His qui salvantur semper bona multa parantur. - Sic mala multa malis properat mors exitialis. - Isti gaudebunt, isti sine fine dolebunt. - Nemo potest fari, nec scribere, nec meditari - Gaudia justorum, nec non tormenta malorum. - Heu malè fraudatur, vah! stultè ludificatur, - Qui propter florem mundi, vanumq: decorem, - Qui prius apparet quasi flos, et protinus aret, - Vadit ad infernum perdens diadema supernum, - Quod dominus donat cunctis, quos ipse coronat. - Errat homo verè qui cum bona possit habere, - Sponte subit paenas, infernalesq: catenas. - Huius amor mundi putei petit ima profundi, - Protinus extinctus, moritur qui mittitur intus, - Semper ad ima cadit, semper mors obuia vadit, - Nec venit ad metas mortis miserabilis aetas, - Nescit finiri, semperq: videtur oriri, - Semper vexando, semper gemitus provocando, - Ingerit ardores, infinitosq: dolores. - Sunt ibi serpentes flammas ex ore vomentes, - Fumosos dentes, et guttura torva gerentes, - A flatu quorum pereunt animae miserorum. - Sunt ibi tortores serpentibus horridiores, - Difformes, nigri, sed non ad verbera pigri, - Nunquam lassantur, sed semper ad hoc renouantur, - Et male feruentes sunt ad tormenta recentes. - Semper tristati sunt ad tormenta parati. - Semper et ardescunt, nec cessant, nec requiescunt, - Non exstirpantur nec parcunt nec miserantur, - Quàm malè damnatur, quàm fortiter excruciatur - Qui fert tantorum feritatem suppliciorum. - Quid tunc thesauri, quid acervus proderit auri, - Cum peccatores mittuntur ad inferiores - Inferni latebras, imas pariterq: tenebras, - Semper passuri, nec ab his vnquam redituri? - Tunc flens et tristis qui poenis traditur istis, - Mallet praeteritae quod in omni tempore vitae - Pauper vixisset, quam diuitias habuisset. - Stat malè securus qui protinus est moriturus. - Non bene laetatur cui paena dolorq: paratur. - Non igitur cures gazas acquirere plures, - Gazas fallaces incertas atque fugaces, - Quae magis optantur cum plenius accumulantur. - Haec faciunt mentes semper majora petentes. - Divitiae tales sunt omnibus exititiales, - Nam sibi credentes faciunt miseros, et egentes. - Post carnis vitam per blandimenta nutritam, - Expertesque boni traduntur perditioni, - Nemo tamen credat quod ab ista luce recedat, - Ignibus arsurus, vel propter opes periturus, - Si proprium servet, si divitias coacervet. - Quamvis sit rarum, poterit possessor earum. - Juste salvari, fugiat si nomen avari, - Vivat prudenter, gazas habeat sapienter, - Non abscondendo, sed egenis distribuendo. - Sed satis est notum quod plus dimittere totum - Prodest, quam temerè quae sunt nocitura tenere. - Tutius est verè mortem fugiendo cavere, - Quam prope serpentem procumbere virus habentem. - Sic est in mundo, quarè tibi consilium do - Quatenus hoc spreto te tradas pectore laeto - Servitio Christi, cui traditus ipse fuisti. - Hic tibi praebebit regnum quod fine carebit. - Huic si servieris celsis opibus potieris, - Tollere quas fures nequeunt, nec rodere mures. - Collige thesaurum qui gemmas vineat et aurum. - Quaere bonos mores, thesauros interiores. - Gazas congestas mentis praecellit honestas. - Nam miser est et erit qui mundi prospera quaerit. - Est dives vere qui non ea poscit habere, - Qui bonus est intus fidei quoq: numine tinctus, - Semper honestatis studium tenet et probitatis. - Cum bona quis tractat tunc se virtutibus aptat - Si nihil est sordis quod polluat intima cordis. - His delectatur Dominus qui cor speculatur, - Thesaurus talis preciosus spiritualis. - Comparat aeternam vitam, patriamq: supernam, - Congregat in coelis thesaurum quisq: fidelis, - Perq: bonos mores ad summos tendit honores, - Nec modo vult fieri locuples, nec major haberi. - Sed semper minimus semper despectus et imus. - Plus paupertatem cupiens quam prosperitatem, - Hancq: libens tolerat quia caeli gaudia sperat. - Pauper amabilis et venerabilis et benedictus. - Dives inutilis et miserabilis et maledictus. - Pauper laudatur cum dives vituperatur. - Qui bona negligit et mala diligit intrat abyssum, - Nulla potentia nulla pecunia liberat ipsum. - Est miserabilis insatiabilis illa vorago. - Ast ubi mergitur horrida cernitur omnis imago. - Haec cruciamina enim ob sua crimina promeruerunt, - Vir miserabilis Evaq: stebilis haec subierunt. - Jussa Dei pia quiq: salubria si tenuissent, - Vir necq: famina, nec quoq: semina morte ruissent. - Sed quia spernere jussaq: solvere non timuerunt - Mors gravis irruit, hoc merito fuit, et perierunt. - Janua mortis laesio fortis crimen eorum - Attulit orbi semina morbi totq: malorum. - Illa parentes atq: sequentes culpa peremit, - Atq: piarum deliciarum munus ademit. - Flebile fatum dans cruciatum dansq: dolorem. - Illa mereri, perdere veri regis amorem. - Tam lachrimosâ tamque perosâ morte perire. - Atq: ferorum suppliciorum claustra subire. - Est data saevam causa per Evam perditionis, - Dum meliorem sperat honorem voce Draconis. - Haec malens credens, nos quoq: laedens crimine magno - Omnia tristi subdidit isti saecula damno. - Stirps miserorum paena dolorum postea crevit. - His quoq: damnis pluribus annis subdita flevit. - Tunc Deus omnipotens qui verbo cuncta creavit. - Sic cecidisse dolens hominem, quem semper amavit, - Ipse suum verbum transmisit ad infima mundi - Exulibus miseris aperire viam redeundi. - Filius ergo Dei descendit ab arce superna. - Nunquam descendens à majestate paterna. - Qui corpus cum animâ sumens e numine salvo - Processit natus sacro de virginis alvo, - Verus homo verusq: Deus pius et miserator, - Verus Salvator nostraeq: salutis amator. - Vivendiq: volens nobis ostendere normam, - Se dedit exemplum rectamq: per omnia formam, - Insuper et multos voluit sufferre labores, - Atq: dolore suo nostros auferre dolores - Sponte sua moriens mortem moriendo peremit, - Et sic perpetua miseros à morte redemit. - Succurrens miseris mortali peste gravatis. - Quod non debebat persolvit fons pietatis. - Pondera nostra ferens penitus nos exoneravit, - Et quidquid crimen vetus abstulerat reparavit. - Nam de morte suâ redivivus uti leo fortis - Restituit vitam prostrato principe mortis. - Sic Domini pietas mundum non passa perire, - Fecit nos miseros ád gaudia prima venire. - Jam satis audisti frater quae gratia Christi - Sic nos salvavit, nostrumq: genus raparavit. - Si sapis hoc credas, nec ab hâc ratione recedas. - Sed quid lucratur credens qui non operatur? - Hic male se laedit. Male vivens non bene credit. - Crede mihi magnum facit illa fides sibi damnum, - Morteque mactatur, quia mortua jure vocatur. - Hunc facit ipsa mori sub judicio graviori - Quam si nescisset fidei quid dogma fuisset. - Quod loquor est notum retinentibus utile totum, - Frater id ausculta, veniunt tibi commoda multa - Si retinere velis, quia sic eris ipse fidelis. - Hanc per virtutem poteris sperare salutem. - Atque beatus eris si quae bona sunt opereris. - Ergo verborum semper memor esto meorum. - Cura tuae mentis semper sit in his documentis. - Si vis salvari semper studeas imitari - Vitam justorum, fugiens exempla malorum. - Illis jungaris quorum pia facta sequaris. - Elige sanctorum consortia, non reproborum. - O quam ditantur qui caelica regna lucrantur! - Sic exaltantur qui sanctis associantur, - Vivunt jocundi qui spernunt gaudia mundi, - Qui carnis miserae norunt vitium omne cavere. - Sub pedibus quorum victus jacet hostis eorum. - His dabitur verè Dominum sine fine videre, - Angelicusq: chorus divinâ laude sonorus, - Cum quibus ante Deum referunt cum laude tropaeum. - Quod tibi nunc dico si serves corde pudico - Hos inter caetus vives sine tempore laetus. - Sed miseri flebunt quia gaudia nulla videbunt. - Nunquam cum reprobis tribuatur portio nobis. - Ad paenas ibunt, et sic sine fine peribunt. - Mundus ad hanc partem per daemonis attrahit artem, - Isti haec dona ferent qui sordibus ejus adhaerent. - Sensu discreto quae sunt nocitura caveto, - Pervigili cura semper meditare futura. - Quam fera quam fortis veniet destructio mortis! - Quae via pandetur, cum spiritus egredietur! - Quid sit facturus, vel quos comites habiturus! - Quàm miser infernus, quùm nobilis ordo supernus! - Quae mala damnatis, quae sunt bona parta beatis! - Quantum gaudebunt quos gaudia summa replebunt! - Quos illustrabit quos semper laetificabit - Visio sancta Dei, splendorq: Dei faciei! - Talia quaerenti venient nova gaudia menti. - Cum studio tali dulcedine spirituali - Mens tua pascetur, si jugiter haec meditetur. - Hoc studium mentem Domino facit esse placentem. - Curas terrenas magno cruciamine plenas. - Funditus expellit, vitiorum germina vellit. - Sic terrenorum mens tacta timore dolorum. - Deserit errorem, mundiq: repellit amorem. - Postea summorum flagrescit amore bonorum. - Confert tale bonum Domini durabile donum. - Nam cum mutatur mala mens Deus hoc operatur. - Virtutum munus praestare potest Deus unus. - Qui sic servorum docet intus corda suorum. - Qui bona sectantur, vel qui purè meditantur. - Sic Dominus mores levat illos ad meliores, - Quos penitentes videt auxiliumque petentes, - Ergo fide purâ Christo te subdere cura. - Auxilio cujus fugias mala temporis hujus - Atria sunt caeli verè patefacta fideli. - Semper ibi vives divino munere dives - Si vis sincerè Domini praecepta tenere. - Christo junguntur sua qui praecepta sequuntur. - Nam decus aeternum datur his regnumque supernum. - Gloria caelestis Paradisi, caelica vestis - Hos faciet laetos, et pax aeterna quietos. - Num delectaris cum talia praemeditaris, - Ista libens audis, et ad haec pia gaudia plaudis? - Nec tamen ignores per magnos ista labores - Sanctis adquiri, nec fortuitò reperiri. - Sed quamvis gratis tribuat Deus ista beatis, - Nemo tamen segnis vitae fert dona perennis, - Ni melior factus, proprios correxerit actus. - Quem satis his dignum Dominus vult esse benignum. - Promptum ferventem non otia vana sequentem. - De regno caeli non credit mente fideli - Insipiens et hebes, sed tu bene credere debes. - Christo dicenti, rapiunt illud violenti. - Scilicet austeri, sed distinguendo severi, - Mollia spernentes, et carni vim facientes, - Semper et intenti Domino, parere jubenti. - Est caro nota satis, quod habet nihil vtilitatis. - Spiritus inde perit si corpus dulcia quaerit. - Et dum vexatur caro, Spiritus alleviatur: - Cumq: relaxatur mortaliter ille gravatur. - Omne quod ostendo potes ipse videre legendo. - Indice scripturâ poteris cognoscere plura. - Vitam quaerenti dat iter sacra lectio menti. - Accipe scriptorum frater documenta meorum, - Quae sibi monstravi, quae dulciter insinuavi. - Non ea corde gravi teneas, sed pectore suavi, - Si te virtutis delectat, iterq: salutis. - Quicquid enim scripsi multum tibi proderit ipsi. - Nam rex caelestis, quem nil latet, est mihi testis, - Nil tibi narravi nisi quod prodesse putavi. - Nec ratio veri debet tibi dura videri, - Namq: per angustum dixi tibi currere justum. - Sic probus ascendit, dum semper ad ardua tendit. - Hunc facias cursum si vis ascendere sursum. - Fortassis puero tibi frustra dicere quaero - Justum sermonem, quia non capis hanc rationem. - Sed pater immensus det perspicuos tibi sensus, - Roboret aetatem, tribuatq: tibi probitatem. - Filius ergo Dei, spes nostrae progeniei, - Autor honestatis, fons perpetuae bonitatis, - Virtutum flores, et honestos det tibi mores. - Spiritus amborum, qui tangit corda piorum, - Et sine verborum sonitu, sit doctor eorum, - Ipse tuam mentem regat, et faciat sapientem, - Recte credentem, monitus veros retinentem. - Ut bene vivendo, mandataq: sancta tenendo - Laetitiam verè lucis merearis habere. - Quae tenebras nescit, miroq: decore nitescit, - Et cuicunq: datur sine fine is laetificatur. - Hoc tibi det munus qui regnat, trinus et unus. - - - - - APPENDIX II. - THE CARMINA BURANA. - - -The investigations of Grimm, Schmeller, Edelestand du Meril, Thomas -Wright, and H. Hagen, together with the translations of Mr. J. A. -Symonds (“Wine, Women, and Song”), are familiarizing us with the fact -that Latin verse had other than churchly and edifying uses in the Middle -Ages. One of the most important of the mediaeval collections in this -department is a manuscript of the thirteenth century, long preserved in -the monastery of Brauburen Benedictbeure, in Bavaria, but now in -München. It was edited by J. Andreas Schmeller, in 1847, at Stuttgardt, -and his edition was reprinted at Breslau, in 1883. From it Mr. Symonds -draws most of his material for his volume of translations. - -I find among Mr. Duffield’s papers some specimens of these poems of the -Bavarian collection, which I think fitted to illustrate the literary -relations of the Latin hymns, and therefore they are inserted here. - - - GAUDE: CUR GAUDEAS VIDE. - - Iste mundus - Furibundus - Falsa praestat gaudia, - Quae defluunt - Et decurrunt - Ceu campi lilia. - - Res mundana, - Vita vana - Vera tollit praemia, - Nam inpellit - Et submergit - Animas in tartara. - - Quod videmus - Vel tacemus - In praesenti patria, - Dimittemus - Vel perdemus - Quasi quercus folia. - - Res carnalis, - Lex mortalis - Valde transitoria, - Frangit, transit - Velut umbra, - Quae non est corporea. - - Conteramus - Confringamus - Carnis desideria, - Ut cum iustis - Et electis - Celestia nos gaudia - Gratulari - Mercamur - Per aeterna secula. - - Lo! this our world - To wrath is hurled, - Its joys are false and silly; - Which pass away, - And never stay, - As on the plain the lily. - - This mundane strife, - This empty life, - Yet offers honors truly; - It onward drives, - And sinks our lives - In Hades most unduly. - - And when we see, - Or silent be, - Wherever we are stopping, - We put it by, - Or let it fly, - As oaks their leaves are dropping. - - This carnal fact, - This mortal act, - Will glide away before us; - It breaks and flakes - As darkness makes - A shadow-region o’er us. - - We try in vain, - We use with pain - The pleasures which are carnal; - For with the just - And blest we must - Care more for joys supernal. - To song and praise - We give our days, - Through ages still eternal. - - - Exul ego clericus - Ad laborem natus - Tibulor multociens - Paupertati datus. - - Literarum studiis - Vellem insudare - Nisi quod inopia - Cogit me cessare. - - Ille meis tenuis - Nimis est amictus, - Saepe frigus patior - Calore relictus. - - Interesse laudibus - Non possum divinis, - Nec missae nec vesperae, - Dum cantetur finis. - - I’m an exile clerical, - Born to toil and troubles, - And while I am, - Poverty redoubles. - - In a literary line - I should wish to travel - If a lack of wordly goods - Didn’t always cavil. - - By that cloak—too thin at best— - I am scarce defended; - And I suffer cold enough - When the fire is ended. - - How can I sing praises, then, - Where I may be wanted, - Staying mass and vespers out - Till the amen’s chanted? - - - Monachi sunt nigri - Et in regula sunt pigri - Bene cucullati - Et male coronati. - Quidam sunt cani - Et sensibus prophani, - Quidam sunt fratres, - Et verentur ut patres, - Dicuntur “Norpertini” - Et non Augustini, - In cano vestimento - Novo gaudent invento. - - The monks are all black, - In their rules they’re a lazy pack; - Mightily well gowned, - And wretchedly crowned. - Some are dirty whelps, - Whose senses are no helps; - But some, indeed, are brothers, - Like fathers are some others. - They are called Norpertines - And not Augustines; - In raiment of white, - In new things they delight. - - - - - APPENDIX III. - - -In the account of the _Dies Irae_, on page 250, there is a reference to -the following poem by Jsu-Justus Kerner, the Swabian poet and mystic, -which I find translated among Mr. Duffield’s papers: - - - THE FOUR CRAZED BROTHERS. - - Shrivelled into corpselike thinness - Four within the madhouse sit; - From their pallid lips no sentence - Tells of either sense or wit. - Starkly there they face each other, - Each more gloomy than his brother. - - Hark! the hour of midnight striking - Lifts their very hair with fright; - Then at last their lips are open, - Then they chant with muffled might: - _Dies irae, dies illa,_ - _Solvet saeclum in favilla!_ - - Once they were four evil brothers, - Drunk and clamorous withal, - Who with lewd and ribald ditties - Through the holy night would brawl, - Heeding not their father’s warning, - Even friend’s remonstrance scorning. - - Gape their mouths for very horror, - But no word will issue thence; - God’s eternal vengeance strikes them, - Chilled they stand without defence; - White their hair and pale their faces, - Madness every mind erases! - - Then the old man, dying, turned him - To his wicked sons, and said: - Doth not that cold form affright you - Which shall lead us to the dead? - _Dies irae, dies illa,_ - _Solvet saeclum in favilla!_ - - Thus he spoke and thence departed, - But it moved them not at all; - Though he passed to peace unending, - While for them should justice call, - As their lives to strife were given, - Near to hell and far from heaven. - - Thus they lived and thus they revelled, - Until many a year had fled; - Others’ sorrow cost them nothing, - Blanched no hair upon the head; - Jolly brothers! they were able - To hold God and sin a fable! - - But at last, as midnight found them - Drunkly reeling from the feast, - Hark! the song of saints was lifted - Through the church, and high increased; - “Cease your barking, hounds!” they shouted, - As with Satan’s mouth undoubted. - - Then they rushed, those wicked brothers, - Roughly through the holy door; - But, as though at final judgment, - Down they heard that chorus pour. - - - - - FOOTNOTES - - -[1]Of course the champions of papal infallibility are at great pains to - deny this. But all the contemporary writers, such as Athanasius, - Hilary, and Jerome, assert it, and against it there is nothing but _a - priori_ assumptions and the assertion that the third Sirmian formula - signed by Liberius has been mistaken for the first, which was Arian. - In Dr. Newman’s _Arians of the Fourth Century_, pp. 433-40, there is - a careful account of the three Sirmian formulas. The main fact never - was denied until the necessities of the infallibility theory - compelled the rewriting of history. Even the old Roman Breviary - declares that “Liberius assented to the Arian mischief.” - -[2]See Dr. Dollinger’s _Fables respecting the Popes in the Middle Ages_ - (New York, 1872), pp. 183-209. In 1582 Gregory XIII. was on the point - of expunging his name from the Roman Martyrology, as Baronius had - proven that he was neither a pope nor a martyr, but had died - peaceably on his own estate near Rome. But the discovery of a stone - with an inscription asserting his martyrdom turned the scale the - other way. Modern scholarship stigmatizes the inscription as a fraud, - and it is notable that the stone has disappeared. - -[3]Condensed from _Ancient Rome in the Light of Modern Discoveries_, by - Professor Rodolfo Lanciani. Boston, 1888. - -[4]See Sir Alexander Croke’s _History of Rhyming Verse_. Oxford, 1828; - Ferdinand Wolf’s standard treatise, _Ueber die Lais, Sequenzen und - Leiche_. Heidelberg, 1841; August Fuchs’s _Die Romanischen Sprachen - in ihrem Verhältnisse zum Lateinischen_, Halle, 1849; W. Corssen’s - _Ueber die Aussprache, Vokalismus und Betonung der Lateinischen - Sprache_. Leipzig, 1868. Also Niebuhr’s article, _Ueber das Alter des - Lieds Lydia bella puella_, in the third volume of the _Rheinisches - Museum_, Bonn, 1829; and Mr. S. V. Cole’s paper on “The Development - of Form in the Latin Hymns,” in the _Andover Review_ for October, - 1888. - -[5]This is a passage not discernible in the Psalms. Justin Martyr says - that the Jews expunged it. Tertullian (_Contra Marcion_, III.) - mentions it—and in two other places. Daniel, _Thesaurus_, I.: 162, - has a learned note on the subject. - -[6]The same story, but not so well related, is in the life by Paul of - Monte Cassino and is repeated in Bede (Hist. Angl. Lib. II. cap. 1). - John’s Latin is a trifle cumbrous, but this is the literal - translation of it. - -[7]Recently there has been a most admirable summary of these matters - prepared by the Rev. Samuel M. Jackson for the fourteenth chapter of - Dr. Philip Schaff’s _History of the Christian Church_. - -[8]The full inquiry can be pursued through Dan. V., 66 and II., 181; - Neale, _Sequentiae_, p. 58; Du Meril, _Poesies Populaires_, p. 380, - in Pearson’s _Sarum Sequences_, and in Kehrein. - -[9]_Poesies Populaires: Anterieures au Douxieme Siècle_, p. 380. The - language is worth quoting as it stands. He is speaking of Hermann. - “Il avail fait, en outre, un grand nombre d’hymnes et de proses qui - sauf le _Veni, Sancte Spiritus_ que lui attribue Ego, semblent toutes - perdues.” - -[10]His _Varia de Corrupto Statu Ecclesiae Poemata_ was reprinted in - 1754, but even this is very scarce. There was an earlier publication - of his of the same nature, _Carmina Vetusta_ (1548), but whether it - contained Bernard, I cannot say. Flacius was an unwearied searcher of - the libraries of Europe for material to use on the Lutheran side of - the great controversy. - - The poem was then reprinted at least six times: “by David Chytraeus - at Bremen, 1597; at Rostock, 1610; at Leipzig, 1626; by Eilhard - Lubinus, at Lunenburg, 1640; in Wachler’s _New Theological Annals_, - December, 1820; and in G. Ch. F. Mohnike’s _Studien_ (Stralsund, - 1824) I., 18.” Yet it had become so scarce that when I made my - version of Dr. Trench’s cento, I could not find a complete copy in - America. Since then I have received a copy of the edition of 1640 - from a friend. Also the Boston Public Library has secured a copy of - the _Varia Poemata_, which was once Theodore Parker’s, and bears the - inscription, “A rare and curious book. T. P.” - - The English translations are: (1) Dr. Trench has rendered a few lines - in the metre of the original. (2) Dr. John M. Neale’s “Rhythm of - Bernard of Morlaix” (1858). (3) Judge Noyes in the “Seven Great Hymns - of the Latin Church.” (4) Dr. Abraham Coles. (5) “The Heavenly Land, - from the _De Contemptu Mundi_ of Bernard of Morlaix, rendered into - corresponding English Verse,” by S. W. Duffield (1867). (6) A - privately printed translation by “O. A. M.,” of Cherry Valley, N. Y. - (Albany, 1867). (7) Gerard Moultrie in _Lyra Mystica_ (1869). (8) - Rev. Jackson Mason (London, 1880). Besides this, an English clergyman - has perpetrated the folly of rendering Dr. Neale’s paraphrase into - Horatian Latin verse, which would puzzle Bernard himself to recognize - as derived from him. - -[11]_Custodia Pennensis habet locum Celani, de quo fuit frater Thomas, - qui mandato apostolico scripsit sermone polito legendam primam beati - Francisci et prosam de mortuis, quae decantatur in missa, scilicet - “Dies irae, dies illa,” etc., fecisse dicitur._ - -[12]_Sequentiam illam olim celebrem, quae nunc excidit: “Sanctitatis - nova signa,” cecinit frater Thomas de Celano, cujus et illa solemnis - mortuorum: “Dies irae, dies illa” opus est, licet alii eam tribuere - velint fratri Matthaeo Aquaspartano, cardinali ex minoritis - desumpto._—_Annales Minorum, Tom._ II., _p._ 204 (Lyons, 1625.) - - _Thomas de Celano, provinciae Pennensis, S. Francisci discipulas et - socius, edidit ... librum de vita et miraculis S. Francisci ... - communiter vocatum a fratribus legenda antiqua. Alteram legendam - minorem prius ediderat, quae legebatur in choro...; sequentias tres, - seu Prosas Rhythmicas, quarum prima in laudem S. Francisci incipit: - “Fregit victor virtualis.” Secunda incipit: “Sanctitatis nova signa.” - Tertia de Defunctis ab Ecclesiâ recepta: “Dies irae, dies illa.” Quam - in versus Gallicos transtulit Benedictus Gononus Coelestinus et - sancto Bonaventurae attribuit. Alii adscribunt Fr. Matthaeo cardinali - Aquaspartano, et demum alii aliis auctoribus._—_Syllabus Scriptorum - et Martyrum Franciscanorum, p._ 323 (Rome, 1650.) - -[13]For the literature of the _Dies Irae_ consult G. C. F. Mohnike’s - “Kirchen- und literarhistorische Studien und Mittheilungen. (1) - Thomas von Celano, oder Geschichte des kirchlichen Hymnus Dies irae, - dies illa.” Stralsund, 1824. (2) Additions and corrections to this in - Tzschirner’s “Magazin für Prediger,” 1826, by G. W. Fink, who also - wrote the article on Thomas of Celano in Ersch and Gruber’s - “Encyclopädie,” Band XVI., Leipzig, 1827. (3) F. G. Lisco’s “Dies - Irae, Hymnus auf das Weltgericht.” Berlin, 1840. Also his “Stabat - Mater, Hymnus auf die Schmerzen der Maria. Nebst einem Nachtrage zu - den Uebersetzungen des Hymnus Dies Irae.” Berlin, 1843. (4) H. A. - Daniel’s “Thesaurus Hymnologicus,” Tomus II. Leipzig, 1844. (Pp. - 103-31 and 385-87.) (5) Dr. William R. Williams’s “The Conservative - Principle in our Literature.” New York, 1843 and 1844, and again in - his “Miscellanies.” New York, 1850, and Boston, 1860. (6) Dr. Abraham - Coles’s “Dies Irae in Thirteen Original Versions.” New York, 1859. - Fifth edition. 1868. (7) Subrector Michael’s “De Sequentia Mediae - Aetatis Dies Irae, Dies Illa Dissertatio.” Zittau, 1866. (8) John - Edmands’s “Bibliography of the Dies Irae” in the “Bulletin of the - Mercantile Library.” Philadelphia, 1884. Also articles by Dr. Philip - Schaff in “Hours at Home,” VII., 39 and 261; by R. H. Hutton in “The - London Spectator” for 1868; by Rev. John Anketell in “The American - Church Review” for 1873; and by Rev. Orby Shipley in “The Dublin - Review” for 1883. - -[14]There is a serious difficulty connected with the chronology of his - history, which I have not been able to overcome. Unfortunately this - greatest of Catholic dogmatists never seems to have inspired enough - of personal interest in any disciple or contemporary to lead to the - preparation of a biography of him. So the earliest in existence were - written long after his death, when the Neapolitans asked for his - canonization. And a comparison of their statements with those of - contemporary chronicles, like that of Richard of San Germano, does - not inspire confidence in their veracity. - - The second papal war broke out in 1239. Both the orders of friars, - Dominicans and Franciscans, were believed to be partisans of the - Pope, and in 1239 such as were not natives of the kingdom were - commanded to leave it. Richard of San Germano mentions this order - _sub anno_ 1239, and adds, _sub anno_ 1240, that by November of the - latter year all the Mendicants, except two of each monastery and - those natives of the kingdom, had been expelled by order of the - Emperor. What Dominicans were there left in Naples to win the - affections of Thomas and receive him into the novitiate? The - difficulty would be met by assuming 1225 as the date of Thomas’s - birth, and his stay at Monte Casino as terminating with his tenth - year, so that he might have been at Naples in 1235 and formed the - purpose to enter the order in 1239. Or if he went to Naples in his - twelfth year (1237), he might have become a Dominican novice after - two years of study under professors of that order. It is true that - novices were not to be received before their fifteenth year; but at - any date after March of 1239 Thomas would be in his fifteenth year. - It was March 24th of that year that saw the Emperor excommunicated, - and some interval would elapse before the expulsion of the - Mendicants. - -[15]See his _Prolegomena zu einer neuen Ausgabe der “Imitatio Christi,” - nach dem Autograph des Thomas von Kempen. Zugleich eine Einführung in - sämmtliche Schriften des Thomas, sowie ein Versuch zu endgültiger - Feststellung der Thatsache, dass Thomas und kein Anderer der - Verfasser der “Imitatio” ist._ Band I. Berlin, 1873. - - Also _Thomae Kempensis “De Imitatione Christi” libri quatuor. Textum - ex autographo Thomae nunc primum accuratissime reddidit, distinxit, - novo modo disposuit; capitulorum argumenta, locos parallelos adjecit - Carolus Hirsche._ Berlin, 1874. - - Also his exhaustive article on the _Brüder gemeinsamen Lebens_ in - Herzog & Plitt’s _Real-Encyclopädie_: II., 678-760. (Leipzig, 1877). - -[16]_The Imitation of Christ._ Four books. Translated from the Latin by - W. Benham, B.D., Vicar of Margate. London, 1874. It is to be - regretted that the author of this, the best English version, speaks - of the ascription of the _Imitation_ to Thomas à Kempis as “a - mistake,” and ascribes it to John Gersen, Abbot of Vercelli, in - Italy, who never existed. - -[17]See O. A. Spitzen: _Thomas à Kempis als schrijver der_ Navolging van - Christus _gehandhaafd_. Utrecht, 1881. Also his _Nalezing op mijn_ - “Thomas à Kempis als schrijver der _Navolging van Christus - _gehandhaafd,” _benevens tien nog onbekende_ cantica spiritualia _van - Thomas à Kempis_. Utrecht, 1882. Also his _Les Hollandismes de_ - l’Imitation de Jésus-Christ _et trois anciennes versions du livre. - Réponse à M. le Chevalier B. Veratti, professeur à Modène._ Utrecht, - 1883. And his _Nouvelle Défense de Thomas à Kempis specialement en - Réponse a R. P. Denifle, sous-archiviste du Vatican._ Utrecht. 1884. - -[18]_Annales Typographici_, Vol. X., pp. 191-94. - -[19]Zachariae Ferrerii, Vincent. Pont. Gardien. _Hymni novi - Ecclesiastici juxta veram Metri et Latinitatis normam a Beatiss. - Patre Clemente VII. Pont. Max. ut in Divinis quisque eis uti possit - approbate.... Sanctum et neccessarium opus. Breviarium ecclesiasticum - ab eodem Zach. Pont. longe brevius ac facilius redditum et ab omne - errore propiedem exibit._ - - _Impressum hoc divinum Opus Romae.... Kal. Febru. MDXXV._ (CXV. - leaves, quarto.) - -[20]_Breviarium Romanum ex Sacra potissimum Scriptura et probatis - Sanctorum Historiis nuper confectum. Scrutamini Scripturas, quoniam - illa sunt, quae testimonium perhibent de Me. Ioannis V. Romae - MDXXXV._ (New Edition; _denuo per eundem Auctorem recognitum_ in - 1537.) Ten editions in all are recorded, of which the last consisted - of a single copy manufactured at Paris in 1679 for the library of the - great Colbert (_Breviarium Colbertinum_). - -[21]_Hymni Sacri_, Paris, 1685 and 1694. A second series in 1698. The - two collections together in 1723. They are included in the editions - of his works which appeared in 1698 and 1729, but not in that of - 1694. Between sixty and seventy of them will be found in J. H. - Newman’s _Hymni Ecclesiae_, Part First (London, 1838 and 1865), but - without the author’s name. As Newman omits the hymns in honor of the - saints not mentioned in the Scriptures, the fine hymns to St. - Bernard, St. Augustine, and St. Judocus are not included. There are - French translations by Abbé Saurin, 1691 (third edition, 1698), and - by J. P. C. D., in 1760. For English translations see especially Rev. - Isaac Williams’s _Hymns of the Parisian Breviary_ (1839), and J. D. - Chambers’s _Lauda Syon_ (1857), and the _Lyra Messianica_ (1864). - -[22]See note on Luke 2:14 in the second volume of Westcott and Hort’s - _New Testament in the Original Greek_. London and New York, 1882. - -[23]The _Te Deum_ has it, - - 5. _Sanctus, Sanctus, Sanctus, Dominus Deus Sabaoth,_ - 6. _Pleni sunt coeli et terra majestatis gloriae tuae._ - - In the Vulgate, Isaiah 6, it reads, - - _Sanctus, Sanctus, Sanctus, Dominus Deus exercitum,_ - _Plena est omnis terra gloriae ejus._ - - The Septuagint, from which the older Latin version was made, retained - the Hebrew word _Sabaoth_, instead of translating it. Verse 6 is an - expansion of the Scripture text. - -[24]_Die Kirchweih-Hymnen: Christe Cunctorum dominator alme. Urbs beata - Hirusalem_. 4to. Halle, 1867. - -[25]From _Mostarab_ (participle of the Arabic verb _Estarab_), Arabized, - conformed to Arabic modes of life. A misnomer in this case. It is the - old Spanish liturgy as arranged by Isidore of Seville, and long - upheld by the Spanish clergy against the attempt to introduce that of - Rome. The Missal and Breviary were first published by Cardinal - Ximenes in 1500; then carefully edited by Alexander Lesley, a - Scottish Jesuit (Rome, 1755). His edition, with its learned - apparatus, is reprinted in Volumes LXXXI.-II. of Abbé Migne’s - _Patrologia Latina_. - -[26]_A Critical History of the Doctrine of Justification and - Reconciliation._ By Albrecht Ritschl, Professor Ordinarius of - Theology in the University of Göttingen. Edinburgh, 1872. Professor - Ritschl sustains his view of the devotional Protestantism of the - Roman Catholic Church by a passage from the Missal, in which God is - invoked as _non aestimator meriti, sed veniae largitor_, and by the - remarkable exhortation to the dying prescribed for the use of her - priests. He also quotes six passages from the mediaeval hymns edited - by George Cassander. - -[27]See _Private Prayers put Forth by Authority During the Reign of - Queen Elizabeth_. Edited for the Parker Society by Rev. William K. - Clay, B.D. Cambridge, 1851. It contains the English _Primer_ and the - Latin _Orarium_, and also the _Preces Privatae_ of 1564. This last - omits four of the eight hymns previously authorized and substitutes - another. It also contains an appendix of Latin sacred poetry by - writers of that century. Besides nine fine hymns by Marc-Antonio - Flaminio, the selections are from Fabricius, Melanchthon, and other - German Lutherans, with some by Bishop John Parkhurst, of Norwich. - -[28]See his _Ghostly Psalms and Spiritual Songs_ in _Remains of Myles - Coverdale, Bishop of Exeter_. Edited for the Parker Society by Rev. - George Pearson, B.D. Cambridge, 1846. With this may be compared the - Scotch versions of German hymns, some of them based on Latin - originals in _Gude and Godlie Ballates_. Edinburgh, 1578. Reprinted - with Introduction and Glossary by David Laing. Edinburgh, 1868. The - queerest book in the annals of hymnology. - -[29]See his _Hymns and Songs of the Church_, London, 1623 and 1856. Lord - Selborne, in the Encyclopaedia Britannica (_sub voce_ “Hymns”), - observes that Wither anticipates Charles Coffin in basing a series of - hymns for the days of the week upon the days’ works of the Creation. - -[30]John Henry Newman, in his _Letter to Dr. Jelf_ in vindication of his - _Tract No. XC._, wrote: “I always have contended, and will contend, - that it [the religious revival] is not satisfactorily accounted for - by any particular movements of individuals upon a particular spot. - The poets and philosophers of the age have borne witness to it for - many years. Those great names in our literature, Sir Walter Scott, - Mr. Wordsworth, Mr. Coleridge, though in different ways, and with - essential differences one from another and perhaps from any Church - system, still all bear witness to it. The system of Mr. Irving is - another witness to it. The age is moving toward something, and, most - unhappily, the one religious communion which has of late years been - practically in possession of that something, is the Church of Rome.” - - - - - GENERAL INDEX. - - - [Names of hymn-writers in small capitals; translators in _italics_.] - - À Kempis, Thomas, 283-97. - References: 18, 394. - Hymn: 295. - Abecedary, 27, 58, 83, 86, 357, 358, 362, 363, 374. - Abelard, Peter, 194-213. - References: 17, 18, 19, 25, 112, 151, 187, 190, 192, 214, 218, 222, - 227, 280, 377. - Hymn: 208. - Abra, 13, 23, 27, 28. - Accent, 43. - Adam of St. Victor, 227-39. - References: 11, 17, 18, 44, 115, 155, 157, 222, 377, 383, 389, 397, - 442-43. - Hymn: 229. - Adhemar, 160. - Adrian, Pope, 134. - Aegidius, 386. - Aelred, 382. - Agatha, Martyr, 44. - Alard, Wilhelm, 395. - Albert the Great, 159, 260, 265. - Alcuin (Albinus Flaccus), 364. - References: 18, 29, 112, 117, 118, 123, 124, 131, 145, 151, 348. - _Alexander, J. W._, 193, 271. - _Alford, Henry_, 251. - Alfred, King of England, 107, 465. - Alliteration, 43, 113, 355, 362. - Alvarez, Paul, 368. - Ambrose, 47-62. - References: 8, 11, 13, 14, 19, 30, 44, 67, 87, 102, 107, 108, 114, - 117, 120, 299, 310, 337, 351, 359, 402, 428, 443. - Hymn: 56. - “Ambrosian” hymns, 55-61, 351, 353-55. - Ammonius, Wolfgang, 395. - Anastasius, 77-79. - Anatolius, 12. - Anglo-Saxon Hymnary, 373-74, 433. - _Anketell, John_, 45, 251, 415, 447. - Anselm of Canterbury, 374, 391. - References: 151, 177, 197, 444. - Anselm of Laon, 196. - Anselm of Lucca, 375. - Reference: 377. - Antonianus, Silvius, 322. - Antiphons, 111, 134, 136, 140, 150, 361, 378, 386. - Aquinas, Thomas, 256-71. - References: 18, 44, 55, 240, 322, 383, 397. - Hymn: 265, 267. - Arator, 84. - Arians, 24, 35, 48, 67, 106, 107. - _Arndt, John_, 405. - Arnold, Matthew, 243. - Aristotle, 151, 194, 198, 260, 266. - Arturus, Serranus, 359. - Athanasius, 24, 26, 29, 35, 36, 39, 104. - Athenagenes, 9. - Augustine, 13, 14, 19, 20, 23, 48, 49, 52, 53, 55, 80, 125, 285, 299, - 310, 350, 393, 397. - Auxentius, 26, 39, 48. - _Aylward, Prior_, 376, 447. - - Babo, 391. - Bacon, Francis, 21. - Bacon, Roger, 152, 195. - Balde, Jacob, 409. - _Baker, Sir Henry_, 393, 413, 436, 440. - “Bangor Antiphonary,” 361-62, 425. - Barbarians, 89. - Barbarossa, 54, 255. - Bardesanes, 8. - Basil, 8, 9. - Basil the Great, 49. - Bässler, Ferd., 16, 435. - Bebel, Henry, 419. - Becket, Thomas à, 382. - References: 377, 386. - Bede, the Venerable, 100-13. - References: 14, 18, 44, 62, 86, 97, 101, 106, 123, 125, 143, 145, - 151, 358, 365. - Hymn: 113. - Beda, Major, 109. - Belisarius, 353. - Bellarmine, 321, 322. - Benedict XII., 387. - _Benedict, E. C._, 17, 181, 184, 233, 251, 271, 379, 396, 414, 439. - Benedict Biscop, 110. - Benedict of Nursia, 98, 145, 256, 349, 353. - “Benedicite,” 4. - Benedictines, 84, 98, 149, 181, 256, 259. - of St. Maur, 55, 121. - Benedictine Mss., 99. - Beowulf, 113. - Bernard of Clairvaux, 186-93. - References: 11, 18, 25, 44, 160, 197, 204, 214, 216, 222, 229, 245, - 269, 271, 274, 310, 377, 379, 383, 395, 405, 443. - Hymn: 193. - Bernard of Cluny, 222-26. - References: 15, 18, 44, 176, 180, 214, 277, 424. - Rhyme: 224. - Bertier, 382. - Besnault, Sebastian, 344. - References: 337, 358. - Bibliographical Notes, 416-45. - Bjorn, G. A., 426. - _Blew, W. J._, 413. - Boethius, 18, 80, 88, 125, 145, 147, 200, 353. - Bonaventura, John, 261-65. - References: 18, 44, 240, 245, 270, 383. - Hymn: 271. - Boniface, 128. - Bonn, Hermann, 395. - Bossuet, 334, 337. - Brander, Joachim, 389-90. - Brandt, Sebastian, 394. - Breviaries, 316-46. - References: 29, 393, 416. - Breviary of Angers, 393. - Braga, 393. - Cluny, 44, 328, 335. - Hereford, 102. - Koeln, 393. - Le Mans, 393. - Liege, 393. - Lübec, 393. - Mainz, 393. - Meissen, 393. - Mozarabic, 15, 31, 47, 73, 358, 359-60. - Noyon, 393. - Paraclete, 209. - Paris, 328-46. - References: 16, 44, 161, 268, 355, 358, 412, 413. - Poitiers, 393. - Rennes, 393. - Roman, 317-28. - References: 17, 44, 58, 70, 83, 355, 358, 364, 365, 367, 371, 372, - 377, 399, 408, 412, 440, 441. - Sarum, 102, 385, 392, 433. - Toledo, 209. - Trondhjem, 392. - York, 102. - _Bright, Marshall H._, 251. - _William_, 251. - Britain, 85, 97, 106. - Brower, Christopher, 118. - Browne, Sir Thomas, 358. - _Brownell, H. H._, 251. - Brunehilda, 91, 92, 105. - Bugellensis, Augustinus, 245. - _Bunsen, C. J. C._, 250. - Bunyan, John, 25. - _Bute, Marquis of_, 324. - - Caedmon, 113. - Caesar of Arles, 80, 349, 353. - Camerarius, Joachim, 395. - _Campbell, R._, 413. - Canticles, 4, 317, 406. - Canonical Hours, 316. - Carlyle, Thomas, 249. - Carthusians, 285. - Casimir, 391. - Cassander, George, 14, 351, 421. - Cassiodorus, Caius, 125, 147. - _Caswall, Edward_, 17, 193, 251, 298, 325, 399, 401, 413, 432, 441. - Catacombs, 39, 40, 44. - Ceolfrid, 110. - _Chambers, J. D._, 371, 374, 384, 385, 388, 413, 435. - _Chandler, John_, 17, 251, 338, 412, 428. - _Charles, Mrs. E. R._, 31, 113, 177, 230, 251, 297, 358, 414, 435. - Charles the Bald, 120. - Charles the Great (Charlemagne), 115, 127, 132, 134, 139, 160, 364, - 386. - Choral School of St. Gall, 133, 436. - Christian Poets, Five first, 84. - “Christian Year, The,” 343. - Chrysostom, 8, 23. - Cistercians, 188, 215, 285, 393. - Citeaux, 187, 188. - Clairvaux, 189. - Claudianus Mamertus, 30. - Clement of Alexandria, 9. - Clichtove, Joste, 394. - References: 14, 228, 351, 420. - Cluny, Dispute at, 216. - Coeur de Lion, Richard, 21. - Coffin, Charles, 335-39. - References: 44, 333, 412. - Hymns: 338. - _Coles, Abraham_, 17, 223, 251, 414, 436, 438. - Collinus, Matthias, 394. - Columba (Columcille), 355-57, 360. - References: 101, 120, 133. - Combault, M., 345. - Reference: 337. - Commire, Jean, 342. - Reference: 337. - Common Life, Brethren and Sisters of the, 284-90, 394. - Common Prayer, Book of, 320, 406. - Compilers of Latin hymns, 14, 15, 16, 391, 404, 411. - Conrad, 386. - Corbeil, Pierre de, 380. - Corpus Christi, Festival of, 265, 267. - _Cosin, Bishop_, 406. - Cousin, 17. - _Coverdale, Bishop Miles_, 407. - Cowper, Wm., 12, 96. - _Crashaw, Richard_, 182, 250, 407. - _Crippen, T. G._, 378, 440. - Crusades, 194, 222, 240, 377. - Cuthbert, 109, 113. - Cyprian of Carthage, 20, 24. - Cyxilla, 359. - - Damasus, Pope, 35-46. - References: 50, 96, 399. - Poems: 42. - Damiani, Peter, 169-78. - References: 14, 86, 224, 229, 299, 306, 321, 350, 373, 384. - Hymns: 177. - Daniel, H. A., 14, 250, 429, 430, 439. - Dante, 177, 200, 241, 279. - “De Contemptu Mundi,” 222. - “De Imitatione,” 290-95, 390. - Versions of, 293. - De la Brunetière, 337. - De Rance, 329, 330, 334. - _Dexter, H. M._, 9. - “Dies Irae,” 240-54, 429, 436, 438, 456. - Translations, 250. - _Dix, J. A._, 251. - _Wm. C._, 251. - _Wm. G._, 251. - Dominic, 173, 240, 258, 259, 285, 383. - Dominicans, 257-64. - Drepanius Florus, 368. - _Drummond, Wm._, 233, 408. - _Dryden, John_, 407, 408, 447. - Duffield, Dr. Geo., 340. - _Duffield, S. W._, 20, 30, 32, 33, 34, 59, 60, 61, 69, 71, 81, 82, - 121, 176, 177, 180, 209, 220, 223, 231, 233, 235, 236, 238, - 253, 279, 315, 325, 326, 340, 342, 354, 362, 370, 375, 380, - 385, 390, 395, 398, 414. - Du Meril, Ed., 381-82, 430-31. - Du Perier, 322. - - Early Church, Order of worship in, 6. - Praise service of, 1 - Eber, Paul, 395. - Edmund, 384. - “Ein’ feste Burg,” 251. - Ekkehard, 132, 370, 376. - _Elliot, C. W._, 251. - Elpis, 353. - References: 18, 44, 120, 366. - Ellinger, Andreas, 395. - Engelbert, 386. - Ennodius, 73-87. - Reference: 351. - Hymns: 81. - Ephrem Syrus, 8. - Epiphanius, 75, 76, 80. - Erasmus, 394. - References: 29, 63, 353, 390. - Eric, 368. - Ermanrich, 368. - Eugenius, 359. - Eusebius, 147, 169. - - _Faber, F. W._, 193, 315. - Peter, 302-07. - Fabricius, Georg, 395. - References: 14, 422. - “Faust,” 240, 249, 411. - Faustinus Arevalus, 63, 64. - Faustus, 80. - Felix II., 36. - Fénelon, 334. - Ferreri, Zacharia, 318-20. - References: 44, 322, 394. - Fiacc, 362. - _Fichte, J. G._, 250. - Flacius, Matthias, 15, 222, 223, 402, 421. - Flagellants, 173, 278. - Flaminio, Marc-Antonio, 394. - Flavius, 357. - Reference: 355. - _Follen, A. L._, 250, 411, 427. - Fortlage, C., 15, 431. - Fortunatus, Venantius, 88-96. - References: 18, 20, 21, 29, 30, 31, 44, 77, 83, 86, 118, 147, 370. - Hymns: 93, 96. - Francis of Assisi, 241, 258, 261, 285, 383. - Franciscans, 272, 381, 393. - Frangipani, Cardinal Latino, 245. - Fulbert of Chartres, 372. - References: 156, 370, 378. - - Gaisberg, Franz von, 390. - Galucci, Tarquinio, 321, 333. - Gaul, 73. - Gautier, 17, 229, 436. - Geissel, John von, 399. - _Gerhardt, Paul_, 12, 193, 405. - German translators, 250, 411, 426. - Geste, Guillaume du Plessis de, 337. - “Gloria in Excelsis,” 1, 4, 348. - “Gloria Patri,” 4. - “Glossa Ordinaria,” 144. - Godefroy, 376. - Goethe, 249, 411. - “Golden Legend,” 179. - “Gomorrah Book,” 170. - Gonella, Pietro, 381. - Gottschalk, 376. - References: 128, 367. - Gourdan, Simon, 337. - Greek and Roman Churches, 35, 73, 76. - Gregory of Tours, 31, 32, 90, 92, 361. - Gregory the Great, 97-108. - References: 11, 18, 44, 55, 58, 86, 117, 134, 160, 245, 353, 402. - Hymns, 108. - Gregory II., 160. - Gregory IX., 240. - Gregorian chant, 107. - Grimm, Jacob, 15, 427. - Groote, Gerard, 283-85, 290. - Grosstete, Robert, 384. - _Gryphius, Andreas_, 250. - Gueranger, 338. - Guido of Arezzo, 365-66. - Guido of Basoches, 382. - Guyet, Francis, 337. - Guyon, Madame, 274. - - Habert, Isaac, 337. - “Hallel,” Great, 1. - Hammerlein, Felix, 245. - Harmonius, 8. - _Harms, Claus_, 250. - _Hastings, H. L._, 251. - _Harbaugh, Henry_, 271. - Hartmann, 133-39. - References: 159, 368. - Hatto, 123, 128. - _Hayes, John L._, 414. - _Heber, Reginald_, 220. - _Heermann, Johann_, 405. - Hegius, Alexander, 394. - _Heisler, D. Y._, 415. - Helmbold, Ludwig, 395. - Heloise, 198-213. - References: 19, 214, 300. - _Herder, J. G. von_, 250, 409. - Heriger, 373. - Hermann, Johann, 395. - Hermannus Contractus, 149-68. - References: 123, 269, 370, 376. - Sequences: 161. - Writings: 161. - Heribert of Eichstetten, 376. - Reference: 155. - Hessus, Helius Eobanus, 394. - _Hewett, J. W._, 388, 393, 413. - Hilary of Arles, 31, 349. - Hilary of Poitiers, 19-34. - References: 2, 4, 13, 42, 44, 50, 77, 121, 299, 348, 361, 362, 443. - Hymns: 32. - Hildebert, 179-85. - References: 206, 210, 222, 350, 373, 377, 378, 386, 429, 439, 443. - Hymn: 179-85. - Hildebrand, 102, 170, 171, 172. - Hildegard of Bingen, 379. - Hincmar, 118, 129, 364, 366. - Holland, 283. - Horace, 28, 444. - Hugo, 384. - Hugo of St. Victor, 227, 274. - Humbert, 245. - Huss, John, 391. - Reference: 18. - _Hutton, R. H._, 251. - Hymn and psalm singing, 54. - Hymn, Advent, 388. - Ascension, 388. - Athanasian Creed, 358. - Communion, 361. - Crusades, 382. - Judgment, 374. - Oldest Greek, 4, 9. - Resurrection, 220. - Rosary, 383. - Transfiguration, 389. - Trinity, 388. - Hymns, Christmas, 374, 386, 387, 390. - Easter, 374, 377, 383, 388. - Genealogy of, 12. - German, 13, 182, 386, 405. - Greek, 13, 107. - Old English, 373. - Syriac, 8. - Hymn-book of Abelard, 19. - of the Western Church, First, 29, 58. - Hymn-tinkers, 16, 30, 64. - Hymn-writers of the Breviary, 316-46. - Irish, 360, 361. - Spanish, 358. - Unknown, 347-400. - - Index to translated hymns, 446-83. - Innocent III., 155, 157, 240, 281, 397. - “Integer vitae,” 28. - Irish (early) hymns, 360-63, 435. - _Irons, Wm. J._, 251. - Isidore, 358. - References: 30, 83, 125. - - Jacob of Muldorf, 391. - Jacoponus, 272-82. - References: 18, 243, 374, 383. - Hymns: 278. - Jansenists, 330, 334, 335-36, 343. - Jerome, 350. - References: 20, 24, 29, 32, 36, 41, 83, 147, 173, 349. - Jesuit hymn-writers, 396-99, 426, 440. - John of Damascus, 12, 363. - John the Deacon, 97, 100, 134. - John the Faster, 104. - _Johnson, Franklin_, 415. - Johnson, Dr. Samuel, 249. - Jourdain, Charles, 152, 167. - Juvencus, 84, 147. - - Kayser, J., 16, 439, 443. - _Keble, John_, 343, 394, 413, 440. - Kehrein, J., 16, 429, 441. - Ken, Bishop, 358. - Klee, George (Thymus), 395. - Knights Hospitallers, 192. - Templars, 192, 440-41. - Koch, 16, 439. - _Königsfeld, G. A._, 15, 411, 432, 438. - Koran, Translations of, 218. - _Kynaston, Herbert_, 17, 182, 251, 375, 413. - - Ladkenus, 360. - Latimer, Hugh, 21. - Latin hymnology and Protestantism, 401. - Latin Vulgate, 41, 349. - Le Tourneux, Nicholas, 348. - References: 330, 337. - _Lea, H. C._, 251. - _Lee, Frederick G._, 251. - Leo X., 318. - Leo XIII., 399, 444. - Lewis the Pious, 125, 127, 368. - Liber Hymnorum, 29. - Mysteriorum, 29. - Library in Rome, First Christian public, 40. - of St. Gall, 133, 151. - Linke, Johannes, 443, 444, 445. - _Lisco, F. G._, 250. - _Littledale, R. F._, 177, 380, 413, 447. - Lombard, Peter, 266, 377. - Lombards, 88, 90, 91, 98, 99, 103, 147, 255, 258. - Longfellow, H. W., 179, 182. - Loris, William de, 201. - Loyola, Ignatius, 302-07. - Reference: 386. - Lucifer, Bishop of Cagliari, 37. - Ludovicus Vives, J., 394. - Luidke, Matthew, 423. - Luther, Martin, 15, 25, 51, 53, 87, 117, 127, 193, 218, 251, 269, 289, - 318, 323, 348, 366, 385, 395, 403. - - _Macaulay, T. B._, 251. - Maengal (Marcellus), 133, 369. - “Magnificat,” 1, 3, 4. - _Mangan, James C._, 360. - _Mant, Richard_, 17, 338, 412, 428. - Marbod, 378. - Reference: 181. - _March, F. A._, 415, 442. - Mariolatry, 58, 96, 176, 270, 278, 289, 370, 372, 385. - Martha of Bethany, 389. - Martel, Charles, 21, 166. - Mary Queen of Scots, 300. - _Mason, Jackson_, 223, 224. - Matthew of Acqua-Sparta, 245. - _McGill, Hamilton_, 251, 414. - _McKenzie, W. S._, 251, 415. - Meinhold, 249. - Mendicants, 240, 258-64, 284. - Melanchthon, Philip, 395, 402. - Mesengui, François Philippe, 335, 336. - Meun, Jean de, 201. - Meyer, Jakob, 395. - _Meyer, J. F. von_, 250. - Migne, J. P., 15, 431. - _Mills, Henry_, 182, 414. - Milton, John, 299. - Minorites, 272. - Missal, The, 316, 321, 417. - of Sarum, 392, 441. - Mohammed, 89, 357. - Momboir, Jean (Johannes Maubernus), 390. - Monastic Reformation, 98. - Mone, F. J., 15, 434. - Monica, 19, 53. - Monks, Black, 215, 218. - White, 215. - Montanus, Jakob, 394. - Moravians, 193, 271. - Morel, P. G., 16, 439-40. - _Morgan, D. T._, 177, 385, 392, 441. - _Moultrie, Gerard_, 223, 406. - Mozart, 240. - Muretus, Marc Antoine, 394. - References: 44, 337, 394. - Musculus, Wolfgang, 395. - Musical instruments, 6. - notation, 363, 373. - - _Neale, J. M._, 16, 17, 182, 209, 224, 231, 233, 251, 371, 377, 384, - 413, 434, 436, 439. - _Nelson, Earl_, 413. - _Neumark, Georg_, 12. - _Newman, J. H._, 16, 17, 413, 428. - Nicene Creed, 26, 36. - Niebuhr, 363-64. - Notker of St. Gall (Balbulus), 132-42. - References: 84, 109, 116, 117, 368. - Sequences: 136. - Notker “of Liege,” 140. - “Labeo,” 140. - “the Abbot,” 140. - “the Physician,” 140. - _Nott, C. C._, 414-15. - _Noyes, Judge_, 223, 438. - “Nunc Dimittis,” 1, 3. - - _O. A. M._, 223, 224. - Odilo, 373. - Reference: 378. - Odo of Cluny, 371. - Oxford movement, 412. - Ozanam, D., 17, 433. - - “Palmare,” 76. - _Palmer, Ray_, 268, 415. - Paraclete, Abbey of the, 204, 208, 211, 212. - Parkhurst, John, 395. - _Patrick, Symon_, 12, 408. - Paulinus, Bishop of Nola, 352. - References: 84, 366. - Paulinus, Patriarch of Aquileia, 366. - _Pearson, C. B._, 17, 441. - Penitentes, 173. - Père-la-Chaise, 194, 212. - Petau, Denis, 337. - Peter of Compostella, 155, 160. - Peter of Dresden, 391. - Peter the Hermit, 186. - Peter the Venerable, 214-21. - References: 18, 109, 205, 211, 222, 377. - Writings: 219. - Hymns: 220. - Petrarch, 279. - Petrucci, Hieronimo, 321. - _Phelps, S. D._, 251. - Phocas, 105. - Plague in Rome, 103. - Plato, 48. - Poitiers, 21, 91. - Pope, Alexander, 200. - _Pott, Francis_, 377. - _Preston, Margaret J._, 251. - “Primer,” The, 405. - Prosper, 147, 353. - Protestant hymn-writers, 395-96. - Prudentius (Aurelius Prudentius Clemens), 63-72. - References: 18, 39, 44, 84, 96, 115, 147, 340, 351, 408, 441, 444. - Hymns: 72. - Prudentius the Younger, 367. - Psalm-singing, 1, 2, 6, 317. - Psalter, The, 317. - “Psalter of the Queen of Sweden,” 363. - - Quentell, Henry, 419. - Quiñonez, Francesco de, 320, 325. - Quintilian, 65, 147, 359. - - Rabanus Maurus (Magnentius), 114-31. - References: 18, 86, 112, 145, 151, 160, 269, 366, 376. - Hymns: 118, 120. - Writings: 119, 131. - Rabusson, Paul, 328, 335. - Racine, 322. - Radegunda, 92-96. - References: 18, 21, 30. - _Rambach, A. J._, 14, 411, 426. - Ratbert (Paschasius), 124, 129. - Ratpert, 133-39. - Reference: 368. - Ravenna, 169. - Renaissance, Poets of, 44, 394-95. - “Requiem,” 240. - Responsive singing, 8. - Rhegius, Urbanus, 395. - Rhyme, 13, 19, 31, 43, 113, 291, 363. - Richard of St. Victor, 227, 274. - Ritual, The, 316. - Robert II., 158-65. - References: 18, 154, 372. - Sequences: 158. - “Rock of Ages,” 269. - Roman Catholic observances, 71. - “Romance of the Rose,” 201. - Romance tongues, 89. - Romanticist movement, 337, 411-12. - Roman women, Cruelty of, 67. - Rome, 40, 97. - _Roscommon, Earl of_, 250, 408. - Rudolph of Radegg, 382. - Rusbroek, Jan, 285. - Rupert of St. Gall, 370. - Ryckel, Dionysius, 391. - - Sainte-Beuve, 332, 334. - Salvus, 373. - Santeul, Claude, 328. - References: 44, 337, 342. - Santeul, Jean, 329-35. - References: 44, 337-38, 343, 412. - Saxon Monasteries, Life in, 110. - _Schaff, Philip_, 17, 251, 440, 442. - _Schlegel, A. W._, 250, 411, 432. - Schletterer, H. M., 440. - Schlosser, Joh. F. H., 15, 433. - Schools, 145. - Einsiedeln, 145, 161. - Clonard, 356. - Cluny, 215, 218, 371. - Cologne, 260. - Fulda, 122, 143, 145. - Jarrow, 111. - of the Moors, 152. - Oxford, 152. - Paris, 263, 265. - Reichenau, 146-48. - References: 143, 145, 153, 161, 165. - St. Alban, 165. - St. Gall, 145, 150, 161, 165, 351, 366, 380. - St. Matthias, 145. - St. Maximin, 145. - St. Victor, 227. - References: 151, 152. - Weissenberg, 145. - “Scotch-Irishman,” 85, 356. - _Scott, Sir Walter_, 249, 251, 411. - Scotus Erigena, John, 128, 367. - Sechnall, 362. - Sedulius, Caelius, 83-87. - References: 18, 58, 147, 360. - Hymn: 83. - Sedulius Scotus, 83. - Selneccer, Nicholas, 395. - Seminaries, 145. - Seneca, 359. - Sequence, 13, 18, 132, 136, 150, 155, 158, 229, 240, 267, 292, 366, - 367, 376, 390, 399, 440, 443. - Servatus Lupus, 367. - References: 125, 127. - Shipley, Orby, 325, 437, 444. - _Simrock, Carl_, 15, 411, 431. - Slave market at Rome, 100. - _Slosson, Edward_, 251. - _Smithers, N. B._, 414, 443. - “Society of Jesus,” 298, 302, 304. - Sorbonne, 321. - Sources of Latin hymns, 15. - Spain, 47, 64, 84, 218, 359. - Religion in, 106. - St. Edmund, 384. - St. Gall, 133, 436. - St. Martin of Tours, 25, 52, 89, 91, 123, 364, 371, 373. - St. Maximin of Trier, 23, 145. - St. Patrick, 85, 101, 356, 360, 361. - St. Theresa, 274, 306. - “Stabat Mater,” 278. - Stadelmann, 15. - _Stanley, Dean_, 251, 414. - Stigel, Johann, 395. - Strabo, Walafrid, 143-48. - References: 64, 123, 125, 127, 133, 366. - Hymn: 144. - Strada, Famiana, 44, 321, 322, 333. - Strozzi, Lorenza, 423. - _Stryker, M. W._, 251, 415. - Sulpicius, Severus, 89. - Supremacy of the Pope, 73, 89. - _Sylvester, Joshua_, 250. - Sylvius, Aeneas (Pius II.), 394. - Symmachus, 50, 67, 68, 76. - - Tauler, 274. - “Te Deum,” 4, 12, 244, 317, 348-50, 436, 438. - Telesphorus, 348. - Tennyson, Alfred, 200. - “Ter Sanctus,” 4, 349. - Tertullian, 24. - Theodolph, 118, 368. - Theodore, Archbishop, 111. - Theodoric, 76, 80, 145. - Theodoric of Monte Casino, 373. - Theodosius, 52, 61, 68, 84, 85. - Theodulph of Orleans, 368. - Thessalonica, Massacre at, 52. - “Thilo the Venerable,” 14. - Thomas of Celano, 240-34. - References: 18, 44, 358, 381, 383, 395. - Sequences: 244. - Thomasius, 14, 351, 425. - _Thompson, A. R._, 269, 327, 333, 341, 342, 343, 345, 387, 415. - Toledo, Council of, 317, 349. - Torrentinus, Hermann, 419. - Tours, 91. - Transubstantiation, 124, 129, 143, 386. - Translators of Latin hymns, 17, 250, 251, 405-15. - _Trench, R. C._, 16, 182, 206, 222, 223, 251, 395, 432. - _Trend, H._, 378, 413, 437. - Trent, Council of, 317, 321. - Tunes, 55, 365. - Tutilo, 133-39. - Reference: 368. - - Upham, Thomas C., 274. - Urban VIII., 321, 322, 399. - - Valens, 25, 39. - Valentinian, 26, 32, 39, 48, 50, 84. - _Veith, Emmanuel_, 250. - “Veni Creator Spiritus,” 114-31. - “Veni Sancte Spiritus,” 149-68. - Vert, Claude de, 328, 335. - Vestal Virgins, 68. - Vigier, François Antoine, 335. - Virgil, 147. - - Wackernagel, 16, 430, 437. - Waltram, 368. - Warnefried, Paul (Paul the Deacon), 364. - References: 30, 91, 97, 123. - _Washburn, Dr._, 233, 438. - Wernher, Adam, 394. - Wesley, Charles, 378. - Wessel, Johan, 289. - _Wessenberg, J. H. von_, 250. - _Whewell, Dr._, 392. - William of Champeaux, 151, 187, 194, 227. - _Williams, John_, 414, 431. - _Isaac_, 251, 338, 412, 428, 429. - _William R._, 17, 251, 414. - Wipo, 366. - _Wither, George_, 408. - _Worsley, P. S._, 413, 437. - _Wrangham, D. S._, 233, 442. - - Xavier, Francis, 298-313. - Reference: 18. - Hymns: 298, 315. - - “York Processional,” 392. - - Zabuesnig, J. C. von, 427. - Zerbolt, Gerard, 287, 290. - _Zingerle_, 8. - _Zinzendorf, Count_, 193. - Zwinger, Theodore, 395. - - - - - INDEX TO LATIN HYMNS QUOTED OR MENTIONED. - - - A et Ω magne Deus, 183. - A patre unigenitus, 374. - A solis ortus cardine, ad usque, 58, 83, 86. - A solis ortus cardine et usque, 57, 86, 121. - Ad coeli clara non sum dignus sidera, 27, 30, 31. - Ad coenam Agni providi, 58, 322, 339, 355. - Ad Dominum clamaveram, 367. - Ad regias Agni Dapes, 58, 268, 323, 355. - Ad perennis vitae fontem, 114, 299, 351. - Ad Supernam, 268. - Ades pater supreme, 72. - Adest dies sanctus Dei, 120. - Adeste coelitu chori, 343. - Adeste fideles, 271. - Adesto, Christe, vocibus, 113. - Adoro Te devote, latens Deitas, 268. - Adstant angelorum chori, 296. - Adversa mundi tolera, 295, 296. - Aeterna Christi munera, et martyrum, 30, 56. - Aeterna Christi munera nos, 58. - Aeterna coeli gloria, 58. - Aeternae lucis conditor, 57. - Aeterne rerum conditor, 56. - Aeterne Rex altissime, 108. - Aeterni Patris unice, 371. - Agathae sanctae virginis, 58. - Agnetis Christi virginis, 295. - Agnis beatae virginis, 57. - Ales diei nuntius, 69, 72. - Alleluia, 4, 136, 155. - Alleluia, dulce carmen, 374, 408. - Alleluia piis edite laudibus, 359, 360. - Alma redemptoris mater, 155, 160. - Almi prophetae progenies, 58. - Altitudo, quid hic jaces, 398. - Altus prositor, vetustus dierum, et ingenitus, 357, 360. - Ama Jesum cum Agnete, 295. - Amore Christi nobilis, 58. - Angelice patrone, 397. - Angelorum si haberem, 296. - Angulare fundamentum, 357, 363. - Anima Christi, sanctifica me, 386. - Anni peractis mensibus, 373. - Apostolorum gloriam, 113. - Apostolorum passio, 56, 113. - Apostolorum supparem, 57. - Apparabet repentina dies magna Domini, 177, 358. - Ardua spes mundi, 136. - Audi benigne Conditor, 108, 117. - Audi, tellus, audi, 374. - Audit tyrannus anxius, 72. - Aurora jam spargit polum, 58. - Aurora lucis rutilat, 57. - Ave Dei genetrix, 384. - Ave florens rosa, 295. - Ave fuit prima salus, 280. - Ave hierarchia, 389. - Ave Maria, 155. - Ave Maria, gratia plena, 376. - Ave maris stella, 96, 322, 370. - Ave Martha gloriosa, 389. - Ave mundi domina, 384. - Ave per quam, 373. - Ave praeclara Maris stella, 155, 159, 376. - Ave quem desidero, 383. - Ave regis angelorum, 280. - - Beata nobis gaudia, 31, 34. - Beate martyr prospera, 72. - Bellator armis inclytus, 58. - Benedictus, 3. - Bis ternas horas explicans, 56, 57. - - Cantemus omni die concenentes variae, 363. - Cedit frigus hiemale, 383. - Certum tenentes ordinem, 57. - Christe coelorum conditor, 57. - Christe cunctorum dominator alme, 57 - Christe lumen perpetuum, 81. - Christe precamur, 81. - Christe qui lux es et dies, 57, 354. - Christe redemptor gentium, 57. - Christe Redemptor omnium, 120. - Christe Redemptor omnium, Vere salus, 295. - Christe rex coeli domine, 57. - Christe salvator omnium, 82. - Christe sanctorum gloria, 177. - Christe sanctorum gloria, Et piorum, 295. - Christe servorum regimen tuorum, 72. - Christi caterva clamitat, 351. - Christum Ducem, qui per crucem, 271. - Christum rogemus et patrem, 30. - Chorus novae Hierusalem, 155, 158, 372. - Cibis resumptis congruis, 57. - Cives coelestis patriae, 379. - Cives coeli attendite, 295. - Clarum decus jejunii, 108. - Coelestis formam gloriae, 392. - Coelestis urbs Jerusalem, 324, 326. - Coeli Deus sanctissime, 57. - Coelos ascendit hodie, 388. - Cogita, anima fidelis, 247. - Collaudemus Magdalena, 385. - Coluber Adae male suasor, 136. - Conditor alme siderum, 56. - Congaudeat turba fidelium, 374. - Consors paterni luminis, 56. - Convexa solis orbita, 57, 360. - Corde natus ex parentis, 64, 72. - Creaturarum omnium merita, 296. - Crux te, te volo conqueri, 280. - Cultor Dei memento, 71, 72. - Cum me tenent fallacia, 396. - Cum sub cruce sedet moerens, 296. - Cum revolvo toto corde, 381, 391. - Cunctorum rex omnipotens, 359. - Cur mundus militat, 274, 278, 279, 280, 374. - Cur relinquis, Deus, coelum, 327. - Custodes hominum, 322. - - Da puer plectrum, 72. - Debilis cessent elementa legis, 344. - Dei fide, qua vivimus, 57. - De Laudibus Sanctae Crucis, 131. - De Parente summo natum, 393. - Deus aeterni luminis, 57. - Deus creator omnium, 20, 56, 59. - Deus-Homo, Rex coelorum, 379. - Deus ignee fons animarum, 72. - Deus, pater credentium, 374. - Deus, Pater ingenite, 31, 33. - Deus qui certis legibus, 57. - Deus qui claro lumine, 57. - Deus qui coeli lumen es, 57. - Dicamus laudes Domino, 57. - Die parente temporum, 393. - Diei luce reddita, 57. - Dies est laetitiae, 386. - Dies Irae, 240-253, 18, 69, 114, 177, 268, 278, 358, 381, 382, 391, - 408, 410, 411. - Domine Deus, speravi in Te, 300. - Domine Jesu, noverim me, noverim Te, 351, 393. - Dormi, fili, dormi, 397. - - Ecce jam noctis tenuatur umbra, 108, 326. - Ecce sedes hic Tonantis, 344. - Ecquis binas columbinas, 397. - Eia mea anima, 387, 390. - Eia Phoebe, nunc serena, 396. - Emitte, Christe, Spiritum, 113. - En martyris Laurentii, 72. - En Trinitatis speculum, 386. - En virginis Caeciliae, 295. - Ex more docti mystico, 58, 108. - Exultet coelum laudibus, 377. - - Felix dies, quam proprio, 344. - Felix per omnes festum mundi cardines, 353. - Felix terra quae Fructuoso vestiris, 72. - Festum nunc celebre, 120. - Finita jam sunt praelia, 377. - Fit porta Christi pervia, 58, 120, 121. - Florem spina coronavit, 393. - Forti tegente brachio, 339, 355. - Fregit victor virtualis, 244, 246. - Fulgentis auctor aetheris, 57. - - Gaude, mater Ecclesia, De praecursoris, 295. - Gaude Virgo, Mater Christi, Quia, 382. - Gaude virgo, stella Maris, Salve porta chrystallina, 383. - Gaudete et cantate, 139. - Germine nobilis Eulalia, 72. - Gesta sanctorum martyrum, 57. - Gloria in Excelsis Deo, 1, 3, 4, 29, 281, 348, 406. - Gloria, laus et honor, 368. - Gloria Patri, 4. - Gloriam nato cecinere, 144. - Gloriosa Jerusalem, 358. - Gloriosi Salvatoris nominis praeconia, 393. - Grates tibi Jesu novas, 57. - Gratus honos hierarchia, 160. - Gravi me terrore, 177. - - Haec est dies triumphalis, 388. - Heri mundus exultavit, 233. - Heu! Heu! mala mundi vita, 381. - Heu quid jaces stabulo, 390. - Hic est dies verus Dei, 56, 60. - Hodie cantandus, 136, 139. - Homo, Dei creatura, 391. - Homo tristis esto, 388. - Hostis Herodes impie, 83. - Hymnis laudum preconiis, 86. - Hymnum canamus gloriae, 113. - Hymnum canentes martyrum, 113. - Hymnum dicamus Domino, 57. - Hymnum dicat turba fratrum, 361. - Hymnum Mariae Virgines, 72. - - Illuminans altissimus, 56. - Illuxit alma seculis, 113. - Immense coeli conditor, 57. - In dulci jubilo, 391. - In matutinis surgimus, 31. - In natali Domini, 387. - In Ninivitas se coactus percito, 72. - In noctis umbra desides, 338. - In sapientia disponens omnia, 378. - In Te, Christe, credentium, 357. - Instantis adventum Dei, 338. - Intende nostris sensibus, 72. - Inter florigeras, 113. - Inter patres monachalis, 373. - Intrante Christo Bethanicam domum, 342. - Inventor rutili dux bone luminis, 72. - Invicte Martyr unicum, 371. - Iste confessor Domini, 367. - - Jam Christe, sol justitiae, 355. - Jam Christus astra ascenderat, 58, 108 - Jam cursus horae sextae, 57. - Jam desinant suspiria, 338. - Jam lucis orto sidere, 56, 325, 340. - Jam lucis splendor rutilat, 57. - Jam meta noctis transiit, 31, 34. - Jam moesta quiesce querela, 69, 72, 410. - Jam sexta sensim volvitur, 57. - Jam surgit hora tertia, et nos, 57. - Jam surgit hora tertia, Qua, 56. - Jam ter quaternis trahitur, 57. - Jerusalem gloriosa, 296. - Jesu corona celsior, 57. - Jesu corona virginum, 30, 57. - Jesu defensor omnium, 359. - Jesu dulce medicamen, 383. - Jesu dulcis memoria, 193, 268, 274, 280, 415. - Jesu meae deliciae, 397. - Jesu nostra redemptio, 57. - Jesu quadragenariae, 31, 42. - Jesu Redemptor omnium, 371. - Jesu refulsit omnium, 31, 42, 362. - Jesu Salvator saeculi, 120, 383. - Jesu Salvator seculi, 295. - Jesus Christus, noster salus, 391. - Jordanis oras praevia, 338. - Jubilemus cordis voce, 392. - Jubilemus omnes una, 393. - Jussu tyranni pro fide, 343. - Juste judex Jesu Christe, 383. - Juxta Threnos Jeremiae, 382. - - Labente jam solis, 341. - Laetare, puerpera, 393. - Lauda, mater ecclesiae, lauda Christ, 371. - Lauda, Sion, Salvatorem, 267, 269, 386. - Laudem beatae martyris, 144. - Laudes Deo concinat, 136. - Laus Patriae Caelestis, 222. - Laus sit Regi gloriae, Cujus rore gratiae, 393. - Lignum crucis mirabile, 108. - Lorica, 360, 362. - Lucis auctor clemens, lumen immensum, 360. - Lucis Creator optime, 58, 108. - Lucis largitor splendide, 27, 28, 31, 32, 362. - Lux ecce surgit aurea, 72. - Lux est orta gentibus, 393. - Lux quae luces in tenebris, 375. - - Magnae Deus potentiae, 57. - Magnificat, 1, 3, 4. - Magni palmam certaminis, 57. - Magno salutis gaudio, 108. - Majestati sacrosanctae, 389. - Martyr Dei qui unicum, 371. - Martyris ecce dies Agathae, 45. - Me receptet Sion illa, 180. - Media vita in morte sumus, 140. - Mediae noctis tempus est, 57. - Meridie orandum est, 57. - Miraculum laudabile, 57. - Miris modis repente liber, 353. - Mirum est si non lugeat, 296. - Mitis agnus, leo fortis, 374. - Mittit ad virginem, 206. - Mortis portis fractis, fortis, 220. - Mysteriorum signifer, 57, 383. - Mysterium ecclesiae, 57. - - Nardus spirat in odorem, 385. - Nec quisquam oculis vidit, 296. - Nobis est natus hodie, 387. - Nocte quadam, via fessus, 183. - Nocte surgentes vigilemus, 108. - Noctes terrae primordia, 72. - Noctis tempus jam praeterit, 108. - Noli, Pater, indulgere, 357. - Novum sidus exoritur, 389. - Nox atra rerum contegit, 57. - Nox et tenebrae et nubila, 70, 72. - Noxium Christus simul introivit, 344. - Nunc Andreae sollemnia, 113. - Nunc angelorum gloria, 386. - Nunc devota silva tota, 382. - Nunc Dimittis, 1, 3, 409. - Nunc sancte nobis spiritus, 56. - Nunc tempus acceptabile, 108. - Nuntium nobis fero de supernis, 373. - - O beata beatorum martyrum certamina, 384, 393. - O crucifer bone, lucisator, 72. - O Dei perenne Verbum, 359. - O Deus, ego amo te, 18, 298, 315. - O Deus, miseri miserere servi, 376. - O dulcissime Jesu, 295. - O esca viatorum, 268, 397, 415. - O filii et filiae, 377. - O gens beata coelitum, 351, 397. - O ignis Spiritus Paracliti, 379. - O Jesu mi dulcissime, Spes et solamen, 295. - O luce quae tua lates, 342. - O luce qui mortalibus, 338. - O lux beata Trinitas, 56, 61. - O miseratris, O dominatrix, praecipe dictu, 176, 224. - O nata lux de lumine, 392. - O Nazarene lux Bethlem verbum Patris, 72. - O Pater, sancte, mitis atque pie, 388. - O qualis quantaque laetitia, 295, 296. - O quam dira, quam horrenda, 177. - O quanta qualia sunt illa sabbata, 209 - O quid laudis, quis honoris, 296. - O rex aeterne domine, 56. - O Rex, orbis triumphator, 386. - O Roma nobilis, orbis et domina, 363. - O sator rerum reparator aevi, 392. - O sola magnarum urbium, 72. - O stella maris fulgida, 389. - O Trinitas laudabilis, 383. - O vera summa Trinitas, 295. - O virga ac diadema, 379. - Obduxere polum nubila coeli, 56. - Obsidioris obvias, 72. - Omnes superni ordines, 376. - Omni die dic Mariae, 391. - Omnis mundus jucundetur, 386. - Omnium virtutum gemmis, 139. - Opprobriis Jesu satur, 338. - Optatus votis omnium, 57. - Orabo mente dominum, 56. - - Panditur saxo tumulus remoto, 342. - Pange, lingua, gloriosi Corporis mysterium, 55, 268. - Pange lingua gloriosi, praelium certaminis, 30, 96, 252, 410. - Parendum est, cedendum est, 397. - Paschalis festi gaudium, 177. - Pastis visceribus, ciboque sumpto, 72. - Patris sapientia, veritas divina, 377, 387, 402. - Paule doctor Egregie, 177. - Paulus Sion architecta, 384. - Pax concordat universa, 383. - Perfectum trinum numerum, 57. - Plasmator hominis Deus, 57. - Plaudite coeli, 397, 398. - Plausu chorus laetebundo, 238. - Pone luctum, Magdalena, 397. - Post matutinas laudes, 57. - Praecessor almus gratiae, 113. - Praecursor altus luminis, 113. - Precamur Patrem, 361. - Primatis aulae coelicae, 351. - Primo dierum omnium, 108. - Primo Deus coeli globum, 113. - Promissa, tellus, concipe gaudia, 344. - Prope est claritudinis magnae dies, 393. - Psallat plebis sexus omnis voce corde carmina, 355. - Puer natus in Bethlehem, 387, 392, 394. - Puer nobis nascitur, 387. - Pugnate, Christi milites, 340. - - Quae stella sole pulchrior, 338, 341. - Quanta mihi cura de te, 296. - Quem pastores laudavere, 387. - Quem terra pontus aethera, 96. - Qui sunt isti, qui volant, 393. - Qui ter quaterna denique, 72. - Quicumque Christum queritis, 69, 72. - Quicunque certum queritis, 399, 401. - Quicunque salvus vult, 358, 391. - Quid est quod arctum circulum, 72. - Quid, tyranne, quid minaris, 177, 351. - Quod chorus vatum, 367. - - Recolamus sacram coenam, 386. - Recordare sanctae crucis, 271. - Rector potens, verax Deus, 56. - Redditum luci, Domino vocante, 342. - Refulgit omnia luce mundus aurea, 366. - Regina coeli laetare, 385. - Requiescat a labore, 211, 300. - Rerum Creator omnium, 405. - Rerum Creator optime, 57. - Rerum Deus tenax vigor, 56. - Resonet in laudibus, 386. - Resultet tellus et alta coelorum machina, 393. - Rex Christe, factor omnium, 108, 117, 402. - Rex Deus immense, 359. - Rex omnipotens, 155, 158, 159. - Rex regum Dei agne, 162. - Rex sanctorum angelorum, 369. - - Sacer octavarum dies, 359. - Sacrae Christi celebremus, 389. - Sacrata Christi tempora, 359. - Sacratissimi Martyres summi Dei, 362. - Sacratum hoc templum Dei, 57. - Sacris solemniis juncta sint gaudia, 268. - Saevus bella serit barbarus horrens, 57. - Sanctae Sion adsunt encaenia, 392. - Sancte Dei pretiose, 374. - Sancti Spiritus adsit nobis gratia, 137, 155, 158. - Sancti venite, 361. - Sanctissimae Trinitatis, 181. - Sanctitatis nova signa, 244, 246. - Sanctorum meritis inclyta gaudia, 355, 364. - Sanctus humili prece, 136. - Salvator mundi, Domine, 358. - Salve caput cruentatum, 18, 193. - Salve, Crux, arbor, 231. - Salve crux sancta, salve mundi gloria, 376. - Salve festa dies, toto venerabilis aevo, 392. - Salve pater Augustine, 384. - Salve regina, 155, 160, 161, 165. - Salve sancta parens enixa, 86. - Salve tropaeum gloriae, 113. - Salvete flores martyrum, 72, 340, 410. - Serve meus noli metuere, 296. - Sidus ex claro veniens Olympo, 394. - Simon Barjona, 155, 159. - Simplex in essentia, 235. - Sit ignis atque lux mihi, 396. - Si vis vere gloriari, 392. - Sol ecce surgit igneus, 72. - Somno refectis artubus, 56. - Sonent Regi nato nova cantica, 393. - Spe mercedis et coronae, 386. - Spiritus divinae lucis gloriae, 361. - Spiritus Sancti gratia, 388. - Spiritus Sancti adsit nobis gratia, 116. - Splendor paternae gloriae, 56, 60. - Spiritus Recreator, 233. - Squalent arva soli pulvere multo, 56. - Stabat Mater dolorosa, 17, 114, 157, 174, 268, 278, 281. - Stabat Mater speciosa, 278, 281. - Statuta decreto Dei, 338. - Stella maris, O Maria, 385. - Stephano primo martyri, 57. - Stupete gentes, fit Deus hostia, 333. - Summae Deus clementiae, 56. - Summi largitor praemii, 108. - Surgentes ad Te, Domine, 359. - Surgit Christus cum tropaeo, 393. - Surrexit Christe hodie, 377. - - Tandem laborum gloriosi principes, 346. - Tantem audite me, 397. - Te Bethlehem celebrat, 350. - Te Deum laudamus, 4, 12, 29, 348, 385, 406. - Te lucis ante termium, 57, 358. - Te lucis auctor personent, 158, 352. - Te Matrem laudamus, 385. - Telluris ingens conditor, 57, 354. - Tellus et aeth’ra jubilent, 357. - Tempus noctis surgentibus, 57. - Ter hora trina volvitur, 57. - Ter sancte, ter potens Deus, 342. - Ter Sanctus, 4, 349. - Ternis ter horis numerus, 57. - Tibi Christe splendor Patris, 120. - Tota vita Jesu Christi, 295. - Trinitas, Unitas, Deitas, 380. - Tristes erant apostoli, 56. - Tristes nunc populi, Christe redemptor, 57. - Tu Trinitatis unitas, 57. - - Ubi modo est Jesus, ubi est Maria, 296. - Unam duorum gloriam, 351. - Unde planctus et lamentum, 385. - Urbs Aquensis, urbs regalis, 386. - Urbs beata Hirusalem, dicta pacis visio, 324, 344, 357, 363. - Urbs beata, vera pacis, 344, 358. - Urbs Jerusalem beata, 328, 358. - Ut queant laxis, 30, 365. - - Veni Creator Spiritus, 114-131, 137, 160, 233, 269, 364, 406, 408. - Veni jam veni, 375. - Veni, praecelsa domina, 385. - Veni Redemptor gentium, 16, 56, 410. - Veni Sancte Spiritus, 16, 114, 153-168, 269, 278, 281, 385. - Veni, sancte Spiritus, Reple, 159, 386. - Veni, veni Emmanuel, 378. - Veni, veni, rex gloriae, 388. - Verbum bonum et suave, 383. - Verbum caro factum est, 280, 387. - Verbum Dei, Deo natum, 233, 383. - Verbum supernum prodiens, a Patre, 57. - Verbum supernum prodiens, Nec Patris, 268. - Vexilla Regis prodeunt, 16, 93, 268, 410. - Victimae paschali laudes immolent Christiani, 366. - Victor, Nabor, Felix pii, 57. - Vidit anguis, 64. - Virginis in gremio, 389. - Virginis proles opifexque matris, 367. - Virgo Dei genitrix, 64, 367. - Virgo virginum praeclara, 399. - Viri Galilaei, 139. - Vitam Jesu stude imitari, 295. - Vox clara ecce intonat, 57. - Vox haec melos pangat, 160. - - Zyma vetus expurgetur, 236. - - - - - Notes to the Electronic Edition - - -For the sake of the eBook format, these changes were made from the -printed book: - - ---Added a “Table of Contents” - ---In this ASCII-based text, “ae” and “oe” ligatures (which represent a - mere typographical convention, not authorial intent) are expanded. - ---Silently corrected several inconsistently indented lines of poetry. - 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