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B. Thatcher - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license - - -Title: Indian Biography; Vol. 1 of 2 - Or, An Historical Account of Those Who Have Been Distinguished.... - -Author: B. B. Thatcher - -Release Date: June 12, 2017 [EBook #54898] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK INDIAN BIOGRAPHY; VOL. 1 OF 2 *** - - - - -Produced by Roger Burch with scans from the Internet Archive. - - - - - -</pre> - - -<P class="image" style="text-align: center; page-break-before: always;"><img src="images/cover.jpg"style="max-width:100%; max-height:100%" alt="cover"></P> -<br><br><br> - - - -<h2 class="direct" style="page-break-before: always;">{Transcriber's Note: Quotation marks have been standardized to modern -usage. Footnotes have been placed to immediately follow the paragraphs -referencing them. Transcriber's notes are in curly braces; square brackets -and parentheses indicate original content.}</h2> -<br><br><br> - - - - - -<P class="image" style="text-align: center; page-break-before: always;"><img src="images/title.jpg"style="max-width:100%; max-height:100%" alt="title"></P> -<br><br><br> - - -<P class="image" style="text-align: center; page-break-before: always;"><img src="images/verso.jpg"style="max-width:100%; max-height:100%" alt="verso"></P> -<br><br><br> - - - - - <h2 class="direct" style="page-break-before: always;">PREFACE.</h2> - - -<p>The Author does not propose an elaborate explanation, nor an apology of -any kind, for the benefit of the following work. If it absolutely requires -either, he must even be content to have written it in vain, as no -statement or argument can give it any degree of vitality or popularity in -the one case or in the other.</p> - -<p>He has regarded it, historically, as an act of mere Justice to the fame -and the memories of many wise, brilliant, brave and generous -men,—patriots, orators, warriors and statesmen,—who ruled over barbarian -communities, and were indeed themselves barbarians, but whose influence, -eloquence and success of every description were <i>therefore</i> but the nobler -objects of admiration and the worthier subjects for record. Nor can -Philosophy look upon them without predilection. Comparatively -unopinionated and unaffected as they were,—governed by impulse and guided -by native sense,—owing little to circumstances, and struggling much -amidst and against them,—their situation was the best possible for -developing both genius and principle, and their education at the sane time -the best for disclosing them. Their Lives, then, should illustrate the -true constitution of man. They should have, above all other history, the -praise and the interest of "philosophy teaching, by example."</p> - -<p>The strictly moral inducements which have operated on the Author's mind, -must be too obvious to require dissertation. We owe, and our Fathers owed, -too much to the Indians,—too much from man to man,—too much from race to -race,—to deny them the poor restitution of historical justice at least, -however the issue may have been or may be with themselves. Nor need it be -suggested, that selfishness alone might dictate the policy of a collection -such as the Author has endeavored to make this, were it only for the -collateral light which it constantly throws on the history and biography of -our own nation.</p> - -<p>Nothing of the same character is before the public. What may be called an -Indian Biographical Dictionary has indeed recently appeared, and to that -the Author has gladly referred in the course of his researches; but the -extreme difficulty of doing justice to any individuals of the race, and at -the same time to <i>all,</i> may be inferred from the fact that the writer -alluded to has noticed such men as Uncas in some six or eight lines, while -he has wholly omitted characters so important as Buckongahelas, White-eyes, -Pipe, and Occonoetota. On these, and on all their more eminent countrymen, -the Author has intended to bestow the notice they deserve, by passing over -the vast multitude distinguished only by detached anecdote, or described -only in general terms.</p> - -<p>In fine, conscious of many imperfections, but also conscious of a strenuous -exertion to render them as few and small as might be, the Author submits -the Biography to the public, and especially to the candor of those whose -own labors, if not the results of them, have shown them the essential -fallibility of every composition like this. He will have reason to be -satisfied if it do good, as he will assuredly be gratified if it give -pleasure.</p> - -<p>Boston, Sept. 10, 1832.</p> - - - - - <h2 class="direct" style="page-break-before: always;">CONTENTS</h2> - - - <p class="chap"><a href="#chi">CHAP. I.</a>—The Indian tribes of Virginia at the date of the Jamestown - settlement; their names, numbers and power—The Powhatan - confederacy—The Indian Village of that name—<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Powhatan</span>—The - circumstances of the first interview between him and the - English—<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Opechancanough,</span> his brother—<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Opitchipan</span>—Reception of Captain - Smith by Powhatan—Interposition of <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Pocahontas</span> in his favor—Second - visit of the colonists—Third visit, and coronation—Entertainment of - Smith by Pocahontas—Contest of ingenuity between Powhatan and Smith; - and between the latter and Opechancanough—Smith saved again by - Pocahontas—Political manœuvres of Powhatan and Opechancanough—Smith's - return to Jamestown.</p> - - <p class="exit" style="font-size: 80%">page 9</p> - - - <p class="chap"><a href="#chii">CHAP. II.</a>—Conduct of Powhatan after Smith's departure for England, and - causes of it—Hostilities resumed—Peace finally effected by the capture - of Pocahontas—Manner of gaining this point—Marriage of Pocahontas with - John Rolfe—Death and character of Powhatan—His person, manner of - living, talents, influence. His method and means of warfare—The - discipline of his warriors—The manner in which he availed himself of - the English arms and science—Causes of his hostility towards the - colonists—His dignity—Shrewdness—Independence—Courtesy—Liberality— - Simplicity—Affection for his relatives—A review of various opinions - entertained of him by various historians.</p> - - <p class="exit" style="font-size: 80%">40</p> - - - <p class="chap"><a href="#chiii">CHAP. III.</a>—The family of Powhatan—His successor—Sequel of the history - of Pocahontas—Her acts of kindness to the colonists at various times, - and especially to Smith—His gratitude—Her civilisation, and - instruction in Christianity—Her visit to England in 1616—Reception at - Court—Interview with Smith—His memorial respecting her to Queen - Anne—Her death and character—Her descendants.</p> - - <p class="exit" style="font-size: 80%">66</p> - - - <p class="chap"><a href="#chiv">CHAP. IV.</a>—Sequel of the history of Opechancanough—Renewal, by him and - Opitchipan, of the treaty of peace—Finesse by which he extended his - dominion over the Chickahominies—Preparations for War—Causes of - it—Profound dissimulation under which his hostility was - concealed—Indian custom of making Conjurers—Manœuvres against the - English interest—The great massacre of 1622; circumstances and - consequences of it—particular occasion which led to it—Character and - death of <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Nemattanow</span>—Details of the war subsequent to the - massacre—Truce broken by the English—New exertions of - Opechancanough—Battle of Pamunkey—Peace of 1632—Massacre of - 1641—Capture of Opechancanough by the English—His death and - character. - - <p class="exit" style="font-size: 80%">77</p> - - - <p class="chap"><a href="#chv">CHAP. V.</a>—Biography of other Virginian chieftains—<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Opitchipan</span>—Some - particulars respecting <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Tomocomo</span>—His visit to England, interview with - Captain Smith, and return to America—<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Japakaws</span>, chief sachem of the - Patowomekes—His friendship for the English—Ill treatment which he - received from them—<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Totopotomoi,</span> successor of Opechancanough—His - services—His death in 1656—Notices of several native chiefs of North - Carolina—<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Granganimo</span> who dies in 1585—<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Menatenon</span>, king of the - Chowanocks—<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Ensenore</span>, father of Granganimo; and <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Wingina</span>, his - brother—Plot of the latter against the Hatteras colony—His - death—Comment on the Carolinian Biography.</p> - - <p class="exit" style="font-size: 80%">95</p> - - - <p class="chap"><a href="#chvi">CHAP. VI.</a>—Synopsis of the New England Indians at the date of the - Plymouth settlement—The Pokanoket confederacy—The Wampanoag - tribe—Their first head-Sachem known to the English, <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Massasoit</span>—The - first interview between him and the whites—His visit to Plymouth, in - 1621—Treaty of peace and friendship—Embassy sent to him at Sowams, by - the English—Anecdotes respecting it—He is suspected of treachery or - hostility, in 1622—His sickness in 1623—A second deputation visits - him—Ceremonies and results of the visit—His intercourse with other - tribes—Conveyances of land to the English—His death and - character—Anecdotes.</p> - - <p class="exit" style="font-size: 80%">115</p> - - - <p class="chap"><a href="#chvii">CHAP. VII.</a>—Massasoit succeeded by his son <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Alexander</span>—The occasion of - that name being given by the English—History of Alexander previous to - his father's death—Covenant made with Plymouth in 1639—Measures taken - in pursuance of it, in 1661—Anecdote illustrating the character of - Alexander—Notice of the charges made against him—Examination of the - transaction which led to his death—Accession of <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Phillip</span>—Renewal of the - treaty by him—Interruption of harmony—Supposed causes of it—Measures - taken in consequence—Philip's submission—Letter to the Plymouth - Governor—Second submission in 1671—Remarks on the causes of <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Phillip's - War.</span></p> - - <p class="exit" style="font-size: 80%">141</p> - - - <p class="chap"><a href="#chviii">CHAP. VIII.</a>—Preparations for war between Philip and the Colonies—Great - excitement of the times—Deposition of Hugh Cole—Immediate occasion of - hostilities—Commencement of them, June 24th, 1675—Summary sketch of - the war—Consequences to the parties engaged—Exertions, adventures and - escapes of King Philip—His death—Anecdotes respecting - him—Observations on his character—His courage, dignity, kindness, - independence shrewdness, and self-command—Fate of his family—Defence - of his conduct.</p> - - <p class="exit" style="font-size: 80%">159</p> - - - <p class="chap"><a href="#chix">CHAP. IX.</a>—The Narraghansett tribe; territory and power—Chief Sachems at - the date of the English settlements in New England—<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Canonicus</span> associates - with himself <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Miantonomo,</span> his nephew—Their treatment of Roger Williams - in 1634—Hostility to the Plymouth Colony—Invited by the Pequots to - fight the English—Treaty negotiated at Boston, in 1636, by - Miantonomo—War with the Pequots and result of it—Subsequent hostility - between Miantonomo and <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Uncas—Sequassen</span>—Battle of the - Sachem's-Plain—Capture of Miantonomo—Sentence of the English - commissioners upon him—Execution of it.</p> - - <p class="exit" style="font-size: 80%">177</p> - - - <p class="chap"><a href="#chx">CHAP. X.</a>—Consideration of the justice of the Commissioners sentence upon - Miantonomo—Their reasons, as alleged—The charge against him of - ambitious designs—Of employing the Mohawks—Of breaking the league of - 1638—"Concerning the Pequot squaws"—Of hostility to the English—Of - peculation—Proofs of his fidelity and friendship—Causes of complaint - by him and Canonicus against the English—Character of both - Sachems—Their treatment of Roger Williams—Letters of that - gentleman—Anecdotes—Death of Canonicus.</p> - - <p class="exit" style="font-size: 80%">198</p> - - - <p class="chap"><a href="#chxi">CHAP. XI.</a>—Canonicus succeeded by <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Pessacus—Mexhan—Ninigret,</span> Sachem of - the Nianticks—Proposals made by them to the English, and by the English - in return—They commence hostilities against Uncas—The English resolve - to make war upon them—They make concessions—Their visits to - Boston—Subsequent movements against Uncas. An armed party sent against - Ninigret and Pessacus—They are accused of a league with the Dutch - against the English.</p> - - <p class="exit" style="font-size: 80%">210</p> - - - <p class="chap"><a href="#chxii">CHAP. XII.</a>—Sequel of the lives of Ninigret and Pessacus, from - 1653—Various accusations, deputations, and hostile movements between - them and the English—Controversy between Ninigret and Harmon - Garrett—Application for justice in 1675—Conduct of Ninigret in - Philip's War—Consequences of it—His death—Death of Pessacus—Some of - the charges against the former considered—His hostility to Uncas, and - the Long Islanders, and "League with the Dutch"—Remarks on his - character.</p> - - <p class="exit" style="font-size: 80%">231</p> - - - <p class="chap"><a href="#chxiii">CHAP. XIII.</a>—The Pequot tribe—Their first chief-sachem known to the - English, <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Pekoath</span>—succeeded by <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Sassacus</span>—An embassy sent to Boston in - 1631—Residence and strong-hold of Sassacus—His earliest intercourse - with the English—Murder of Captain Stone—Justification of it by - Sassacus—He proposes a treaty of peace in 1634—Sends deputies to - Boston twice—Treaty concluded—Anecdotes—His wars with the - Narraghansetts—Fresh controversy with the English—They send an armed - party to demand damages—Conduct of the party, and consequences of - it—War with the Pequots in 1636—Political movements of - Sassacus—English expedition against him in 1637—He is defeated—Driven - from his country—Killed by the Mohawks—The English policy in his case - briefly considered.</p> - - <p class="exit" style="font-size: 80%">250</p> - - - <p class="chap"><a href="#chxiv">CHAP. XIV.</a>—The Pequot territory claimed by <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Uncas</span>—His tribe, family, and - early history—Services in the Pequot expedition rewarded by the - English—Effect of their favor—His contest with Miantonomo, and - result—Subsequent wars and quarrels with various tribes and - chiefs—Assistance rendered him by the English—Complaints brought - against him to them—His Christianity considered—His morality—Evidence - of his fraud, falsehood, violence, tyranny, ambition—His services, and - those of his tribe to the English—Manner in which he met the - accusations made against him—Cunning and servility—His treatment of - neighboring sachems—Various negotiations with the English—His - death—fate of his tribe.</p> - - <p class="exit" style="font-size: 80%">266</p> - - - <p class="chap"><a href="#chxv">CHAP. XV.</a>—Indians who submitted to Massachusetts—The Gortonists—<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Pomham,</span> - Sachem of Shaomet, and <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Saconoco</span> complain of them—Submit to the - Government—Their examination and entertainment—Policy of Massachusetts - in the case of Pomham—He and Saconoco much harassed by their - neighbors—Subsequent history—Pomham takes part in Philip's war, and is - killed—<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Canonchet,</span> son of Miantonomo—His agreement of October, - 1675—<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Weetamore</span> Squaw-Sachem of Pocasset—Canonchet's career during - Philip's war—Particulars of his surprisal and death—His - character—Anecdotes—His reputation with the English—Defence of his - conduct.</p> - - <p class="exit" style="font-size: 80%">295</p> - - - <p class="chap"><a href="#chxvi">CHAP. XVI.</a>—Account of the Pawtucket confederacy in New - Hampshire—<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Passaconaway,</span> their Chief Sachem—He is disarmed by order of - the Massachusetts Government. His residence, age and authority—He - maintains a good understanding with the English—Visits Boston—The - Apostle Elliot's acquaintance with and notice of him—His views of - Christianity—Festival, and Farewell speech to his tribe in 1660—Death - and character—His son and successor, <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Wonolanset</span>. Anecdotes of the - family—Legend of Passaconaway's feats as a Powah.</p> - - <p class="exit" style="font-size: 80%">315</p> -<br><br><br> - - - - <h2 class="direct" style="page-break-before: always;">INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.</h2> -<br> - <hr width="80%"> -<br><br><br> - <h3 class="direct"><a id="chi">CHAPTER 1.</a></h3> -<br><br> - - <p class="chap">The Indian tribes of Virginia at the date of the Jamestown settlement; - their names, numbers and power—The Powhatan confederacy—The Indian - Village of that name—<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Powhatan</span>—The circumstances of the first interview - between him and the English—<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Opechancanough,</span> his - brother—Opitchipan—Reception of Captain Smith by - Powhatan—Interposition of <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Pocahontas</span> in his favor—Second visit of the - colonists—Third visit, and coronation—Entertainment of Smith by - Pocahontas—Contest of ingenuity between Powhatan and Smith; and - between the latter and Opechancanough—Smith saved again by - Pocahontas—Political manœuvres of Powhatan and Opechancanough—Smith's - return to Jamestown.</p> -<br> - -<p><span style="font-variant:small-caps">At the date</span> of the first permanent settlement effected within the limits -of Virginia, and for an unknown period previous to that date, the country -from the sea-coast to the Allegheny, and from the most southern waters of -James river to Patuxent river, (now in the state of Maryland) was occupied -by three principal native nations. Each of these nations was a confederacy -of larger or smaller tribes; and each tribe was subdivided into towns, -families or clans, who lived together. [FN] The three general names by -which these communities have been ordinarily known, are the Mannahoacks, -the Monacans and the Powhatans.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Jefferson's Notes on Virginia. The author has apparently intended - to use the word <i>family</i> in its most enlarged sense.</p> -<br> - -<p>Of these, the two former might be called highland or mountain Indians. -They all lived upon the banks of the various small streams which water the -hilly country between the falls of the Atlantic rivers and the Alleghany -ridge. The Mannahoacks consisted of eight tribes, five of which were -located between the Potomac and Rappahannoc, and three between the last -named river and the York. Of the five tribes of the Monacans, [FN] two -were between the York and James, and three extended southward from the -James to the boundaries of Carolina. The most powerful respectively of the -eight and of the five—the Mannahoacks and the Monacans, properly so -called—seem to have given their own names to the entire nation or -confederacy of which they were members. The former tribe occupied chiefly -what are now Stafford and Spotsylvania counties. The latter resided upon -James river above the falls.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] It may be well to take this occasion of observing, that the author's - only rule in the orthography of Indian term has been to follow what - appears to be the most approved usage. Stith uses Manakins, instead of - Monacans.</p> -<br> - -<p>The Powhatan nation inhabited the lowland tract, extending laterally from -the ocean to the falls of the rivers, and from Carolina on the south to -the Patuxent on the north. This comprised a much larger number of tribes -than either of the others. As many as ten of them (including the -Tauxenents, whose chief residence was about Mount Vernon) were settled -between the Potomac and Rappahannoc. [FN] Five others extended between the -Rappahannoc and York; eight between the York and James, and five between -the James and the borders of Carolina. Beside these, the Accohanocks and -Accomacks, on what is called the Eastern Shore (of Chesapeake Bay) have -also been considered a part of this nation.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Both these rivers have derived their names from the tribes - originally settled on them. The former have been commonly called the - Patowomekes.</p> -<br> - -<p>The territory occupied by the whole of this great confederacy, south of -the Potomac, comprehended about 8,000 square miles. Smith tells us in his -history, [FN] that within sixty miles of Jamestown were 5,000 natives, of -whom 1,500 were warriors. Mr. Jefferson has computed the whole number of -Powhatan warriors at 2,400, which, according to the proportions between -Smith's estimates (being three to ten) would give an entire population of -8,000, or one to each square mile.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] A work of which the value is well known to all readers of the early - American history. The title is—"The Trve Travels, Adventures and - Observations of Captaine Iohn Smith in Europe, Asia, Africke and America, - beginning about the yeere 1593, and continued to this present 1629." We - copy from the London edition of the date last named.</p> -<br> - -<p>This calculation is probably quite moderate enough. It would leave an -average of less than one hundred warriors to each of the thirty tribes. -But we find it recorded by an early writer, that three hundred appeared -under an Indian chieftain in one body at one time, and seven hundred at -another; all of whom were apparently of his own tribe. The Chickahominies -alone had between three hundred and four hundred fighting men. The -Nansamonds and Chesapeaks showed on one occasion a force of four hundred. -And when Smith ascended the Potomac, in June 1608, though he saw no -inhabitants for the first thirty miles, he had scarcely entered "a little -bayed creeke towards Onawmanient (now Nominy) when he found all the woods -roundabout layd with ambuscadoes to the number of <i>three or four thousand</i> -Savages, so strangely paynted, grimmed and disguised, shouting, yelling -and crying as so many spirits from hell could not have shewed more -terrible."</p> - -<p>It is well known that the valiant Captain was wont to express his opinions -in strong terms, but he has rarely been detected in any great inaccuracy. -And the circumstances of this case are in his favor; for it has been truly -remarked, that the Powhatan confederacy inhabited a country upon which -nature had bestowed singular advantages. Unlike the natives of more -northern region, they suffered little from cold, and less from famine. -Their settlements were mostly on the banks of James, Elizabeth, Nansamond, -York and Chickahominy rivers, all which abounded with the most delicious -fish and fowl. In his Potomac expedition, Smith met with "that aboundance -of fish, lying so thicke with their heads above the water, as for want of -nets, (our barge driving amongst them) we attempted to catch them <i>with a -frying-pan.</i>" And though the captain naturally enough concluded, after -some trials, that this was a poor instrument for his purpose, he persists -in adding that "neither better fish, more plentie, nor more varietie for -small fish had any of vs euer seene in any place so swimming in the -water—but they are not to be caught with frying-pans." He found the -stingrays in such abundance among the reeds at the mouth of the -Rappahannoc, that he amused himself by nailing them to the ground with his -sword: "and, thus," he observes, "we tooke more in owne houre than we could -eate in a day."</p> - -<p>Vast quantities of corn, too, yearly rewarded even the simple agriculture -of the Indians, bestowed as it was upon the best portions of a generous -soil. "Great heapes" of it were seen at Kekoughtan, "and then they brought -him venison, turkies, wild fowle, bread and what else they had." In none -of his captivities, or his visits among the natives, did the captain ever -suffer from want of food; and he often brought off his boat and his men -laden with plenty. The Nansamonds gave him 400 baskets-full at one time. -The Chickahominies, though they complained extremely of their own wants, -yet "fraughted" him with hundred bushels. The woods furnished another -inexhaustible supply both of fruits and game; so that, on the whole, it is -very easy to believe, that a considerably greater population than Mr. -Jefferson's estimate supposes, might have subsisted without much -difficulty on the soil they are known to have occupied. "And now the -winter [of 1607—8] approaching," we are informed in another passage, "the -rivers became so covered with swans, geese, duckes and cranes, that we -daily feasted with good bread, Virginia pease, pumpions and putchamins, -[FN] fish, fowle, and diverse sorts of wild beasts, so fast as we could -eate them; so that none of our Tuftaffaty humourists desired to go for -England." On one occasion, when Smith undertook an exploring tour into the -interior, late in the season, a violent storm obliged him and his men to -keep Christmas among the savages. "And we were never more merry," he -relates, "nor fed on more plenty of good oysters, fish, flesh, wild fowle -and good bread, nor ever had better fires in England." In a peaceful -interval of a few months, which occurred during the next season, the -Indians are said to have brought into Jamestown more than a hundred deer -and other beasts daily for several weeks.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] A species of indigenous plum, which is elsewhere described as - growing to a considerable height, with fruit like a medlar, first green, - then yellow, and red when ripe. "If it be not ripe, it will draw a man's - mouth awry with much torment. If ripe, it is delicious as an apricot."</p> -<br> - -<p>It is evident, at least, that the Powhatan confederacy must have been -among the most numerous on the continent. It was warlike too; and though -the situation of the Monacans and Mannahoacks among the hills of the back -country protected them in some measure, yet nothing but a union of these -two nations could assure them of security against their more powerful -neighbors on the coast.</p> - -<p>The Powhatans proper, who gave their own appellation to the confederacy of -which they were leading members, were located in what is now Henrico -county, on the banks of the James river, and at the distance of about two -days' journey from the English settlement at its mouth. The principal -chief—or <i>emperor,</i> as the old historians style him—of the thirty tribes -of the nation, was found by the first colonists residing with these -Indians, and is believed to have been one of their number by birth. His -proper name was Wahunsonacook. He had that of <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Powhatan</span>, by which he has -been generally designated, from the town so called, which was the chief -seat and metropolis of his hereditary dominions. This town is described as -pleasantly situated on a hill. It consisted of twelve houses; in front of -which were three islets in the river, not far from what in modern times -has been called Mayo's plantation, and a little below the spot where -Richmond now stands. It was considered by the English both the strongest -and pleasantest place in the whole country; [FN] and was consequently -named <i>Nonsuch,</i> it seems, about two years after the settlement at -Jamestown, when it was purchased of the emperor by Smith. "The place is -very pleasant," says the captain in his history, "and strong by nature, -and about it are many corn fields."</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Stith's History, p. 105.</p> - - -<p>The occasion of the first acquaintance which the colonists had with -Powhatan was as follows. The adventurous and ambitious spirit of Smith had -prompted him to make several journeys and voyages along the Virginia -coast, and into the interior of the country. Within a few months after the -settlement of Jamestown, among other tribes he discovered the -Chickahominies, and procured a large quantity of provision from them at a -time when the colonists were in great need of it.</p> - -<p>But with the idle and unruly in the colony, this good fortune served only -to produce murmuring. They complained of his having done so little instead -of applauding him for having done so much; and some even of the council -undertook to say, that he ought to have followed up the Chickahominy river -to its source.</p> - -<p>Smith was not a man to submit tamely to reproach. He set off again, -therefore, in the winter of 1607-8, taking with him a crew sufficient to -manage a barge and a smaller boat proper for the navigation of the upper -streams. He ascended the Chickahominy with the barge, as far as it could -be forced up, by dint of great labor in cutting away trees and clearing a -passage. Then leaving it in a broad bay or cove, out of reach of the -savages on the banks, the captain, with two other whites, and two friendly -Indians, proceeded higher up in the smaller boat. Those who were left -meanwhile in possession of the barge, were ordered on no account to go on -shore until his return. The order was disobeyed; for he was scarcely out of -sight and hearing, when the whole of the crew went ashore. They were very -near forfeiting their lives for their rashness. The Indians, to the number -of two or three hundred, lay wait for them among the woods on the bank of -the river, under the direction of <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Opechancanough</span>, Sachem of the Pamunkies -and reputed brother of Powhatan. One George Cassen was taken prisoner; and -the savages soon compelled him to tell them which way Smith had gone. They -then put him to death in a cruel manner, and continued the pursuit.</p> - -<p>The captain, meanwhile, little dreaming of any accident, had gone twenty -miles up the river, and was now among the marshes at its source. Here his -pursuers came suddenly upon the two English-men, who had hauled up their -boat, and lain down to sleep by a fire on the dry land, (while Smith -himself went out some distance to kill game with his musket for a supper.) -The unfortunate wretches were shot full of arrows and despatched. The -savages then pressed on after Smith, and at last overtook him. Finding -himself beset by the multitude, he coolly bound to his arm, with his -garters, the young Indian who had attended him as guide, for a -buckler—(what had become of the other, does not appear)—and received the -enemy's onset so briskly with his fire-arms, that he soon laid three of -them dead on the spot, and wounded and galled many others so effectually -that none appeared anxious to approach him. He was himself wounded -slightly in the thigh, and had many arrows sticking in his clothes; but he -still kept the enemy at bay. His next movement was to endeavor to sheer -off to his boat; but taking more notice of his foe than his path, as he -went, he suddenly slipped up to his middle in an oozy creek. Hampered as -he was in this awkward position, not an Indian dared venture near him, -until, finding himself almost dead with cold, he threw away his arms and -surrendered. Then drawing him out, they carried him to the fire where his -men had been slain, carefully chafed his benumbed limbs, and finally -restored him to the use of them.</p> - -<p>The incidents of the ensuing scene are a striking illustration both of the -sagacity of the prisoner and the simplicity of his captors. He called for -their chief—through the intervention of his Indian guide, we suppose—and -Opechancanough came forward. Smith presented him with a round ivory double -compass-dial, which he had carried at his side. The savages were confounded -by the playing of the fly and needle, especially as the glass prevented -them from touching what they could see so plainly. He then gave them a sort -of astronomical lecture, demonstrating "by that Globe-like Iewell," as he -calls it, the roundness of the earth, the skies, the sphere of the sun, -moon and stars; "and how the sunne did chase the night round about the -world continually; the greatnesse of the land and sea, the diversitie of -nations, varietie of complexions, and how we were to them antipodes, and -many other such like matters," his tawny auditors standing all the while -motionless and dumb with amazement.</p> - -<p>But within about an hour they returned to their original purpose of -killing him, as they had killed three of his comrades. He was tied to a -tree, and the savages drew up in a circle to shoot him. The arrow was -already laid upon a hundred bows. But at this moment Opechancanough held -up the compass. This was a signal of delay, if not of mercy, and they -threw by their arms at once. With great exultation and parade they then -conducted the captive to Orapakes, a hunting-residence of Powhatan, lying -on the north side of Chickahominy swamp, and much frequented by that Sachem -and his family, on account of the abundance of game it afforded. The order -of procession was a proper <i>Indian file.</i> Opechancanough, marching in the -centre, had the English swords and muskets carried before him as a trophy. -Next followed Smith, led by three stout savages who held him fast by the -arm; while on either side six more marched in file, with their arrows -notched, as flank-guards.</p> - -<p>On arriving at Orapakes, a village consisting of some thirty to forty -mat-houses, the women and children flocked out to gaze at a being so -different from any they had ever before seen. The warriors, on the other -hand, immediately began a grand war-dance, the best description of which is -in Smith's own language. "A good time they continued this exercise, and -then cast themselues in a ring dauncing in such severall postures, and -singing and yelling out such hellish notes and screeches; being strangely -paynted, every one his quiver of arrowes, and at his backe a club; on his -arme a fox or an otter's skinne, or some such matter for a vambrace; their -heads and shoulders paynted red, with oyle and pocones [FN] mingled -together, which scarlet-like color made an exceeding handsome shew; his -bow in his hand, and the skinne of a bird with her wings abroad dryed, -tyed on his head; a peece of copper, a white shell, a long feather, with -a small rattle growing at the tayls of their snaks tyed, or some such like -toy." Thrice the performers stopped to take breath, and thrice they -renewed the dance—Smith and the Sachem meanwhile standing in the centre. -The company then broke up; and the prisoner was conducted to a long matted -wigwam, where thirty or forty tall stout savages remained about him as a -guard. Ere long, more bread and venison was brought him than would have -served twenty men. "I thinke," says the captain himself "his stomacke at -that time was not very good." He ate something, however, and the remainder -was put into baskets, and swung from the roof of the Wigwam over his head.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] A small root which turned red by being dried and beat into powder. - It was used also for swellings, aches, anointing the joints after fatigue - and exposure, and painting garments. Beverly calls it <i>puccoon.</i></p> -<br> - -<p>About midnight these liberal provisioners set their fare before him again, -never tasting a morsel themselves all the while. But, in the morning, when -they brought in a fresh reinforcement, they ate the fragments of former -meals, and swung up the residue of the last one as before. So little reason -had the captain to complain of famine, that he began seriously to believe -they were fatting him for the slaughter. He suffered occasionally from the -cold, and would have suffered more but for an unexpected relief. An -Indian, named Mocasseter, brought him his <i>goune,</i> as Smith calls -it—perhaps a fur mantle, or a blanket—and gave it to him, professedly in -requital of certain beads and toys which Smith had given <i>him</i> at -Jamestown, immediately after his arrival in Virginia. [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] A fine illustration of that principle of gratitude which is - proverbially characteristic of the Indians as their revenge, for similar - reasons. No favor is wasted upon them, and no injury or insult is - forgiven. The anecdote following this in the text is an instance in - point.</p> - - -<p>Two days afterwards, he was violently assaulted, and but for his guard -would have been killed, by an old Indian whose son had been wounded in the -skirmish which took place at his capture. They conducted him to the -death-bed of the poor wretch, where he was found breathing his last. Smith -told them he had a kind of water at Jamestown which might effect a cure, -but they would not permit him to go for it, and the subject was soon -forgotten. Within a few days, they began to make great preparations for -assaulting the English Colony by surprise. They craved Smith's advice and -assistance in that proceeding, offering him not only life and liberty for -his services, but as much land or a settlement and as many women for wives -as he wanted—such an opinion had they formed of his knowledge and -prowess. He did every thing in his power to discourage their design, by -telling them of the mines, the cannon, and various other stratagems and -engines of war, used by the English. He could only succeed in prevailing -upon several of them to carry a note for him to Jamestown, (under pretence -of getting some toys,) in which he informed his countrymen of his own -situation and the intention of the savages, and requested them to send him -without fail by the bearers certain articles which he named. These were to -be deposited at a particular spot in the woods near Jamestown. The -messengers started off, we are told, in as severe weather as could be of -frost and snow, and arrived at Jamestown. There, seeing men sally out from -the town to meet them, as Smith had told them would be the case, they were -frightened and ran off. But the note was left behind; and so coming again -in the evening, they found the articles at the appointed place, and then -returned homeward in such haste as to reach Orapakes in three days after -they had left it.</p> - -<p>All thoughts of an attack upon the colony being now extinguished in the -astonishment and terror excited by the feats of Smith, they proceeded to -lead him about the country in show and triumph. First they carried him to -the tribe living on the Youghtanund, since called the Pamunkey river; then -to the Mattaponies, the Piankatunks, the Nantaughtacunds on the -Rappahannoc, and the Nominies on Potomac river. Having completed this -route, they conducted him, through several other nations, to -Opechancanough's own habitation at Pamunkey; where, with frightful -howlings and many strange ceremonies, they "conjured" him three days in -order to ascertain, as they told him, whether he intended them well or -ill. [FN] An idea may be formed of these proceedings, which took place -under Opechancanough's inspection, from the exercises for one day as -described the captive himself.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Stith, p. 53.</p> - - -<p>Early in the morning, a great fire was made in a long house, and mats -spread upon each side of it, on one of which the prisoner was seated. His -bodyguard then left the house, "and presently came skipping in a great -grim fellow, paynted over with coale, mingled with oyle; and many snakes -and wesels skinnes stuffed with mosse, and all their tayles tyed together, -so as they met on the croune of his head in a tassell; and round about the -tassell was a coronet of feathers, the skinnes hanging round about his -head, backe and shoulders, and in a manner covered his face; with a -hellish voyce and a rattle in his hand." This personage commenced his -invocation with a great variety of gestures, postures, grimaces and -exclamations; and concluded with drawing a circle of meal round the fire. -Then rushed in three more performers of the same description, their bodies -painted half red and half black, their eyes white and their faces streaked -with red patches, apparently in imitation of English whiskers. These three -having danced about for a considerable time, made way for three more, with -red eyes, and white streaks upon black faces. At length all seated -themselves opposite to the prisoner, three on the right hand of the first -named functionary (who appeared to be the chief priest, and ringleader) -and three on the left. Then a song was commenced, accompanied with a -violent use of the rattles; upon which the chief priest laid down five -<i>wheat-corns,</i> [FN] and began an oration, straining his arms and hands so -that he perspired freely, and his veins swelled. At the conclusion, all -gave a groan of assent, laid down three grains more, and renewed the song. -This went on until the fire was twice encircled. Other ceremonies of the -same character ensued, and last of all was brought on, towards evening, a -plentiful feast of the best provisions they could furnish. The circle of -meal was said to signify their country, the circles of corn the bounds of -the sea, and so on. The world, according to their theory, was round and -flat, like a trencher, and themselves located precisely in the midst.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] An inadvertency, we presume; or the words may be used rather loosely - to signify what had as yet no distinctive name. Indian corn must be - meant.</p> - - -<p>After this, they showed Smith a bag of gun-powder, which had probably been -taken from the boat, and which they were carefully preserving till the -next spring, to plant with their corn—"because they would be acquainted -with the nature of that seede." <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Opitchipan</span>, another brother of -Powhatan—of whom we have here the first mention—invited him to his -house, and treated him sumptuously; but no Indian, on this or any other -occasion, would eat with him. The fragments were put up in baskets; and -upon his return to Opechancanough's wigwam, the Sachem's wives and their -children flocked about him for their portions, "as a due by custom, to be -merry with such fragments."</p> - -<p>At last they carried him to Werowocomoco, where was Powhatan himself. This -residence of his, lay on the north side of York river, in Gloster county, -nearly opposite the mouth of Green's creek and about twenty-five miles -below the mouth of the river. It was at this time his favorite village, -though afterwards, not coveting the near neighborhood of the English, he -retired to Orapakes. Powhatan, which gave him his name, was sold to the -English in 1609.</p> - -<p>On his arrival in the village, Smith was detained until the emperor (as we -shall call him, for convenience,) and his train could prepare themselves -to receive their illustrious captive in proper state; and meanwhile more -than two hundred of these grim courtiers gathered about him to satisfy -their curiosity with gazing. He was then introduced to the royal presence, -the multitude hailing him with a tremendous shout, as he walked in. -Powhatan—a majestic and finely formed savage, with a marked countenance, -and an air of haughtiness sobered down into gravity by a life of sixty -years—was seated before a fire, upon a seat something like a bedstead, -and clothed in an ample robe of <i>Rarowcun</i> [FN] skins, with all the tails -hanging over him. On each side sat a young wench of sixteen or eighteen -years old; and along each wall of the house, two rows of women in the rear -and two rows of men in front. All had their heads and shoulders painted -red. Many had their hair decked with the white down of birds. Some wore a -great chain of white beads about their necks. But no one was without -ornament of some kind.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] A variation of Raccoon, perhaps.</p> - - -<p>Soon after Smith's entrance, a female of rank, said to be the queen of -Appamattuck, was directed to bring him water to wash his hands; and -another brought a bunch of feathers, to answer the purpose of a towel. -Having then feasted him (as he acknowledges) in the best barbarous manner -they could, a long and solemn consultation was held to determine his fate. -The decision was against him. The conclave resumed their silent gravity; -two great stones were brought in before Powhatan; and Smith was dragged -before them, and his head laid upon them, as a preparation for beating out -his brains with clubs. The fatal weapons were already raised, and the -savage multitude stood silently awaiting the prisoner's last moment. But -Smith was not destined thus to perish. <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Pocahontas</span>, the beloved daughter of -Powhatan, rushed forward, and earnestly entreated with tears that the -victim might yet be spared. The royal savage rejected her request, and the -executioners stood ready for the signal of death. She knelt down, put her -arms about Smith, and laid her head over his, declaring she would perish -with him or save him. The heart of the stern Sachem was at length melted. -The decree was reversed; and the prisoner was spared for the purpose—as -the emperor explained it—of making hatchets for himself, and bells and -beads for his daughter. [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] This celebrated scene is preserved in a beautiful piece of - sculpture, over the western door of the Rotunda of the Capitol at - Washington. The group consists of five figures, representing the - precise moment when Pocahontas, by her interposition, saved Smith from - being executed. Smith is attired in the military dress, reclining on his - elbow, his body extended, ready to receive the death-blow from the - war-mace of an Indian who stands near his head. This is the work we - believe, of Capellano, an Italian pupil of Canova.</p> - - -<p>This was apparently a mere pretext for concealing the emotions which he -thought unworthy of his name as a warrior, and for preventing any jealousy -on the part of his counselors. And subsequent events would lead to the -same conclusion. He detained his prisoner but two days. At the end of that -time, he caused him to be conducted to a large house in the woods, and -there left alone upon a mat by the fire. In a short time, a horrible -noise was heard from behind a wide mat which divided the house; and then -Powhatan, dressed in the most fantastic manner, with some two hundred -followers as much begrimed and disguised as himself; came in and told -Smith that now they were friends; "and presently he should go to Jamestown -to send him two great guns and a grindstone, for which he would give him -the country of Capahowsick, and forever esteem him as his own son." He -was accordingly sent off with twelve guides, to Jamestown. The party -quartered in the woods one night, and reached the fort the next morning -betimes. The savages were handsomely entertained while they staid. Two -demi-culverins and mill-stone were shown them, with other curiosities. -They proposed to carry the former to Powhatan; but finding them somewhat -too heavy, contented themselves with a variety of lighter presents. They -were excessively frightened by a discharge of the culverins.—Smith, who -had political as well as personal motives in view, had loaded them with -stones, and these he fired among the boughs of a tree covered with huge -icicles. The effect may easily be imagined.</p> - -<p>During the same winter, Smith visited Powhatan, in company with Captain -Newport, a gentleman newly arrived from England, who had already sent many -presents to the emperor. Attended by a guard of thirty or forty men, they -sailed as far as Werowocomoco the first day. Here Newport's courage failed -him. He was especially alarmed by the appearance of various bridges they -were obliged to pass over in crossing the streams; for these were so -loosely made of poles and bark, that he took them for traps set by the -savages. But Smith, with twenty men, leaving the boat, undertook to go -forward and accomplish the journey. He accordingly went on, and was soon -met by two or three hundred Indians, who conducted them into the town. -There Powhatan exerted himself to the utmost to give him a royal -entertainment. The people shouted for joy to see Smith; orations were -addressed to him; and a plentiful feast provided to refresh him after the -weariness of his voyage. The emperor received him, reclining upon his bed -of mats, his pillow of dressed skin lying beside him with its brilliant -embroidery of shells and beads, and his dress consisting chiefly of a -handsome fur robe "as large as an Irish mantell." At his head and feet -were two comely young women as before; and along the sides of the house -sat twenty other females, each with her head and shoulders painted red and -a great chain of white beads about her neck. "Before these sat his -chiefest men in like order in his arbor-like house, and more than fortie -platters of fine bread stood as a guard in two pyles on each side the -door. Foure or fiue hundred people made a guard behinde them for our -passage; and Proclamation was made, none vpon paine of death to presume to -doe vs any wrong or discourtesie. With many pretty discourses to renew -their old acquaintance, this great King and our captaine spent the time, -till the ebbe left our barge aground. Then renewing their feest with -feates, dauncing and singing, and such like mirth, we quartered that night -with Powhatan." [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Smith's History, Richmond Edition, p. 167.</p> - - -<p>The next day, Newport, who had thought better of his fears, came ashore, -and was welcomed in the same hospitable style. An English boy, named -Savage, was given to Powhatan at his request; and he returned the favor by -presenting Newport with an Indian named Nomontack, a trusty and shrewd -servant of his own. One motive for this arrangement was probably the -desire of gaining information respecting the English colony. During the -three or four days more which were passed in feasting, dancing and -trading, the old Sachem manifested so much dignity and so much discretion, -as to create a high admiration of his talents in the minds of his guests. -In one instance, he came near offending them by the exercise of his -shrewdness, although that may be fairly considered their fault rather than -his.</p> - -<p>Newport, it seems, had brought with him a variety of articles for a barter -commerce—such as he supposed would command a high price in corn. And -accordingly the Powhatans, generally of the lower class, traded eagerly -with him and his men. These, however, were not profitable customers; they -dealt upon a small scale; they had not much corn to spare. It was an -object therefore to drive a trade, with the emperor himself. But this he -affected to decline and despise. "Captain Newport," said he, "it is not -agreeable to my greatness to truck in this peddling manner for trifles. I -am a great Werowance, [FN] and I esteem you the same. Therefore lay me -down all your commodities together; what I like I will take, and in return -you shall have what I conceive to be a fair value." This proposal was -interpreted to Newport by Smith, who informed him at the same time of the -hazard he must incur in accepting it. But Newport was a vain man, and -confidently expected either to dazzle the emperor with his ostentation, or -overcome him with his bounty, so as to gain any request he might make. The -event unluckily proved otherwise. Powhatan, after coolly selecting such of -Newport's goods as he liked best, valued his own corn at such a rate, that -Smith says it might as well have been purchased in old Spain; they -received scarcely four bushels where they had counted upon twenty -hogsheads.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] A Powhatan term of general signification, answering to Northern - <i>Sachem,</i> the <i>Basheba</i> of Maine, and the English <i>Chief.</i></p> - - -<p>It was now Smith's turn to try his skill; and he made his experiment, more -wisely than his comrade, not upon the sagacity of the emperor but upon his -simplicity. He took out various toys and gewgaws, as it were accidentally, -and contrived, by glancing them dexterously in the light, to show them to -great advantage. It was not long before Powhatan fixed his observing eye -upon a string of brilliant blue beads. Presently he became importunate to -obtain them. But Smith was very unwilling to part with these precious -gems; they being, as he observed, composed of a most rare substance, of -the color of the skies, and fit to be worn only by the greatest kings in -the world. The savage grew more and more eager to own such jewels, so that -finally a bargain was struck, to the perfect satisfaction of all parties, -whereby Smith obtained between two and three hundred bushels of corn for a -pound or two of blue beads. A similar negotiation was immediately after -effected with Opechancanough at Pamunkey. He was furnished with a quantity -of this invaluable jewelry at very nearly the same price; and thus the -beads grew into such estimation among the Indians far and near, that none -but the great werowances, and their wives and children, dared to be seen -wearing them. They were imperial symbols of enormous value.</p> - -<p>But it was not upon beads only that Powhatan set a high estimate. He -perceived the vast advantage which the English possessed over his own men -in their weapons; and he became exceedingly anxious to place himself upon -equal terms on one side with the colonists, while he should domineer over -the less fortunate foreign Indian tribes, as he liked, on the other. When -Newport left the country for England, he sent him twenty fine turkeys, and -requested in return the favor of as many swords, which that gentleman was -inconsiderate enough to furnish him. He subsequently passed the same -compliment to Smith; and when the latter gave him no swords in payment, he -was highly offended, and is said to have ordered his people to take them -wherever they could get them, by stratagem or by force. But Smith soon -checked this project in his usual summary manner; and Powhatan, finding -that game a desperate one, sent in Pocahontas with presents, to excuse -himself for the injury done "by some of his disorderly warriors," and to -desire that those who were captive might be liberated for this time on -their good behavior. Smith punished them sufficiently, and granted the -request of the emperor "for the sake of Pocahontas." The council were -offended at what they considered his cruelty; but Powhatan affected at -least to be satisfied.</p> - -<p>We hear of the emperor again in September, (1608,) when Captain Newport -arrived with a second supply for the colony, and a new commission for -himself. By this he was authorized to make an exploring expedition, <i>for -gold,</i> among the Monacans of the mountain country; and a barge was brought -out from England in five pieces, to be carried over the hills, and thence -convey the company <i>to the South Sea.</i> Smith opposed this sage proposition -on the ground of the necessities of the colony; they were especially in -want of provision to be laid in for the coming winter. But a large -majority were against him. He was even accused of jealousy towards -Newport; and the latter defeated all his opposition, as he thought, by -undertaking to procure a bark-load of corn from Powhatan, on his proposed -route to the South Sea, at Werowocomoco. He required, however, that one -hundred and twenty men should go with him; he put no confidence in the -friendship of the emperor or his subjects.</p> - -<p>Smith now came forward, and volunteered to carry the necessary messages to -Powhatan himself, and to invite him to visit Jamestown, for the purpose of -receiving the presents brought over for him by Newport. Among these, it -appears, were a splendid basin and ewer, a bed, bedstead, clothes, and -various other costly novelties; the only effect of which would be, as -Smith alleged, to cause the emperor to overrate the importance of his own -favor, and to sell for gold and silver alone what he had heretofore sold -readily for copper and blue beads. Another of the presents was a royal -crown, sent out by his Britannic Majesty King James I. probably under the -expectation of wheedling Powhatan into submission to his own authority, -and at all events with orders to consecrate the "divine right" of his -royal ally in Virginia by the ceremonies of a solemn coronation.</p> - -<p>Smith took with him four companions only, and went across the woods, by -land, about twelve miles, to Werowocomoco. Powhatan was then absent, at -the distance of twenty or thirty miles. Pocahontas immediately sent for -him, and meanwhile she and her women entertained their visitor in a style -too remarkable to be passed by without notice. A fire was made in a plain -open field, and Smith was seated before it on a mat, with his men about -him. Suddenly such a hideous noise was heard in the woods near by, that -the strangers betook themselves hastily to their arms, and even seized -upon two or three old Indians who were standing near, under the -apprehension that Powhatan with all his forces was come upon them by -surprise. But Pocahontas soon made her appearance; and a little -explanation convinced the captain that, however she might succeed or fail, -her only intention was to gratify and honor him. He mingled fearlessly -therefore with the Indian men, women and children, already assembled as -spectators, and the ceremonies went on.</p> - -<p>"Then presently they were presented with this anticke. Thirtie young women -came naked out of the woods, only couered behind and before with a few -greene leaves; their bodies all paynted, some of one colour, and some of -another but all differing. Their leader had a fayre payre of Buck's hornes -on her head, and an Otter's skinne at her girdle, another at her arme, a -quiuer of arrowes at her backe, a bow and arrowes in her hand. The next -had in her hand a sword, another a club, another a pot-sticke, all horned -alike; the rest euery one with their severall devises. These fiends, with -most hellish shouts and cryes, rushing from among the trees, caste -themselves in a ring about the fire, singing and dauncing with the most -excellent ill varietie, oft falling into their infernall passions, and -solemnly again to sing and daunce. Having spent neer an hour in this -mascarado, as they entred, in like manner they departed."</p> - -<p>"Having reaccomodated themselves, they solemnly invited him to their -lodgings, where he was no sooner within the house but all these nymphs -more tormented him than euer, with crowding, pressing and hanging about -him, most tediously crying, Loue you not me? Loue you not me? This -salutation ended, the feast was set, consisting of all the salvage -dainties they could deuise; some attending, others singing and dauncing -about them. This mirth being ended, with fire-brands instead of torches -they conducted him to his lodging.</p> - - <p class="quote">"Thus did they show their feates of armes, and other art in dauncing;<br> - Some others vs'd there oaten pipe, and others' voyces chaunting."</p> - -<p>Powhatan arrived on the following day, and Smith delivered his message, -desiring him to visit "his father," Newport, at Jamestown, for the purpose -of receiving the newly arrived presents, and also concerting a campaign in -common <i>against the Monacans.</i> The subtle savage replied to this artful -proposal with his accustomed intelligence and independence. "If your king -has sent me presents," said he with great composure, "I also am a king, -and this is my land—Here I will stay eight days to receive them. <i>Your -Father</i> is to come to me, not I to him, nor yet to your fort. I will not -bite at such a bait. As for the Monacans, I can avenge my own injuries. As -for Atquanachuck, where you say your brother was slain, it is a contrary -way from those parts you suppose it. And as for any salt water beyond the -mountains, the relations you have had from my people are false." Upon this -he began to delineate the geography of these various regions with a stick -upon the ground. After some farther discourse upon general and -complimentary subjects, Smith returned with his answer. His servant, -Nomontack, who had been to England with Newport, was given back to him -upon this occasion.</p> - -<p>The presents were sent round to Werowocomoco, by water; and the two -captains went by land, with a guard of fifty men. The parties here agreed -upon the next day for the coronation; and at that time the presents were -brought in, the bed and furniture set up, and the scarlet cloak and other -apparel put on the emperor, though with much ado, and only in consequence -of Nomontack's earnest assurance that they would not injure him. As for -kneeling to receive the crown, which was requested of him, he entirely -exhausted the patience of his visitors by his resistance. They gained -their point in the end by stratagem. One leaned hard upon his shoulders, -so as to cause him to stoop a little, and three more stood ready to fix -the royal gewgaw on his head; whereupon, at the discharge of a pistol, the -guard were prepared with such a volley of musketry as a salute, that the -emperor (now a crowned-head at least) started up, as Smith says, in a -horrible fear till he saw all was well. Soon recovering his composure, he -generously gave his old shoes and mantle to Newport in acknowledgment of -his courtesy. But perceiving that the main object of that gentleman was to -discover the Monacans, he labored to divert his resolution, and absolutely -refused to lend any of his own men excepting Nomontack. Every thing was -said and done civilly, however; and, before leaving, Newport was presented -with a heap of corn-ears to the amount of seven or eight bushels, in -farther return for his politeness and his presents.</p> - -<p>For some time after this, little was heard of Powhatan except occasionally -through the medium of some of his tribes, who are said to have refused -trading with the English in consequence of his orders to that effect. He -had become jealous of them, it would seem; and Smith, on the other hand, -reciprocated so much of his ill humor, that he at one time thought of -falling upon him by surprise, and taking away all his stores. But -appearances were still kept up on both sides; and in December, (1608) the -emperor invited the captain to visit him—he wanted his assistance in -building a house, and if he would bring with him a grindstone, fifty -swords, a few muskets, a cock and a hen, with a quantity of beads and -copper, he might depend upon getting a ship-load of corn. Smith, always -ready for an adventure, accepted the invitation, and set off with a -pinnace and two barges, manned by forty-six volunteers. The expedition was -considered so hazardous that many excused themselves from going, after -having engaged to do so; though all knew that if any thing was to be had, -Smith was not the man to return disappointed.</p> - -<p>Commencing his voyage on the 29th of the month, with victualling for three -or four days, he lodged the first night at Warrasqueake. The chief Sachem -at this place, being friendly, did all in his power to dissuade the -captain from pursuing his journey. "Powhatan will use you kindly," said - he, "but he has sent for you only to cut your throat. Trust him not, and -give him no opportunity to seize upon your arms." The next night and -several more were passed at Kekoughtan, where the English were detained by -a severe storm, but found merry cheer, and good fires. The colonists who -were in the habit of traveling with Smith had learned hardihood. "They -were not curious in any weather, (he informs us,) to lye three or foure -nights together vnder the trees." They liked hunting too as they marched, -and here was a fine opportunity; "an hundred fortie eight foules, the -President, Anthony Bagnall, and Serieant Pising did kill at three shoots." -It was the 12th of January when they reached Werowocomoco.</p> - -<p>They went ashore, quartered without much ceremony at the first house they -found, and sent to Powhatan for a supply of provisions. They were promptly -furnished with plenty of bread, venison and turkeys. Their liberal host -feasted them again the next day; but not without inquiring, at the close -of the entertainment, when they proposed to go home, insinuating that the -pleasure of their company was wholly unexpected, and that he and his -people had very little corn—though <i>for forty swords</i> he thought forty -baskets might be collected. In reply, Smith asked if he had forgotten his -own invitation thus suddenly; and then produced the messengers who had -carried it, and who happened to be near at hand. The emperor affected to -regard the affair as a mere joke, and laughed heartily. Smith then -proposed trade; but Powhatan would take nothing but guns and swords, and -valued a basket of corn higher than a basket of copper. The captain was -nettled, and spoke his mind boldly and without reserve, giving the emperor -to understand withal, that necessity might force him to use disagreeable -expedients for relieving his own wants and the need of the colony.</p> - -<p>Powhatan listened to this declaration with cool gravity, and replied with -a corresponding frankness "I will spare you what I can," said he, "and -that within two days. But, Captain Smith, I have some doubts as to your -object in this visit. I am informed that you wish to conquer more than to -trade, and at all events you know my people must be afraid to come near -you with their corn, so long as you go armed and with such a retinue. Lay -aside your weapons then. Here they are needless. We are all friends, all -Powhatans." The information alluded to here was probably gathered from -two or three Germans, who had deserted the colony and gone among the -Indians.</p> - -<p>A great contest of ingenuity now ensued between the Englishman and the -savage—the latter apparently endeavoring to temporise only for the -purpose of putting the former and his men on their guard. He especially -insisted on the propriety of laying aside their arms. "Captain Smith," he -continued, "I am old, and I know well the difference between peace and -war. I wish to live quietly with you, and wish the same for my successors. -Now the rumors which reach me on all hands make me uneasy. What do you -expect to gain by destroying us who provide you with food? And what can -you get by war, if we escape you and hide our provisions in the woods? We -are unarmed too, you see. Do you believe me such a fool as not to prefer -eating good meat, sleeping quietly with my wives and children, laughing -and making merry with you, having copper and hatchets and any thing -else—as your friend—to flying from you as your enemy, lying cold in the -woods, eating acorns and roots, and being so hunted by you meanwhile, that -if but a twig break, my men will cry out there comes Captain Smith. Let us -be friends, then. Do not invade us thus with such an armed force. Lay -aside these arms."</p> - -<p>The captain answered this speech, and several others to the same effect, -until, either seeing or supposing that the emperor's object was hostile, -he gave secret orders for hauling his boat ashore through the ice, and -landing those of his company who still remained aboard. He also attempted -to detain Powhatan with the delivery of divers rigmarole harangues; but -the latter was not to be so easily outwitted. He introduced two or three -women to sustain a sharp conversation with the enemy, and suddenly availed -himself of that opportunity to leave the house, with all his attendants -and luggage. In a few minutes Smith found himself surrounded with Indians; -and thereupon, we are told, "with his pistoll, sword and target, hee made -such a passage among these naked Diuils, that at his first shoot those -next him tumbled one over another." The rest fled in all directions.</p> - -<p>Powhatan was not yet discouraged. His men again flocked about Smith with -civil explanations of every thing which had happened; and he himself sent -him a large and handsome bracelet by the hand of one of his chief orators, -with a speech full of compliments and excuses. Baskets were furnished for -carrying the corn which had been sold aboard the boat; and the Indians -even offered their services <i>to guard the arms of the English,</i> while -<i>they</i> were taking care of the provisions. This favor was declined; but as -the English were still under the necessity of waiting for the tide of the -next morning, no pains were spared to entertain them with feasts and -sports meanwhile. Smith supposes that the Sachem was all this time -preparing his forces for surprising them at supper. He probably -conjectured right; and but for Pocahontas there is reason to believe that -this game would actually have succeeded. The kind-hearted princess came to -Smith's quarters in the woods, alone and in the evening, and earnestly -advised him by all means to leave her father's territories as soon as -possible. The latter was collecting all his power, she said, to make an -assault upon him, unless those who were sent with his supper should -themselves succeed in despatching him.</p> - -<p>In less than an hour afterwards came eight or ten lusty fellows, with -great platters of venison and other victuals, who were importunate that -the English should <i>extinguish their matches,</i> the smoke of which they -affected to think very disagreeable. The captain, without noticing this -circumstance, made them taste every dish, and then sent some of them back -to tell Powhatan that the English were ready to see him; as for -themselves, he understood their villainy, but they should go free. Other -messengers came in soon after, at intervals, to learn how matters went on. -The night was spent without sleep on either side. Each party watched the -movements of the other with vigilant eyes, while both were subtle and -civil enough still to affect friendship. At high water, Smith went off -with his company, leaving with the emperor, at his own request, an -Englishman to kill game for him, and two or three of the Germans to assist -him in building a house.</p> - -<p>But the game was not yet over. He had no sooner set sail for Pamunkey, -than the emperor despatched a deputation across the woods to Jamestown, to -take advantage of his absence for buying up a quantity of ammunition and -arms. On arriving, these messengers told Captain Winne, the temporary -commander of the colony, "that their comming was for some extraordinary -tooles and shift of apparell; by which colourable excuse they obtained -sixe or seuen more [of the colonists] to their confederacie, such expert -theeues, that presently furnished them with a great many swords, -pike-heads, peeces, shot, powder and such like." [FN] Indians enough were -at hand to carry away the articles as soon as obtained; and the next day, -the deputation returned home unsuspected, after making an agreement for -the services of such traitorous vagabonds as were willing to desert from -the colony. One or two of those who had deserted already, had provided -Powhatan with as many as three hundred hatchets, fifty swords, eight -"pieces" and eight pikes.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Smith's History, p. 213.</p> - - -<p>Meanwhile, Smith had arrived at Pamunkey, and here Opechancanough was -entertaining him with all manner of feasting and mirth. On the day agreed -upon between the parties for commencing trade, the captain, with fifteen -of his men, went up a quarter of a mile from the river to the Sachem's -house, the appointed rendezvous. He found no person there, excepting a -lame man and a boy. The other houses in the village were entirely -abandoned. Presently, however, came the Sachem, followed by many of his -subjects, well armed with bows and arrows. Attempts were made to buy corn, -but so unsuccessfully that Smith was provoked, and remonstrated as he had -done with Powhatan. Upon this, the Sachem sold what provision was at -hand, and promised to give better satisfaction the next day.</p> - -<p>Then, accordingly, Smith made his appearance again. He found four or five -men at the house with great baskets, but whether with any thing in them -does not appear. Opechancanough himself came in soon after, and commenced -a cheerful conversation, enlarging particularly upon the pains he had -taken to keep his promise. Just at this moment one of Smith's company -brought him word that the house was beset. The woods and fields all around -him were thronged with more than seven hundred savages, armed and painted -for battle.</p> - -<p>The English, of whom there were only fifteen on shore, were generally much -alarmed at this news, and could easily perceive that Opechancanough -enjoyed their surprise. But Smith was now in his element. "My worthy -countrymen," said he to his trembling comrades, "Had I no more to fear -from my friends, than from these enemies, I should be willing to meet -twice as many—would you but second me. But what course shall be taken? -If we begin with them, and seize the king, we shall have more than our -hands full to keep him and defend ourselves. If we kill them all, we must -starve for want of their provisions. As for their fury, that is the least -subject of apprehension. You know I have heretofore managed two or three -hundreds of them alone. Now here are sixteen of us, to their seven -hundred. If you dare stand but to fire your pieces the very smoke will be -enough for them. But at all events let us fight like men, and not die like -sheep. First, however, let me propose some conditions to them, and so we -shall have something to fight for." The occasion admitting of no argument, -the company pledged themselves promptly to second him in whatever he -attempted, or die.</p> - -<p>The captain then advanced towards the Sachem, and addressed him. -"Opechancanough," said he, "I perceive you are plotting to murder me, but -I fear you not. As yet neither your men nor mine have done much harm. Now -therefore take your arms—as you see here are mine—my body shall be as -naked as yours—the island in the river is a fit place for a combat, and -the conqueror of us two, shall be master of all. If you have not men -enough about you, take time to muster more—has many as you will—only let -everyone bring his basket of corn, and against that I will stake the value -in copper."</p> - -<p>The Sachem replied very soothingly to this proposal. He was sorry to see -any suspicion of unkindness; and begged that the captain would do him the -honor to accept a handsome present, (by way of peace-offering,) which was -ready for him at the door of the house. The object of this suggestion was -sufficiently obvious; for besides the forty or fifty Indians constituting -the Sachem's body-guard within, "the bait," as Smith calls it, at the -door, (meaning the present) was guarded by about two hundred men, and -thirty more were stationed behind a large tree which lay lengthwise -athwart the passage-way with their arrows ready notched. It was now -Smith's turn to make a movement. He seized the Sachem in the midst of his -retinue, by his long locks, presenting a pistol ready-cocked at his bosom; -and in this position led him out trembling with terror, among the -multitude who surrounded the house. He immediately gave up his vambrace, -bow and arrows, and his frightened subjects hastened to follow his -example.</p> - -<p>"I perceive, ye Pamunkies"—shouted the captain at this moment, still -holding on by the Sachem's hair—"I perceive how eager ye are to kill me. -My own long suffering is the cause of your insolence. Now shoot but one -arrow to shed one drop of blood for one of these men, or steal but the -least of these beads, and ye shall not hear the last of me so long as a -Pamunkey remains alive who will not deny the name. I am not <i>now</i> in the -mire of a swamp, ye perceive. Shoot then, if ye dare. But at all hazards -ye shall load my boat with your corn, or I will load her with your -carcasses. Still, unless you give me the first occasion, we may be -friends, and your king may go free. I have no wish to harm him or you."</p> - -<p>This speech had its effect. The savages laid aside their arms, and brought -in their commodities for trade in such abundance, that the English at -length became absolutely weary of receiving them. Once indeed, in the -course of the day, some forty or fifty stout fellows made a violent rush -into the house when Smith was asleep, and some two hundred more followed -close after them; but by Smith's usual activity they were soon driven -back, and then the Sachem sent some of his ancients, or counselors, to -excuse the intrusion. The rest of the day passed in harmony, and towards -night the captain began his return-voyage down the river, leaving the -Sachem at liberty. Various attempts were made to surprise him on the -route, and he was at one time near being poisoned to death in his food. On -the other hand, Smith was determined not to go home without his revenge -upon Powhatan. He returned by way of Werowocomoco for the purpose of -seizing him; but he found, when he reached that village, that the -traitorous Germans had caused the emperor to abandon his new house, and -carry off all his family and provision. Those of the Powhatans who -remained, treated the English so indifferently, that the latter had much -ado to escape with their lives. They finally reached Jamestown after an -absence of six weeks, with a cargo of four hundred and seventy-nine -bushels of corn and two hundred pounds of deer-suet, that entire -amount having been purchased for twenty-five pounds of copper and fifty -pounds of iron and beads.</p> -<br><br><br> - <hr width="80%"> -<br><br><br> - - - - <h2 class="direct" style="page-break-before: always;"><a id="chii">CHAPTER II.</a></h2> -<br><br> - - - <p class="chap">Conduct of Powhatan after Smith's departure for England, and causes of - it—Hostilities resumed—Peace finally effected by the capture of - Pocahontas—Manner of gaining this point—Marriage of Pocahontas with - John Rolfe—Death and character of Powhatan—His person, manner of - living, talents, influence. His method and means of warfare—The - discipline of his warriors—The manner in which he availed himself of - the English arms and science—Causes of his hostility towards the - colonists—His dignity—Shrewdness—Independence—Courtesy—Liberality— - Simplicity—Affection for his relatives—A review of various opinions - entertained of him by various historians.</p> -<br> - -<p><span style="font-variant:small-caps">From</span> the date of the expedition of which the particulars have just been -given, to the time of Smith's departure for England, a few months -subsequent, the English and the Powhatans treated and traded with each -other upon tolerably amicable terms. A principal cause of this harmony is -to be looked for in several fortunate incidents which went to impress the -savage simplicity of one party with an inordinate conception of the -superiority of the other.</p> - -<p>Soon after the return of the expedition, several articles were stolen at -Jamestown by one of the Chickahominy Indians who traded there; and a -pistol among the rest. The thief fled, but two of his brothers, suspected -of being accessories in the case, were apprehended. One of them was -discharged, to go in search of the offender; and the other was imprisoned, -with the understanding that unless the former should be successful in his -search within twelve hours, <i>he</i> was to be hanged. But for his comfort -during that interval, Smith furnished him with victuals, and charcoal for -a fire. In the evening, the man who had been discharged, returned with the -pistol; but the poor fellow in the dungeon was meanwhile very nearly -smothered with the smoke of his coal. Those who came to release him took -him up for dead. "The other most lamentably bewayled his death, and broke -forth into such bitter agonies that the President [Smith] to quiet him, -told him that if he would steale no more, he would make him [his brother] -alive again; but he little thought he could be recovered. Yet we doing our -best with aqua Vita and Vinegar, it pleased God to restore him againe to -life, but so drunke and affrighted that he seemed lunaticke, the which as -much tormented and grieued the other, as before to see him dead. Of this -maladie, vpon promise of their good behavour, the President promised to -recover him; and so caused him to be layd by a fire to sleepe, who in the -morning having well slept had recovered his perfect senses, and then being -dressed of his burning, and each a peece of copper given them, they went -away so well contented <i>that this was spread among all the savages for a -miracle,</i> that Captain Smith could make a man alive that was dead" [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Smith's History, p. 226.</p> - - -<p>Another of the incidents just alluded to is as follows. One of Powhatan's -subjects, in his zeal to acquire knowledge and some other things, obtained -possession of a large bag of gun-powder and the backe, as Smith calls it, -of an armour. This ingenious artisan, on his return to Werowocomoco, -determined to display these precious prizes to his wondering country-men, -and at the same time to exhibit his own extraordinary skill in the -management of them. He therefore began drying the powder upon the armour, -as he had seen the soldiers do at Jamestown. Unluckily, he dried it too -much. An explosion took, place, which blew up the proprietor, together -with one or two of the spectators who were peeping over his shoulders. -Several others were badly scorched, and all horribly frightened; and for -some time after powder fell into a general disuse with the savages, much -to the benefit of the English.</p> - -<p>These and other similar accidents, we are told, so affrighted Powhatan and -his people, that they came in from every quarter with proffers of peace. -Several stolen articles were returned, the loss of which had never before -been discovered; and whenever an Indian was convicted of theft, wherever -he might be found, he was promptly sent in to Jamestown for his -punishment. Not long afterwards we find that "so affraide was al those -kings and the better sort of the people to displease vs [the colonists] -that some of the baser sort that we haue extreamely hurt and punished for -their villianies, would hire vs we should not tell it to their kings or -countrymen, who would also punish them, and yet returne them to -Iames-Toune to content the President for a testimony of their loues."</p> - -<p>Still, the prowess and the name of Smith himself were the best -preservatives of peace; and he had scarcely left the country for England -when matters relapsed into their worst state. About thirty of the English -were cut off by Powhatan's men at one time; and of a population of six -hundred left in the colony at Smith's departure, there remained at the end -of six months only sixty men, women and children. These were subsisted -chiefly upon roots, herbs, acorns, walnuts, berries and now and then a -little fish. The skins of horses, and even considerable quantities of -starch, were used for food. Others went so far as to disinter and devour -the body of an Indian who had been slain and buried. One man killed his -wife, "powdered her," and had eaten a part of her before it was known. The -poor wretch was hanged for his horrible deed of despair.</p> - -<p>Peace was finally effected with Powhatan through the intervention, or -rather by the mere medium of Pocahontas, in the following manner. Early in -1613, [FN-1] two ships arrived at Jamestown with supplies for the colony. -These being insufficient, Captain Argall, who commanded one of them, was -sent up the Potomac river to trade with the natives for corn. Here Argall -formed a particular acquaintance with <i>Japazaws,</i> the chief sachem of the -Potomacs or Patawomekes, and always a stanch friend of the English. He -informed the captain, among other things, that Pocahontas was at this time -in his territories, and not far distant, keeping herself in seclusion, and -known only to a few trusty friends. What were the reasons which induced -her thus to forsake her father's dominions for a foreigner's, does not -appear. Stith supposes it was to withdraw herself from being a witness of -the frequent butcheries of the English, whose folly and rashness, after -Smith's departure, put it out of her power to save them. And very -probably, as a later historian suggests, [FN-2] she had already incurred -the displeasure of the emperor by these repeated and futile though highly -honorable attempts.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN-1] This date is mentioned by all the Virginian historians; but - Prince, in his Annals, says that the voyage took place a year afterwards. - Belknap (Am. Biog.) is of same opinion.</p> - - <p class="quote">[FN-2] Burk's History of Virginia, Vol. I. p. 167.</p> - - -<p>But whatever her motives might be, Argall had no sooner received -intelligence of her situation, than he resolved on obtaining possession of -her person, as a means—which he had no doubt the colony would thank him -for—of effecting a peace with Powhatan. Japazaws seems to have been a -well-meaning and honest fellow in general; but the temptation of a large -new copper kettle, which Argall held out before him as the promised -recompense for his aid and abettance in the case—the consideration of the -praiseworthy object proposed to be accomplished by the measure—and last -though not least of all, the captain's pledge that Pocahontas should not -be harmed while in <i>his</i> custody, were sufficient to overcome his -scruples. The next thing in order was to induce the princess—as this -amiable and talented Indian female has generally been styled to go on -board Argall's boat. To that end, Japazaws, who had himself seen many of -the English vessels before this, induced his wife to affect an extreme -curiosity upon the subject, so intolerably importunate that he finally -threatened to beat her. The good woman on the other hand actually -accomplished a few tears. This happened in the presence of Pocahontas, and -the scene was frequently repeated, until at last Japazaws, affecting to be -subdued by the manifest affliction of his wife, reluctantly gave her -permission to visit the vessel, provided that Pocahontas would have the -politeness to go with her.</p> - -<p>The princess, always complaisant, and unable to witness any longer the -apparent distress of her kind friend and hostess, consented to go on board -the ship. There they were civilly welcomed, and first entertained in the -cabin. The captain then found an opportunity to decoy Pocahontas into the -gun-room, on pretence of conferring there with Japazaws, but really -because the kind-hearted Sachem, who had received ere this the brilliant -wages of his sin, and began perhaps to relent, was unwilling to be known -by the princess to have been concerned in the plot against her liberty. -When Argall told her, in his presence, that she must go with him to the -colony, and compound a peace tween her father and the English, she wept -indeed in the bitterness of her soul; as for Japazaws and his wife, they -absolutely howled with inconsolable and inconceivable affliction. But the -princess recovered her composure on finding herself treated with kindness; -and while she turned her face towards the English colony, (which she had -not seen since Smith's departure) with something even like cheerfulness at -the prospect of doing good, her distressed guardian and his pliant spouse -with their copper kettle filled with toys, trudged merrily back to their -own wigwam.</p> - -<p>On Argall's arrival at Jamestown, a message was immediately despatched to -Powhatan, "that his daughter Pocahontas he loued so dearly, he must ransom -with our men, swords, peeces, tooles, &c., hee trecherously had stolen." -[FN] This was not so complimentary or soothing as might have been -imagined, it must be allowed (—the courtesy of Smith was no longer in the -colony—) and this perhaps was the reason why, much as the unwelcome news -of his daughter's captivity is said to have troubled him, he sent no -answer to the message for the space of three months. Then, at the further -persuasion of the council of Jamestown, he liberated and sent in seven of -his English prisoners, with three rusty unserviceable muskets, an axe, a -saw, and one canoe laden with corn. They were instructed to say that if -Pocahontas should be given up, he would make satisfaction for all the -injuries he had done, conclude a perpetual peace, and send in a bonus of -five hundred bushels of corn. To this the council replied that his -daughter, though they would use her well, could not be restored to him -until all the English arms and captives in his possession should be -delivered back to the owners. They did not believe, what he or some of his -men had asserted, that these arms had been lost, or that the whites who -remained with him were free volunteers in his service.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Smith's History, Vol. II. p. 14.</p> - - -<p>This ungracious message was no more conciliating than the former; nor was -any thing more seen or heard of the emperor until the spring of 1614, when -a party of one hundred and fifty colonists, well armed, went up his own -river to Werowocomoco, taking Pocahontas with them. The Powhatans received -them with scornful bravadoes, proudly demanding the purpose of this new -invasion. The English answered, that they had brought the emperor's -daughter, and that they expected the proper ransom for her, either -peaceably or by force. The Powhatans rejoined, that if they came to fight, -they were welcome, and should be treated as Captain Ratcliffe [FN] had -been. Upon this the English said they would have a more civil answer at -least, and forthwith commenced making rapidly for the shore in their small -boats, the Indians having about the same time begun to let fly their -arrows among them. They effected a landing, and burned and destroyed every -thing they could find. The next day they sailed farther up the river; and -meeting with a fresh party of Powhatans, after some altercation and -explanation, a truce was concluded, and messengers were promised to be -sent off for the emperor. This was probably a mere feint. It was also -stated, that the English captives or deserters had run off for fear of -being hanged by their countrymen. As for the swords and pieces, they were -to be brought in the next day. But nothing was seen of them, and the -English proceeded till they came to a residence of Powhatan (called -Matchot) where were collected about four hundred of his warriors, well -armed. These men challenged the English to land; and when they did so, -walked boldly up and down among them; demanded a conference with their -captain; and said, that unless time should be allowed them to send and -receive directions from Powhatan, they would fight for their own as well -as they were able. Other bravadoes passed between the parties, but a truce -was finally agreed upon until noon of the next day. Meanwhile, two of the -brothers of Pocahontas—of whom this is the first mention—came to see -her. They were delighted to find her in good health, and promised to do -every thing they could to effect her redemption. Two of the English also -set off to visit Powhatan. They were not admitted to the emperor's -presence—for what reason, it is not stated—but Opechancanough treated -them in the most hospitable manner. On their return, the whole party -descended the river to Jamestown.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Massacred with the thirty colonists mentioned previously in this - chapter. He was otherwise called Sicklemore.</p> - - -<p>One of the two messengers last named was John Rolfe, styled by an old -historian, [FN] "an honest gentleman and of good behaviour;" but more -especially known by the event which we have now to notice—his marriage -with Pocahontas—between whom and himself there had been an ardent -attachment for some time. The idea of this connexion pleased Powhatan so -much, that within ten days after Rolfe's visit, he sent in one of his near -relatives named Opachiko, together with two of his sons, to see (as says -the authority just cited) the manner of the marriage; and to do in that -behalf what they were requested for the confirmation thereof as his -deputies. The ceremony took place about the first of April; and from that -time until the death of the emperor, which happened in 1618, the most -friendly relations were uniformly preserved with himself and with his -subjects.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Ralph Hamer, whose relation is incorporated with some of the oldest - histories of other writers. He was subsequently one of the Council.</p> - - -<p>There are too many memorable passages in the history of this celebrated -chieftain, and too many remarkable traits in his character, to be passed -over with a mere general notice. But, previous to any other comment, it -may be proper to mention certain facts respecting him, which belong rather -to the curious than to the characteristic class. In the case of all great -men, as well as of many noted men who are not great, there is a good deal -of information generally to be gathered, which maybe interesting without -being strictly important. Powhatan was both a great and a noted man, -though a savage; and the rude circumstances under which he proved himself -the one, and made himself the other, should only render him the more -signally an object of popular admiration and of philosophical regard.</p> - -<p>In person, he is described, by one who saw him frequently, as a tall -well-proportioned man, with a severe aspect; his head slightly gray; his -beard thin (as that of the Indians always is;) and "of a very able and -hardy body to endure any labor." As he appeared to be about sixty years of -age, when the English first saw him, in 1607, he was probably about -seventy at his death. He troubled himself but little with public affairs -during his last years, leaving the charge of them chiefly to -Opechancanough, as his viceroy, and taking his own pleasure in visiting -the various parts of his dominions.</p> - -<p>We have already had occasion to observe, that he had as many as three or -four places of residence. Werowocomoco was abandoned for Orapakes, with -the view of keeping at an agreeable distance from the colonists. The -latter became a favorite resort. There, at the distance of a mile from the -village, he had a house in which were deposited his royalties and his -revenue—skins, copper, beads, red paint, bows and arrows, targets and -clubs. Some of these things were reserved for the time of his burial; -others were the resources of war. The house itself was more than one -hundred feet in length—one historian says fifty or sixty yards—and as -it seems to have been frequented only by the Indian priests, probably a -sacred character attached to it in the minds of the multitude, which was -one of the means of its security. Four rudely-graven images of wood were -stationed at the four corners; one representing a dragon, the second a -bear, the third a panther, and the fourth a gigantic man—all made -evil-favoredly as we are told, but according to the best workmanship of -the natives.</p> - -<p>The <i>state</i> which Powhatan adopted as emperor, appears in some degree from -the preceding details of his history. He is said to have kept about his -person from forty to fifty of the tallest men in his dominions; which -might be the case in war, and upon occasions of parade and ceremony, more -regularly than in peaceable and ordinary times. Every night, four -sentinels were stationed at the four comers of his dwelling; and at each -half-hour one of the body-guard made a signal to the four sentinels. Want -of vigilance on their part was punished with the most exemplary -strictness.</p> - -<p>According to the universal custom of the North American natives, he kept -as many wives as he thought proper; and is represented to have taken no -little pleasure in their society. When the English saw him at home, -reclining on his couch or platform, there was always one sitting at his -head, and another at his feet; and when he sat, two of them seated -themselves on either side of him. At his meals, one of them brought him -water in a wooden platter to wash his hangs, before and after eating; and -another attended with a bunch of feathers for a towel. Some were the -daughters, and had been the wives of distinguished rivals and enemies, -conquered in battle. When he became weary of them, he transferred them -as presents to his favorite warriors.</p> - -<p>A general proof of the talents of Powhatan may be found in the station -which he held, as well as the reputation he enjoyed far and wide among his -countrymen. The Indian tribes are democracies. He who rules over them must -acquire and sustain his influence by his absolute intellect and energy. -Friends and family may assist, occasionally, in procuring rank; but they -will not secure the permanent possession of it. Generally, therefore, the -head-Sachem may be looked upon as comparatively a model of those qualities -which his countrymen esteem suitable to that dignity. He must not only be -a warrior, brave, hardy, patient, and indefatigable; but he must show -talents for controlling the fortunes and commanding the respect of the -community which he governs.</p> - -<p>But in is case there is better evidence; and especially in the ultimate -extent of Powhatan's government as compared with his hereditary dominions. -These included but six tribes of the thirty which were finally subject to -him, and all which must have become attached to his rule in consequence of -the character maintained and the measures adopted by himself. Among -others were the Chickahominies, a very warlike and proud people, numbering -from two hundred to five hundred while the Powhatans proper, (the -original nucleus, so to speak, of the emperor's dominion,) numbered less -than a hundred. The fear which these savages entertained of him appears on -many occasions, and particularly when they embraced an opportunity, in -1611, of exchanging his yoke for that of the English. They were so -desirous of this change—or in other words of procuring what they -considered the protection of the new master against the power of the -old—that they offered to adopt a national name indicating their -subjection. A peace was accordingly concluded on condition—</p> - -<p>I. That they should be forever called Tassautessus [Englishmen,] and be -true subjects to King James and his deputies.</p> - -<p>II. They were neither to kill nor detain any of the colonists, or their -cattle, but to return them on all occasions.</p> - -<p>III. They should stand ready to furnish three hundred warriors for the -colony's service, against the Spaniards <i>or any other enemy.</i></p> - -<p>IV. They were not to enter the English settlements, but send word they -were new Englishmen, (an obscure provision, meant to prevent confounding -them with hostile tribes.)</p> - -<p>V. Every fighting man, at the beginning of harvest, was to pay two bushels -of corn as a tribute, receiving the same number of hatchets in return.</p> - -<p>VI. The eight chief men were to see all this performed, on forfeit of -being punished themselves. Their salary was to be a red coat, a copper -chain, the picture of King James, and the honor of being accounted <i>his</i> -noblemen.</p> - -<p>This treaty was concluded with a general assent, manifested by -acclamation; and then one of the old men began a speech, addressing -himself first to those of his own age, then to the young, and lastly to -the women and children, a multitude of whom were present. He gave them to -understand how strictly these conditions must be observed, and how safe -they should then be, on the other hand, "<i>from the furie of Powhatan</i> or -any enemie whatsoeuer," [FN] besides being furnished with arms to resist -them. The name of the emperor, it will be observed, is not inserted in the -articles of peace; there was supposed to be a hazard, probably, of its -coming to his ears; and he had then himself just concluded an amicable -treaty. "But all this," adds our historian, "was rather for feare Powhatan -and we being so linked together, would bring them again to his subjection; -the which to preuent, they did rather chuse to be protected by vs than -tormented by him, whom they held a Tyrant."</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Authorities referred to in Smith's History, Vol. II.</p> - - -<p>We have seen, that of the whole Indian population between the sea-coast -and the Alleghany from east to west, and between the borders of Carolina -and the river Patuxent in Maryland from south to north, all who were not -subject to Powhatan's dominions were leagued against him. The former class -comprised the lowland tribes; and the latter, the mountaineers. In the -language of Stith, the Monacans and the Mannahoacks formed a confederacy -against the power and tyranny of Powhatan. Another writer says, that he -also fought against the famous Massawomekes; a powerful and populous -nation, thought to be situated upon a great salt-water, "which by all -probability is either some part of Canada, some great lake, or some inlet -of some sea that falleth into the South Sea." This is not a very definite -description, even for Smith to give; but the Massawomekes are generally -understood to have been no other, we believe, than the celebrated Five -Nations of New York. At all events, they were exceedingly troublesome to -the northernmost tribes of Powhatan—which might be a principal reason why -they submitted the more willingly to him. And thus, while the greater part -of his own empire was a conquered one, he was environed by foreign enemies -in every direction, including the civilized colony on the sea-coast.</p> - -<p>As to his particular system of war and conquest, we are not minutely -informed. Like Indian warfare in other sections and times, it is said to -have consisted, in a great degree, of stratagem and surprisal rather than -force. In 1608, a rebellion which arose among the Payuntatanks, was -suppressed in the following manner. They being near neighbors, a number of -his own tribe was sent into their villages, who under some disguise or -false pretence obtained lodgings over night. The several houses were -meanwhile beset with ambuscades; and at an appointed signal, the two -parties, within and without, commenced an attack at the same moment. -Twenty-four Payuntatanks were slain, and their scalps carried to Powhatan, -who kept them some time suspended on a line between two trees, as a -trophy. The women and children, as also the Werowance or Sachem, were made -prisoners, and afterwards slaves or servants.</p> - -<p>Powhatan's warriors were regularly and thoroughly disciplined. At one of -his first interviews with the English, a martial parade formed part of the -entertainment. Two or three hundred Indians having painted and disguised -themselves in the fiercest manner possible, were divided into two -companies, one of which was temporarily styled Powhatans and the other -Monacans. Each company had its captain. They stationed themselves at about -a musket-shot from each other. Fifteen men abreast formed the front line of -both, and the remainder ranked themselves in the rear with a distance of -four or five yards from rank to rank; and not in file, but in the opening -between the files, so that the rear could shoot as conveniently as the -front. A parley now took place, and a formal agreement was made that, -whoever should conquer, such warriors as survived their defeat should have -two days allowed them for their own submission, while their wives and -children should at once become prize to the victor.</p> - -<p>The parties advanced against each other—a sort of sergeant commanding -each flank, and a lieutenant the rear; and the entire company came on -leaping and singing to warlike music, but every man in his place. On the -first flight of arrows, they raised upon both sides a terrific clamor of -shouts and screeches. "When they had spent their arrows, (writes the -describer of this scene,) they joined together prettily, charging and -retiring, every rank seconding the other. As they got advantage, they -caught their enemies by the hair of the head, and down he came that was -taken. His enemy with his wooden sword seemed to beat out his brains, and -still they crept to the rear to maintain the skirmish." The Monacan party -at length decreasing, the Powhatans charged them in the form of a half -moon. The former retreat, to avoid being enclosed, and draw their pursuers -upon an ambuscade of fresh men. The Powhatans retire in their turn, and -the Monacans take this opportunity of resuming their first ground. "All -their actions, voices and gestures, both, in charging and retiring, were -so strained to the height of their qualitie and nature, that the -strangeness thereof made it seem very delightful." The warlike music -spoken of above was a large deep platter of wood, covered with skin drawn -so tight as to answer the purpose of a drum. They also used rattles made -of small gourds or pompion-shells; and all these—it may well be -supposed—mingled with their voices, sometimes twenty or thirty together, -"made such a terrible noise, as would rather affright than delight any -man."</p> - -<p>It was probably by no little drilling of this description that Powhatan -made soldiers of his subjects; and it naturally enough mortified him, -after taking so much trouble with so much success, to see them defeated so -readily as they were by the English. The chief cause, too, of this -superiority, was a matter of wonder. No Indian had ever before seen any -thing which resembled, in form or effect, the fire-arms of their strange -enemy. For some time, therefore, their fear was attended with a -superstition, against which no courage could prevail. But Powhatan was not -long in determining at all events to put himself on equal terms with the -colonists, whatever might be the hazard; and from that moment he spared no -efforts to effect his purpose. On Newport's departure for England, he -bargained away from him twenty swords for twenty turkeys. He attempted the -same trade with Smith; and when the latter shrewdly declined it, his -eagerness became such, we are told, "that at last by ambuscadoes at our -very gates they [the Powhatans] would take them per force, surprise vs at -worke, or any way." [FN] Some of these troublesome fellows being seized and -threatened, they confessed that the emperor had ordered them to get -possession of the English arms, or at least some of them, cost what it -might.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Smith's History, Vol. I.</p> - - -<p>He availed himself, with great ingenuity, of a disposition among some of -the colonists to trade privately in these contraband articles; and in that -way obtained large quantities of shot, powder and pike-heads. So, upon -Smith's departure for the settlement, after his famous visit, in December, -1608, he artfully requested the captain "to leaue him Edward Brynton to -<i>kille him foule,</i> and the Dutchmen <i>to finish his house.</i>" This house, we -have seen, was abandoned; and as for fowl, the idea of employing an -Englishman to hunt for his Powhatans was absurd. He had no objection, -however, to Brynton's gun or his martial services. The Germans he was -probably sure of already. They proved, traitors to the colony, and soon -after we find them diligently engaged in arming and instructing the -savages. One of them subsequently stated, that the emperor kept them at -work for him in duress. He himself sent answer to Smith's demand for them, -that they were at liberty to go if they chose—but as for carrying them -fifty miles on his back, he was not able. The adroitness with which he -obtained arms at Jamestown, during Smith's absence, has already been the -subject of comment.</p> - -<p>The implicit obedience which he exacted of his own subjects, -notwithstanding the apparently precarious tenure by which he held his -command, is a striking indication of the extent of his mere personal -influence. "When he listeth," says an old writer, "his will is a law, -and must be obeyed; not onely as a King, but as halfe a God, they esteeme -him. What he commandeth they dare not disobey in the least thing. At his -feete they present whatsoever he commandeth, and at the least froune of -his browe, their greatest spirits will tremble with feare." This -subordination was sustained by measures which, for severity and courage, -would do no discredit to the most absolute despot of the Eastern world. -On one occasion, certain, offenders were burned to death in the midst of -an immense heap of glowing coals, collected from many fires made for the -purpose. A more merciful punishment was by braining the criminal with a -club, as Smith was to have been sacrificed. The most horrible was -fastening the poor wretch to a tree, breaking his joints one by one, and -then whittling down the body with reeds and shells. Thrashing with cudgels -was no trifle. Smith says he saw a man subjected to this discipline under -the hands of two of his practised countrymen, till he fell prostrate and -senseless; but he uttered no cry or complaint.</p> - -<p>The extraordinary native shrewdness of Powhatan was abundantly manifested -in the amusing advantages he obtained over Newport; his long and artful -conversations with Smith, some of them sustained under the most -embarrassing circumstances, merely to procure time; the promptness with -which he rejected and defeated the proposal to make common cause against -the Monacans—a bait, as he expressed it, too foolish to be taken; and, in -fine, upon every occasion when the English undertook to negotiate or to -argue with him. He availed himself most essentially of the aid of the -German deserters heretofore mentioned, but he had too much sagacity to -trust them after they deserted <i>himself;</i> and so, when two of them fled -to him a second time, with proposals for delivering his great rival, -Captain Smith, into his hands, he only observed, that men who betrayed the -captain would betray the emperor, and forthwith ordered the scoundrels to -be brained upon the spot. [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Stith Book III.</p> - - -<p>Powhatan, like many others of his race, has been regarded with prejudice -for the very reasons which entitle him to respect. He was a troublesome -enemy to the colonists. His hostile influence extended for hundreds of -miles around them; cutting off commerce with the natives in the first -place, and making inveterate enemies of them in the next. Powhatan, we are -told, "still as he found means cut off their boats, and denied them -trade;" [FN] and again, "as for corne, contribution and provision from the -salvages, we had nothing but mortall wounds, with clubs and arrowes." -Here, too, we find the emperor availing himself of the disasters and -despair of the colony, to procure swords, muskets and ammunition—so -reckless had the colonists become through famine.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Authorities in Smith's History, Vol. II.</p> - - -<p>Still, it does not appear, that Powhatan adopted any policy but such as he -believed indispensable to the welfare, not to say, the existence, of his -sovereign dominions. His warfare was an Indian warfare, indeed. But -setting aside those circumstances of education and of situation which -rendered this a matter both of pride and necessity, it may be safely said, -that he but followed the example of those who should have known better. -Not only did he act <i>generally</i> in self-defence against what he deemed the -usurpation of a foreign and unknown people, who had settled without -permission upon his shores; but he was galled and provoked by peculiar -provocations in numerous instances. The mere liberty of taking possession -of a part of his territory might have been overlooked. Probably it was so. -In the earliest days of the settlement, when nothing could be easier for -Powhatan than to extinguish it at a single assault, it is acknowledged -that his people often visited the English and treated them with kindness. -[FN] Not long afterwards, indeed, they committed some trespasses, but -meanwhile a party of the English had invaded the interior of the country. -Considering the dissolute and unprincipled character of a large part of -them, it is not improbable that still greater freedom was exercised with -the Indians; such of course as the historians would be likely neither to -record nor to know. And yet Smith himself has told enough—of himself—to -make this point clear. In his very first expedition after corn, seeing, he -says, "that by trade and, courtesie nothing was to be had, <i>he made bold -to try such conclusions as necessitie inforced.</i>" He let fly a volley of -musketry, ran his boats ashore, skirmished with the natives, and forcibly -obtained a supply of provisions. And thus—adds the scrupulous captain—</p> - - <p class="quote">"Thus God vnboundlesse by his power<br> - Made them so kinde would vs devour."</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Ibid, Vol. I.</p> - - -<p>It was nothing to the emperor, or to his subjects, that Smith went beyond -his authority in these matters. "The patient council"—he writes in -another connexion—"that nothing would moue to warre with the sauages, -would gladly have wrangled with Captaine Smithe for his crueltie." He -adds, that his proceedings—his <i>conclusions</i>, is his own language—had -inspired the natives with such fear, that his very name was a terror. No -wonder that he sometimes had peace and war twice in a day. No wonder that -scarcely a week passed without some villainy or other. Again, when the -Chickahominies refused to trade, the resident, "perceiving [supposing] it -was Powhatan's policy to starve him," landed his company forthwith, and -made such a show of anger and ammunition that the poor savages presently -brought in all their provisions.</p> - -<p>So we are summarily informed in Mr. Hamer's relation, that about Christmas -(1611) "in regard of the iniurie done vs by them of Apamatuk, Sir Thomas -Dale, without the losse, of any <i>except some few Salvages,</i>" took possession -of the territory and provision of the tribe, made a settlement upon the -former without ceremony, and called it New Bermudas! One more illustration -must suffice. It is a passage of Smith's history relating to a detachment -of vagabonds, under the command of one West, who left Jamestown, and -located themselves not far from Powhatan's residence at the falls of the -river. "But the worst was, that the poore Salvages that daily brought in -their contributions to the President, that disorderly company so tormented -these poore soules, by stealing their corne, robbing their gardens, -beating them, breaking their houses, and keeping some prisoners, that they -daily complained to Captaine Smith he had brought them for Protectors -worse enemies than the Monacans themselves, which though till then for his -love they had endured, they desired pardon if hereafter they defended -themselves—since he would not correct them as they had long expected he -would." A most reasonable determination, civilly and candidly expressed.</p> - -<p>But, whatever may be said of the motives or method of the warfare of -Powhatan, it must be acknowledged that his character appears to no -disadvantage in peace. We cannot but admire the Roman dignity with which -he rejected all offers of compromise, so long as the English seemed -disposed to take advantage of their own wrong in the violent seizure of -Pocahontas. They knew that this was his favorite child, and they presumed -on the strength of his attachment. But, much as her situation troubled -him, he would not sacrifice his honor so far as to negotiate for her -restoration on derogatory terms. He was afflicted, but he was still more -incensed. When, however, he ascertained, by sending his sons to visit her, -that she was well treated, and in good health, (though, we are somewhere -told, "they had heard to the contrarie,") he began to think better of the -offers of peace. Then came Rolfe "to acquaint him with the businesse," and -kindly he was entertained, though not admitted to the presence of -Powhatan. The young gentleman explained himself, however, to the emperor's -brother; and the latter promised to intercede for him, as did also the two -sons. Their explanations proved successful. The emperor was not only -convinced that his daughter was entertained civilly by the English, but he -was pleased with the honorable intentions and touched by the passionate -and tender affection of Rolfe. No sooner, therefore, did the time -appointed for the marriage come to his knowledge—and no doubt Rolfe had -already had the politic courtesy to apply for his consent—than he -despatched three members of his own family to confirm the ceremony. "And -ever since," adds the historian, "we have had friendly trade and commerce, -as well with Powhatan himselfe, as all his subjects." So jealous were he -and they of injustice; and so susceptible were they, at the same time, of -mild and magnanimous impressions.</p> - -<p>We find characteristic anecdotes, to the same effect, in the curious -account Mr. Hamer has left on record of a visit which he paid the emperor -in 1614, soon after the conclusion of peace. After some conversation upon -business matters, the visitor was invited to Powhatan's own residence, -where was a guard of two hundred warriors, which, (as Mr. Hamer supposes,) -always attended his person. Having offered that gentleman a pipe of -tobacco, he immediately inquired after the health of Sir Thomas Dale, at -that time President, and <i>then</i> of his own daughter and her husband; -wishing to know especially how these two liked each other. Hamer answered, -that Sir Thomas was perfectly well; and as for Pocahontas, she was so -contented, that she never would return to her father's court again if she -could. Powhatan laughed heartily at this reply, and soon after asked the -particular cause of Mr. Hamer's present visit. On being told it was -<i>private,</i> he ordered his attendants to leave the house, excepting only -the two females—said to have been Indian queens—who always sat by him, -and then bade Mr. Hamer proceed with his message.</p> - -<p>The latter began with saying, that he was the bearer of sundry presents -from Sir Thomas Dale, which were delivered accordingly, much to the -emperor's satisfaction. He then added that Sir Thomas, hearing of the fame -of the emperor's youngest daughter, was desirous of obtaining her hand in -marriage. He conceived, there could not be a finer bond of union between -the two people, than such a connexion; and besides her sister Pocahontas -was exceedingly anxious to see her at Jamestown. He hoped that Powhatan -would at least oblige himself so much, as to suffer her to visit the -colony when <i>he</i> should return.</p> - -<p>Powhatan more than once came very near interrupting the delivery of this -message. But he controlled himself and replied with great gravity to the -effect, that he gladly accepted the President's salutation of love and -peace, which he certainly should cherish so long as he lived; that he -received with many thanks the presents sent him as pledges thereof; but -that, as for his daughter he had sold her only a few days before, to a -great Werowance, living at the distance of three days journey, for three -bushels of Rawrenoke [Roanoke]. Hamer took the liberty to rejoin, that a -prince of his greatness might no doubt recall his daughter, if he -would—especially as she was only twelve years of age—and that in such a -case he should receive for her from the President, three times the worth -of the Roanoke, in beads, copper and hatchets.</p> - -<p>To this Powhatan readily rejoined, that he loved his daughter as his life; -and though he had many children, he delighted in her most of all. He could -not live without seeing her, and <i>that</i> would be impossible if she went -among the colonists, <i>for he had resolved upon no account to put himself -in their power, or to visit them.</i> He therefore desired Mr. Hamer to say -no more upon the subject; but to tell the President in his name. 1. That, -<i>he</i> desired no other assurance of the <i>President's</i> friendship than his -word which was already pledged. He had himself, on the other hand, already -given such assurance in the person of Pocahontas. <i>One was sufficient, he -thought, at one time; when she died, he would substitute another in her -stead.</i> But, meanwhile, he should consider it no brotherly part to bereave -him of two children at once. 2. Though he gave <i>no</i> pledge, the President -ought not to distrust him or his people. There had been already lives -enough lost on both sides; and by his fault there should never be any -more. He had grown old, and desired to die peaceably. He should hardly -fight even for just cause; the country was wide enough, and he would -rather retreat. "Thus much," he concluded, "I hope will satisfy my -brother. And so here, as you are weary and sleepy, we will end." He then -ordered a supper and good lodgings for his guest, and the latter took his -leave for the night.</p> - -<p>Early the next morning, Powhatan himself visited Mr. Hunter at his -lodging-place, and invited him to return to his own wigwam. There he -entertained him in his handsomest manner. The time passed pleasantly, and -Mr. Hamer began to feel at home. By and by came in an Englishman, one who -had been surprised in a skirmish three years before at Fort Henry, and -detained ever since. He was so completely savage in his complexion and -dress, that Hamer only recognised him by his voice. He now asked that -gentleman to obtain leave for him to return with <i>him</i> to the colony and -the request was accordingly made, and even pressed. The emperor was vexed -at length. "Mr. Hamer," said he, "you have one of my daughters, and I am -content. But you cannot see one of your men with me, but you must have him -away or break friendship. But take him, if you will. In that case, -however, you must go home without guides [which were generally offered the -English on these occasions]; and if any evil befalls you, thank -yourselves."</p> - -<p>Hamer replied that he would do so; but he would not answer for the -consequences, if any accident should happen. The emperor was incensed at -this, and left him; but he appeared again at supper time, feasted his -guest with his best fire, and conversed cheerfully. About midnight he -roused Hamer from a nap, to tell him he had concluded to let Parker (the -captive) go with him in the morning. But he must remind Sir Thomas to send -him, in consideration thereof ten large pieces of copper, a shaving-knife, -a grindstone, a net, and sundry fish-hooks and other small matters. For -fear Hamer should forget these particulars, he made him write a list of -them in what the historians call a <i>table-book,</i> which he produced. -"However he got it," [FN] says the narrator, "it was a faire one, and I -desired hee would give it me." Powhatan evaded this modest request by -saying that he kept it to show to strangers; but when his guest left him -in the morning, he furnished him and his attendants with ample provision -for his journey, gave each of them a buck's-skin, "as well dressed as -could be," and sent two more to his son-in-law and-his daughter.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Probably of some English captive. Smith wrote his famous letter to - Jamestown, during his first captivity, on what he calls the leaf of a - table-book.</p> - - -<p>There is much matter for reflection in this simple narrative. The sagacity -of Powhatan in discerning the true object of the visit, is worthy of the -fearless dignity with which he exposed it. He gave little {heed?}, it -would seem, to the pretext of marriage; and considering only the age of -his daughter—especially as compared with the President's—there was -reason enough why he should. His conjectures were undoubtedly correct, and -he had some right to be offended at the jealousy which was still harbored -by the colonists. Stith expressly states, that the policy of Sir Thomas -was merely to obtain an additional pledge for the preservation of -peace. [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] History, p. 133.</p> - - -<p>The affection which Powhatan here manifests for his children, his -hospitality even to one who took liberties upon the strength of it, his -liberality, the resolution with which he maintained peace while he still -evidently distrusted the English honor, his ready evasions and intelligent -reasoning, his sensibility to insult which he nevertheless thought it -beneath him to resent, are all easily to be perceived in this instance, -and are well worthy to be regarded among other evidences of his temper and -genius.</p> - -<p>His self-command and his chivalrous courtesy, on every former occasion, -would have done no dishonor, in another country and time, to the -lion-hearted monarch of England himself. In this respect he was well -matched with Smith; and it is not the least interesting point in the -common history of the two, to observe the singular union of suavity and -energy with which both effected their purposes. Immediately after -delivering the celebrated reply which he sent to Newport's proposal by -Smith, the historian adds that, "many other discourses they had, (yet both -content to give each other content in <i>complimentall courtesies</i>) and so -Captain Smith returned with his answer." In the same style, when Newport -came himself—perceiving his purpose was to discover and invade the -Monacans—we are told that he "refused to lend him either men or guides -more than Nomantack, and so after some complimentall kindnesse on both -sides," he presented the disappointed captain with seven or eight bushels -of corn, and wished him a pleasant journey to Jamestown. He would not -suffer so brave a man as Smith to be even beheaded, without having first -ordered two of his queens to serve him with water and a bunch of feathers, -and then feasted him in what the victim himself considered his best -barbarous manner. It is very evident there was neither fear nor hypocrisy -in any of these cases.</p> - -<p>None of the noble traits we have mentioned lose any of their charm from -being connected, as they are, with the utmost simplicity of barbarism. The -reader of these times, therefore, may be allowed to smile at the -pertinacity with which this mighty warrior and renowned monarch insisted -upon Parker's being ransomed in fish-hooks; and the solemn gravity with -which he divested himself of his mantle and old shoes for the gratification -and reward of Newport. The presents sent to him by Sir Thomas Dale were -two pieces of copper, five strings of white and blue beads, five wooden -combs, ten fish-hooks, and a pair of knives—not to mention the promise of -a grindstone, whenever he should send for it—clearly a much better -bargain for his daughter, had he wished to dispose of her, than the two -bushels of Roanoke. The Werowances and queens of conquered nations waited -upon him at his meals, as humbly as certain kings of the middle ages are -said to have waited upon the Pope; but unlike his Holiness, Powhatan could -make his own robes, shoes, bows, arrows, and pots, besides planting his -corn for exercise, and hunting deer for amusement. The Indians generally -subsisted on fish in the spring, and lived light for some months after; -but "Powhatan, their great king, and some others that are provident, rost -their fish and flesh vpon hurdles, and keepe it till scarce times." [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Smith's account of the Natural Inhabitants of Virginia.</p> - - -<p>In fine, it would seem, that no candid person can read the history of this -famous Indian, with an attentive consideration of the circumstances under -which he was placed, without forming a high estimate of his character as -a warrior, a statesman and a patriot. His deficiencies were those of -education and not of genius. His faults were those of the people whom he -governed and of the period in which he lived. His great talents, on the -other hand, were his own; and these are acknowledged even by those -historians who still regard him with prejudice. Stith calls him a prince -of excellent sense and parts, and a great master of all the savage arts of -government and policy. He adds, that he was penetrating, crafty, insidious -and cruel. "But as to the great and moral arts of policy," he concludes, -"such as truth, faith, uprightness and magnanimity, they seemed to have -been but little heeded or regarded by him." Burk's opinion appears to us -more correct. In the cant of civilisation, (says that excellent -historian,) he will doubtless be branded with the epithets of tyrant and -barbarian. But his title to greatness, though his opportunities were -fewer, is to the full as fair as that of Tamerlane or Kowli Khan, and -several others whom history has immortalized; while the proofs of his -tyranny are by no means so clear. Still, it might have been as reasonable -to say, that there are no such proofs in being. The kind of martial law -which the emperor sometimes exercised over his own subjects, was not only -a matter of custom, founded on the necessity which must always exist among -ignorant men; but it was a matter of license, which had grown into -constitutional law, by common consent. It has been justly observed, that -there is no possibility of a true despotism under an Indian government. It -is reason that governs,—nominally at least—and the authority is only the -more effectual as the obedience is more voluntary.</p> -<br><br><br> - - - - <h2 class="direct" style="page-break-before: always;"><a id="chiii">CHAPTER III.</a></h2> -<br><br> - - - <p class="chap">The family of Powhatan—His successor—Sequel of the history of - Pocahontas—Her acts of kindness to the colonists at various times, and - especially to Smith—His gratitude—Her civilisation, and instruction in - Christianity—Her visit to England in 1616—Reception at - Court—Interview with Smith—His memorial respecting her to Queen - Anne—Her death and character—Her descendants.</p> -<br> - -<p><span style="font-variant:small-caps">The family</span> of Powhatan was numerous and influential. Two sons and two -daughters have already been mentioned. There were also three brothers -younger than himself; and upon them successively, according to their -several ages, custom seems to have required that the government should -devolve after his own death. The eldest, <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Opitchipan</span>, [FN] accordingly -succeeded him, in form at least. But this prince was an inactive and -unambitious man—owing in some degree perhaps to his being decrepit; and -he was soon thrown into the shade by the superior energy and talent of -Opechancanough, who before many years engrossed in fact the whole power of -the government. Of the younger brother, <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Kekataugh</span>, scarcely any thing is -known. He probably died before any opportunity occurred of signalizing -himself in a public station. The sequel of the history of <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Opechancanough</span> -is well worthy of being dwelt upon at some length; but previously, the -order of time requires us to devote a share of attention to the fortunes -of his celebrated niece, <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Pocahontas.</span></p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] By various writers called Itopatin, Itoyatin, Oetan, Opitchipan, - Toyatan—a characteristic instance of the uncertainty which attends the - orthography of Indian proper names. One cause is in the custom of - changing the name upon great occasions. Opitchipan himself after his - accession was called Sasawpen; and Opechancanough, Mangopesomen.</p> - - -<p>This beautiful and amiable woman, whom John Smith, in the excess of his -admiration, styles "the Numpareil of Virginia," has been distinguished in -modern times, chiefly, by that single extraordinary act of courage and -humanity to which the gallant historian was indebted for the preservation -of his life. But this was by no means the only evidence of these noble -qualities which history has preserved. Her name indeed is scarcely once -mentioned by the most ancient chronicles of the colony, except in terms of -high eulogy, and generally in connexion also with some substantial facts -going strongly to justify the universal partiality with which her memory -is regarded to these times.</p> - -<p>In the earliest and most gloomy days of the settlement, immediately after -Smith's return from his captivity, the liberal and thoughtful kindness of -Pocahontas went very far to cheer the desponding hearts of the colonists, -as well as to relieve their actual necessities. She came into Jamestown -with her attendants once in every four or five days, for a long time; and -brought with her supplies of provisions, by which many lives are stated to -have been saved. This will appear more fully from an ancient document -which we shall hereafter transcribe at length.</p> - -<p>When Smith was absent upon one of his Indian expeditions, emergencies -occurred at Jamestown which rendered his presence extremely desirable. But -not a man could be found who dared venture to carry a message to him from -the council. He was known to be environed by enemies, and the hostility -and power of Powhatan were at that period subjects of the most exaggerated -apprehension. One Richard Wyffin at last undertook the hazardous -enterprise. Encountering many dangers and difficulties, he reached the -residence of Powhatan, a day or two after Smith had left it for Pamunkey. -He found that great preparations for war were going on among the -Powhatans; and he soon became himself the object of suspicion. His life -undoubtedly would have paid the forfeit of his rashness, had not -Pocahontas, who knew his perilous situation even better than himself, -concealed him, and thwarted and embarrassed the search of the savages who -pursued him, so that "by her means and extraordinary bribes and much -trouble in three days travell," as history says, "at length he found vs -in the middest of these turmoyles," (at Jamestown.)</p> - -<p>Her conduct was the same after Smith's departure for England. Of the -thirty men who accompanied Ratcliffe when he was massacred by the Indians, -only one escaped to the colony, and one was rescued by Pocahontas. This -was a boy named Henry Spilman, who subsequently was restored to his -friends, [FN-1] and from the knowledge of Indian languages which he -obtained during his residence with the Patowomekes proved highly -serviceable as an interpreter. Smith himself was more than <i>once</i> under -obligations to the princess for his personal safety. We have alluded to -that occasion when he quartered, over night, near the residence of her -father. "Pocahontas, his dearest iewell and daughter, in that darke night -came through the irksome woods, and told our Captaine great cheare should -be sent vs by and by; but Powhatan and all the power he could make, would -after come kill vs all, if they that brought it could not kill vs with our -owne weapons, when we were at supper. Therefore if we would liue, she -wished vs presently to be gone. Such things as she delighted in, he would -haue giuen her; but with the teares running downe her cheekes, she said -she durst not be seen to haue any, for if Powhatan should know it, she -were but dead, and so she ran away by herself as she came." [FN-2] What an -affecting instance of the most delicate tenderness mingled with the -loftiest courage.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN-1] He was destined, however, to die at last by the hands of the - savages, in 1623.</p> - - <p class="quote">[FN-2] Smith's History.</p> - - -<p>It would have been strange indeed, if Smith, with all his passionate -chivalry, had been insensible of these repeated kindnesses. Even Powhatan -had too good an opinion of him to suppose so, for he had the sagacity to -rely upon his gratitude for political purposes. When some of the emperor's -subjects were taken prisoners by Smith, (although peace was nominally -existing,) and forced to confess that Powhatan had employed them to work -mischief against the colony, the latter "sent messengers, <i>and his dearest -daughter Pocahontas,</i>" with presents, to make apologies for the past, and -promises for the future. Smith, on the other hand, (who understood as well -as any one, the part of a gentleman,) after giving the prisoners such -correction as he deemed necessary, treated them well for a day or two, and -then delivered them to Pocahontas, "for whose sake onely he fayned to have -saued their liues, and gaue them libertie." The emperor was paid for this -ingenuity in his own coin, when the colonists, in 1613, took the princess -herself captive, relying on the well-known strength of his attachment to -her, as the surest means of procuring peace.</p> - -<p>Her subsequent history may be soon told. Rolfe had become ardently -enamoured of her beauty, and he used the fortunate occasion of her stay in -the colony—perhaps was active in bringing it on—to procure the -intercession of the President in his behalf. Pocahontas cherished similar -feelings towards himself and when her brothers came to visit her she made -one of them her confidant. Rolfe gained information of her sentiments, and -thus was emboldened to prosecute his suit with a spirit worthy of the -success which it met with. The parties married. In the course of a year or -two, the young bride became quite an adept in the English language and -manners, and was well instructed in the doctrines-of Christianity. She was -entitled by her new acquaintances the Lady <i>Rebecca.</i></p> - -<p>In 1616, she and her husband accompanied Sir Thomas Dale to England. King -James, (that anointed pedant, as Stith calls him,) is said to have been -offended with Rolfe for his presumption in marrying the daughter of a -king—a crowned head, too, it will be recollected.—He might have thought, -perhaps, following up his own principles, that the offspring of the -marriage would be fairly entitled to succeed Powhatan in his dominion. But -the affair passed off, with some little murmuring; and Pocahontas herself -was received at Court, by both the King and Queen, with the most -flattering marks of attention. Lord de la War, and his lady, and many -other courtiers of rank, followed the royal example. The princess was -gratified by the kindness shown to her; and those who entertained her, on -the other hand, were unanimously of opinion, as Smith expresses himself; -that they had seen many English ladies worse-favored, proportioned and -behaviored.</p> - -<p>The captain was at this time in England; and although upon the eve of -leaving that country on a voyage to New England, he delayed his departure -for the purpose of using every possible means in his power of introducing -the princess to advantage. A memorial which he draughted with his own -hand, and sent in to the Queen, is supposed to have had no little -influence at Court. It is well worth transcribing, both as a curiosity of -style, and as a document of authentic history. It reads thus:</p> - -<p>"To the most high and vertuous Princess Queene Anne of Great Britain:</p> - -<p>"Most admired Queene,</p> - -<p>"The loue I beare my God, my King and Countrie hath so oft emboldened mee -in the worst of extreme danger, that now honestie doth constraine mee -presume thus farre beyond myselfe, to present your Maiestie this short -discourse. If ingratitude be a deadly poyson to all honest vertues, I must -be guiltie of that crime if I should omit any meanes to be thankful. So it -is,</p> - -<p>"That some ten yeeres agoe, being in Virginia, and taken prisoner by the -power of Powhatan their chiefe King, I received from this great Salvage -exceeding great courtesie, especially from his sonne Nantaguans, the most -manliest, comeliest, boldest spirit I euer saw in a salvage; and his -sister Pocahontas, the King's most deare and well-beloued daughter, being -but a childe of twelue or thirteene yeeres of age, whose compassionate -pitifull heart, of desperate estate, gaue mee much cause to respect her; I -being the first christian this proud King and his grim attendants euer -saw; and thus inthralled in their barbarous power, I cannot say I felt the -least occasion of want that was in the power of those my mortall foes to -preuent, notwithstanding al their threats.</p> - -<p>"After some sixe weeks fatting among these Salvage Courtiers, at the -minute of my execution, she hazarded the beating out of her owne braines -to saue mine, but not onely that, but so preuailed with her father, that I -was safely conducted to Iames-towne, where I found about eight and thirtie -miserable poore and sicke creatures, to keepe possession of al those -large territories of Virginia; such was the weaknesse of this poore -commonwealth, as had the salvages not fed us, we directly had starued.</p> - -<p>"And this reliefe, most Gracious Queens, was commonly brought vs by this -Lady Pocahontas, Notwithstanding al these passages, when inconstant -fortune, turned our peace to warre, this tender Virgin would still not -spare to dare to visit vs, and by her our iarres haue been oft appeased, -and our wants still supplyed. Were it the policie of her father thus to -imploy her, or the ordinance of God thus to make her his instrument, or -her extraordinarie affection to our nation, I know not. But of this I am -sure; when her father, with the utmost of his policie and power, sought to -surprise mee, hauing but eighteene with mee, the darke night could not -affright her from comming through the irkesome woods, and with watered -eies gaue me intilligence, with her best aduice, to escape his furie; -which had hee knowne, he had surely slaine her.</p> - -<p>"Iames-toune, with her wild traine, she as freely frequented as her -father's habitation; and during the time of two or three yeeres, she next -under God, was still the instrument to preserve this colonie from death, -famine and utter confusion, which if in those times had once been -disolued, Virginia might haue line as it was at our first arrivall to this -day.</p> - -<p>"Since then, this businesse hauing beene turned and varied by many -accidents from that I left it at, it is most certaine, after a long and -troublesome warre after my departure, betwixt her father and our colonie, -at which time shee was not heard off, about two yeeres after she her selfe -was taken prisoner. Being so detained neere two yeeres longer, the colonie -by that means was relieued, peace concluded, and at last reiecting her -barbarous condition, shee was maried to an English gentleman, with whom at -this present shee is in England; the first Christian euer of that nation, -the first Virginian euer spake English, or had a childe in marriage by an -Englishman. A matter, surely, if my meaning bee truly considered and well -vnderstood, worthy a Prince's vnderstanding.</p> - -<p>"Thus, most Gracious Lady, I have related to your Maiestie, what at your -best leasure our approued Histories will account you at large, and done in -the time of your Maiestie's life; and howeuer this might bee presented you -from a more worthy pen, it cannot from a more honest heart. As yet I neuer -begged any thing of the state, or any, and it is my want of abilitie and -her exceeding desert, your birth meanes and authoritie, her birth, vertue, -want and simplicitie, doth make mee thus bold, humbly to beseech your -Maiestie to take this knowledge of her, though it bee from one so vnworthy -to be the reporter as my selfe, her husband's estate not being able to -make her fit to attend your Maiestie. The most and least I can doe is to -tell you this, because none so oft hath tried it as my selfe; and the -rather being of so great a spirit, howeuer her stature.</p> - -<p>"If shee should not be well recieued, seeing this kingdom may rightly haue -a kingdom by her meanes, her present loue to vs and christianitie might -turne to such scorne and furie, as to diuert al this good to the worst of -euill; where [whereas] finding so great a Queene should doe her some honor -more than she can imagine, for being so kinde to your seruants and -subjects, would so rauish her with content, as endeare her dearest blood -to effect that your Maiestie and al the King's honest subjects most -earnestly desire. And so I humbly kisse your gracious hands."</p> - -<p>The final interview between the gallant and generous writer of this -memorial and the princess who was the subject of it, is an occasion too -interesting to be passed over without notice. She had been told that -Smith, whom she had not seen for many years, was dead; but why this -information was given her, does not appear. Perhaps it was to make his -appearance the more gratifying. Possibly, Master Rolfe, in the heat of his -passion, during the critical period of courtship had deemed it advisable -and justifiable to answer, to this effect, the anxious inquiries she would -naturally make after Smith, especially during her confinement at -Jamestown. But whatever the reason was, the shock of the first meeting had -nearly overwhelmed her. She was staying at Brentford, after her visit to -London, having retired thither to avoid the noise and smoke of the -metropolis, which she was far from enjoying. Smith was announced and soon -after made his appearance. She saluted him—modestly, he says himself; and -coolly, according to some other writers—and then turning away from him, -she covered her face, and seemed to be too much discomposed for -conversation.</p> - -<p>Undoubtedly she was deeply affected with a multitude of conflicting -emotions, not the least of which was a just indignation on account of the -imposition which the English had practised upon her. For two or three -hours she was left to her own meditations. At the end of that time, after -much entreaty, she was prevailed upon to converse; and this point "once -gained, the politeness and kindness of her visitant and her own sweetness -of disposition, soon renewed her usual vivacity."</p> - -<p>In the course of her remarks she called Smith her Father. That -appellation, as bestowed by a King's daughter, was too, much for the -captain's modesty, and he informed her to that effect. But she could not -understand his reasoning upon the subject. "Ah!" she said—after -recounting some of the ancient courtesies which had passed between -them—"you did promise Powhatan that what was yours should be his, and -hee the like to you. You called him Father, being in his land a stranger; -and by the same reason so must I doe you." Smith still expressed himself -unworthy of that distinction, and she went on. "Were you not afraid to -come into my father's countrie, and caused fear in him and all his -people—but mee—and <i>fear</i> you I should here call you father? I tell you -then I <i>will;</i> and you must call mee childe, and then I will bee foreuer -and euer your country-woman." She assured Smith, that she had been made to -believe he was dead, and that Powhatan himself had shared in that -delusion. To ascertain the fact, however, to a certainty, that crafty -barbarian had directed an Indian, who attended her to England, to make -special inquiries. This was Tomocomo, one of the emperor's chief -counselors, and the husband of his daughter Matachanna—perhaps the same -who had been demanded in marriage by Sir Thomas Dale, in 1614.</p> - -<p>It is the last and saddest office of history to record the death of this -incomparable woman, in about the two-and-twentieth year of her age. This -event took place at Gravesend, where she was preparing to embark for -Virginia, with her husband, and the child mentioned in Smith's memorial. -They were to have gone out with Captain Argall, who sailed early in 1617; -and the treasurer and council of the colony had made suitable -accommodations for them on board the admiral-ship. But, in the language of -Smith, it pleased God to take this young lady to his mercy. He adds, that -she made not more sorrow for her unexpected death, than joy to the -beholders, to hear and see her make so religious and godly an end. Stith -also, records that she died, as she had long lived, a most sincere and -pious Christian. The expression of a later historian is, that her death -was a happy mixture of Indian fortitude and Christian submission, -affecting all those who saw her by the lively and edifying picture of -piety and virtue, which marked her latter moments. [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Burk's Virginia, Vol. I.</p> - - -<p>The same philosophic writer, in his general observations upon the -character of Pocahontas, has justly remarked, that, considering all -concurrent circumstances, it is not surpassed by any in the whole range -of, history; and that for those qualities more especially which do honor -to our nature—a humane and feeling heart, an ardor and unshaken constancy -in her attachments—she stands almost without a rival. She gave evidence, -indeed, of possessing in a high degree every attribute of mind and heart, -which should be and has been the ornament and pride of civilized woman in -all countries and times. Her unwearied kindness to the English was -entirely disinterested; she knew that it must be so when she encountered -danger and weariness, and every kind of opposition and difficulty, to -bestow it, seasonably, on the objects of her noble benevolence. It was -delicate, too, in the mode of bestowment. No favor was expected in return -for it, and yet no sense of obligation was permitted to mar the pleasure -which it gave. She asked nothing of Smith in recompense for whatever she -had done, but the boon of being looked upon as his child. Of her character -as a princess, evidence enough has already been furnished. Her dignity, -her energy, her independence, and the dauntless courage which never -deserted her for a moment, were worthy of Powhatan's daughter.</p> - -<p>Indeed, it has been truly said that, well authenticated as is the history -of Pocahontas, there is ground for apprehension that posterity will be -disposed to regard her story as a romance. "It is not even improbable," -says Burk, "that considering every thing relating to herself and Smith as -a mere fiction, they may vent their spleen against the historian for -impairing the interest of his plot by marrying the princess of Powhatan to -a Mr. Rolfe, of whom nothing had been previously said, in defiance of all -the expectations raised by the foregoing parts of the fable."</p> - -<p>Young Rolfe, her only offspring was left at Plymouth, England, under the -care of Sir Lewis Steukley, who undertook to direct his education—his -tender years making it inexpedient to remove him to Virginia. As that -gentleman was soon after completely beggared and disgraced by the part -which he took in the proceedings against Sir Walter Raleigh, the tuition -of Rolfe passed into the hands of his uncle, Henry Rolfe of London. He -became in after years a man of eminence and fortune in Virginia, and -inherited a considerable tract of land which had belonged to Powhatan. At -his death he left an only daughter, who was married to Col. Robert -Bolling. By him she had an only son, who was father to Col. John Bolling, -(well known to many now living;) and several daughters married to Col. -Richard Randolph, Col. John Fleming, Dr. William Gay, Mr. Thomas Eldridge -and Mr. James Murray. This genealogy is taken from Stith; and he shows -with sufficient minuteness, that this remnant of the imperial family of -Virginia, which long survived in a single person, had branched out into a -very numerous progeny, even as early as 1747. The Hon. John Randolph of -Roanoke is, if we mistake not, a lineal descendant of the princess in the -sixth degree.</p> -<br><br><br> - - - - <h2 class="direct" style="page-break-before: always;"><a id="chiv">CHAPTER IV.</a></h2> -<br><br> - - - <p class="chap">Sequel of the history of Opechancanough—Renewal, by him and Opitchipan, - of the treaty of peace—Finesse by which he extended his dominion over - the Chickahominies—Preparations for War—Causes of it—Profound - dissimulation under which his hostility was concealed—Indian custom of - making Conjurers—Manœuvres against the English interest—The great - massacre of 1622; circumstances and consequences of it—Particular - occasion which led to it—Character and death of <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Nemattanow</span>—Details of - the war subsequent to the massacre—Truce broken by the English—New - exertions of Opechancanough—Battle of Pamunkey—Peace of 1632—Massacre - of 1641—Capture of Opechancanough by the English—His death and - character.</p> -<br> - -<p><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Captain</span> Argall brought out from England, among other things, a variety of -presents for Opechancanough, who seems now to have been, notwithstanding -that Powhatan was still living, the chief object of the colony's -apprehension and regard. He lamented as the Indians did universally, the -untimely fate of their favorite princess; but he also expressed himself -satisfied with the care which had been taken of her son. Argall sent -messengers to him immediately on his arrival at Jamestown; and the -chieftain paid him a visit, and received his presents. Tomocomo, who -returned with Argall, had conceived a dislike for Sir Thomas Dale, and he -railed violently against him in particular, as he did against the English -in general; but Opechancanough either was or affected to be convinced, -that his anger and his accusations were equally groundless. On the death -of Powhatan, in 1618, both himself and his royal brother Opitchipan -renewed the ancient league of the emperor with the English; under the -protection of which, we are told, every man peaceably followed his -building and planting without any remarkable accidents or interruption. -[FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Stith.</p> - - -<p>A transaction which occurred in 1616, furnishes the best comment we can -give upon the character of Opechancanough. It appears, that President -Yeardly at that time undertook to relieve the necessities of the colony by -collecting tribute of the Chickahominies. But for some reason or other, -that warlike people refused to pay it; and even sent him an answer to his -demand, which he construed into an affront. He therefore called upon them, -soon after, with a company of one hundred soldiers, well armed. Some -threatening and bravado ensued on both sides, and a regular battle was the -speedy consequence. The Indians were defeated, and as Yeardly was -returning to Jamestown with his spoil, Opechancanough met him, and -artfully effected an agreement with him, that he (Yeardly) would make no -peace with the Chickahominies without <i>his</i> consent. He then went to that -tribe, and pretended that, he had, with great pains and solicitation, -procured a peace for them. To requite this immense service, as it was now -considered, they cheerfully proclaimed him King of their nation, and -flocked from all quarters with presents of beads and copper. From this -time he was content to be entitled the King of Chickahominy; and thus was -subjected to him, with their own free consent, a brave and resolute -people, who had successfully resisted, for many years, the power of every -savage and civilized foe.</p> - -<p>The English historians generally agree in representing Opechancanough as -an inveterate enemy of the English from first to last. Such may have been -the case; and he might have had what appeared to him reason and occasion -enough for his hostility. The character of many of the colonists was but -too well calculated to thwart the best intentions on the part of the -government, however peaceable and just might be <i>their</i> theory of Indian -intercourse. The discontent of Tomocomo might have its effect, too, and -especially among the mass of his countrymen. The pledge of harmony which -had existed in the person of Pocahontas was forgotten. But above all, -Opechancanough was too shrewd a man not to perceive, in the alarming -disproportion which was daily showing itself between the power of the -English and the Indians of Virginia—independently of particular -provocations—a sure indication of the necessity of a new system of -defence.</p> - -<p>Subsequent events confirm this conjecture. No better preparation for a war -could have been made on the chieftain's part, than he effected in the -submission of the Chickahominies. It is not unlikely that he himself -instigated, through his satellites, the very insolence whereby they drew -upon themselves that severe chastisement from the colony, which increased -his own influence over them as much as it aggravated their hostility to -the English. We find that, in 1618, they committed several outrages of a -most flagrant character; and although Opechancanough, who was applied to -for satisfaction, promised to send in the heads of the offenders, this -was never done, and it may be questioned, whether he was not privy to, or -perhaps the chief author and contriver of the whole affair. At all events, -historians represent, that his regal authority over the tribe was thereby -"firmly riveted and established."</p> - -<p>Still, not only had the artful chieftain given no open cause of offence -or evidence of hostility; but he absolutely succeeded, as we have seen, -in completely quieting the suspicions of the colonists. In 1620, indeed, -we find it recorded in the journal of Mr. Rolfe, that "<i>now Opechankanough -will not come at vs; that causes vs suspect his former promises.</i>" But -this little uneasiness was wholly done away, on the arrival of Sir Francis -Wyatt, the successor of Yeardly, in 1621. That gentleman immediately sent -messengers to Opechancanough and Opitchipan, who both expressed great -satisfaction at the accession of the new President, and cheerfully renewed -their former leagues with the colony. The former also declared himself -pleased with the idea of the English inhabiting the country. He proposed, -by way of amalgamating the two nations, that some of the white families -should settle among his people, while some of his should settle at -Jamestown. A former promise was confirmed, of sending a guide with the -English to certain mines represented to be situated above the falls. Nay, -so far was the deception carried, that "Mr. Thorpe [the chief messenger] -thought he perceived more motions of religion in Opechancanough than could -easily be imagined, in so great ignorance and blindness. He acknowledged -his own religion not to be the right way; and desired to be instructed in -the Christian faith. He confessed that God loved the English better than -them, and he thought the cause of God's anger was their custom of conjuring -their children, and <i>making them black boys.</i>" [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Allusion seems to be made here to a custom which is sufficiently - singular to deserve some description. Smith calls it a yearly sacrifice - of children. A ceremony of the kind which was performed near Jamestown - may best be described in his own words. "Fifteene of the properest young - boyes betweene ten and fifteene yeeres of age, they paynted white. Hauing - brought them forth, the people spent the forenoone in dauncing and - singing about them with rattles. In the afternoone they put those - children to the roote of a tree. By them all the men stood in a guard, - each hauing a Bastinado in his hand, made of reeds bound together. This - made a lane betweene them all along, through which there were appointed - fiue young men to fetch these children. So euery one of the fiue went - through the guard to fetch a childe, each after other by turnes, the - guard firecely beating them with their Bastinadoes, and they patiently - enduring and receiuing all, defending the children with their naked - bodies from the vnmerciful blowes, that pay them soundly, tho' the - children escape. All this while, the women weepe and cry out very - passionately, prouiding mats, skinnes, mosse and dry wood, as things - fitting their childrens' funerals. After the children were thus passed - the guard, the guard tore down the trees, branches and boughs, with such - violence that they rent the body, and made wreaths for their heads, or - bedecked their hayre with the leaues. What els was done with the children - was not seene, but they were all cast on a heape in a valley as dead, - where they made a great feast for all the company. The Werowance being - demanded the meaning of this sacrifice, answered that the children were - not all dead, but that the <i>Okee</i> or Divill did sucke the bloode from - their left breast, who chanced to be his by lot, till they were dead; but - the rest were kept in the wildernesse by the young men till nine months - were expired, during which time they must not converse with any, <i>and of - these were made their Priests and Coniurors.</i>" Master Pory says, in his - Observations that the Accomacks were a civil and tractable people: "nor - doe they vse that deuillish custome <i>in making Black Boyes.</i>"</p> - - -<p>It must have been about this time that Opechancanough took the trouble to -send some of his men to a sachem on the eastern shore, for a quantity of -poison, peculiar to that region, and which he wished to use in his -operations against the English. [FN] This may have been the true object of -the embassy; and it may also have been but a cover for sounding the -disposition of the eastern tribes towards the colony. Accordingly, it is -recorded in the "Observations of Master Iohn Pory, secretarie of Virginia, -in his travels," that Namenacus, the Sachem of Pawtuxent, made an -application to the colony, in 1621, for the privilege of trading with -them. This request was so far attended to, that the English promised to -visit him within six weeks. Now it seems that their commerce with the -Indians at this period was mostly carried on by the aid of one Thomas -Salvage, an interpreter, and the same man whom Smith had left with -Powhatan fourteen years before. The visit took place according to promise, -and it was then ascertained that Opechancanough had employed one of his -Indians to kill Salvage. The pretence was, "because he brought the trade -from him to the easterne shore." The truth probably was, that the -chieftain was jealous of the English influence among the tribes of that -region.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Stith.</p> - - -<p>But the storm which had been gathering ever since the death of the -emperor, was at length ready to burst upon the devoted colony. -Opechancanough had completed every preparation which the nature of things -permitted on his part; and nothing remained, but to strike the great blow -which he intended should utterly extinguish the English settlements -forever. The twenty-second day of March, 1622—an era but too memorable in -Virginian history—was selected for the time; and a certain hour agreed -upon, to ensure a simultaneous assault in every direction. The various -tribes engaged in the conspiracy were drawn together, and stationed in the -vicinity of the several places of massacre, with a celerity and precision -unparalleled in the annals of the continent. Although some of the -detachments had to march from great distances, and through a continued -forest, guided only by the stars and moon, no single instance of disorder -or mistake is known to have happened. One by one, they followed each other -in profound silence, treading as nearly as possible in each other's steps, -and adjusting the long grass and branches which they displaced. [FN] They -halted at short distances from the settlements, and waited in death-like -stillness before the signal of attack.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Burk.</p> - - -<p>That was to be given by their fellow-savages, who had chosen the same -morning for visiting the different plantations, in considerable numbers, -for the purpose of ascertaining their strength and precise situation, and -at the same time preventing any suspicion of the general design. This, it -should be observed, had recently become too habitual a practice with the -Indians, to excite suspicion of itself. The peace was supposed to be -inviolable. The savages were well known to be in no condition for a war; -and had shown no disposition for one. The English, therefore, while they -supplied them generally with whatever they asked for, upon fair terms, -neglected to prepare themselves for defence. They were so secure, that a -sword or a firelock was rarely to be met with in a private dwelling. Most -of their plantations were seated in a scattered and straggling manner, as -a water-privilege or a choice vein of rich land invited them; and indeed -it was generally thought, the further from neighbors, the better. The -Indians were daily received into their houses, fed at their tables, and -lodged in their bedchambers; and boats were even lent them previous to the -twenty-second, as they passed backwards and forwards for the very purpose -of completing the plan, of extirpation.</p> - - -<p>The hour being come, the savages, knowing exactly in what spot every -Englishman was to be found, rose upon them at once. The work of death was -commenced, and they spared neither sex nor age, man, woman nor child. Some -entered the houses under color of trade. Others drew the owners abroad -upon various pretences; while the rest fell suddenly on such as were -occupied in their several labors. So quick was the execution, that few -perceived the weapon or blow which despatched them. And thus, in one hour -and almost at the same instant, fell three hundred and forty-seven men, -women and children; most of them by their own arms, and all, (as Stith -observes,) by the hands of a naked and timid people, who durst not stand -the presenting of a staff in the manner of a firelock, in the hands of a -woman.</p> - -<p>Those who had sufficient warning to make resistance, saved their lives. -Nathaniel Causie an old soldier of Captain Smith's, though cruelly -wounded, cleaved down one of his assailants with an axe; upon which the -whole party who had surrounded him fled, and he escaped. At another place, -two men held possession of a house against sixty Indians. At Warrasqueake, -a Mr. Baldwin, whose wife was so badly wounded that she lay for dead, by -repeatedly discharging his musket drove off the enemy, and saved both her -and himself. Ralph Hamer, the historian, defended himself in his house, -successfully, with spades, axes and brickbats. One small family, living -near Martin's Hundred, where as many as seventy-three of the English were -slain, not only escaped the massacre, but never heard any thing of it -until two or three days afterwards. Jamestown and some of the neighboring -places were saved by the disclosure of a Christian Indian named Chanco, -who was confidentially informed of the design by his brother, on the -morning of the 22d.</p> - -<p>Such was the evidence which Opechancanough gave of his deep-rooted hatred -of the English. And yet, such was his profound dissimulation, that so late -as the middle of March, he treated a messenger sent to him from the -President with the utmost civility, assuring him he held the peace so -firm, that the sky would fall sooner than it should be violated on his -part. Mr. Thorpe, an excellent man, who had taken a peculiar interest in -christianizing the Indians, supposed that he had gained the especial favor -of Opechancanough by building him a very neat house after the English -fashion; in which he took such pleasure, as to lock and unlock his door a -hundred times a day. [FN] He seemed also to be pleased with the discourse -and company of Mr. Thorpe, and expressed a desire to requite some of his -kindness. Nevertheless, the body of this unfortunate man was found among -the slain. Only two days before the massacre, the Indians guided a party -of the English through the woods, and sent home one who had lived among -them to learn their language. On the very morning of the fatal day, as -also the evening before, they came, as at other times, unarmed into the -houses of the English, with deer, turkeys, fish, fruits and other things -to sell; and in some places sat down to breakfast with the same persons -whom they rose up to tomahawk.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Stith.</p> - -<p>The particular occasion—as the historians consider it—of the conspiracy, -is too characteristic to be omitted. There was a noted Indian, named -<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Nemattanow,</span> who was wont, out of vanity or some unaccountable humor, to -dress himself up with <i>feathers</i> in a most barbarously fantastic manner. -This habit obtained for him among the English the name of -<i>Jack-of-the-feather.</i> He was renowned among his countrymen both for -courage and cunning; and was esteemed the greatest war-captain of those -times. But, what was most remarkable, although he had been in many -skirmishes and engagements with the English, he had always escaped without -a wound. From this accident, seconded by his own ambition and craft, he -obtained at length the reputation of being invulnerable and immortal.</p> - -<p>Early in 1622, Nemattanow came to the house of one Morgan, who kept and -sold a variety of well-selected commodities for the use of the Indians. -Smitten with a strong desire to obtain some of them, Nemattanow persuaded -Morgan to accompany him to Pamunkey, on the assurance of an advantageous -traffic at that place. On the way, he is supposed to have murdered the -trader. Within two or three days, he returned again to the house of his -victim where were only two stout young men, servants of Morgan, at home. -They, observing that he wore their master's cap on his head, inquired -after him; and Jack told them frankly he was dead.</p> - -<p>Confirmed in their previous suspicions by this declaration, they seized -him, and endeavored to carry him before Mr. Thorpe, who lived at a -neighboring settlement. But their prisoner troubled them so much by his -resistance, and withal provoked them so intolerably by his bravadoes, that -they finally shot him down, and put him into a boat, in order to convey -him the remaining seven or eight miles of the way. But the Indian soon -grew faint; and finding himself surprised by the pangs of death, he -requested his captors to stop. In his last moments he most earnestly -besought of them two great favors; first, never to make it known that he -was killed by a bullet; and secondly, to bury him among the English, that -the certain knowledge and monument of his mortality might still be -concealed from the sight of his countrymen. So strong was the ruling -passion in death.</p> - -<p>Opechancanough was so far from being a particular friend of Nemattanow -that he had given the President to understand, by a messenger, sometime -before the transaction just related, that he should consider it a favor in -<i>him,</i> if he would take measures to have Jack despatched. The popularity of -the war-captain was the only reason why he forbore to take such measures -himself. Nevertheless, with a consummate wiliness he availed himself of -this same popularity, on the death of his rival—as Jack seems to have -been—the better to inflame and exasperate the Indians against the whites. -He affected to be excessively grieved at his death, and for sometime was -unusually loud in his declarations of resentment and his threats of -revenge. A messenger came from the President, to ascertain what was -intended by these demonstrations of hostility, and again all was quiet as -before; nothing could induce the Sachem to violate the vast regard which -he had always entertained for the English. About the same time he gave -them liberty, by negotiation, to seat themselves any where on the shores -of the rivers, within his dominions, where the natives had no villages. -The treaty he had already made for the discovery of mines, as well as for -mutual friendship and defence, was at his request engraven on a brass -plate, and fastened to one of the largest oaks growing upon his -territories, that it might be had always in remembrance. [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Belknap's Am. Biog. p. 64, Vol. II.</p> - - -<p>For several years after the massacre, a war was waged between the -colonists and the savages, so inveterate and ferocious as to transmit a -mutual abhorrence and prejudice to the posterity of both. The former -obtained at this period the name of the <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Long-Knives,</span> by which they were -distinguished to a very late day in the hieroglyphic language of the -natives. Every precaution and preparation was taken and made upon both -sides, in view of a desperate conflict. Orders were issued by the -government, from time to time, directing a general vigilance and caution -against the enemy who now engrossed all thought; and especially -prohibiting the waste of arms and ammunition. The remnants of the -settlements were drawn together into a narrower compass. Of eighty -plantations all were abandoned but six, which lay contiguous at the lower -part of James river; and three or four others, of which the owners or -overseers, refusing to obey public orders, intrenched themselves, and -mounted cannon for their own separate defence. [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Purchas V. 1792.</p> - - -<p>A considerable space of territory between the Virginians and the savage -tribes, was wasted with fire, for the sole purpose of laying bare the -stealthy approaches of the enemy, who, under cover of the long grass and -underwood, and the gigantic shield of the oak and cypress, had heretofore -been able to advance unperceived, and rise up in attack almost from under -the very feet of the English. But even a boundary of fire could not always -restrain the fury, nor elude the skill, of the Indians. Wisely content -with short and sudden incursions, for plunder and revenge rather than -conquest, they frequently succeeded in carrying off the corn and cattle of -the colonists, and sometimes their persons into captivity. They were -themselves, on the other hand, hunted like beasts of prey. No prisoners -were made; no quarter was given.</p> - -<p>From the time of the massacre, Opechancanough seems no longer to have -taken the least trouble to conceal his hostility. He returned a haughty -answer to the first demand, made upon him for the redemption of the -English captives; and trampled under foot the picture of the English -monarch, which was sent to him as a compliment. Late in 1622, when Captain -Croshaw was trading on the Potomac, with the only tribe which was now -willing to carry on commerce, he had scarcely landed from his vessel, when -a messenger arrived from Opechancanough to Japazaws, (king of the -Patowomekes,) bearing two baskets of beads as a royal present, and -soliciting the king to murder his new visitants on the spot. He was -assured, that whether he did <i>his</i> part or not, before the end of two -moons, there should not be an Englishman left in the whole country. -Japazaws first disclosed the message to his guest; and then, after -thinking and talking of it two days, made answer that the English were his -friends, and Opitchipan (the Powhatan emperor) his brother; and therefore -there should be no more blood shed between them by his means. The beads -were returned by the messenger.</p> - -<p>After this, the colonists had their season of success; and more Indians -are said to have been slain during the autumn and winter of 1622-3, than -had ever before fallen by the hands of the English, since the settlement -of Jamestown. [FN] But the course adopted by the civilized party -sufficiently indicates the desperate state of their affairs. They availed -themselves of a stratagem worse than barbarous in its principle, however -circumstances might be supposed in this case to justify it. A peace was -offered to the enemy and accepted; but just as the corn which the latter -were thus induced to plant, was beginning to grow ripe, the English fell -upon them in all directions at a given hour of an appointed day, killed -many, and destroyed a vast quantity of provisions. Several of the greatest -war-captains were among the slain; and for sometime Opechancanough himself -was reported to be one. This rumor alone, so long as believed, was equal -to a victory; "for against <i>him,</i>" says the historian, "was this stratagem -chiefly laid."</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Stith.</p> - - -<p>Such language furnishes evidence enough of the apprehension which his -movements and reputation had excited. But he gave more substantial reasons -for the respect which he still wrested from his enemy, by his prowess. A -battle took place at his own village of Pamunkey, in 1625, in which the -main body of the savages numbered eight hundred bow-men, independently of -detachments from remote tribes; and though the English, led on by Governor -Wyatt in person, succeeded in driving the enemy from the field, they were -unable to pursue them even as far as Matapony. That town was their -principal depot and rallying point, and the acknowledged inability to -reach it, though but four miles distant, proves that the battle was by no -means decisive. It appears from this affair, too, that all the efforts of -the English, during an inveterate war of three years, had not driven the -tribes even from the neighborhood of their own settlements. What was more -discouraging, Opechancanough was not to be deceived a second time by the -arts of diplomacy. In 1628, the governor's proclamation, which announced -the appointment of commissioners to negotiate with the enemy, declared -expressly an intention to repeat the stratagem of 1622; [FN] but the plan -failed of success, and the Pamunkies and Chickahominies—most immediately -under the influence of Opechancanough—were more troublesome at this -period than ever before.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Ancient Records of Virginia.</p> - - -<p>Four years afterwards, the same tribes made an irruption so furious and -alarming, that every twentieth man was despatched, under the command of -the governor, to <i>parley</i> with them—a term in the records which shows -forcibly, as Burk observes, the respect this brave people had inspired. -But Opechancanough was still implacable; and when, in the course of 1632, -a peace was at last formally concluded, so little dependence was placed on -that circumstance, that even while the commissioners on both sides were -adjusting the preliminaries, a proclamation was issued, forbidding the -colonists either to parley or trade with the Indians.</p> - -<p>This truce or treaty was understood to be on both sides a temporary -expedient; but the chieftain was the first to take advantage of it. During -nine years he remained quietly making his preparations for the conflict -which his sagacity told him must some day or other be renewed. The hour at -length arrived. The colony was involved in dissensions. Insurrections had -taken place. The governor was unpopular, and the people were unprepared -and heedless. Opechancanough lost not a moment in concerting measures for -effecting at a single blow the bloody, but in his bosom noble design, -which had engrossed the solicitude and labor of so large a part of his -life.</p> - -<p>He was now advanced in years, but his orders were conveyed with electric -rapidity to the remotest tribes of the great confederacy associated under -his influence. With the five nearest his own location, and most completely -under his control, he resolved to make the principal onset in person. The -more distant stations were assigned to the leading chiefs of the several -nations; and thus the system of a war that raged from the mouth of the -Chesapeake to the heads of all the great rivers, which flow into it, was -so simple as to render confusion impossible. The whole force was let loose -upon the entire line of the English settlements at nearly the same instant -of time. Five hundred persons perished in the massacre. [FN] Many others -were carried into captivity. The habitations, corn, household utensils, -instruments of farming, every thing essential to comfort, and almost every -thing necessary to life, was consumed by fire. But for circumstances in -the situation of the settlements, over which Opechancanough had no -control, and which he could not guard against, the fate of Virginia had -been decided by this single blow.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Beverly's History, p. 49.</p> - - -<p>As it was, every other labor and thought were suspended in the terrors of -an Indian war. The loom was abandoned. The plough was left in its furrow. -All who were able to bear arms were embodied as a militia for the defence -of the colony; and a chosen body, comprising every twentieth man, marched -into the enemy's country under Governor Berkeley's personal command. The -operations of the war, which raged thenceforth without any intermission -until the death of Opechancanough—and that alone was expected to end -it—are detailed by no historian. The early Virginian records which remain -in manuscript are altogether silent respecting this period; and the meagre -relation of Beverly is the only chronicle which has survived the ravages -of time. This circumstance of itself sufficiently indicates the confusion -and dismay of the era.</p> - -<p>Opechancanough, whose last scene now rapidly approaches, had become so -decrepit by age, as to be unable to walk, though his spirit, rising above -the ruins of his body, directed, from the litter upon which his Indians -carried him, the onset and the retreat of his warriors. The wreck of his -constitution was at length completed by the extreme fatigues encountered -in this difficult and laborious service. His flesh became macerated; his -sinews lost their elasticity; and his eyelids were so heavy that he could -not see, unless they were lifted up by his faithful attendants. In this -forlorn condition he was closely pursued by Berkeley with a squadron of -horse, and at length surprised and taken. He entered Jamestown, for the -first time in his life, as the most conspicuous figure in the conqueror's -triumph.</p> - -<p>To the honor of the English, they treated their distinguished captive with -the tenderness which his infirmities demanded, and the respect which his -appearance and talents inspired. They saw the object of their terror -bending under the load of years, and shattered by the hardships of war; -and they generously resolved to bury the remembrance of their injuries in -his present melancholy reverse of fortune. His own deportment was suitable -to his former glory, and to the principles of an Indian hero. He disdained -to utter complaint or to manifest uneasiness. He believed that tortures -were preparing for him; but instead of any consequent reduction in his -haughtiness, his language and demeanor bespoke the most absolute defiance -and contempt.</p> - -<p>But generally he shrouded himself in reserve; and as if desirous of -showing his enemies that there was nothing in their presence even to rouse -his curiosity, and much less to excite his apprehensions, he but rarely -permitted his eyelids to be lifted up. He continued in this state several -days, attended by his affectionate Indian servants, who had begged -permission to wait upon him. But his long life of near an hundred years -[FN] was drawing to its close. He was basely shot through the back by one -of the soldiers appointed to guard him, from no other provocation than the -recollection of his ancient hostility.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] So write some historians, but as he is understood to have been - younger than Powhatan, the estimate is possibly too large by ten or - twenty ears. It is said that Berkeley had proposed taking him to England, - as a living argument to counteract the representations made in that - country as to the unhealthiness of the Virginian climate.</p> - - -<p>To the last moment his courage remained unbroken. The nearer death -approached, the more care he seemed to use in concealing his dejection, -and preserving the dignity and serenity of his aspect. Only a few minutes -before he expired, he heard an unusual bustle in the room where he was -confined. Having ordered his attendants to raise his eyelids, he -discovered a number of persons crowding round him, for the purpose of -gratifying an unseasonable curiosity. The dying chief felt the indignity, -but disdaining to notice the intruders he raised himself as well as he -could, and with a voice and air of authority, demanded that the <i>governor</i> -should be immediately brought in. When the latter made his appearance, the -chieftain scornfully told him that "had it been <i>his</i> fortune to have -taken <i>Sir William Berkeley prisoner, he should not have exposed him as -a show to his people.</i>" [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Beverley.</p> - - -<p>Such was the death of Opechancanough. His character is too well explained -by his life to require any additional comment. His own countrymen were -more extensively and more completely under his influence than they had -been under that of Powhatan himself. This is the more remarkable from the -fact that Opitchipan, whose age and family at least entitled to some -deference, retained the nominal authority of emperor so long as he lived. -Beverley says, that Opechancanough was not esteemed by the Indians to be -in any way related to Powhatan; and that they represented him as the -prince of a foreign nation residing at a great distance somewhere in the -Southwest. He might be an emigrant or an exile from the empire of Mexico, -or from some of the tribes between that region and Virginia. The same -historian describes him as a man of large stature, noble presence and -extraordinary parts. Stith calls him a politic and haughty prince. Burk -entitles him the <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Hannibal of Virginia.</span></p> - -<p>He was perhaps the most inveterate and troublesome enemy which any of the -American colonies have ever met with among his race. The general causes -which made him so, independently of his inherent talents and principles, -are to be looked for in the situation of the tribes under his command, and -especially in the relations existing between them and the colonists. He -saw, that either the white or the red man must sooner or later establish -an exclusive superiority; and he very reasonably decided upon doing all in -his own power to determine the issue in favor of his country and himself. -But more particular provocations were not wanting. Even after the peace of -1636, great as the anxiety was for its preservation, "the subtle Indians," -says Beverley, "resented <i>the encroachments on them by Hervey's grants."</i> -A late historian expresses himself in warmer terms. It was not enough, he -writes, that they had abandoned to their invaders the delightful regions -on the sea-shore, where their fathers had been placed by the bounty of -heaven—where their days had rolled on in an enchanting round of innocence -and gayety—where they had possessed abundance without labor, and -independence without government. The little that remained to them was -attempted to be wrested from them by the insatiable avarice and rapacity -of their enemies.[FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Burk, Vol. II.</p> -<br><br><br> - - - - <h2 class="direct" style="page-break-before: always;"><a id="chv">CHAPTER V.</a></h2> -<br><br> - - - <p class="chap">Biography of other Virginian chieftains—<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Opitchipan</span>—Some particulars - respecting <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Tomocomo</span>—His visit to England, interview with Captain Smith, - and return to America—<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Japazaws,</span> chief sachem of the Patowomekes—His - friendship for the English—Ill treatment which he received from - them—<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Totopotomoi,</span> successor of Opechancanough—His services—His death - in 1656—Notices of several native chiefs of North Carolina—<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Granganimo,</span> - who dies in 1585—<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Menatenon,</span> king of the Chowanocks—<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Ensenore,</span> father - of Granganimo; and <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Wingina,</span> his brother—Plot of the latter against the - Hatteras colony—His death—Comment on the Carolinian Biography.</p> -<br> - -<p><span style="font-variant:small-caps">The characters</span> we have heretofore noticed are far the most prominent in -the Indian history of Virginia. Indeed, they are almost the only ones -which have been preserved with distinctness enough to excite much interest -in them as individuals. Still, there are several which ought not to be -wholly passed by; and the want of a vivid light and coloring in some of -them, may perhaps be compensated, at least, by the appearance of milder -qualities than are predominant in the portraitures we have hitherto -sketched.</p> - -<p>The extant information respecting certain members of the Powhatan family, -whose history has not been concluded, may soon be detailed. Opitchipan is -not mentioned subsequently to the great battle of Pamunkey, in 1625, when -for the first time he appears to have placed himself at the head of his -countrymen, in opposition to the English. As the name of Opechancanough is -not even alluded to in the records of that period, it may be presumed he was -accidentally absent. <i>Generally,</i> he seems to have been out of favor with -his reigning brother, and to have contended against his influence, such as -it was, in all his design hostile to the colony. Opitchipan disapproved of -the great massacre of 1622; and early in the ensuing season we find him -sending in Chanco, the Christian convert who disclosed the conspiracy in -that case, with a message to Governor Wyatt, that if he would send ten or -twelve men, he would give up all the English prisoners in his -possession—(which, as we have seen, Opechancanough had refused to do.) He -even promised to deliver up his implacable brother—if brother he -was—bound hand and foot. "Captain Tucker," says Stith, "was accordingly -sent upon this service, <i>but without the desired success.</i> However, -Opitchipan sent back <i>Mrs. Boyce,</i> naked and unapparelled, in manner and -fashion like one of their Indians." So insignificant, even with these -savages, was the power of mere family rank, as opposed to the authority of -reputation and talent.</p> - -<p>One of the chief counselors and priests of Powhatan, and the husband of -his daughter Matachanna, was <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Tomocomo,</span> who went to England with -Pocahontas, and returned with Captain Argall. Smith, who calls him -Vttamatomakkin, says he was held by his countrymen to be "a very -understanding fellow." The same inference might be made from the -commission which Powhatan gave him, on the occasion just alluded to, to -take the number of the people in England, and to bring him an exact and -minute account of their strength and resources. Tomocomo set about that -business with equal simplicity and zeal. Immediately on his arrival at -Plymouth, he procured a long stick, whereupon to cut a notch with his -knife for every man he should see. But he soon became weary of his task, -and threw his stick away. When the emperor inquired, on his return, how -many people there were, he could only compare them to the stars in the -sky, the leaves on the trees, and the sands on the sea-shore.</p> - -<p>Mr. Purchas, (compiler of the famous collection of voyages,) was informed -by President Dale, with whom Tomocomo went out from Virginia, that -Opechancanough, and not Powhatan, had given instructions; and that the -object of them was not so much to ascertain the Population, as to form -an estimate of the amount of corn raised, and of forest trees growing in -England. Nomantack and the other savages who had previously visited that -country, being ignorant, and having seen little of the British empire -except London, had reported a very large calculation of the men and -houses, while they said almost nothing about the trees and corn. It was -therefore a general opinion among the Indians, that the English had -settled in Virginia only for the purpose of getting supplies of these two -articles; and in confirmation, they observed their continual eagerness -after corn, and the great quantities of cedar, clapboards, and -wainscoting, which they annually exported to England. Tomocomo readily -undeceived his countrymen upon this point. Landing in the west of England -in summer, and traveling thence to London, he of course saw evidences of -great agricultural and rural plenty and wealth; and was soon obliged to -abandon the account he had undertaken to keep—his arithmetic failing him -on the first day.</p> - -<p>In the British metropolis, he met accidentally with Captain Smith; and the -two immediately renewed their ancient acquaintance. Tomocomo told the -captain, that Powhatan had given orders to request of him—if indeed he -was not dead, as reported—the favor of showing Tomocomo the English God, -and also their King, Queen and prince, of whom they had formerly conversed -so often together. "As to God," as Stith expresses it, "Captain Smith -excused and explained the matter the best he could." As to the king, he -told Tomocomo he had already seen him, which was true. But the Indian -denied it; and it was not without some trouble that Smith, by mentioning -certain circumstances, convinced him of the fact. The Indian then assumed -a most melancholy look, "Ah!" said he, "you presented Powhatan a white dog -which he fed as himself. Now, I am certainly better than a white dog; but -your king has given me nothing." Such an arch sense, adds the historian, -had this savage of the "stingy" treatment he had received at court. -Nothing is known of Tomocomo after his return to America.</p> - -<p>The most constant friend and ally of the Virginian English, for twenty -years from the settlement of Jamestown, was <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Japazaws,</span> the Sachem—or, as -the old writers call him, the king—of the Potomacs or Patowomekes. He -was a person of great influence and authority on the whole length of the -river which bears to this day the name of his tribe; being in fact a kind -of petty emperor there, and always affecting to treat Powhatan and the -other emperors rather as brethren than superiors. He had two hundred -bowmen in his own village, at the date of the great massacre. The entire -population which was more or less subject to him, appears, though somewhat -indistinctly, from Smith's account of his first interview with the Sachem -and his people, in 1608.</p> - -<p>"The 16th of Iune," he writes, "we fell with the riuer Patowomek. Feare -being gone and our men recouered, we were al content to take some paines -to know the name of that seuen-mile broad riuer. For thirtie miles sayle -we could see no inhabitants. Then we were conducted by two Salvages vp a -little bayed creeke towards Onawmanaient, where al the woodes were layd -with ambuscadoes to the number of <i>three or fours thousand</i> Salvages, so -strangely paynted, grimed and disguised, shouting, yelling and crying as -so many spirits from hell could not haue showed more terrible. Many -brauadoes they made, but to appease their furie, our captaine prepared -with as seeming a willingness as they to encounter them. But the grazing -of our bullets vpon the water (many being shot on purpose they might see -them) with the ecco of the woodes, so amazed them, as downe went their -bowes and arrowes; and (exchanging hostages) Iames Watkins was sent six -myles vp the woodes to <i>their King's</i> habitation. We were kindly vsed of -those Salvages of whom we vnderstood they were commanded to betray us by -the direction of Powhatan." After this, he was supplied with plenty of -excellent provisions by the subjects of Japazaws, and furnished by that -sachem himself with guides to conduct his party up some of the streams. -Finally, he "kindly requited this kinde king and al his kinde people."</p> - -<p>Thus auspiciously commenced a valuable acquaintance; and it is eminently -worthy of observation, with what fidelity of friendship the English were -repaid for the courtesy shown to this intelligent barbarian, and for the -justice done to his subjects. Ever afterwards, they sustained the English -cause, and supplied the English necessities, when all the rest of their -countrymen were willing neither to treat nor trade upon any terms. When -Argall arrived, in 1614, for example, "he was sent to the riuer -Patawomeake," (as Master Hamer calls it,) "to trade for corne, the -Salvages about vs hauing small quarter, but friends and foes as they found -aduantage and opportunitie." Then, Argall "hauing entred into a great -acquaintance with Japazaws, an old friend of Captaine Smith's, and so to -all our nation, ever since hee discouered the countrie," the negotiation -ensued which resulted, as we have heretofore shown, in getting possession -of the person of Pocahontas, and thereby ultimately effecting a -general peace.</p> - -<p>The warmth of the Sachem's gratitude perhaps caused him to lay too little -stress on the hospitality due to a princess and a guest—if guest she -was—but the struggle which attended the bargain, and the sorrow which -followed it, both show that Japazaws was not without principle or feeling. -The argument which probably turned the balance in his mind, respected the -prospect of a treaty to be brought about by means of Pocahontas, in which -she and Powhatan had much more interest than himself. The bright copper -kettle was a subordinate consideration, though not a slight one. We have -seen, that the Powhatan Sachems were willing to barter almost their -birthright for a pound or two of blue beads. At all events, Japazaws must -have credit for the delicate arrangement by which the princess was first -notified of her forlorn condition. <i>"Iapazaws treading aft on the -Captaine's foot,</i> to remember he had done his part, the captaine, when he -saw his time, persuaded Pocahontas to the gun-roome, faining to have some -conference with Iapazaws, <i>which was only that shee should not percieue -hee was any way guiltie of her captiuitie.</i>"</p> - -<p>In 1619, Iapazous—so called by master John Rolfe—came to Jamestown, for -the first time, to desire that two ships might be sent to trade in his -river, corn being more abundant than for a long time before. Parties were -sent, accordingly; but, for some reasons, not explained, they met with -indifferent success in the commerce, and so concluded to take eight -hundred bushels of corn by force. That Japazaws was not much in fault, -would appear from the circumstance that he had no part in the great -conspiracy of 1622; immediately after which we find, that Captain Croshaw -went up the Potomac, "where he intended to stay and trade for himself by -reason of the long acquaintance he had with <i>this King,</i> that, so -earnestly entreated him now to be his friend, his countenancer, his -captaine and director against the Pazaticans, the Nacotchtanks and -Moyaons, his mortall enemies." [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Smith's History, Vol. II.</p> - - -<p>Croshaw gladly availed himself of this invitation, first for the sake of -conducting his commerce to advantage, and secondly, for the purpose of -"keeping the king as an opposite to Opechancanough." It was soon -afterwards, that the chieftain last named sent his messengers to Japazaws, -with presents of beads, and proposals of alliance against the -English—both which were rejected. Then we are told, that "Captaine -Hamer arriuing with a ship and a pinnace at Patawomeke, was kindly -entertained both by him [Croshaw] and the king." The two were living -snugly together at this time; using common efforts for supplying the -colony—or at least the captain—on the one hand, and for suppressing the -king's enemies, as named above, on the other. Their union was at length -interrupted by the machinations of an exile Sachem, who had taken refuge -at Potomac from the discontent of his own subjects. Angry with Japazaws -for not assisting him in the recovery of his dominion, he forged an artful -story about Japazaws and his tribe having recently leagued with -Opechancanough.</p> - -<p>That story he told to one Isaac Madison, who had just been sent to Potomac -by Governor Wyatt, with a reenforcement of thirty men, and a commission -expressly charging him to assist the Patowomekes against their enemies, -and to protect them and their corn to his utmost power. To give his -falsehood the air of probability, this savage Iago cunningly commented -upon certain circumstances which had recently occurred. Madison was at -length so much alarmed, that sending for Japazaws to his own strong-house -(which Japazaws himself had assisted him in fortifying,) he locked in the -Sachem, his son, and their four attendants, set over them a guard of -soldiers, and then made a violent and bloody assault upon the neighboring -village of the Indians. The king remonstrated, but in vain. He denied all -the charges brought against him, to no purpose. Madison then led him and -the other five prisoners to his ship, promising to set them at liberty as -soon as his men were safely aboard. The king meanwhile prevented his -subjects from annoying the English on the way. But, contrary to all good -faith, the captives were carried to Jamestown, and detained there till the -following October, when they were taken home by Captain Hamer and ransomed -with a quantity of corn. Madison was prosecuted afterwards for his -infamous conduct, but never punished. The Patowomekes must of course have -been estranged by it from the English interest, though there is no -evidence of their ever opposing them in arms. Japazaws kept himself aloof; -and is no more mentioned in history.</p> - -<p>The death of Opechancanough was a signal for the dissolution of the famous -confederacy which it had required the whole genius of that chieftain and -his predecessor to form and maintain. The tribes relapsed into their -former state of separate government; and no formidable leader ever again -roused them to union. The nominal successor of Opechancanough was -<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Totopotomoi,</span> whom we do not find even mentioned until after a lapse of ten -years from his accession. The ancient records of Virginia show, that in -1651, an Act of Assembly was passed assigning and securing to Totopotomoi -such lands on York river as he should choose; and commissioners were -appointed to conduct him and his attendants in safety to Jamestown, and -from that place home again, after the adjustment of the treaty. The -termination of his reign and life was as follows. Five years subsequent -to the date last mentioned, and after an interval of profound peace with -the Indians which had continued for fifteen years, information was -suddenly received at Jamestown, that a body of inland or mountain savages, -called Rechahecrians, to the number of six or seven hundred, had seated -themselves near the falls of James river, with the apparent intention of -forming a regular settlement. The motives of this singular movement have -never been explained. It is only known, that it gave no little alarm to -the colonists; and that active preparations were made for driving the new -enemy back to their own territories. A campaign ensued, and a battle was -fought; and in this battle fell the king of the Powhatans, gallantly -fighting in aid of the English, at the head of one hundred warriors. -Victory declared for the Rechahecrians, but a peace was soon after -negotiated with them on terms satisfactory to both parties.</p> - -<p>Totopotomoi has at least his name immortalized by the author of Hudibras, -who introduced him (to make out a rhyme,) in his noted allusion to a -certain scandal upon the New England colonists.</p> - - <p class="quote">A precious brother having slain.<br> - In time of peace, an Indian,<br> - . . .<br><br> - The mighty <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Tottipotimoy</span><br> - Sent to our elders an envoy,<br> - Complaining sorely of the breach<br> - Of league, held forth by brother Patch.<br> - . . .<br><br> - For which he craved the saints to render<br> - Into his hands, or hang, the offender.<br> - But they, maturely having weighed,<br> - They had no more but him of the trade—<br> - A man that served them in a double<br> - Capacity, to preach and cobble—<br> - Resolved to spare him; yet to do<br> - The Indian <i>Hogan Mogan</i> too<br> - Impartial Justice, in his stead did<br> - Hang an old weaver that was bed-rid.</p> - -<p>We may certainly be amused with the wit of the satirist in this case, -without insisting upon a strict proof of his statements.</p> - -<p>Such is the meagre biography of the last of the Virginian chieftains. We -shall close this chapter with some particulars respecting two or three -of the principal Indians known, at an earlier date, to the first colonists -of Carolina. One of these was Wingina, the king of a considerable tract of -territory called Wingandacoa, bordering upon Albemarle Sound. Another was -<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Granganimo,</span> the brother of Wingina. Not much information is extant -concerning either of these persons; but the little which is known derives -an additional interest both from the style of the ancient writers of that -period, and from the circumstance that the foreign settlements which led -to this partial acquaintance were among the very first upon the continent.</p> - -<p>On the 27th of April, 1584, Philip Amidas and Arthur Barlow sailed from -the west of England, as commanders of two barks, fitted out by Sir Walter -Raleigh, for the purpose of exploring a vast tract of country granted to -him by a patent from Queen Elizabeth, of the March previous. Taking the -usual route by way of the Canaries and West Indies, they approached the -coast of the Southern States, (now so called,) on the second of July, -(enjoying for a day or two "a most delicate sweete smell" from the shore.) -After sailing one hundred and twenty miles north, they entered the first -harbor they met with, returned thanks to God for their safe arrival, went -to view the neighboring land, and then took possession of it, formally, -"for the Queene's most excellent majestie." "Which done," writes our -ancient chronicler, "they found their first landing-place sandy and low, -but so full of grapes that the very surge of the sea sometimes overflowed -them; of which they found such plenty in all places, on the sand, the -greene soyle and hils, as in the plaines, as well on euery little shrub as -also climbing towardes the tops of high cedars, that they did thinke in -the world were not the like abundance."</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">{FN} See the Collections of Hackluyt.</p> - - <p class="quote">{Transcriber's Note: This citation is not referenced in the text, but - appears on the same page as the preceding paragraph.}</p> - - -<p>This beautiful spot was the island of Wococon, supposed to be the same now -called Ocracock. The newly arrived adventurers wandered over every part of -it with mingled feelings of amazement and delight. Goodly woods covered -the green bosom of its quiet valleys. There, we are told, were the highest -and reddest cedars of the world, "bettering them of Azores or Libanus. -There, were Pynes, Cypres, Saxefras, the Lentisk that beareth mastick, and -many other of excellent smelle and qualitie. Then there were deere and -conies, and fowl in such incredible abundance, that the discharge of a -musket would raise a flock of them from under the very feet of the -travelers, with a noise, 'as if an army of men had shouted altogether.'"</p> - -<p>On the third day, three of the natives appeared in a canoe, one of whom -went fearlessly aboard an English bark. The crew could hold no -conversation with him; but they gave him a shirt, a hat, wine and meat. -These he liked exceedingly; and so having satisfied his curiosity with -gazing, he paddled off to the distance of half a mile. He there loaded his -boat with fish in a short time, then landed on a point near by, divided -his booty into two heaps—"pointing one heap to the ship, and the other to -the pinnace"—and then departed. This pacific interview was followed with -happy consequences. The next day Granganimo appeared, with forty or fifty -of his people. He came to the point with his train, and seated himself -upon a mat. A party of the English went ashore, well armed; but instead of -showing any indications of suspicion or fear, he made signs to them to be -seated at his side—stroking their heads and breasts, as also his own, no -doubt in testimony of his good will. He then made a long speech to his new -visitants—probably of welcome—and they presented divers gewgaws to him -in return, which he politely accepted. He was so much regarded by his -attendants, that none of them would sit or even speak in his presence, -with the exception of four. To them the English gave other presents; but -they were immediately put into Granganimo's hands, who signaled, with an -air of dignity, that every thing of this nature must be at his own -disposal.</p> - -<p>At the next interview, the English entertained him with a display of many -commodities calculated to dazzle and surprise him. But none of them struck -his fancy like a large bright pewter dish or plate, and a copper kettle, -for the former of which he gave twenty deer-skins, [FN-1] and for the -latter fifty. He made a hole in the plate, and hung it about his neck for -a breastplate. Much other "truck" passed between the parties, in such good -humor and good faith, that in the course of a day or two a meeting took -place on board one of the vessels, and, the Sachem ate, drank and made -merry with the English, like one of their own number. Not long afterwards, -he brought his wife and children, who are described as slender, but -well-favored and very modest. The wife wore, as her husband did, a band of -white coral on her forehead, and in her ears bracelets of pearl, [FN-2] -"hanging down to her middle, of the size of large peas." Her female -followers had pendants of copper; and the noblemen—as those who seemed to -be leading characters among the males are entitled—had five or six in -each ear. All were dressed alike in skins. The women wore their hair long -on both sides of the head; the men, only on one.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN-1] Then valued at a crown each. The anecdote reminds one of <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Japazaws.</span></p> - - <p class="quote">[FN-2] So called by the early writers on various occasions. Probably they - were shells, or rock-crystal, or something of that kind.</p> - - -<p>The next step in the acquaintance, and a very natural one, was that great -numbers of people began to come in from various parts of the neighboring -coast, bringing skins, coral and different kinds of dyes for sale; none of -which, however, any of them but the noblemen ("them that wore red copper -on their heads, as <i>he</i> did,") would undertake to barter in presence of -Granganimo himself. The character of the Sachem showed itself more and -more to advantage at every interview. With a very considerate and civil -regard for the comfort of the English, he never paid them a visit without -previously signifying the number of boats he should bring with him, by -fires kindled upon the shore; so that his strength might be exactly -estimated. He invariably kept, with perfect punctuality, every promise -which he made in the course of traffic, as he also regularly sent to the -vessels, daily, a gratuitous fresh supply of provisions—generally a brace -of bucks, conies, rabbits, and fish; and sometimes melons, walnuts, -cucumbers, pears and other roots and fruits. Finally, he invited the -English to visit him at his own residence, on the north end of an island -called Roanoke, distant about twenty miles from the harbor first made by -the colonists.</p> - -<p>The invitation was promptly accepted by a party of eight of the English. -They found Granganimo's village to consist of nine houses, built of cedar, -and fortified with sharp palisades, "and the entrance like a turnpik." The -Sachem himself was absent when they arrived; but his wife came out eagerly -to meet them. Some of her people she commanded to draw their boat ashore, -that it might not suffer from the sea's dashing; others to carry the -English on their backs through the surf, and put away their oars under -cover. Meanwhile she conducted her guests into a house containing five -apartments. As they were wet with rain, she had a large fire kindled in -an inner apartment, washed their feet and their clothes, and then served -up a bountiful dinner in another room. "She set on the bord standing along -the house somewhat like frumentie, sodden venison and rosted fish; and in -like manner mellons raw, boyled rootes, and fruites of diuers kindes."</p> - -<p>She manifested the utmost anxiety for the comfort of her guests. While -they were eating, two or three Indians happened to enter, with bows and -arrows, upon which the English started up and laid hold of their arms. She -perceived their distrust, but instead of being offended, caused the -weapons of the intruders to be snapped asunder, and themselves to be -beaten. Still the company did not feel perfectly at home, and towards -evening they retired to their boat. This grieved her not a little; but she -sent them a supper. When she saw them jealously pushing off some rods from -the shore for a safe anchorage, she sent them mats to shelter them from -the rain, and directed a guard of her people to watch during the night -upon the shore. On the whole, it has been justly observed, that there is -scarcely in all history a picture of unaffected and generous hospitality -more striking than this.</p> - -<p>Wingina, meanwhile, lay at his chief town, ill of wounds he had recently -received in battle; and the English saw nothing of him. Nor was any thing -more seen of Granganimo, until April of the next year, when Sir Richard -Grenville brought out a colony of one hundred and eight persons, whom he -left on the Carolinian shore at Hatteras. Granganimo then came on board -his ship in his usually friendly and fearless manner. But it was his last -visit. He died during the year 1585.</p> - -<p>This event produced a great alteration of affairs in the colony. They were -settled on Roanoke, an island at the mouth of Albemarle Sound, and that -situation made it quite convenient for them to visit the coast and the -country in various directions, which they were instructed to do. They -explored, therefore, in the course of their expeditions, as far south as -beyond Pamlico river; and as far north as the territory of the Chesapeake, -on the bay of their own name. They also went up Albemarle Sound and Chowan -river, one hundred and thirty miles, to a nation of Indians called -Chowanocks, living above the junction of the Nottaway and the Meherrin.</p> - -<p>We mention these particulars for the sake of introducing <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Menatenon,</span> the -king of the tribe last named. His province is described as the largest on -the whole length of the river; and the town of Chowanock, it is said, -could bring seven hundred bowmen into the field. Menatenon was lame—owing -probably to a wound in battle—but writes an old chronicler "he had more -understanding than all the rest." He amused the colonists, and especially -their governor, Mr. Lane, with a story about a copper mine and a pearl -fishery, somewhere along the coast. He also gave a strange account of the -head of the river Moratuc, (now called the Roanoke,) where lived a king -(he affirmed,) whose country bordered on the sea, and who took such an -abundance of pearls from it, that not only his skins and his noblemen's, -but his beds and his houses were garnished with that ornament. Mr. Lane -expressed a wish to see a specimen of them; but Menatenon readily replied, -that the king of that rich country <i>reserved them expressly for trading -with white men.</i> [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] "This King was at Chowanock two yeares agoe to trade with <i>blacke - pearle,</i> his worst sort whereof I had a rope, <i>but they were naught;</i> but - that king he, [Menatenon] sayth hath store of <i>white,</i> and had traffcke - with white men, for whom he reserved them."</p> - - -<p>The source of the Moratuc was described as springing out of a vast rock, -standing so near the sea, that in storms the surges beat over it. As for -the copper, <i>that</i> he said was generally collected in great bowls, covered -with skin, at a place particularly described, and yielded two parts of -metal for three of ore. There might be a shadow of foundation for some of -these relations; but the chief object of Menatenon—who was a captive -among the colonists at the time of his making them—must have been to -render himself an important man in their eyes, and perhaps to lead them -into some hazardous enterprise. Hearing them talk much about mines and -pearls, and the South Sea—which were all hobbies with the credulous -adventurers of that period—he adapted his discourse accordingly, and his -eager hearers were simple enough to believe every thing he asserted. [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] The Mangoaks haue such plentie of it, they beautifie their houses - with great plates thereof; this the salvages report; and young Shiko, the - <i>King Chawonocks sonne my prisoner,</i> that had been prisoner among the - Mangoaks, &c. . . .</p> - - <p class="quote"><i>Menatenon also confirmed all this, and promised me guides to this - mettall country, &c.</i></p> - - -<p>They even undertook the proposed expedition in search of the copper mine -and the South Sea; and had actually advanced nearly two hundred miles up -the country, before famine and fatigue, and the hostility of innumerable -savages compelled them to turn about. It seems that Wingina had heard of -this expedition—perhaps from Menatenon—and like that cunning though -crippled Sachem, he did all in his power to make it both specious in -prospect and fatal in result. After having said every thing to excite the -curiosity and avarice of the colonists, till he saw them determined to go, -he sent word to the different powerful tribes living on their proposed -route, that the English were coming <i>against them;</i> and that the sooner -they suppressed this new enemy, the better. Hence it was, that the party -several times came very near being cut off by the savages; and hence, -instead of being plentifully supplied with choice provisions, as expected, -they were glad to live several days upon two dogs "boiled down with -saxefras leaves."</p> - -<p>Fortunately for the colony, several circumstances concurred in the period -of distress which succeeded this enterprise, to prevent Wingina from -making open war upon them. One was the influence of his father, <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Ensenore,</span> -the best friend, next to Granganimo, whom the English had ever found among -the natives. But the safe return of the expedition made a stronger -impression upon the mind of Wingina. Rumors had been circulated that the -party were all starved or slain; and then he had "begun to blaspheme our -God that would suffer it, and not defend vs, so that old Ensenore had no -more credit for vs; for he began by al the deuises he could to inuade -vs." [FN] But the return of the expedition after having defeated all -enemies—"asswaged a little his deuises, and brought Ensenore in respect -againe, that our God was good, and wee their friends, and our foes should -perish, &c."</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] See the journal of Governor Lane, as preserved in the old - collections.</p> - - -<p>The last observation suggests another circumstance which went to restrain -the enmity of the chieftain. This was a mortal epidemic, of unknown -character, which prevailed exclusively among the Indians, and carried off -great numbers. The colonists had the art to make these simple beings -regard it as a punishment for the hostility hitherto manifested towards -the English. Wingina himself, who lived in the immediate vicinity of the -colony, was exceedingly overcome by his superstition. Twice he was very -sick, and came near dying. He then dismissed the priests who usually -attended him, and sent for some of the English to pray for him, and to -be—as Master Heriot expresses it, in his "Observations" upon this -voyage—"a meenes to our God that hee might liue with him after death." He -supposed that he had offended the Deity of the English by his blasphemy. -They were themselves in great repute, of course. "This marueilous accident -in all the country wrought so strange opinion of vs that they could not -tell, whether to thinke vs Gods or men." Of the two, they considered the -former most probable, for the whites having no women among them, the -inference in their minds was, that instead of being born of women, they -were men of an old generation many years past, and risen again from -immortality. [FN] All which, we are told, so changed the heart of -<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Pemissapan</span> (—a name assumed by Wingina since the death of Granganimo—) -that, at Ensenore's suggestion, when the English were reduced to -extremities for want of food, he sent in his subjects to make fish-weirs -for them, and to plant the fields they had hitherto thought of abandoning.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Heriot.</p> - - -<p>But in April, 1586, Ensenore died; and as Wingina had now completely -recovered his health, and most of the enemies which the colony had among -the tribes took this opportunity of renewing their machinations, he -relapsed into his former hostility. Arrangements were made for collecting -seven, or eight hundred Indians, under pretence of solemnizing the funeral -of Ensenore. Half of them were to lie in ambush for those of the colonists -who daily straggled along the coast in pursuit of crabs, fish and other -provisions. The other detachment was to assault the settlement of Roanoke, -at a signal by fire in the night. Even the particular houses were allotted -to be burned by particular persons or parties. Twenty were charged to -beset the dwelling of Governor Lane, and fire the reeds which covered it; -this would bring him out, naked and unarmed, and then they could despatch -him without danger. The same order was made for Mr. Heriot's, and various -other habitations, which were to be fired at the same instant. In the -meantime, as it was of great consequence to reduce the strength of the -colony by dispersing it, Wingina provided for breaking up the weirs, and -strictly prohibited all trade in provisions. He kept himself aloof also -with a similar view.</p> - -<p>The plan was well concerted, and not without success. The Governor was -soon obliged to send off twenty of the colonists to a part of the coast -called Croatan, merely that they might collect the means of their own -sustenance. Ten more were sent to Hatteras for the same purpose; and other -small companies scattered themselves about on the seacoast, to gather -oysters and roots. But the ingenuity of the civilized party, driven to -desperation, finally prevailed against the chieftain's naked shrewdness. -The Governor sent him word he was going to Croatan, to meet an English -squadron which had touched there with supplies, covering the object of -this fabrication by also requesting the services of a few Indians to fish -and hunt for the colony. Desirous of gaining time, Wingina promptly -replied, that he would himself visit Mr. Lane in eight days. No doubt he -expected to complete his conspiracy in this interval.</p> - -<p>But the Governor was not so to be deceived. He resolved, on the contrary, -to pay the Sachem a visit the next day after receiving his answer. -Previous to that, however, he proposed to surprise the Indians at -Wingina's old settlement on the island (Roanoke) and to take their canoes -from them. But they, too, were on the alert, so entirely had Wingina -prepared them for emergencies. "For when I sent to take the canows," says -Mr. Lane in his Journal, "they met one going from the shore, overthrew -her, and cut off two Salvages' heads; wherevpon the cry arose, being by -their spies perceived; <i>for they kept as good watch ouer vs as we ouer -them.</i>" A skirmish ensued, and the Indians fled into the woods. The next -morning, the Governor crossed over to a place on the main called -Dassamonpeak, and sent Wingina word he was going to Croatan, and having -certain complaints to make to him respecting his subjects, would be happy -to call upon him by the way. On the faith of this proposal, the chieftain, -with several of his principal men, met the Governor's party on their -route. But no conversation took place. The Governor gave an appointed -watchword to his men on approaching, and they fired upon the Indians. -Wingina was shot through with a pistol-bullet, and fell. Recovering his -feet immediately, he fled, and was near escaping his pursuers, when an -Irish boy shot him a second time. He was soon overtaken, and then -beheaded on the spot.</p> - -<p>We do not feel disposed to dismiss these biographies of the Carolinian -Sachems, short and slight as they are, without offering such comment as -they most obviously suggest. It appears singular, at first sight, that so -striking a difference of feeling towards the English should be manifested -by the two brothers. Perhaps there was fault on both sides. Master Heriot -admits, that some of the colony, "towards the latter end showed themselves -too furious, in slaying some of the people in some Townes, vpon causes -that on our part might haue been borne with more mildnesse." We have seen -with how little ceremony the Governor proceeded to take summary measures. -He was driven to extremities, indeed, but that in itself was no fault of -the Indians—they were not under obligation to supply him, though it -appears that they sometimes did, gratuitously.</p> - -<p>Perhaps a remark should be made respecting a provocation which occurred -when the colony was first left by Grenville. The English went about -ranging the coast from tribe to tribe, and from town to town—which very -circumstance, besides being probably accompanied by other trespasses, and -at all events wholly unlicensed by the natives, could hardly be looked -upon as either friendly or just. Then, "at Aquascosack the Indians stole a -silver cup, <i>wherefore we burnt the towne, and spoiled their corne,</i> and -so returned to our fleet at Tocokon." [FN] This was certainly no way to -make friends, and those who are familiar with the Carolinian history -subsequent to Wingina's death, will remember that the injury was by no -means forgotten. Finally, setting aside the attempt to justify either -party, it will be noticed, by such as may take the pains to look into the -annals of this period, that the greater part of the information which the -Governor received of the Sachem's motives and movements came through the -medium of that shrewd cripple, Menatenon, and his son Shiko. Whatever the -facts might be, then, the evidence was clearly inadequate if not wholly -inadmissible.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - -<p class="quote"> [FN] Relation of Lane.</p> -<br><br><br> - - - - <h2 class="direct" style="page-break-before: always;"><a id="chvi">CHAPTER VI.</a> <font size="-1">[FN]</font></h2> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Not to subject ourselves to the charge of plagiarism, it may be - proper to remark here, that several passages in the following notices of - the Pokanoket Sachems have been taken almost unaltered from an article on - <i>Indian Biography,</i> published heretofore in the North American Review, - and written by the author of this work. The same is true of a part of - the subsequent notice of Tecumseh and his brother.</p> -<br><br> - - - <p class="chap">Synopsis of the New England Indians at the date of the Plymouth - Settlement—The Pokanoket confederacy—The Wampanoag tribe—Their first - head-Sachem, known to the English—<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Massasoit</span>—The first interview between - him and the whites—His visit to Plymouth, in 1621—Treaty of peace and - friendship—Embassy sent to him at Sowams, by the English—Anecdotes - respecting it—He is suspected of treachery or hostility, in 1622—His - sickness in 1623—A second deputation visits him—Ceremonies and results - of the visit—His intercourse with other tribes—Conveyances of land to - the English—His death and character—Anecdotes.</p> -<br> - -<p><span style="font-variant:small-caps">The clearest,</span> if not the completest classification of the New England -Indians, at the date of the settlement of Plymouth, includes five -principal confederacies, each occupying their own territory, and governed -by their own chiefs. The Pequots inhabited the eastern part of -Connecticut. East of them were the Narraghansetts, within whose limits -Rhode Island, and various smaller islands in the vicinity, were comprised. -The Pawtucket tribes were situated chiefly in the southern section of New -Hampshire, the Massachusetts tribes around the bay of their own name; and -between these upon the north and the Narraghansetts upon the south, the -Pokanokets claimed a tract of what is now Bristol county, (Rhode Island) -bounded laterally by Taunton and Pawtucket rivers for some distance, -together with large parts of Plymouth and Barnstable.</p> - -<p>This confederacy exercised some dominion over the Indians of Nantucket and -Martha's Vineyard, and over several of the nearest Massachusetts and -Nipmuck tribes;—the latter name designating an interior territory, now -mostly within the boundaries of Worcester county. Of the Pokanokets, there -were nine separate cantons or tribes, each governed by its own petty -sagamore or squaw, but subject to one grand-sachem, who was also the -particular chief of the Wampanoag canton, living about Montaup. [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] This celebrated eminence (frequently called, by corruption of the - Indian name, Mount-Hope) is a mile or two east of the village of Bristol. - It is very steep on all sides, and terminates in a large rock, having the - appearance to a distant spectator, of an immense dome.</p> - - -<p>The first knowledge we have of the Wampanoags, and of the individuals who -ruled over them and the other Pokanokets, is furnished in the collections -of Purchas, on the authority of a Captain Dermer, the Master Thomas -Dirmire spoken of by John Smith in his <i>New England Trialls,</i> as "an -vnderstanding and industrious gentleman, who was also with <i>him</i> amongst -the Frenchmen." Dermer was sent out from England in 1619, by Sir F. -Gorges, on account of the President and Council of New England, in a ship -of two hundred tons. He had a Pokanoket Indian with him, named <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Squanto,</span> -one of about twenty who had been kidnapped on the coast by Captain Hunt, -in 1614, and sold as slaves at Malaga for twenty pounds a man. [FN] -Squanto and a few others of the captives were either rescued or redeemed, -by the benevolent interposition of some of the monks upon that island. -"When I arrived," says Dermer in his letter to Purchas, "at my savage's -native country, finding all dead, I traveled along a day's journey to a -place called Nummastaquyt, where, finding inhabitants, I despatched a -messenger a day's journey further west, to Pacanokit, which bordereth on -the sea; whence came to see me two kings, attended with a guard of fifty -armed men, who being well satisfied with that my savage and I discoursed -unto them, (being desirous of novelty) gave me content in whatsoever I -demanded. Here I redeemed a Frenchman, and afterwards another at -Masstachusitt, who three years since escaped shipwreck at the northeast of -Cape Cod." One of these two kings—as the sachems were frequently entitled -by the early writers,—must have been <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Massasoit,</span> so well known afterwards -to the Plymouth settlers; and probably the second was his brother -Quadepinah. The "native country" of Squanto was the vicinity of Plymouth, -where the Indians are understood to have been kidnapped. Thousands of -them, there, as well as elsewhere along the whole coast of New England, -had been swept off by a terrible pestilence.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] It is gratifying to learn from Smith that Hunt was punished, though - not according to the baseness of his infamous crime. "He betraied foure - and twentie of these poore Saluages aboord his ship, and most - dishonestly and inhumanely for their kinde usage of me and all our men, - carried them with him to Maligo, and there for a little priuate gaine - sold those silly Saluages for Rials of eight; <i>but this vilde act kept - him ever after from any more imploiement to these parts."</i>—Generale - Historie of New England, published in 1632.</p> - - -<p>The first appearance of Massasoit, [FN] after the settlement of Plymouth, -was upon the 22d of March, 1621, a week previous to which some information -concerning him had been gathered from an Indian named Samoset, who entered -the village with great boldness, and greeted the inhabitants with a -"welcome." On the second occasion, he came in with four others,—having -engaged to introduce some of the Wampanoags, to traffic in furs,—among -whom was Squanto, at that time probably the sole remaining native of -Plymouth. This party brought a few fish and skins to sell, and informed -the English that the great sachem, with his brother and his whole force, -were near at hand. Massasoit soon appeared upon the neighboring hill, with -sixty men. As they seemed unwilling to approach nearer, Squanto was -despatched to ascertain their designs; and they gave him to understand, -that they wished someone should be sent to hold a parley.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] We have given the most simple orthography of this word. It is - frequently written Massasoyt, Massasoiet, Massasowat, &c. Mr. Belknap - says, (American Biography,) that contemporary pronunciation made it a - word of four syllables, with the accent on the second,—Mas-sass-o-it. - The sachem subsequently assumed another name, which has undergone still - more various modifications,—Oosamequin, Woosamequin, and Ausamequin, are - some of them.</p> - - -<p>Edward Winslow was appointed to this office, and he immediately carried -presents to the sachem, which were willingly accepted. He addressed him -also in a speech of some length, which the Indians listened to with the -decorous gravity characteristic of the race, ill-explained as it was by -the interpreter. The purport of the speech was, that King James saluted -the sachem, his brother, with the words of peace and love; that he -accepted him as his friend and ally; and that the Governor desired to see -him, and to trade and treat with him upon friendly terms. Massasoit -appears to have made no special reply to this harangue, for the sufficient -reason, probably, that he did not precisely comprehend the drift of it. He -paid more attention to the sword and armor of Winslow while he spoke; and -when he had ceased speaking, signaled his disposition to commence the -proposed trade forthwith by buying <i>them.</i> They were not, however, for -sale; and so, leaving Winslow in the custody of his brother, he crossed a -brook between him and the English, taking with him twenty of the -Wampanoags, who were directed to leave their bows and arrows behind them. -Beyond the brook he was met by Captain Standish and another gentleman, -with an escort of six armed men, who exchanged salutations with him, and -attended him to one of the best houses in the village. [FN] Here, a green -rug was spread upon the floor, and three or four cushions piled on it for -his accommodation. The Governor then entered the house, followed by -several soldiers, and preceded by a flourish of a drum and trumpet,—a -measure probably recommended by Standish, and which answered the purpose -of delighting and astounding the Wampanoags, even beyond expectation. It -was a deference paid to their sovereign, which pleased as well as -surprised them. The sachem and the Governor now kissed each other, and -after the interchange of certain other civilities, sat down together, and -regaled themselves with what Neal calls an entertainment. It consisted, -it seems, chiefly of "strong waters, a thing the savages love very well; -and the sachem took such a large draught of it at once, as made him sweat -all the while he staid." A treaty was concluded upon this occasion, the -terms of which were as follows.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] A stone arch has in modern times been thrown over this brook, to - point out the precise spot of the meeting. The hill where the chieftain - first appeared was by the settlers of his time called "Strawberry-Hill."</p> - - -<p>1. That neither he, nor any of his (Massasoit's) should injure or do hurt -to any of their people.</p> - -<p>2. That if any of his did any hurt to any of theirs, he should send the -offender, that they might punish him.</p> - -<p>3. That if any thing were taken away from any of theirs, he should cause -it to be restored, and they should do the like to his.</p> - -<p>4. That if any did unjustly war against him, they would aid him; and if -any did war against them, he should aid them.</p> - -<p>5. That he should send to his neighbor confederates, to inform them of -this, that they might not wrong them, but might be likewise comprised in -these conditions of peace.</p> - -<p>6. That when his came to them upon any occasion they should leave their -arms behind them.</p> - -<p>7. That so doing, their Sovereign Lord King James, would esteem him as his -friend and ally.</p> - -<p>"All which," says Morton,—and some other annalists agree with him,—"he -liked very well, and withal, at the same time, acknowledged himself -content to become the subject of our Sovereign Lord the King aforesaid, -his heirs and successors; and gave unto him all the lands adjacent, to him -and his heirs forever." This acknowledgment of the sovereignty of the -King, if it really made a part of the agreement, certainly deserved a -place as a distinct article; being by far more important than all the -others. The grant of land,—and this grant constituted the entire title of -the Plymouth settlers, as against the natives,—is confirmed by subsequent -transactions, and especially by the acts of Massasoit. But his submission -to the authority of King James, as a subject to a sovereign, is more -doubtful; nor does it by any means accord with the seventh express -article. That the treaty itself also was not preserved precisely as it was -probably understood, may be inferred from the variations of it given by -Mourt in his Relation. According to <i>his</i> sixth article, for example, a -just reciprocity is maintained, by providing that the English should leave -their <i>pieces</i> behind them in their interviews with the Indians. This -distinction between alliance and subjection,—at least in the mind of one -of the parties,—seems to have been too much overlooked.</p> - -<p>Such, however, was the first treaty made with the Indians of New -England,—a passage in its history of great interest. It was made upon -peaceable and honorable terms. The Indians came in voluntarily to make it; -and though they received as a consideration for the immense territory -granted at the time, only a pair of knives, and a copper chain with a -jewel in it for the grand sachem; and a knife, a jewel to hang in his ear, -a pot of strong water, a good quantity of biscuit, and some butter for -Quadepinah, [FN]—yet were all parties satisfied with the substance as -they were gratified by the ceremonies of the agreement. It is pleasing to -learn from history, that this simple negotiation was remembered and -adhered to on both sides for the unparalleled term of half a century; nor -was Massasoit, or any of the Wampanoags during his lifetime, convicted by -the harshest revilers of his race, of having violated, or attempted to -violate, any of its plain, just, and deliberate provisions.</p> - - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] So minutely is the transaction described in <i>The Journal of a - Plantation at Plymouth,</i> preserved by Purchas, and re-published among the - Historical Collections of Massachusetts. There is reason to think that - Winslow was the author.</p> - - -<p>The two parties seem to have regarded each other on this occasion with a -curiosity of equal interest and minuteness; for while the sachem was -inspecting the armor of Winslow, and his Wampanoags exerting themselves to -blow the trumpet in imitation of their hosts, [FN] the English -by-standers, on the other hand, were making their own observations. The -writer of the <i>Journal of a Plantation settled at Plymouth,</i> describes -Massasoit as "a very lusty man, in his best years, an able body, grave of -countenance, and spare of speech." In his attire, he is said to have -differed little from the rest of his followers, excepting that he wore a -large chain of white bone-beads about his neck, which was, probably, one of -the royal <i>insignia;</i> and that he had suspended from it behind, a little -bag of tobacco, which he <i>drank,</i> says the writer, "and gave us to drink." -His appearance otherwise does not seem to have been particularly elegant; -his face being painted of a sad red, like murrey, and both head and face so -oiled that he "looked greasily." His only weapon was a long knife, -swinging at his bosom by a string. His attendants were probably arrayed -for this great occasion with peculiar attention to etiquette; some of them -being painted black, others red, yellow, or white; some wearing crosses -and "other antick works;" and several of them dressed in furs or skins of -various descriptions. Being tall, strong men also, and the first natives -whom most of the Colonists had ever seen near at hand, they must have made -to them a somewhat imposing, as well as interesting spectacle.</p> - - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] "He marvelled much at our trumpet, and some of his men would sound - it as well as we could."—<i>Journal.</i></p> - - -<p>Leaving a few of their number among the whites, as hostages, the -Wampanoags retired to the woods about half a mile distant and spent the -night; and Winslow acted as <i>their</i> hostage. The English were not yet -prepared, it would seem, to put faith in the professions of savages; for -they kept strict watch all night, besides retaining the security just -named. Their guests, on the contrary, enjoyed themselves quietly in the -woods; and there were some of their wives and children with them, who must -have come upon this courteous visit from a distance of forty miles. The -sachem sent several of his people the next morning, to signify his wish -that some of his new friends would honor <i>him</i> with their presence. Standish -and one Alderton [FN-1] "went venturously" among them, and were cordially, -if not royally welcomed with an entertainment of tobacco and ground-nuts. -"We cannot yet conceive," continues our still unsatisfied informant, "but -that he is willing to have peace with us; for they have seen our people -sometimes alone two or three in the woods at work and fowling, when they -offered them no harm, as they might easily have done." They remained at -their encampment till late in the forenoon; the Governor requiting the -sachem's liberality, meanwhile, by sending an express messenger for his -large kettle, and filling it with dry peas. "This pleased them well; and -so they went their way;"—the one party as much relieved, no doubt, as the -other was gratified. [FN-2]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN-1] From whom the outer point of Boston harbor is said to have been - named.</p> - - <p class="quote">[FN-2] Such was the earliest visit, of ceremony or business at least, - which the natives of New England paid to the Colonists. The account given - of it, though <i>ex parte,</i> as all such descriptions must be, is honorable - to the former in the highest degree. They show that many, if not most of - the savages, who were fairly dealt with, were at first as sensible and as - prone to kindness as could have been wished. They went unarmed among the - settlers without fear, disposed to be honest and friendly at all events, - and as hospitable as their means permitted. It will appear in the sequel, - that they continued so for a long course of years, as they also continued - faithful to their express obligations.</p> - - -<p>We meet with Massasoit again in July, 1621; an embassy being then sent to -him at his own residence, Montaup or Sowams. This embassy consisted of -Edward Winslow and Stephen Hopkins; and the objects of it were, says -Mourt, [FN] "that <i>forasmuch as his subjects came often and without fear -upon all occasions amongst us,</i>" so the English went now to visit him, -carrying with them a coat from the Governor to his friend the sachem, as a -token of good will, and desire to live peaceably. It was farther -intimated, though with great delicacy, that whereas his people came -frequently and in great numbers to Plymouth, wives, children, and all, and -were always welcome,—yet being but strangers in the land, and not -confident how their corn might prosper, they could no longer give them -such entertainment as they had done, and still wished to do; If Massasoit -himself, however, would visit them, or any special friend of his, he -should be welcome. A request was then made, that the Pokanokets, who had -furs, should be permitted to dispose of them to the Colonists. The -Governor wished him also to exchange some corn for seed with the Plymouth -people.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] See <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Mourt's Relation,</span> part of which is also preserved in the - <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Collections.</span> The name of the publisher only seems to be attached to it.</p> - - -<p>The remaining article in this message is more illustrative of the -relations understood to exist and to be desirable between the parties. On -the first arrival of the Colonists at Cape Cod, it seems they had found -corn buried there in the ground. Seeing no inhabitants in the -neighborhood, "but some graves of the dead newly buried," they took the -corn, with the intention of making full satisfaction for it whenever it -became practicable. The owners of it were supposed to have fled through -fear. It was now proposed, that these men should be informed by -Massasoit,—if they could be found,—that the English were ready to pay -them with an equal quantity of corn, English meal, or "any other -commodities they had to pleasure them withal;" and full satisfaction was -offered for any trouble which the sachem might do them the favor to take. -This proposal was equally politic and just.</p> - -<p>The visitors met with a generous, though humble hospitality, which reminds -one of the first reception of Columbus by the West-Indian islanders. They -reached Namaschet about three o'clock in the afternoon; and there, we are -told, the inhabitants entertained them with joy, in the best manner they -were able; giving them sweet bread [FN] and fish, with a less acceptable -accompaniment of boiled musty acorns. Various civilities were exchanged -after this primitive and savory repast,—as ancient, by the way, as the -early Greeks,—and some time was passed very pleasantly in shooting a crow -at a considerable distance, to the vast astonishment and amusement of -the Indians. They were then directed to a place about eight miles distant, -(Middleborough) where, says the Journalist, they should find "more store -and better victuals." They were welcomed, on their arrival, by a party who -were catching great numbers of fine bass in Taunton river, and who gave -them a supper and a breakfast in the morning, besides the privilege of -lodging in the woods near by over night.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Called <i>maxium,</i> and made of Indian corn, no doubt. Gookin says, - that a meal which they made of parched maize was so sweet, so hearty, and - so <i>toothsome,</i> that an Indian would travel many days with no other food.</p> - - -<p>Attended by six of their hosts the next day, they were assisted in passing -the river; and here they met with the first indications of ill-will, in -the persons of two old Indians upon the opposite bank. These two, espying -them as they entered the river, ran swiftly and stealthily among the high -grass to meet them; and then, with loud voices and drawn bows, demanded of -the strangers who they were; "but seeing we were friends," it is added, -"they welcomed us with such food as they had, and we bestowed a small -bracelet of beads on them." The remarks which follow this, upon the -conduct of the six attendants we cannot forbear citing at large, -irrelevant to our main purpose as they are. "When we came to a small -brook," says our accurate writer, "where no bridge was, two of them -desired to carry us through of their own accords; also fearing we were, -or would be weary, offered to carry our pieces; also if we would -lay off any of our clothes [it being excessively hot,] we should have them -carried; and as the one of them had found more special kindness from one -of the messengers, and the other savage from the other so they showed -their thankfulness accordingly, in offering us help and furtherance in the -journey."</p> - -<p>After one more entertainment on the way, our travelers reached Sowams. -Massasoit was not at home, but arrived soon after, and was saluted by his -visitors with a discharge of musketry. He welcomed them kindly after the -Indian manner, took them into his lodge, and seated them by himself. They -then delivered their message and presents, the latter comprisinig a -horseman's coat of red cotton, embroidered with fine lace. The sachem -mounted this superb article without delay, and hung the chain, which they -also gave him, about his neck, evidently enjoying the unspeakable -admiration of the Wampanoags, who gaze upon him at a distance. He now -answered the message, clause after clause; and particularly signified his -desire to continue in peace and friendship with his neighbors. He gathered -his men around him, in fine, and harangued them; they occasionally -confirming what he said by their customary ejaculations. Was not he, -Massasoit, commander of the country about them? Was not such a town within -his dominions—and were not the people of it his subjects—and should they -not bring their skins to him, if he wished it?</p> - -<p>Thus he proceeded to name about thirty of his small settlements, his -attentive auditors responding to each question. The matter being regularly -settled, he lighted tobacco for his guests, and conversed with them about -their own country and King, marveling, above all, that his Majesty should -live with out a squaw. As it grew late, and he offered no more substantial -entertainment than this,—no doubt for the sound reason, that he had -nothing to offer,—his guests intimated a wish to retire for the night. -He forthwith accommodated them, with himself and his wife, they at one end -and his visitors at the other, of a bed consisting of a plank platform, -raised a foot or two from the ground and covered with a thin mat. Two of -his chief men, probably by way of compliment, were also stationed upon the -same premises; and this body-guard performed their pressing duty of escort -so effectually, that no other circumstances were necessary to make the -honored guests "worse weary of their lodging than they had been of their -Journey."</p> - -<p>On the following day, many of the petty chiefs, with their subjects, came -in from the adjacent country, and various sports and games were got up for -the entertainment of the English. At noon, they partook, with the sachem -and about forty others of a meal of boiled fish <i>shot</i> by himself, -(probably with arrows.) They continued with him until the next morning, -when they departed, leaving Massasoit "both grieved and ashamed" that he -could not better entertain him. Very importunate he was, adds the -Journalist, to have them stay with him longer; but as they had eaten but -one meal for two days and a night, with the exception of a partridge, -which one of them killed; and what with their location at night, the -"savages' barbarous singing of themselves to sleep," mosquitoes without -doors, and other trifling inconveniences within, could not sleep at all; -they begged to be excused,—on the score of conscience, Sunday being near -at hand,—not to mention that they were growing light-headed, and could -hardly expect, if they stayed much longer, to be able to reach home.</p> - -<p>Massasoit's friendship was again tested in March, 1622, when an Indian, -known to be under Squanto's influence, [FN] came running in among a party -of colonists, with his face gashed, and the blood fresh upon it, calling -out to them to flee for their lives, and then looking hind him as if -pursued. On coming up, he told them that the Indians, under Massasoit, -were congregating at a certain place for an attack upon the Colony; that -he had received his wounds in consequence of opposing their designs; and -had barely escaped from them with his life. The report occasioned no -little alarm; although the correctness of it was flatly denied by -Hobamock, a Pokanoket Indian resident at Plymouth, who recommended that a -messenger should be sent secretly to Sowams, for the purpose of -ascertaining the truth. This was done, and the messenger, finding every -thing in its usually quiet state, informed Massasoit of the reports -circulated against him. He was excessively incensed against Squanto, but -sent his thanks to the Governor for the opinion of his fidelity, which he -understood him to retain; and directed the messenger to assure him, that -he should instantly apprize him of any conspiracy which might at any -future time take place.</p> - - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Which, it may be here observed, was quite considerable. Squanto was - ambitious and meddlesome, though not malicious—well-disposed and - serviceable to the English, but a little too anxious to have credit for - that fact among his countrymen. He amused himself with telling them that - the whites kept the plague barreled up in their cellars, that they - intended war upon various tribes, &c. for the sake of being employed, - sometimes hired, to act as mediator; and of course he always succeeded in - settling the difficulty. Squanto died in November, 1622, on an expedition - fitted out by Governor Bradford for obtaining corn among the Indians. His - last request was, that the governor would pray for him that he might go - to the Englishman's God in Heaven. He bequeathed, his little property to - his English friends. So perished the last aboriginal of the Plymouth - soil. He sometimes played "Jack upon both sides," as Hubbard says, but - his death was justly considered a public loss.</p> - - -<p>That the declarations of Massasoit, upon this occasion, were far from -being mere words of compulsion or of courtesy, is abundantly proved by his -conduct during the next season, 1623. Early in the spring of that year, -news came to Plymouth, that he was very sick at Sowams; and it was -determined to send Mr. Winslow to visit him once more, in token of the -friendship of the colonists. That gentleman immediately commenced his -journey, being provided with a few cordials, and attended by "one Master -John Hampden, a London gentleman, who then wintered with him, and desired -much to see the country,"—no doubt the same character so eminently -distinguished afterwards in the politics of England.</p> - -<p>They heard, at various places on their route, that the sachem was already -dead; and their guide, Hobamock, indulged himself all the way in the most -unbounded grief. They found him still living, however, on their arrival; -and the multitude of dependents and friends who thronged his lodge, made -way as fast as possible for their admittance and accommodation. He -appeared to be reduced to the last extremities. Six or eight women were -employed in chafing his cold limbs, and the residue of the numerous -company were exerting themselves to the utmost, meanwhile, in making what -Winslow rather uncharitably calls "such a hellish noise as distempered -those that were well." [FN] He had the good sense to wait for the -conclusion of the ceremony; and the exhausted performers being then -satisfied they had done all that in them lay for the benefit of the -patient, one of them apprised him of the arrival of the English.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Probably an Indian Powah was leader of the chorus. Of these - barbarian quacks, Roger Williams says, that "the poore people commonly - dye under their hands," for the very good reason that they "administer - nothing, but howle, and roar, and hollow over them, and begin the song to - the rest of the people about them, who all joyne (like a quire) in prayer - to the gods for them." <i>Key to the Indian Language,</i> chapter xxxi.</p> - - -<p>"<i>Who</i> have come?" muttered the sachem, still conscious, though his sight -was wholly gone. They told him Winsnow had come, (as they generally -substituted <i>n</i> for the English <i>l.</i>) "Let me speak with him then," he -replied, "Let me speak one word to him." Winslow went forward to the -matted platform where he lay, and grasped the feeble hand which the -sachem, informed of his approach, held out for him. "Art thou Winsnow?" he -whispered the question again, (in his own language,) "Art thou Winsnow?" -Being readily answered in the affirmative, he appeared satisfied of the -fact. But "O Winsnow," he added mournfully, "I shall never see thee -again!"</p> - -<p>Hobamock was now called, and desired to assure the sachem of the -Governor's kind remembrance of him in his present situation, and to inform -him of the articles they had brought with them for his use. He immediately -signified his wish to taste of these; and they were given him accordingly, -to the great delight of the people around him. Winslow then proceeded to -use measures for his relief, and they wrought a great change in him within -half an hour. He recovered his sight gradually, and began to converse, -requesting his good friend Winslow, among other things, to kill him a -fowl, and make him some English pottage, such as he had seen at Plymouth. -This was done for him, and such other care taken as restored his strength -and appetite wonderfully within the day or two of Winslow's stay.</p> - -<p>His expressions of gratitude, as well as those of his delighted -attendants, were constant, as they were evidently warm from the heart. -Finally, as his guests were about to leave him, he called Hobamock to his -side, and revealed to him a plot against the colonists, recently formed, -as he understood, among certain of the Massachusetts tribes, and in which -he had himself been invited to join. He also recommended certain summary -measures for the suppression of the plot, and concluded with charging -Hobamock [FN] to communicate the intelligence to Winslow on the way to -Plymouth. It may be added here, that these measures were subsequently -executed by Standish, and were successful. The conspiracy itself was -occasioned by the notorious and outrageous profligacy of the banditti of -"Master Weston," at Weymouth.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] The date of this Indian's death is not known. He is said to have - once been a war-captain among the Massachusetts tribes. Hubbard describes - him as a "proper lusty young man, and of good account among the Indians - of those parts for his valor." He was useful, like Squanto, without being - troublesome.</p> - - -<p>The leading particulars in the residue of Massasoit's life, may soon be -detailed. In 1632, he was assaulted at Sowams, by a party of -Narraghansetts, and obliged to take refuge in an English house. His -situation was soon ascertained at Plymouth, and an armed force being -promptly despatched to his succor, under his old friend Standish, the -Narraghansetts retired. About the year 1639, he probably associated his -eldest son, Moanam or Wamsutta, with him in the government; for they came -together into open court at Plymouth, it is said, on the 28th of -September of that year, and desired that the ancient treaty of 1621 might -remain inviolable. They also entered into some new engagements, chiefly -going to secure to the Colony a pre-emptive claim to the Pokanoket lands. -"And the whole court," add the records, "in the name of the whole -government for each town respectively, did then likewise ratify and -confirm the aforesaid ancient league and confederacy."</p> - -<p>From this time, the names of the father and son are sometimes found -united, and sometimes not so, in instruments by which land was conveyed to -the English. In 1649, the former sold the territory of Bridgewater in his -own name. "Witnes these presents"—are the words of the deed—"that I -Ousamequin Sachim of the contrie of Pocanauket, haue given, granted -enfeofed and sould unto Myles Standish of Duxborough Samuel Nash and -Constant Southworth of Duxborough aforesaid in the behalfe of all y<sup>e</sup> -townsmen of Duxborough aforesaid a tract of land usually called -Saughtucket extending in length and the breadth thereof, as followeth, -that is to say—[here follow the boundaries of what is now -<i>Bridgewater</i>]—the w<sup>ch</sup> tract the said Ousamequin hath given granted -enfeofed and sould unto ye said Myles [Standish] Samuel Nash and Constant -Southworth in the behalfe of all y<sup>e</sup> townsmen of Duxborough as aforesaid -wth all the emunities priveleges and profitts whatsoever belonging to the -said tract of land w<sup>th</sup> all and singular all woods underwoods lands -meadowes Riuers brooks Rivulets &c. to have and to hould to the said Myles -Standish Samuel Nash and Constant Southworth in behalfe of all the -townsmen of the towne of Duxborough to them and their beyers forever. In -witnes whereof I the said Ousamequin have here unto sett my hand this 23 -of March 1649.</p> - -<p class="exit">"The mk of {mark} Ousamequin.</p> - -<p>"In consideration of the aforesaid bargain and sale wee the said Myles -Standish Samuel Nash and Constant Southworth, doe bind ourselves to pay -unto y<sup>e</sup> said Ousamequin for and in consideration of y<sup>e</sup> said tract of land -as followeth</p> -<br> -<table> - <tr><td>"7 Coats a y<sup>d</sup> and half in a coat</td><td>}</td><td> Myles Standish</td></tr> - <tr><td> 9 Hatchets </td><td>}</td><td></td></tr> - <tr><td> 8 Howes </td><td>}</td><td> Samuel Nash</td></tr> - <tr><td> 20 Knives </td><td>}</td><td></td></tr> - <tr><td> 4 Moose skins </td><td>}</td><td> Constant Southworth.</td></tr> - <tr><td> 10 Y<sup>ds</sup> and half of cotton </td><td>}"</td><td></td></tr> -</table> -<p>The original document of which we have here given a literal and exact copy -has been preserved to this day. It is in the handwriting of Captain -Standish.</p> - -<p>The precise date of Massasoit's death is unknown. In 1653, his name -appears in a deed by which he conveyed part of the territory of Swansey to -English grantees. Hubbard supposes that he died about three years -subsequent to this; but as late as 1661, he is noticed in the Records of -the United Colonies, as will appear more particularly in the life of his -eldest son. Two or three years afterwards, conveyances were made of the -Pokanoket lands in which he appears to have had no voice; and it may be -fairly inferred that he died in that interval. He must have been near -eighty years of age.</p> - -<p>Such are the passages which history has preserved concerning the earliest -and best friend of the Pilgrims. Few and simple as they are, they give -glimpses of a character that, under other circumstances, might have placed -Massasoit among the illustrious of his age. He was a mere savage; ignorant -of even reading and writing, after an intercourse of near fifty years with -the colonists; and distinguished from the mass of savages around him, as -we have seen, by no other outward emblem than a barbarous ornament of -bones. It must be observed, too, as to them, that the authority which they -conferred upon him, or rather upon his ancestors, was their free gift, and -was liable at any moment to be retracted, wholly or in part, either by the -general voice or by the defection or violence of individuals. The -intrinsic dignity and energy of his character alone, therefore, must have -sustained the dominion of the sachem, with no essential distinction of -wealth, retinue, cultivation, or situation in any respect, between him and -the meanest of the Wampanoags. The naked qualities of his intellect and -is heart must have gained their loyalty, controlled their extravagant -passions to his own purposes, and won upon their personal confidence and -affection.</p> - -<p>That he did this appears from the fact, so singular in Indian history, -that among all the Pokanoket tribes, there was scarcely an instance of -even an individual broil or quarrel with the English during his long life. -Some of these tribes, living nearer the Colony than any other Indians, and -going into it daily in such numbers, that Massasoit was finally requested -to restrain them from "pestering" their friends by their mere -multitude,—these shrewd beings must have perceived, as well as Massasoit -himself did, that the colonists were as miserably fearful as they were -feeble and few. Some of them, too,—the sachem Corbitant, for -example,—were notoriously hostile, and perhaps had certain supposed -reasons for being so. Yet <i>that</i> cunning and ambitious savage extricated -himself from the only overt act of rebellion he is known to have -attempted, by "soliciting the good offices of Massasoit," we are told, "to -reconcile him to the 'English." And such was the influence of the chief -sachem, not only over him, but over the Massachusetts sachems, that nine -of the principal of them soon after came into Plymouth from great -distances, for the purpose of signifying their humble respect for the -authority of the English.</p> - -<p>That Massasoit was beloved as well as respected by his subjects and -neighbors, far and wide, appears from the great multitude of anxious -friends who thronged about him during his sickness; Some of them, as -Winslow ascertained, had come more than one hundred miles for the purpose -of seeing him; and they all watched <i>his</i> operations in that case, with -as intense anxiety as if the prostrate patient had been the father or the -brother of each. And meagre as is the justice which history does the -sachem, it still furnishes some evidence, not to be mistaken, that he had -won this regard from them by his kindness. There is a passage of affecting -simplicity in Winslow's Relation, going to show that he did not forget -their minutest interests, even in his own almost unconscious helplessness. -"That morning," it is said, "he caused me to spend in going from one to -another among those that were sick in the town [Sowams]; requesting me to -treat them as I had him, and to give to each of them some of the same I -gave him, <i>saying they were good folk.</i>"</p> - -<p>But these noble traits of the character of Massasoit are still more -abundantly illustrated by the whole tenor of his intercourse with the -whites. Of his mere sense of his positive obligations to them, including -his fidelity to the famous treaty of 1621, nothing more need be said, -excepting that the annals of the continent furnish scarcely one parallel -even to that case. But he went much further than this. He not only visited -the Colony in the first instance of his own free will and accord, but he -entered into the negotiations cheerfully and deliberately; and in the face -of their manifest fear and suspicion. Henceforth the results of it were -regarded, not with the mere honesty of an ally, but with the warm interest -of a friend. It was probably at his secret and delicate suggestion,—and -it could scarcely have been without his permission, at all events,—that -his own subjects took up their residence among the colonists, with the -view of guiding, piloting, interpreting for them, and teaching them their -own useful knowledge. Winslow speaks of his <i>appointing another</i> to fill -the place of Squanto at Plymouth, while the latter should be sent about -among the Pokanokets, under <i>his</i> orders, "to procure truck [in furs] for -the English."</p> - -<p>The vast grant of territory which he made in the first instance has been -spoken of. It was made with the simple observation, that his claim to it -was the sole claim in existence. It was also without consideration; the -generous sachem, as Roger Williams says of the Narraghansetts in a similar -case, "being <i>shy and jealous of selling</i> the lands to any, and choosing -rather to make a gift of them to such as they affected." Such is the only -jealousy which Massasoit can be said ever to have entertained of the -English. Nor do we find any evidence that he repented of his liberality, -or considered it the incautious extravagance of a moment of flattered -complaisance. We do find, however, that he invariably watched over the -interest of the grantees, with more strictness than he would probably have -watched over his own. He laid claim, in one instance, to a tract for which -Mr. Williams had negotiated with the Narraghansetts,—that gentleman being -ignorant, perhaps, of an existing controversy between the two tribes. "It -is mine," said the sachem, "It is mine, and <i>therefore theirs,</i>"—plainly -implying that the ground in question was comprised within the original -transfer. Whether this claim was just, or whether it was insisted upon, -does not appear; but there is indication enough, both of the opinion and -feeling of Massasoit.</p> - -<p>An anecdote of him, recorded by Governor Winthrop, under the title of a -"pleasant passage," is still more striking. His old friend <i>Winsnow,</i> it -seems, made a trading voyage to Connecticut, during the summer of 1634. On -his return, he left his vessel upon the Narraghansett coast, for some -reason or other, and commenced his journey for Plymouth across the woods. -Finding himself at a loss, probably, as to his route, he made his way to -Sowams, and called upon his ancient acquaintance, the sachem. The latter -gave him his usual kind welcome, and, upon his leaving him, offered to -conduct him home,—a pedestrian journey of two days. He had just -despatched one of his Wampanoags to Plymouth, with instructions to inform -the friends of Winslow, that <i>he</i> was dead, and to persuade them of this -melancholy fact, by specifying such particulars as their own ingenuity -might suggest. All this was done accordingly; and the tidings occasioned, -as might be expected, a very unpleasant excitement throughout the Colony. -In the midst of it, however, on the next day, the sachem entered the -village, attended by Winslow, and with more than his usual complacency in -his honest and cheerful countenance. He was asked why such a report had -been circulated the day previous. "That Winsnow might be the more -welcome," answered he, "and that you might be the more happy,—it is my -custom." He had come thus far to enjoy this surprise personally; and he -returned homeward, more gratified by it, without doubt, than he would have -been by the most fortunate foray among the Narraghansetts.</p> - -<p>It is intimated by some writers, rather more frequently than is either -just or generous, that the sachem's fear of the tribe just named lay at -the foundation of his friendship. It might have been nearer the apparent -truth, considering all that is known of Massasoit, to say, that his -interest happened to coincide with his inclination. At all events, it was -in the power of any other of the sachems or kings throughout the country, -to place and sustain themselves upon the same footing with the colonists, -had they been prompted either by as much good feeling or good sense. On -the contrary, the Massachusetts were plotting and threatening on one hand, -as we have seen, not without provocation, it must be allowed,—while the -Narraghansett sachem, upon the other, had sent in his compliments as early -as 1622, in the shape of a bundle of arrows, tied up with a rattlesnake's -skin.</p> - -<p>Nor should we forget the wretched feebleness of the Colony at the period -of their first acquaintance with Massasoit. Indeed, the instant measures -which he took for their relief and protection, look more like the -promptings of compassion, than of either hope or fear. A month previous to -his appearance among them, they were reduced to such a pitiable condition -by sickness, that only six or seven men of their whole number were able to -do business in the open air; and probably their entire fighting force, -could they have been mustered together, would scarcely have equaled that -little detachment which Massasoit brought with him into the village, -delicately leaving twice as many, with the arms of all, behind him; as he -afterwards exchanged six hostages for one. No wonder that the colonists -"could not yet conceive but that he was willing to have peace with them."</p> - -<p>But the motives of the sachem are still further manifested by the sense of -his own dignity, which, peaceable as he generally was, he showed promptly -upon all suitable occasions. Both the informal grant and the formal deeds -we have mentioned, indicate that he understood himself to be the master of -his ancestral territory as much in right as in fact. There is nothing in -his whole history, which does more honor to his intelligence or his -sensibility, than his conduct occasioned by the falsehoods circulated -among the colonists against him by Squanto. His first impulse, as we have -seen, was to be offended with the guilty intriguant; the second, to thank -the Governor for appealing to himself in this case, and to assure him that -he would at any time "send word and give warning when any such business -was towards." On further inquiry, he ascertained that Squanto was taking -even more liberties with his reputation than he had been aware of. He went -forthwith to Plymouth, and made his appeal personally to the Governor. The -latter pacified him as well as he could, and he returned home. But a very -short time elapsed before a message came from him, <i>entreating</i> the -Governor to consent to the death of the renegade who still abused him. The -Governor confessed in reply, that Squanto deserved death, but desired -that he might be spared on account of his indispensable services. -Massasoit was not yet satisfied. The former messenger was again sent, -"with divers others," says Winslow in his Relation, "<i>demanding</i> him, -[Squanto] as being one of Massasoit's subjects, whom by our first articles -of peace we could not retain; yet because he would not willingly do it -[insist upon his rights] without the Governor's approbation, he offered -him many beaver-skins for his consent thereto." The deputation had brought -these skins, accordingly, as also the sachem's own knife, for the -execution of the criminal. Squanto now surrendered himself to the -Governor, as an Indian always resigns himself to his fate upon similar -occasions; but the Governor still contrived a pretext for sparing him. The -deputies were "mad with rage and impatient of delay," as may be supposed, -and departed in great heat.</p> - -<p>The conduct of the sachem in this case was manifestly more correct than -that of his ally. He understood as well as the Governor did, the spirit of -the articles in the treaty, which provided, that an offender upon either -side should be given up to punishment upon demand; and he was careful to -make that demand personally, explicitly and respectfully. The Governor, on -the other hand, as well as the culprit himself, acknowledged the justice -of it, but manœuvred to avoid compliance. The true reason is no doubt -given by Winslow. It is also given in the language of John Smith. "With -much adoe," says the honest Captain, "we appeased the angry king and the -rest of the saluages, and freely forgaue <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Tusquantum,</span> <i>because he speaking -our language we could not be well without him.</i>" The king was angry, -then, as he well might be; and the Governor took the trouble, he was both -bound and interested to take, to appease him. It is not to be wondered at, -perhaps, that the particulars of this transaction are so little dwelt upon -by the writers of that period. Winslow barely states,—speaking, in -another connexion, of the Indians being evidently aware of the weakness of -the Colony,—that, what was worse "now also Massasoit seemed to frown upon -us, and neither came nor sent to us as formerly." This passage is no less -significant than brief; but not more so than a subsequent dry observation -respecting Squanto, "whose peace, before this time, (the fall of the same year) -<i>was wrought</i> with Massasoit."</p> - -<p>Such were the life and character of Massasoit. It is to be regretted, that -so few particulars are preserved of the former, and that so little -justice, consequently, can be done to the latter. But so far as his -history goes, it certainly makes him one of the most remarkable men of his -race. There is no nobler instance in all history, of national fidelity, -(for which he mainly must have the credit,) or of individual friendship. -This instinct of a generous nature in the first instance, being confirmed -by a course of conduct generally alike creditable to the feelings and -shrewdness of the Colonists, finally settled itself in the mind of -Massasoit as ineradicably as his affection for his own subjects. "I know -now," said he to Winslow, on his first recovery from the severe sickness -we have mentioned, "I <i>know</i> that the English love me,—I love them—I -shall never forget them."</p> - -<p>But putting even the most unnatural construction upon the professions and -the conduct of the sachem, the relation he commenced and for forty-five -years sustained with the English, must be allowed to show at least a -consummate sagacity. He certainly succeeded during all this time, not only -in shielding his tribes from their just or unjust hostility, but in -gaining their respect to such a singular degree, that the writings of no -single author within our recollection furnish one word to his -disparagement. Even Hubbard speaks of him with something like regard; -notwithstanding the obnoxious trait in his character indicated in the -following passage. "It is very remarkable," he says, "that this -Woosamequin, how much soever he affected the English, was never in the -least degree well affected to their religion." It is added furthermore, -that in his last treaty with the whites at Swanzey,—referring to a sale -of land which we have mentioned,—he exerted himself to bind them solemnly -"never to draw away any of his people from their old pagan superstition -and devilish idolatry to the Christian religion." [FN] This he insisted -on, until they threatened to break off the negotiation on account of his -pertinacity, and he then gave up the point.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] In that rare tract (published in London, 1651.) entitled "The Light - appearing more and more towards the perfect Day" &c. and written by the - Rev. Thomas Mayhew, it is stated, that some of the Christian Indians of - Martha's Vineyard had a conversation with "Vzzamequin a great Sachem or - Governor on the maine Land (coming amongst them) about the wayes of - God"—he enquiring what earthly good things came along with them, and - what they had gained by their piety, &c. This was previous to 1650.</p> - - -<p>Massasoit did not distinguish himself as a warrior; nor is he known to -have been once engaged in any open hostilities, even with the inimical and -powerful tribes who environed his territory. This is another unique trait -in his character; and considering the general attachment of all Indians to -a belligerent life, their almost exclusive deference for warlike -qualities, the number and scattered location of the Pokanoket tribes, and -especially the character of their ancient neighbors, this very fact is -alone sufficient to distinguish the genius of Massasoit. All the native -nations of New England, but his, were involved in dissensions and wars -with each other and with the whites; and they all shared sooner or later -the fate which he avoided. The restless ring-leaders who plotted mischief -among the Massachusetts, were summarily knocked upon the head by Miles -Standish, while hundreds of the residue fled, and miserably perished in -their own swamps. The Pequots,—a nation who could muster three thousand -bowmen but a short time previous, were nearly exterminated in 1637; and -the savages of Maine, meanwhile, the Mohawks of New York, the -Narraghansetts and the Mohegans were fighting and reducing each others' -strength, as if their only object had been, by ultimately extirpating -themselves, to prepare a way in the wilderness for the new comers.</p> -<br><br><br> - - - - <h2 class="direct" style="page-break-before: always;"><a id="chvii">CHAPTER VII.</a></h2> -<br><br> - - - <p class="chap">Massasoit succeeded by his son <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Alexander</span>—The occasion of that name being - given by the English—History of Alexander previous to his father's - death—Covenant made with Plymouth in 1639—Measures taken in pursuance - of it, in 1661—Anecdote illustrating the character of Alexander—Notice - of the charges made against him—Examination of the transaction which - led to his death—Accession of <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Philip</span>—Renewal of the treaty by - him—Interruption of harmony—Supposed causes of it—Measures taken in - consequence—Philip's submission-Letter to the Plymouth Governor—Second - submission in 1671—Remarks on the causes of <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Philip's War.</span></p> -<br> - -<p><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Massasoit</span> was succeeded in the Pokanoket government by his eldest son -Moanam, or Wamsutta, known to the English chiefly by the name of -<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Alexander;</span> which appellation he received at the same time when that of -<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Philip</span> was conferred on his younger brother. The two young men came -together on that occasion into open court at Plymouth and professing great -regard for the English, requested that names should be given them. Their -father not being mentioned as having attended them at the observance of -the ceremony has probably occasioned the suggestion of his death. It would -be a sufficient explanation of his absence, however, that he was now an -old man, and that the distance of Sowams from Plymouth was more than forty -miles. It is easy to imagine, that the solicitude he had always manifested -to sustain a good understanding with his Plymouth friends, might lead him -to recommend this pacific and conciliatory measure, as a suitable -preparation for his own decease, and perhaps as the absolute termination -of his reign.</p> - -<p>There is some reason to believe, indeed, that Alexander had a share in the -Pokanoket sovereignty, many years previous to the date of the ceremony -just mentioned. The Plymouth records show, that on the 25th of September, -1639, the father came into court, bringing Moanam with him. He desired -that the old treaty of 1621 might remain inviolable, "and the said -Woosamequin or Massasoit, and Moanam or Wamsutta," did also promise that -he nor they shall or will needlessly and unjustly raise any quarrels, or -do any wrongs to other natives, to provoke them to war against him; and -that he or they shall not give, sell or convey, any of his or their lands -territories or possessions whatsoever, to any person or persons, without -the privity and consent of the Government of Plymouth aforesaid; "and the -whole court in the name of the whole government, for each town -respectively, did then likewise ratify and confirm the aforesaid ancient -league and confederacy; and did also further promise to the said -Woosamequin and Moanam his son, and his successors, that they shall and -will from time to time defend them, when occasion shall require, against -all such as shall rise up against them to wrong or oppress them unjustly."</p> - -<p>Agreeably to the terms of this covenant, the Records of the Colonies for -1661 set forth, that a message was that year sent by the United -Commissioners to Uncas, chief Sachem of the Mohegans. [FN] The -complainants in that case were the General Court of Massachusetts; and the -charge alleged against Uncas was a violent "Invading of Wesamequin and the -Indians of Quabakutt <i>whoe are and longe haue bine Subjects to the -English.</i>" The dominion here assumed, is probably intended to apply only -to the Quabakutt Indians, and not to Massasoit. Uncas, in his answer, -professed that he was ignorant they were subjects of Massachusetts, "and -<i>further</i> says they were none of Wesamequin's men but belonging to -Onopequin his deadly enemie." &c.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] See the message and reply at large in the <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Life</span> of Uncas.</p> - - -<p>He then alleges "that Wesamequin his son and diuers of his men <i>had fought -against him diuers times.</i>" The last paragraph of the answer—which was -given in by Major Mason in behalf of Uncas—is as follows:</p> - -<p>"Alexander allis [<i>alias</i>] Wamsutta Sachem of Sowamsett being now att -Plymouth hee challenged Quabauke Indians to belong to him and further said -that hee did war Warr {<i>sic</i>} against Vcus this summer on that account."</p> - -<p>It is very clear at least that Alexander maintained fearlessly and -frankly, what he believed to be his rights; nor does it appear, that the -exercise of his sovereignty in this manner was objected to by the party -which had the best, if not only right to object. He manifested the same -independence in regard to the efforts of the English missionaries; so that -Hubbard concludes he had "neither affection for the Englishmen's persons, -nor yet for their religion."</p> - -<p>This is licentious reasoning, at the best; for not a tittle of evidence -exists in the case, so far as we are aware, which goes to rebut the just -inference to be drawn from the circumstance that no difficulty or -controversy occurred between Alexander and his allies from his accession -to his death—with a single exception. The excepted case, which comes in -order now to be considered, is one of the more importance, that its -immediate effect was to terminate at once the reign and life of the -chieftain.</p> - -<p>In connexion with the remark last cited from Hubbard, that historian -barely observes, that the Governor and Council were informed of the fact. -Mather states, with no more particularity, that the sachem solicited the -Narraghansetts to rebel with him;—upon <i>the good proof whereof,</i> the -Plymouth Government adopted certain summary measures. From other sources -we find, that this proof was communicated by letters from Boston, where it -was probably founded upon rumors gathered from straggling Indians. At all -events, no conclusive testimony appears in the case; and it may be -plausibly surmised, therefore, that none was ever received, the writers -just cited not being remarkably prone to omit matters of this kind. The -rumor might originate from circumstances really suspicious; but were this -true, and far more, if it were both false and malicious, like the charges -against Massasoit, we may well question both the justice and the policy of -the steps taken by the Plymouth Government.</p> - -<p>"They presently sent for him, to bring him to the court," says Hubbard,—a -very remarkable proceeding, related with a corresponding brevity. The -business was intrusted, it also appears, to a gentleman who was neither -afraid of danger, nor yet willing to delay in a matter of this moment. We -are then told that this gentleman, Mr. Winslow, forthwith taking eight or -ten stout men with him, well armed, set out for Sowams; that he -fortunately met with Alexander, at a few miles' distance, in a Wigwam with -eighty of his followers; that they seized upon the arms of the party, -which had been left without the Wigwam, and then went in and summoned the -sachem to attend them to Plymouth. He obeyed, reluctantly, being -threatened that "if he <i>stirred</i> or refused to go, he was a dead man." -Such was his spirit, however, adds Hubbard, that the very surprisal of him -threw him into a fever. Upon this, he requested liberty to return home, -and the favor was granted to him on certain conditions; but he died upon -the way.</p> - -<p>This account agrees with Mather's. "The Government sent that valiant and -excellent commander," says the Reverend Doctor, "to fetch him down before -them. The major-general used such expedition and resolution in this -affair, that, assisted with no more than ten men, he seized upon Alexander -at a hunting-house, notwithstanding his numerous attendants about him; and -when the raging sachem saw a pistol at his breast, with a threatening of -death to him if he did not quietly yield himself up to go down to -Plymouth; he yielded, though not very quietly, thereunto." Mather -attributes his death, furthermore, to the "inward fury of his own guilty -and haughty mind." Now, even if the sachem were not compelled to travel -faster or further than was decent in his unfortunate situation, as one of -our authorities is careful to argue; and granting to the other, that he -was treated (on the march) with no other than that humanity and civility, -<i>which was essential to the Major-General,</i> [FN] it is abundantly clear, -we conceive, that a more hot-blooded or high-handed measure could hardly -have been executed by the adventurous John Smith himself. The son of -Massasoit, and the ruler of a nation who had been forty years in alliance -and warm friendship with the Colonists,—throughout all their feebleness, -and in spite of all jealousies and provocations,—was assaulted in his own -territory and among his own subjects, insulted, threatened, and finally -forced to obey a summons of his ancient ally to appear before his court -for his trial. It does not appear that he was even apprised of the -occasion which required his attendance. And what is worse than all the -rest, the whole proceeding was founded, so far as we can ascertain, upon -no better testimony than accusations gathered from stragglers at Boston, -and then communicated "by letters" to Plymouth. It must be admitted, that -a different coloring is put upon the affair by the Rev. Mr. Cotton, whose -relation may be found among the excellent notes appended to Mr. Davis's -recent edition of Morton. He states, that the sachem readily consented to -attend Winslow; and that he was barely examined before certain justices at -Eastham, and dismissed. This account, however, does not much mitigate the -essential circumstances of the case; and it admits the fact, that the -sachem died within two or three days after being carried home on the -shoulders of his men, although the English party seem to have found him -in perfect health.</p> - - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Among other civilities, he was offered the use of a horse on the - journey, and declined that favor on the ground that some of his women, in - the company, were obliged to walk; a fine trait of savage politeness.</p> - - -<p>Such was the ignominious death of Alexander, and under such circumstances -did the government devolve upon his brother Metacom,—or Philip, as he is -generally called. That Prince seems to have assumed the Pokanoket -government, favored by a more than usual popularity; for the event was -celebrated by the rejoicing and revelry of multitudes of his subjects, -sachems and others, gathered together from the remotest limits of his -territory. One of his earliest measures, was to appear with his uncle -before the Plymouth Court, following the example of his father and -brother. He expressed an earnest wish for the continuance of peace and -amity; and pledged himself,—as the Court did also upon the other hand—to -use all suitable measures for effecting that desirable purpose. For -several years after this, the intercourse between the two parties went on, -ostensibly, as it had done in former times, though probably not without -some distrust upon both sides.</p> - -<p>The first public interruption of this harmony occurred in 1671, during -which season Philip was heard to complain, openly, of certain -encroachments by the English upon his hunting-grounds. About the same time -rumors were circulated that his subjects frequently assembled at various -places in unwonted numbers and were repairing their guns, and sharpening -their hatchets. The Plymouth Government were alarmed. They sent messengers -to communicate with the Massachusetts Government, and at the same time -other messengers to Philip, not "to fetch him before the Court," as in the -case of his brother, but to ascertain his intentions.</p> - -<p>He seems to have paid a dignified regard to this measure. On the 10th of -April, a message was received from him, inviting the officers of the -Plymouth Government to a conference. It was received by the latter at -Taunton, where also were several gentlemen, despatched by the -Massachusetts Government, with instructions to mediate between the -contending parties. Governor Prince, of Plymouth, sent word back to -Philip,—who was tarrying meanwhile at what is now called -Three-mile-river, about four miles from Taunton green,—that he was -heartily disposed to treat with him, and expected that the sachem would -come forward for that purpose; and his personal safety was guaranteed in -case he should do so. Philip so far complied with the request, as to -advance a considerable distance nearer the village. He then stationed -himself at a place called Crossman's mill, placed sentinels on a hill in -his rear, and again despatched messengers to the Governor, desiring an -interview. This, the town's-people, who could scarcely be restrained from -falling forthwith upon the Indian party, would not permit. At last, the -Massachusetts Commissioners, volunteering to take the supposed hazard upon -themselves, went to Philip, and persuaded him to consent to a conference. -This was on condition that his men should accompany him; and that the -business should be done at the meeting-house, one side of which was to be -reserved for the Wampanoags, and the other for the English.</p> - -<p>The council took place agreeably to these arrangements, in the old -meeting-house of Taunton. The English stood upon one side, solemn and -stern in countenance, as they were formal in garb; and opposite to them, a -line of Indian warriors, armed and arrayed for battle, their long black -hair hanging about their necks, and their eyes gleaming covertly with a -flame of suspicion and defiance, scarcely to be suppressed. Philip alone - was their orator. He denied that he entertained any hostile design; and -promptly explained his preparations for war, as intended for defence -against the Narraghansetts. The Commissioners rejoined, however, with such -arguments and evidence as satisfied themselves and completely surprised -him. At least, he affected to admit all that was alleged against him; and -though he refused to give compensation for past aggressions, he and some -of his counsellors subscribed an acknowledgement drawn up by the English -in the words following:</p> - - <p class="exit">"Taunton, April 10th, 1671.</p> - -<p>"Whereas my father, and my brother and myself have formerly submitted -ourselves unto the king's majesty of England, and to this colony of New -Plymouth, by solemn covenant under our hand; but I having of late, through -my indiscretion and the naughtiness of my heart, violated and broken this -my covenant with my friends, by taking up arms with an evil intent against -them, and that groundlessly; I being now deeply sensible of my -unfaithfulness and folly, do desire at this time solemnly to renew my -covenant with my ancient friends, and my father's friends above mentioned, -and do desire that this may testify to the world against me if ever I -shall again in my faithfulness towards them (whom I have now and at all -times found kind toward me) or any other of the English colonies. And as a -pledge of my true intentions for the future to be faithful and friendly, I -do freely engage to resign up to the Government of New Plymouth all my -English arms, to be kept by them for their security so long as they shall -see reason. For the true performance of the promises, I have hereunto set -my hand, together with the rest of my counsel.</p> -<br> -<table> - <tr><td>"In the presence of </td><td> </td><td>The mark P of <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Philip,</span></td></tr> - <tr><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">William Davis,</span> </td><td> </td><td>The mark V of <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Tavoseh,</span></td></tr> - <tr><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">William Hudson,</span> </td><td> </td><td>The mark M of Capt. <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Wispoke,</span></td></tr> - <tr><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Thomas Brattle,</span> </td><td> </td><td>The mark T of <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Woonchapaponchunk,</span><tr><td> - <tr><td> </td><td> </td><td>The mark 8 of <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Nimrod.</span>"</td></tr> -</table> -<br> -<p>From the tenor of this submission, it has been generally supposed that the -Sachem was frightened into it. Hence Hubbard relates, that "one of his -captains, of far better courage and resolution than himself, when he saw -his cowardly temper and disposition, flung down his arms, called him -white-livered cur, <i>or to that purpose,</i> and from that time turned to the -English," &c. This might be true, though it is well known, that Mr. -Hubbard's authority in regard to every thing touching the character of -Philip is to be regarded with many allowances for his intemperate -prejudice. He hesitates not, almost as often as he finds occasion to -mention his name, to pay him the passing compliment of "caitiff," -"hell-hound," "fiend," "arch-rebel," and various similar designations of -respect and affection.</p> - -<p>But there is no doubt that the acknowledgement was at least a mere -artifice to gain time. Apparently it had no effect in reference to the -impending hostilities, other than to hasten them by aggravating the -ill-will of the Indians. It does not appear that their arms were given up, -even so far as stipulated in the submission. The following reply of Philip -to some communication respecting them may be deemed exposition of his side -of the question. The precise date is undetermined.</p> - -<p>"<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Sachem Philip,</span> his answer to the letter brought to him from the <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Governor -of New Plymouth.</span></p> - -<p>"First. Declaring his thankfulness to the Governor for his great respects -and kindness manifested in the letter.</p> - -<p>"Secondly. Manifesting his readiness to lay down their arms, and send his -people about their usual business and employments, as also his great -desire of concluding of peace with neighboring English.</p> - -<p>"Thirdly. <i>Inasmuch as great fears and jealousies hath been raised in -their minds by several persons, which now they better understand the -falsity of such reports, as hath formerly been conveyed unto them,</i> Philip -doth humbly request the Governor will please favorably to excuse and -acquit them from any payment of damage, <i>or surrendering their arms,</i> they -not apprehending themselves blameworthy in those late rumors.</p> - -<p>"Fourthly. They are not at present free to promise to appear at court, -hoping there will be no necessity of it, in case their freedom for peace -and readiness to lay down arms may be accepted; as also suggestions of -great danger that befall them, in case they appear, with harsh threats to -the Sachem, that may be considered.</p> - - <p class="list">"Per me, - "Samuel Gorton <i>Junior.</i>"</p> - -<p>Whether Philip was at this time preparing for war, cannot be decided; but -he was evidently as yet unprepared. He went to Boston, therefore, during -the month of August (1671). He knew the Massachusetts government to be -more friendly to him than the Plymouth; and although letters had arrived -that very day from the latter place, announcing an intention of declaring -war upon him forthwith, the Sachem succeeded in persuading the -Massachusetts authorities of his entire innocence. They sent a proposal -to Plymouth for a new council, to settle all difficulties. This being -declined, they gave their opinion decidedly against war. Staggered by this -declaration, the government of the old colony consented to try the effect -of another mediation. A conference of all parties soon took place at -Plymouth; and the following articles of accommodation were agreed upon.</p> - -<p>"1. We, <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Philip</span> and my Council and my subjects, do acknowledge ourselves -subject to his Majesty the King of England, and the government of New -Plymouth and to their laws.</p> - -<p>"2. I am willing and do promise to pay unto the government of Plymouth one -hundred pounds in such things as I have; but I would intreat the favor -that I might have three years to pay it in, forasmuch as I cannot do it at -present.</p> - -<p>"3. I do promise to send unto the governor, or whom he shall appoint, five -wolves' heads, if I can get them; or as many as I can procure, until they -come to five wolves yearly.</p> - -<p>"4. If any difference fall between the English and myself and people, then -I do promise to repair to the governor of Plymouth, to rectify the -difference amongst us.</p> - -<p>"5. I do promise not to make war with any, but with the Governor's -approbation of Plymouth.</p> - -<p>"6. I promise not to dispose of any of the lands that I have at present, -but by the approbation of the governor of Plymouth.</p> - -<p>"For the true performance of the promises, I the said Sachem; Philip of -Paukamakett [FN] do hereby bind myself, and such of my council as are -present, ourselves, our heirs, our successors, faithfully, and do promise; -in witness thereof; we have hereunto subscribed our hands, the day and -year above written.</p> -<br> -<table> - <tr><td>"[In the presence of the Court, </td><td> </td><td>The mark P of <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Philip.</span></td></tr> - <tr><td>divers magistrates, &c.] </td><td> </td><td>The mark [ of <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Uncomparn.</span></td></tr> - <tr><td> </td><td> </td><td>The mark T of <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Wocokon.</span></td></tr> - <tr><td> </td><td> </td><td>The mark 7 of <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Samkama.</span>"</td></tr> -</table> - <hr width="80%"> - - <div class="quote">[FN] <i>Alias</i> Pokanokit. Other variations of this ill-fated word, are<br> - <table> - <tr><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Pachanokik</span> and <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Puchanokik,</span> by </td><td> </td><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Purchas.</span></td></tr> - <tr><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Pocanaket,</span> </td><td> </td><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Morton.</span></td></tr> - <tr><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Pockanockett,</span> </td><td> </td><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Morton's Continuation.</span></td></tr> - <tr><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Pacanokie,</span> </td><td> </td><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Prince.</span></td></tr> - <tr><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Pokanockett,</span> </td><td> </td><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Hutchinson.</span></td></tr> - <tr><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Pawkunnawkutt,</span> </td><td> </td><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Gookin.</span></td></tr> - <tr><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Puckanokie,</span> </td><td> </td><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Winslow's Relations.</span></td></tr> - <tr><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Pokanackst,</span> </td><td> </td><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Hubbard.</span></td></tr> -</table></div> - -<p>This negotiation was a new stratagem; [FN] and the success of it answered -the purpose of Philip completely; for although he does not appear to have -killed one wolf; or paid one cent, even "in such things as he had," -nothing occurred for three years, to rouse the suspicions of the Colonies. -There can scarcely be a doubt, that during all this time,—if not for a -longer time previous,—the sachem was maturing one of the grandest plans -ever conceived by any savage;—that of utterly exterminating the English -of the northern provinces. This, he was well aware; could only be done by -means commensurate with the danger and difficulty of the enterprise. The -Colonies were no longer the feeble and timid allies, known fifty years -before to his father. They had grown in numbers and in strength; and still -more in experience and spirit. Nothing less, than a general union of the -New England tribes, who lived among and around them all, would furnish a -safe guarantee for the complete success of such a war as was now -meditated.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Mather remarks upon the passage thus: "When the Duke of Archette, at - his being made governor of Antwerp castle, took an oath to keep it - faithfully for King Philip of Spain, the officer that gave him his oath - used these odd words. <i>If you perform what you promise, God help you; if - you do it not, the Devil take your body and soul!</i> and all the - standers-by cried '<i>Amen!</i>' But when the Indian King Philip took his - oath, nobody used <i>these words</i> unto him; nevertheless you shall see anon - whether <i>these words</i> were not expressive enough of what became of him!"</p> - - -<p>To that great preparation, then, the whole energies of Philip must be -devoted. It was as difficult, he well knew, as it was desirable. The ruler -of one small confederacy,—already suspected, and constantly under the -close scrutiny of his powerful neighbors,—he must unite and interest in -one common object, a multitude of scattered nations who had met and -known each other, until this time, only in jealousy, envy, revenge, and in -many cases hereditary and inveterate war; and among whose councils no -similar plan, for any purpose whatever, had even been conceived of. How -far Philip surmounted these obstacles, will be seen. The great train of -events we are approaching, are so interesting both as a passage of general -history, and still more, as they implicate and illustrate the character of -Philip, that it may be proper to take some notice of the causes which gave -rise to them. It is well known, that his English contemporaries looked upon -him, very generally, With feelings far from benevolent. It was natural -under the circumstances that they should do so; but it is no more -necessary, than it is philosophical or just on the other hand, to confide -implicitly either in their opinions or their statements. Philip and his -Wampanoags are unlucky enough, like the lion in the fable, to have no -painter.</p> - -<p>It should be observed here, that Philip like his elder brother, -unquestionably considered himself an ally and not a subject of the -English;—at least, until his nominal submission in 1671. Even the same -authorities who record this submission, speak of his renewing his ancient -covenant, (as indeed the instrument itself shows.) A distinct article -recognises Massasoit as an independent sovereign. Philip, then, held the -same relation to the English, that his father and brother had done for the -fifty years, during which the two parties had treated and associated upon -equal and intimate terms. He was bound by the same engagements, and -possessed of the same rights; and it only remains to be seen, if due -regard was paid to these circumstances upon either side.</p> - -<p>Now, we look upon the assault of Alexander, in 1662, in the first place, -as not only a sufficient cause of suspicion and resentment, but of war; -and that, upon the best construction which can be put upon the most -favorable of the <i>ex-parte</i> relations that appear upon record. By the old -treaty itself; which Alexander also took the gratuitous trouble to - <i>renew,</i>—and without any reference to courtesy or humanity, or to -national fidelity, or to personal friendship, existing up to this -date,—the English were bound generally to treat him as an allied -sovereign, and especially to make a preliminary demand of satisfaction, in -all eases of complaint. We have seen that the charge brought against him -in 1662,—vague and unsupported as it was,—was not so much as explained -to the sachem, previously to his being taken from his own territory by an -armed force, and carried before an English justice of the Peace. In no -other instance does the Plymouth Colony seem to have exercised an -authority of this nature, even over the meanest subjects of the sachem. -"Inasmuch as complaint is made, that many Indians pass into divers places -of this jurisdiction," say the records of the Colony for 1660, "it is -enacted that no strange or foreign Indians be permitted to become -residents, and that <i>notice be given to the several sagamores to prevent -the same.</i>"</p> - -<p>A remark might be made upon the policy of laws like these, so far as the -Pokanokets were concerned; as also of the acts of 1652, and 1653, which -prohibited the sale of casks, barques, boats and horses, to the Indians, -besides providing a punishment for such of them, resident in the Colony, -as should violate the Christian sabbath, or discharge their guns in the -night-time. But these regulations the Government had an undoubted right to -make, as Massasoit and Philip had possessed a right,—which, however, they -were complaisant enough to relinquish,—of selling their own lands to -purchasers of their own choosing.</p> - -<p>Such was the state of things previous to the submission of 1671. With -regard to this, it is quite clear that, even if Philip was made to -understand the instrument which it is well known he could not read, he -could look upon it only as an insult, imposed upon him under circumstances -amounting to duress. Independently of any force, too, he must have thought -himself justified, by the manifest disposition and the summary measures of -the English, in availing himself of any stratagem to lull suspicion and to -gain time. He might or might not, at this period or before, have meditated -acting offensively against them, in revenge of the indignity suffered by -his brother and his nation; but it was certainly both prudent and -patriotic in him, to put himself on the defensive. He had a right, it -appears to us, both to drill his own people in martial exercises, and to -make alliances with his Indian neighbors.</p> - -<p>It might have been a safe policy in the Plymouth Government, to have -considered these things, in regard at least to what they might call the -jealous and barbarous prejudices of the Indians, before proceeding to -extremities with either Alexander or Philip. On the contrary, while they -enacted laws, and encouraged accusations, and took the execution of the -penalty of them into their own hands, they used no means to conciliate -Philip, but sending for him to appear before "the Plymouth Court." Whether -they were cautious in all other respects after this time to avoid offence, -it is not to be expected that history should enable us to determine. We -find, however, that certain of the Colonists, in 1673, took upon them to -negotiate treaties for land with private subjects of Philip; and there is -no reason to doubt, that they entered and kept possession accordingly. As -the sachems are known to have been as tenacious of their territory in -claim, as they were liberal of it in disposal, it may well be conceived -that this first instance of a similar nature upon record, should occasion -Philip no little dissatisfaction. In imitation of the English courtesy, he -might have despatched Nimrod, Tobias, Woonkaponcpunt, or some other of his -"valiant and excellent" majors-generals to "fetch down" the offending -grantees to Sowams. He seems to have taken no express notice of the -affair. But that he understood his territorial rights, is apparent from -the singular communication which follows. It is preserved in the -Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, volume second of the -first series, as precisely copied from the original, which is still -preserved at Plymouth.</p> - -<p>"King Philip desire to let you understand that he could not come to the -Court, for Tom, his interpreter, has a pain in his back, that he could not -travel so far, and Philip sister is very sik.</p> - -<p>"Philip would intreat that favor of you, and aney of the magistrate <i>if -aney English or Engians speak about aney land, he pray you to give them no -answer at all.</i> This last summer he made that promis with you, that he -would not sell no land in seven years time, <i>for that he would have no -English trouble him before that time,</i> he has not forgot that you promis -him.</p> - -<p>"He will come as soon as possible as he can to speak with you, and so I -rest, you very loving friend, Philip, dwelling at mount hope nek." [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Since the text was written, our opinion has been confirmed by - meeting with the following significant query in a petition of Mr. Gookin - and Mr. Elliot to the Massachusetts Government in 1684, for the - rescinding of certain purchases made of the Indians which they - considered fraudulent:—"<i>Was not a principal cause of the late war - about encroachments on Philip's lands at Mount Hope?</i>" No remarks of - ours can add to the force of a suggestion from such a source.</p> - - -<p>This unique letter is addressed "To the much honored Governor, Mr. Thomas -Prince, dwelling at Plymouth." As Philip himself could neither read nor -write, the honor of the orthography and construction must be attributed to -the infirm interpreter. But the sentiments are worthy of the sachem -himself; and they certainly manifest a mingled civility and independence -which do him great credit. No date is affixed to the letter. If it do not -refer to the transaction just mentioned, it was probably prompted by some -other of the same description. The interest which the sachem felt in cases -of this kind, is apparent from one of his own conveyances, made in 1668. -It was of a tract included within the present limits of Rochester, upon -the sea-shore. He drafted an accurate plan of it with his own hand, (still -preserved upon the records of the Old Colony) and forwarded it to the -Court, with the following explanation.</p> - -<p>"This may inform the honorable Court," we read, "that I, Philip, am -willing to sell the land within this draught, but the Indians that are -upon it may live upon it still; but the land that is mine that is sold, -and Watashpoo is of the same mind. I have put down all the principal names -of the land we are now willing should be sold." Watashpoo was probably -one of the occupants, chiefly interested in the case. The letter ends -thus; "Know all Men by these Presents, That Philip has given power unto -Watashpoo, and Sampson, and their brethren, to hold and make sale of said -land to whom they will," &c. This letter must have been sent in compliance -with some request from his Plymouth friends. It is dated at Pocanauket; -subscribed by the capital P, which was the sachem's mark; and attested, -and no doubt written, by his secretary, John Sassamon.</p> - -<p>Sassamon is distinguished in history as having been the immediate -occasion of the first open hostilities. He was born in some family of -praying Indians, and after receiving a tolerable education at Cambridge -and other places, was employed as a school-master at Natick. The -composition above cited rather supports Hubbard's remark, that he was a -"cunning and plausible Indian, well skilled in the English language." This -writer says, that he left the English on account of some misdemeanor. -Mather states, that "apostatizing from the profession of Christianity, he -lived like a heathen, in the quality of secretary to King Philip." He adds, -that he afterwards deserted the sachem, and gave such notable evidences of -repentance, as to be employed in preaching among the Indians at Natick, -under the eye of his old instructor, the venerable Eliot.</p> - -<p>This was another of the provocations which must have annoyed Philip. -Hubbard states expressly, that Sassamon was importunately urged to forsake -him; and it appears from other sources, that there had previously been -such an entire confidence between the two, that the Secretary was -intrusted with all the secrets of his master. The provocation went still -farther. Sassamon, either having or pretending to have some occasion to go -among the Pokanokets frequently, availed himself of this opportunity to -scrutinize their movements, and to report them as he thought proper to the -English. In consequence of this, Philip and some of his subjects were -"examined," we are told, but nothing definite was learned from them. Soon -after, Sassamon disappeared; and as he had expressed some well-founded -fears of meeting with a violent death in the course of these manœuvres, -his friends were alarmed. They commenced, a search, and finally found his -dead body in Assawomset pond, (in Middleborough) where a hole in the ice, -through which he had been thrust, was still open, and his hat and gun left -near by, as if he had drowned himself. "Furthermore," says Mather, "upon -the jealousies of the spirits of men that he might have met with some foul -play, a jury was empanelled, unto whom it appeared that his neck was -broken, <i>which is one Indian way of murdering.</i>"</p> - -<p>The next step of the Plymouth Government was to seize upon three Pokanoket -Indians, on the testimony of a fourth, "<i>found,</i>" says Hubbard, "<i>by a -strange providence.</i>" This man swore that he had seen the murder committed -from a hill near the pond. It must be inferred that he swore to the -identity of the prisoners, for it appears they were convicted from "his -undeniable testimony and other circumstances," [FN] and forthwith hanged. -Whatever may be said of the <i>legal,</i> the <i>moral</i> probability certainly is, -that they were guilty. They were probably appointed to execute the -judgement of Philip upon Sassamon, one of them being Tobias, a man of some -distinction. At all events, Philip must have thought himself justified in -taking this summary measure with a vagabond who was mean enough to avail -himself, as Sassamon did, of being tolerated in <i>his</i> territory after having -betrayed his confidence, and apparently for the very purpose of following -up his own treason.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] The Colonists were but too ready, throughout these transactions, to - believe any thing and everything which supported a charge against Philip. - One of the undeniable circumstances is, probably, stated by Mather. The - dead body bled afresh, says the Doctor, on the approach of Tobias, "yea, - upon the repetition of the experiment, it still happened so," albeit he - had been deceased and interred for a considerable while before.</p> -<br><br><br> - - - - <h2 class="direct" style="page-break-before: always;"><a id="chviii">CHAPTER VIII.</a></h2> -<br><br> - - - <p class="chap">Preparations for war between Philip and the Colonies—Great excitement of - the times—Deposition of Hugh Cole—Immediate occasion of - hostilities—Commencement of them, June 24th, 1675—Summary sketch of - the war—Consequences to the parties engaged—Exertions, adventures and - escapes of King Philip—His death—Anecdotes respecting - him—Observations on his character—His courage, dignity, kindness, - independence, shrewdness, and self-command—Fate of his family—Defence - of his conduct.</p> -<br> - -<p><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Whatever</span> had previously been the disposition or determination of Philip, -it is universally agreed, that subsequent to the transaction mentioned at -the close of the last chapter, he took but little pains either to -conceal his own hostility or to check that of his subjects. It would be -incredible that he should. He well remembered what had happened to his -brother in much more peaceable times; and, as several historians intimate, -he must actually have apprehended "the danger his own head was in next." -A passage in one of his letters heretofore cited, is to the same -purpose—"as also suggestions of great danger in case they [his subjects] -there [at Plymouth] appear; <i>with harsh threats to the sachem, that may be -Considered.</i>"</p> - -<p>Every preparation was now made for the impending crisis on either side. -The following ancient document, taken from the records of Plymouth, -shows that the agitation of all the parties concerned had already arrived -to a high pitch. It is the deposition of one Hugh Cole, taken in court -previous to Sassamon's death, and attested by Nathaniel Morton as -secretary. [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Vide 6th. Vol. Mss. His. Coll. 1st Series</p> - - -<p>"Hugh Cole, aged forty-three, or there abouts, being deposed, saith;—That -in February last past before the date hereof he went to Shewamett, and -two Englishmen more with him: and that their business was <i>to persuade the -Indians to go to Plymouth,</i> to answer a complaint made by Hezekiah Luther. -The Indians (saith he) seeing us, came out of the house towards us, being -many of them, at the least twenty or thirty, with staves in their hand; -and when the Indians saw there were but three of us, they laid down their -staves again. Then we ask the Indians what they did with those staves in -their hands? They answered, that they looked for Englishmen to come from -Plymouth, to seek Indians, to carry them to Plymouth. But they said they -were not willing to go. And some time after, in the same morning, Philip, -the chief sachem, sent for me to come to him; and I went to Mount Hope to -him; and when I came to Mount Hope, I saw most of the Indians that I knew -of Shewamett Indians, there at Mount Hope, and they were generally -employed in making of bows and arrows, and half pikes, and fixing up of -guns. And I saw many Indians of several places repair towards Mount Hope. -And some days after I came from Mount Hope, I, with several others, saw -one of Captain Willett's rangers, coming on post on horseback, who told -us, that king Philip was marched up the neck with about three score men; -and Zacary Eddy, on his report, went to see if he could find them; and he -found them towards the upper part of the neck, in several companies. One -Caleb Eddy further saith, that he saw many there in arms; and I was -informed by John Padduck, that he saw two several guns, loaded with -bullets or slugs. And I further testify, that those Indians that I saw -come towards Mount Hope, as aforesaid, came better armed than I usually -have seen them. Further saith not."</p> - -<p>The Pokanokets mustered at Mount Hope, early in the spring of 1675, from -all quarters, and the whole country was in agitation. The ungovernable -fury of some of these fierce warriors was the immediate occasion of the -war which ensued. They had not the power which Philip himself had, of -enduring provocation with the reservation of revenge; and they were by no -means so well aware, on the other hand, of the advantages to be gained by -such a course. At length, a party of them expressed their feelings so -intolerably—soon after the execution of their three countrymen—that an -Englishman at Swanzey discharged his musket at one of them, and wounded -him. This affair took place June 24, 1675, a day memorable in American -history as the commencement of <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Philip's War.</span> "Now," says a reverend -historian of those times, "war was begun by a fierce nation of Indians -upon an honest, harmless Christian generation of English, who might very -truly have said unto the aggressors, as it was said of old unto the -Ammonites, '<i>I have not sinned against thee, but thou doest me wrong to -war against me.</i>'" Such no doubt was the persuasion of a large majority of -the contemporary countrymen of the learned divine.</p> - -<p>Hostilities were now promptly undertaken. A letter was sent to Philip, in -the month of June, which, of course, did no good; applications were also -made to the Massachusetts Government for immediate assistance; forces were -raised and stationed throughout the Colony; and matters very soon after -proceeded to a length which made compromise or conciliation impossible. We -do not intend to give for the present the well-known particulars of this -celebrated war. It is sufficient to observe, that it was carried on for -more than a year with a violence, and amid an excitement unparalleled, -perhaps, in the history of the country; and that it terminated with the -death of Philip, late in the season of 1676.</p> - -<p>The result of it was decisive, as the sachem was well aware that it would -be, of the fate of the New England Indians. The Pokanokets were nearly -exterminated. The Narraghansetts lost about one thousand of their number -in the celebrated swamp-fight at Sunke-Squaw. All the Indians on the -Connecticut river, and most of the Nipmucks who survived, fled to Canada, -(where they were subsequently of great service to the French!) and a few -hundreds took refuge in New York. The English detachment of Captain Church -alone, are estimated to have killed about seven hundred between June and -October of 1676. Large numbers of those who were captured were sent out of -the country, and sold as slaves.</p> - -<p>But the triumph of the conqueror was dearly bought. The whole fighting -force of the four Colonies seems to have been almost constantly in -requisition. Between one and two thousand men were engaged at the -swamp-fight alone,—an immense force for a population of scarcely forty -thousand English throughout New England. Thirteen towns were entirely -destroyed by the enemy; six hundred dwelling-houses burned; and about the -same number of Englishmen killed, so that almost every family lost a -relative. The mere expense of the war must have been very great; for the -Commissioners of the United Colonies afterwards estimated the -disbursements of the Old Colony alone, at more than one hundred thousand -pounds.</p> - -<p>Such was the war of King Philip—sustained and managed, upon his side, by -his own single-handed energy and talent alone. Not that the sixty -Wampanoags of the sachem's own house-hold, as it were, or even the various -tribes of the Pokanoket country, were his sole supporters; but that all -the other tribes, which supported him, did it in consequence of his -influence, and were induced to unite and operate together, as they never -had done before, under his control. Some writers have asserted, that he -engaged the various Atlantic tribes as far south as Virginia to assist -him; but of this there is no proof, and it is rendered improbable by the -great want of inter-communication among these tribes.</p> - -<p>Nor is it true, as other writers have stated, that all the natives of New -England itself were involved with Philip. On the other hand, it was the -most trying circumstance of the great struggle of the sachem, that he had -not only to rely upon bringing and keeping together scores of petty -cantons, as jealous of each other from time immemorial as so many Highland -clans; but he had to watch and resist, openly and secretly, all who would -not join him, besides the multitudes who deserted, betrayed and opposed -him. The New Hampshire tribes mostly withdrew from the contest. The -praying Indians, of whom there were then thousands, either remained -neutral, or like Sassamon turned against their own race. One of Philip's -own tribes forsook him in his misfortunes; and the Pequots and Mohegans of -Connecticut kept the field against him from the very first day of the war -to the last. It may be supposed, that some of these tribes were surprised, -as Philip himself was, by the sudden breaking out of the war, a year -before the time which had been fixed for it. This was occasioned by the -proceedings in which Sassamon was concerned, and by the ungovernable fury -of a few of the young warriors.</p> - -<p>Philip is said to have wept at these tidings of the first outrage of the -war. He relented, perhaps, savage as he was, at the idea of disturbing the -long amity which his father had preserved; but he may well have regretted, -certainly, that being once forced upon the measure, he should enter the -battle-field unprepared for what he well knew must be the last, as it was -the first, great contest between the red men and the whites. But the die -was cast, and though Philip never smiled after that memorable hour alluded -to, his whole soul was bent upon the business before him. Day nor night, -scarcely was there rest for his limbs or sleep for his eyes. His resources -must have been feeble enough, had his plans, now embarrassed, succeeded to -his utmost wish; but he girded himself, as it was, with a proud heart for -the mortal struggle. The strength of his own dominions was about six -hundred warriors, ready, and more than ready, long since, for the war-cry. -The whole force of his old enemies, the Narragansetts, was already engaged -to him. He had negotiated, also, with the Nipmucks and the tribes on the -Connecticut and farther west, and one after another, these were soon -induced to join him. Nor was it six weeks from the first hostilities, -before all the Indians along the coast of Maine, for a distance of two -hundred miles, were eagerly engaged, in what Philip told them was the -common cause of the race.</p> - -<p>That no arts might be left untried, even while the court were condemning -his three subjects, he was holding a grand war-dance at Sowams, and -mustering his tawny warriors around him from all quarters. Several tribes -afterwards confessed to the English, that Philip had thus inveigled them -into the war. And again, no sooner were his forces driven back upon the -Connecticut river tribes, about the first of September, 1675, than he -enlisted new allies among <i>them.</i> The Hadley Indians, who had joined the -English,—very likely at his instigation,—were suspected, and fled to -him. Their Springfield neighbors, soon after, joined three hundred of -Philip's men, in an attack upon that town; and thus the whole Nipmuck -country was involved. In the course of the ensuing winter, the sachem is -said to have visited the Mohawks in New York. Not succeeding in gaining -their alliance by fair argument, he was desperate enough to kill some of -their straggling young men in the woods, in such a manner that the blame -would obviously be charged upon the English. But this stratagem was -defeated, by the escape of one who had only been stunned by the sachem. -The latter was obliged to take abrupt leave of his hosts; and from that -time, they were among his worst enemies.</p> - -<p>His situation during the last few months of the war, was so deplorable, -and yet his exertions so well sustained, that we can only look upon him -with pity and admiration. His successes for some time past had been -tremendous; but the tide began to ebb. The whole power of the Colonies was -in the field, aided by guides and scouting-parties of his own race. The -Saconets, the subjects of a near relation of his own, enlisted under -Church. Other tribes complained and threatened. Their territory, as well -as his, had been over-run, their settlements destroyed, and their planting -and fishing-grounds all occupied by the English. Those of them who were -not yet hunted down, were day and night followed into swamps and forests, -and reduced to live,—if they did not actually starve or freeze,—upon the -least and worst food to be conceived of. Hundreds died of diseases -incurred in this manner. "I have eaten horse," said one of these miserable -wretches, "but now horse is eating me." Another informed Church, on one -occasion, that about three hundred Indians had gone a long way to Swanzey, -in the heat of the war, for the purpose of eating clams, and that Philip -was soon to follow them. At another time, the valiant captain himself -captured a large party. Finding it convenient to attack a second directly -after, he bade the first wait for him, and join him at a certain -rendezvous. The day after the skirmish, "they came to him as they were -ordered," and he drove them all together, that very night, into -Bridgewater <i>pound,</i> and set his Saconet soldiers to guard them. "Being -well treated with victuals and drink," he adds, with great simplicity, -"they had a merry night, and the prisoners laughed as loud as the -soldiers; <i>not being so treated for a long time before.</i>"</p> - -<p>The mere physical sufferings of Philip, meanwhile, are almost incredible. -It is by his hair-breadth escapes, indeed, that he is chiefly visible -during the war. Occasionally, the English come close upon him; he starts -up, like the roused lion, plunges into the river or leaps the precipice; -and nothing more is seen of him for months. Only a few weeks after the war -commenced, he was surrounded in the great Pocasset swamp, and obliged to -escape from his vigilant enemies by rafting himself, with his best men, -over the great Taunton river, while their women and children were left to -be captured. On his return to the same neighborhood, the next season, a -captive guided the English to his encampment. Philip fled in such haste as -to leave his kettle upon the fire; twenty of his comrades were overtaken -and killed; and he himself escaped to the swamp, precisely as he had -formerly escaped from it. Here his uncle was shot soon afterwards at his -side. Upon the next day, Church, discovering an Indian seated on a fallen -tree, made to answer the purpose of a bridge over the river, raised his -musket and deliberately aimed at him. "It is one of our own party," -whispered a savage, who crept behind him. Church lowered his gun, and the -stranger turned his head. It was Philip himself, musing, perhaps, upon the -fate which awaited him. Church fired, but his royal enemy had already fled -down the bank. He escaped from a close and bloody skirmish a few hours -afterwards.</p> - -<p>He was now a desolate and desperate man, the last prince of an ancient -race, without subjects, without territory, accused by his allies, betrayed -by his comrades, hunted like a spent deer by blood-hounds, in daily hazard -of famishing, and with no shelter day or night for his head. All his chief -counsellors and best friends had been killed. His brother was slain in the -Pocasset swamp; his uncle was shot down at his own side; and his wife and -only son were captured when he himself so narrowly escaped from the fire -of Church. And could he have fled for the last time from the soil of his -own country, he would still have found no rest or refuge. He had betaken -himself once to a place between York and Albany; but even here, as Church -says, the <i>Moohags</i> made a descent upon him and killed many of his men. -His next kennelling-place [FN] was at the fall of Connecticut river, above -Deerfield, where, some time after, "Captain Turner found him, came upon -him by night, killed a great many men, and frightened many more into the -river, that were hunted down the falls and drowned." He lost three hundred -men at this time. They were in their encampments, asleep and unguarded. -The English rushed upon them, and they fled in every direction, -half-awakened, and crying out, "Mohawks! Mohawks!"</p> - - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] The language of Church. The same name might be as properly applied, we - suppose, to a curious cave in the vicinity of Winnecunnett pond, in - Norton (Mass.) In the midst of a cluster of large rocks, it is formed by - the projection of one over another which meets it with an acute angle. It - is five feet high, and the area at the base is seventeen feet by nine. - Tradition represents it as one of the Sachem's secret retreats, and it - bears the name of "Philip's-Cave" to this day.</p> - - -<p>We cannot better illustrate Philip's character, than by observing, that -within a few days of this affair, he was collecting the remnants of the -Narraghansetts and Nipmucks among the Wachuset hills, on the east side of -the river; that they then made a descent upon Sudbury; "met with and -<i>swallowed up the valiant Captain Wadsworth and his company;</i> [FN-1] and -many other doleful desolations in those parts." We also find, that Philip -was setting parties to waylay Church, under his own worst circumstances; -and that he came very near succeeding. He is thought to have been at the -great swamp-fight in December, 1675; and to have led one thousand Indians -against Lancaster on the ensuing 8th of February. In August of the former -season, he made his appearance among the Nipmucks, in a swamp ten or -twelve miles from Brookfield. "They told him at his first coming," said -one of them who was taken captive, "what they had done to the English at -Brookfield [burning the town.] <i>Then he presented and gave to three -sagamores,</i> namely, John <i>alias</i> Apequinast, Quanansit, and Mawtamps, to -each of them <i>about a peck of unstrung wampum.</i>" [FN-2] Even so late as -the month before the sachem's death, a Negro, who had fought under him, -informed the English of his design of attacking certain towns, being still -able to muster something like a thousand men. In his last and worst days, -he would not think of peace; and he killed with his own hand, upon the -spot, the only Indian who ever dared to propose it. It was the brother of -this man by whom he was himself soon after slain.</p> - - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN-1] This strong expression of the Captain's may refer to the really - savage treatment which the unfortunate prisoners met with in this case. - We have it on the authority of Mather, at least, that those "devils - incarnate" inflicted a variety of tortures not necessary to be enlarged - upon here; "and so with exquisite, leisurely, horrible torments, roasted - them out of the world." <i>History of New England,</i> Book VII. p. 55, - London Ed. 1702.</p> - - <p class="quote">[FN-2] Note to Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts. Mather says, that - these very Indians had covenanted by a formal treaty, a month before, - that they would not assist Philip.</p> - - -<p>These are clear proofs, then, that Philip possessed a courage as noble as -his intellect. Nor is there any doubt that history would have furnished a -long list of his personal exploits, but that his situation compelled him -to disguise as well as conceal himself. If any thing but his face had been -known, there was nothing to prevent Church from shooting him, as we have -seen. And universally influential as he was,—the master-spirit every -where guiding, encouraging, soothing and rewarding,—it is a fact worthy -of mention, that from the time of his first flight from Pocasset until a -few weeks before his death, no Englishman could say, that he had either -seen his countenance or heard his voice. Hence Church describes him as -being always foremost in the flight. The price put upon his head, the -fearful power which pursued him, the circumstance that some of his own -acquaintance were against him, and especially the vital importance of his -life to his cause, all made it indispensable for him to adopt every -stratagem of the wary and cunning warfare of his race.</p> - -<p>We have said something of Philip's ideas of his own sovereign dignity. -Hence the fate of Sassamon, and of the savage who proposed peace. There -is a well settled tradition, that in 1665 he went over to the island of -Nantucket, with the view of killing an Indian called John Gibbs. [FN] He -landed on the west end, intending to travel along the shore, undiscovered, -under the bank, to that part of the island where Gibbs resided. By some -lucky accident, the latter received a hint of his approach, made his -escape to the English settlement, and induced one Mr. Macy to conceal him. -His crime consisted in speaking the name of some deceased relative of -Philip (his brother, perhaps,) contrary to Indian etiquette in such cases -provided. The English held a parley with the sachem, and all the money -they were able to collect was barely sufficient to satisfy him for the -life of the culprit. It was not a mere personal insult, but a violation of -the reverence due from a subject to his king.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] The fact, as to the visit itself, is authenticated by the extant - records of Nantucket.</p> - - -<p>It appears, that when he visited Boston, before the war, he succeeded in -persuading the government,—as, no doubt, was the truth of the case,—that -notwithstanding the old league of his father, renewed by himself, or -rather by force of it, he was still independent of Plymouth. "These -successive engagements were agreements of amity, and not of subjection any -further, as he apprehended." He then desired to see a copy of the treaty, -and requested that one might be procured for him. He knew, he added, that -the praying Indians had submitted to the English; but the Pokanokets had -done no such thing, and they were not subject. The letter of the -Massachusetts to the Plymouth Government, written just after this -interview with the sachem, is well worthy of notice. "We do not -understand," say the former, "how far he hath subjected himself to you; -but the treatment you have given him, does not render him such a subject, -as that, if there be not present answering to summons, there should -presently be a proceeding to hostilities."</p> - -<p>Philip had himself the same notion of a Plymouth <i>summons</i>; and yet either -policy or good feeling induced him to <i>visit</i> the Plymouth Governor, in -March, 1675, for the purpose of quieting the suspicions of the Colony; -nothing was discovered against him, and he returned home. He maintained -privately the same frank but proud independence. He was opposed to -Christianity as much as his father was, and would make no concessions upon -that point. Possibly the remembrance of Sassamon might have rankled in his -bosom, when, upon the venerable Eliot once undertaking to convert him, he -took one of his buttons between his fingers, and told him he cared no more -for the Gospel than for that button. That he was generally more civil, -however, may be inferred from Gookin's statement; "I have heard him speak -very good words, arguing that his conscience is convicted &c." The sachem -evidently made himself agreeable in this case.</p> - -<p>In regard to his personal appearance, always a matter of curiosity in the -case of great men, sketches purporting to be portraits of him are extant, -but none of them are believed to have more verisimilitude than the -grotesque caricature prefixed to the old narrative of Captain Church (the -model of the series); and we must therefore content ourselves to remain -ignorant in this matter. As to his costume, Josselyn who saw him at Boston -says that he had a coat on, and buskins set thick with beads, "in pleasant -wild works and a broad belt of the same;" his accoutrements being valued -at £20. A family in Swanzey (Mass) is understood to be still in -possession of some of the royalties which were given up by <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Anawon</span>, at -the time of <i>his</i> capture by Church. [FN] There were two horns of glazed -powder, a red-cloth blanket, and three richly and beautifully wrought -wampum belts. One was nine inches wide, and so long as to extend from the -shoulder to the ankles. To the second, which was worn on the head, were -attached two ornamented small flags. The third and smallest had a star -figured in beads upon one end, which came over the bosom.</p> - - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Anawon is said to have been Philip's chief counsellor and captain - during the war; and also to have fought under Massasoit. But the latter - was not a very belligerent character; nor do we find mention of Anawon's - services under Philip, previous to the time of his fall at the - swamp-skirmish, when the counsellor made his escape. Hubbard states that - he boasted of having killed ten whites in one day; but nearly all that is - known of him we derive from the picturesque account of his capture by - Church, who headed an expedition for the express purpose. Anawon met his - misfortune, and even entertained his conqueror, most manfully on that - occasion; and Church reciprocated his courtesies; but all in vain—the - old warrior, with many others of his tribe, was soon after beheaded at - Plymouth. To the traveller from Taunton to Providence, through the - south-east corner of Rehoboth, <i>Anawon's rock</i> is pointed out to this - day—an enormous pile, from twenty-five to thirty feet high, on a sort of - island in a swamp of some thousand acres.</p> - - -<p>Philip was far from being a mere barbarian in his manners and feelings. -There is not an instance to be met with, of his having maltreated a -captive in any way, even while the English were selling his own people as -slaves abroad, or torturing and hanging them at home. The famous Mrs. -Rowlandson speaks of meeting with him during her <i>doleful</i> captivity. He -invited her to call at his lodge; and when she did so, bade her sit down, -and asked her if she would smoke. On meeting her again, he requested her -to make some garment for his child, and for this he paid her a shilling. -He afterwards took the trouble of visiting her for the purpose of assuring -her, that "in a fortnight she should be her own mistress." Her last -interview, it must be allowed, shows his shrewdness to rather more -advantage than his fair dealing. It was Indian stratagem in war-time, -however; and the half-clad sachem was at this very time living upon -ground-nuts, acorns and lily-roots. "Philip, smelling the business, [her -ransom,] called me to him, and asked me what I would give him to tell me -some good news, and to speak a good word for me, that I might go home -to-morrow. I told him I could not tell,—but any thing I had,—and -asked him what he would have. He said two coats, and twenty shillings in -money, half a bushel of seed-corn, and some tobacco. <i>I thanked him for -his love, but I knew that good news as well as that crafty fox.</i>" It is -probable he was amusing himself with this good woman, much as he did with -the worthy Mr. Gookin; but at all events, there are no traces of -malevolent feeling in these simple anecdotes.</p> - -<p>What is more striking, we find that when one James Brown, of Swanzey, -brought him a letter from Plymouth, just before hostilities commenced, and -the young warriors were upon the point of killing him, Philip interfered -and prevented it, saying, that "his father had charged him to show -kindness to Mr. Brown." Accordingly, it is recorded in Hubbard, that a -little before <i>his</i> death, the old sachem had visited Mr. Brown, who lived -not far from Montaup, and earnestly desired that the love and amity <i>he</i> -had received, might be continued to the children. It was probably this -circumstance, which induced Brown himself, to engage in such a hazardous -enterprize, after an interval, probably, of some twenty years.</p> - -<p>Nor should we pass over the kindness of Philip to the Leonard family, who -resided near Fowling Pond, in what is now Raynham. Philip, who wintered at -Montaup,—for the convenience of fishing, perhaps,—was accustomed to -spend the summer at a hunting-house, by this pond. There he became -intimate with the Leonards, traded with them, and had his arms repaired by -them frequently. On the breaking out of the war, he gave strict orders -that these men should never be hurt, as they never were; [FN] and, indeed, -the whole town of Taunton,—as it then was,—remained almost entirely -unmolested throughout the war, and amid all the ravages and massacres -which daily took place upon its very borders. How much of provocation and -humiliation he was himself enduring meanwhile, we have already seen. All -his relations were killed or captured, and a price set upon his own life.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] A forge is still in operation upon the site of the one here - mentioned. The original Leonard-House, where tradition says that Philip's - head was deposited for some time, is represented in the Vignette prefixed - to this volume. It is still occupied by one of the family, of the sixth - generation from the builder, and, so far as we are informed, is the - oldest mansion now standing in this country. The vane, at one of the - gable-ends is inscribed with the date 1700; but there is little doubt of - the house having been erected at least thirty years previous. The - workmanship, especially within, is remarkably massive and sound. It is - apparently modelled after an English fashion of the eighteenth century, - with some modifications proper for defence against the Indians. It was - garrisoned during the war.—The Fowling Pond, still so called, has become - a thick swamp. An aged gentleman was living not many years since, who in - boyhood had frequently gone off in a canoe, to catch fish in its waters. - Indian weapons and utensils are still found on its borders.</p> - - -<p>It is a matter of melancholy interest to know, that the sachem, wretched -and hopeless as he had become in his last days, was still surrounded by a -band of his faithful and affectionate followers. At the very moment of his -fatal surprise by the English, he is said to have been telling them of his -gloomy dreams, [FN-1] and advising them to desert him and provide for -their own safety. A few minutes after this, he was shot in attempting to -escape from the swamp. An Englishman,—one Cook,—aimed at him, but his -gun missed fire; the Indian who was stationed to watch at the same place, -discharged <i>his</i> musket, and shot him through the heart. The news of this -success was of course received with great satisfaction; Church says, that -"the whole army gave three loud huzzas." It is to be regretted that the -honest captain suffered his prejudices to carry him so far, that he denied -the rites of burial to his great enemy. He had him quartered, on the -contrary, and his head carried to Plymouth, where, as Mather is careful to -tell us, it arrived on the very day when the church there were keeping a -solemn thanksgiving. The conqueror's temper was soured by the illiberality -of the Government toward himself. For this march he received but four and -sixpence a man, together with thirty shillings a head for the killed. He -observes that Philip's head went at the same price, and he thought it a -"scanty reward and poor encouragement." The sachem's head was carried -about the Colony in triumph; [FN-2] and the Indian who killed him was -rewarded with one of his hands. To finish the wretched detail, several of -his principal royalties were soon after given up by one of his chief -captains; and the lock of the gun which was fatal to him, with a -<i>samp-dish</i> found in his wigwam, are still to be seen among the -antiquities of the Historical Society of Massachusetts. Montaup, which -became the subject of a dispute between the Massachusetts and Plymouth -Colonies, was finally awarded to the latter by a special decision of King -Charles.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN-1] The violent prejudice existing against Philip, unmitigated even by - his sufferings and death, appears singularly in a parenthetical surmise - of Hubbard, "whether the devil appeared to him that night in a dream, - foreboding his tragical end, <i>it matters not.</i>" So Mather says, he was - hung up like <i>Ahag,</i> after being shot through his "venomous and murderous - heart." Church, generally an honorable and humane man, speaks of his - fallen foe, in terms which we regard his reputation too much to repeat.</p> - - <p class="quote">[FN-2] It was kept many years at Plymouth, Dr. Mather says in 1700.—"It - is not long since the hand which now writes upon a certain occasion took - off the jaw from the exposed skull of <i>that blasphemous leviathan.</i>"</p> - - -<p>Last and worst of all, his only son, a boy of nine years of age, whom we -have already noticed as among the English captives, was sold as a slave -and shipped to Burmuda. It should be stated, however, that this -unfortunate measure was not taken without some scruples. The Plymouth -Court were so much perplexed upon the occasion, as to conclude upon -applying to the clergymen of the Colony for advice. Mr. Cotton was of -opinion that "the children of notorious traitors, rebels, and murderers, -especially such as have been principal leaders and actors in such horrid -villainies, might be involved, in the guilt of their parents, and might, -<i>salva republica,</i> be adjudged <i>to death.</i>" Dr. Increase Mather compared -the child to Hadad, whose father was killed by Joab; and he intimates, -that if Hadad himself had not escaped, David would have taken measures to -prevent his molesting the next generation. It is gratifying to know, that -the course he recommended was postponed, even to the ignominious and -mortifying one we have mentioned.</p> - -<p>Such was the impression which had been universally forced upon the -Colonists by the terrible spirit of Philip. And never was a civilized or -an uncivilized enemy more generally or more justly feared. How much -greater his success might have been, had circumstances favored, instead of -opposing him, it is fortunately impossible for us to estimate. It is -confessed, however, that had even the Narraghansetts joined him during the -first summer of the war,—as nothing but the abrupt commencement of it -prevented them from doing,—the whole country, from the Piscataqua to the -Sound, must have been over-swept and desolated. But as it was, Philip did -and endured enough to immortalize him as a warrior, a statesman, and we -may add, as a high-minded and noble patriot. Whatever might be the -prejudice against him in the days of terror produced by his prowess, there -are both the magnanimity and the calmness in these times, to do him the -justice he deserves. He fought and fell,—miserably, indeed, but -gloriously,—the avenger of his own household, the worshipper of his own -gods, the guardian of his own honor, a martyr for the soil which was his -birth-place, and for the proud liberty which was his birth-right.</p> -<br><br><br> - - - - <h2 class="direct" style="page-break-before: always;"><a id="chix">CHAPTER IX.</a></h2> -<br><br> - - - <p class="chap">The Narraghansett tribe; territory and power—Chief Sachems at the date - of the English settlements in New England—<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Canonicus</span> associates with - himself <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Miantonomo,</span> his nephew—Their treatment of Roger Williams in - 1634—Hostility to the Plymouth Colony—Invited by the Pequots to fight - the English—Treaty negotiated at Boston, in 1636, by Miantonomo—War - with the Pequots and result of it—Subsequent hostility between - Miantonomo and <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Uncas—Sequassen</span>—Battle of the Sachem's-Plain—Capture - of Miantonomo—Sentence of the English commissioners upon him—Execution - of it.</p> -<br> - -<p><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Next</span> to the Pokanoket confederacy, none has a stronger claim on the early -notice of the historian, than the Narraghansett; a nation, composed of -various small tribes, inhabiting a large part of the territory which -afterwards formed the colony of Rhode-Island. Their dominion extended also -over the islands in the bay of their own name; and the Sagamores of a part -of Long-Island, Block-Island, Cawesit, and Niantick were either their -tributaries or subject to them in some other way. They had once been able -to raise more than four thousand warriors; and so late as Philip's time, -we have seen they could muster two thousand, one half of whom were -provided with English arms, and were skillful in the use of them. From -time immemorial, they had waged war with both the Pokanokets on the North -and the Pequots on the West.</p> - -<p>It might be expected, that the rulers of such a confederacy, thus -situated, should be men of talent and energy; and this expectation will -not be disappointed. Throughout the history of the New England Indians, as -we find no people more resolute in declaring what they believed to be -their rights, or more formidable in defending them, so we find no sachems -more ready and able than theirs, on all occasions, to sustain the high -spirit of their subjects.</p> - -<p>There is an unnecessary confusion in the information conveyed by some of -our best annalists, respecting the particular personage who governed the -Narraghansetts at the date of the first intercourse between them and the -English. Governor Hutchinson, for example, speaks in one case of <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Canonicus</span> -as being their chief sachem. In another, alluding to the death of -<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Miantonomo,</span> while the former was yet living, he observes, that although -they had <i>lost their chief sachem,</i> yet they had divers other stout ones, -as <i>Canonicus,</i> Pessacus and others.</p> - -<p>The ambiguity has arisen from the circumstance, that although Canonicus -exercised the chief authority of the country when the English first -arrived, he soon after became associated in the Government with -Miantonomo, his nephew. What were the particular conditions of the royal -co-partnership, or what was the occasion of it, cannot now be determined. -Some writers suppose, that the sole authority belonged to the younger of -the two, and that the elder acted in the capacity of regent; but -considering that the association continued during the whole term of the -joint lives of the two, it appears more probable, that Canonicus, finding -himself far advanced in years, [FN] as well as encumbered with the charge -of an extensive dominion, at the period of the first English settlements, -thought proper to make such an alteration in his regal state as seemed to -be required by the exigencies of the times. He therefore selected as an -associate, the most popular and active prince of his own family.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Roger Williams tells us in his <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Key to the Indian Languages,</span> first - printed in 1643, that he was about fourscore years of age. Elsewhere, it - is stated, that "Canonicus, being the sole governor or chief sachem, - employed his nephew Miantonomy, to manage his warlike affairs, as general - of his army, <i>and in his declining years took him as a partner in his - government for assistance." His. Narr. Country. Mass. His. Coll.</i></p> - - -<p>Mr. Hutchinson himself appears finally to adopt the conclusion we have -just stated. In a part of his history [FN] subsequent to the passage above -cited, he refers to information derived from authentic manuscripts, which -furnished the opinion of the Narraghansetts themselves upon the subject. -The oldest of that people reported, when the English first arrived, that -they had in former times a sachem called <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Tashtassack,</span> incomparably -superior to any other in the whole country in dominion and state. This -chieftain, said they, had only two children, a son and a daughter; and not -being able to match them according to their dignity, he joined them -together in wedlock. They had four sons; and of these, Canonicus, "<i>who -was sachem when the English came,</i>" was the eldest.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] <i>History of Mass. Vol. I.</i> pp. 72. and 458.</p> - - -<p>Mr. Hutchinson observes, that this is the only piece of Indian history, or -tradition of any sort, from the ancestors of our first Indians, he had -ever met with. The brothers of Canonicus here referred to, are -occasionally spoken of by the old writers, but not as having signalized -themselves by any thing worthy of notice.</p> - -<p>The fact that Canonicus and his nephew administered the government in -harmony, as well as in union, is shown most clearly by the letters of -Roger Williams. [FN] It is well known that, in 1634, when that reverend -gentleman was compelled to leave the Massachusetts colony, (on account of -his religious opinions,) he fled to Seekonk; But that place lying within -the limits of the Plymouth jurisdiction, and the people of that colony -being unwilling to embroil themselves with Massachusetts, Governor Winslow -informed him of the difficulty which was apprehended, and advised him to -occupy a spot on the other side of the river, without the boundaries of -either jurisdiction. Upon this, Mr. Williams, utterly forlorn, crossed the -river, and threw himself on the mercy of Canonicus.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] See Vol. I. Mass. His. Coll. 3d Series. The same writer says in his - Key to the Indian Languages—"Their agreement in the government is - remarkable. The old Sachem will not be offended at what the young Sachem - doth; and the young Sachem will not do what he conceives will displease - his uncle."</p> - - -<p>The savage chieftain—to his eternal praise, be it recorded—received him -with a hospitality worthy of an emperor. At first, indeed, he was -suspicious of his visitor's motives; and he was none the more -prepossessed in his favor, from his subjects having recently suffered -excessively from a formidable epidemic, which he supposed to have been -introduced by the English. "At my first coming among them," Mr. Williams -writes, "Caunounicus [FN] (morosus aeque ac barbarus senex) was very sour, -and accused the English and myself of sending the plague among them, and -threatening to kill <i>him</i> especially." Soon afterwards, however, he not -only permitted the refugee, and the poor wanderers who had followed him -from Salem, to have a resting place in his domain, but he gave them all -"the neck of land lying between the mouths of Pawtucket and Moshasuck -rivers, that they might sit down in peace upon it, and enjoy it forever." -Mr. Williams divided this land equally among his followers, and founded -the town of Providence. The settlement of Rhode Island commenced at -Patuxet a short time afterwards, Canonicus conveying to Williams nearly -the whole of what is now Providence county at one time.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <div class="quote">[FN] The following are but a few of the other modifications of this - name in use. - <table> - <tr><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Cononicus,</span> </td><td> </td><td>Trumbull's mss. Vol. 19th.</td></tr> - <tr><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Caunonicus,</span> </td><td> </td><td>Baylies' History of Plymouth.</td></tr> - <tr><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Conaucus,</span> </td><td> </td><td>Winslow's <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Good News from New England.</span></td></tr> - <tr><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Cannonicus,</span> </td><td> </td><td>Gookin.</td></tr> - <tr><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Cananucus,</span> </td><td> </td><td>Documents in Hazard's Collection.</td></tr> - <tr><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Coonoonacus, Canoonacus, Conownacus,</span> </td><td> </td><td>Same.</td></tr> -</table></div> - -<p>The kindness of the Narraghansett rulers is the more creditable to their -feelings, inasmuch as the former relations between them and the English -colonies had been far enough from friendly. Early in 1622, their threats of -hostility were so open, that the English were receiving constant -intelligence of their designs from the Indians in their own alliance; and -not long afterwards, Canonicus sent a herald to Plymouth, who left a bundle -of arrows enclosed in a rattle-snake's skin—the customary challenge to -war. The Governor despatched a messenger in return, bearing the same skin -stuffed with gunpowder and bullets; assuring the chieftain also, that if he -had shipping, instead of troubling <i>him</i> to come so far as Plymouth to -gratify his wish for fighting, he would have sought him in his own -country;—and furthermore, that whenever he did come, he should find the -English ready for him. This resolute message had the desired effect, and -the sachem's superstition confirmed it. Fearful of some mysterious injury, -he refused to touch the skin, and would not suffer it even to remain in his -house. It passed through several hands, and at length was returned to the -colony, unopened.</p> - -<p>In 1632, the sachem made an attack on Massasoit, who fled for refuge to an -English house at Sowams; and sent despatches for the assistance of his -English allies. As Captain Standish took a special interest in this case, -there must soon have been a warm contest between the parties, had not the -Narraghansetts hastily retreated, on account of a rumor that the Pequots -were invading their own territory. Four years afterwards, when the last -named nation formed the design of completely extirpating the English from -New England, they applied to their old enemies, Canonicus and Miantonomo, -to conclude a peace, and to engage them with as many other tribes as -possible in a common cause against the colonists.</p> - -<p>The sachems are said to have wavered on that occasion, between the -gratification of present revenge upon the Pequots, and the prospect of an -ultimate triumph over the English power by uniting with them. Their -friendship for Roger Williams, and the influence he was consequently -enabled to exercise, probably turned the scale. Miantonomo informed him of -the Pequot application; Mr. Williams forwarded the news immediately to -Governor Winthrop at Boston; and Canonicus, by the same messenger, sent -word of recent depredations which he had just understood to have been -committed by the Pequots at Saybrook. The Governor, probably following the -suggestion of Mr. Williams, sent for Miantonomo to do him the honor of -a visit.</p> - -<p>He came to Boston accordingly in September 1636, attended by two of the -sons of Canonicus, another sachem, and about twenty sanops (or male -adults.) As he had given notice of his approach the day previous, the -Governor sent a corps of musketeers to meet him at Roxbury; and they -escorted him into town about noon. By this time, Mr. Winthrop had called -together most of the magistrates and ministers of Boston, but it being -now dinner time, ceremony and business were both postponed. The sachems -dined by themselves in the same room with the governor, while the sanops -were amply provided for at an inn. In the afternoon, Miantonomo made his -proposals of peace; and said that, in case of their acceptance, he should -in two months send a present to confirm them. The governor, according -to their own custom, asked time to consider this proposal. At the second -conference, which took place the next morning, the following terms were -agreed upon, and subscribed by the governor on the one hand, and the -marks of the sachems on the other.</p> - -<p>1. A firm peace between the Massachusetts colony, and the other English -plantations, (with their consent,) and <i>their</i> confederates (with <i>their</i> -consent.)</p> - -<p>2. Neither party to make peace with the Pequots, without consultation -with the other.</p> - -<p>3. Not to harbor the Pequots.</p> - -<p>4. To put to death or deliver over murderers, and to return fugitive -servants.</p> - -<p>5. The English to notify them, when they marched against the Pequots, and -<i>they</i> to send guides.</p> - -<p>6. Free trade between the two nations.</p> - -<p>7. None of them to visit the English settlements during the war with the -Pequots, without some Englishman or known Indian in company.</p> - -<p>The treaty was to continue to the posterity of both nations. On its -conclusion, the parties dined together as before. They then took formal -leave of each other; and the sachems were escorted out of town, and -dismissed with a volley of musketry. The present promised by Miantonomo -appears to have been sent in early in 1637, when a deputation of -twenty-six Narraghansetts came to Boston, with forty fathom of Wampum and -a Pequot's hand. The governor gave each of the four sachems in the -company, "a coat of fourteen shillings price, and deferred to return his -present till after, according to their manner." [FN] It is well known, -how fully the Narraghansetts discharged their engagements in the -expedition which took place about this time against the Pequots. They -also furnished, through Mr. Williams, not a little useful information. -respecting the common enemy, by which the expedition was guided at the -outset; and offered the use of the harbors of the Narraghansett coast, -for the English vessels.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Winthrop's Journal, p. 217.</p> - - -<p>The joint invasion of the allies took place in May. The English forces, -taking the Narraghansett country in their way, acquainted Canonicus and -Miantonomo with their arrival and plan of campaign. The latter met them, -the next day, with about two hundred of his chief counsellors and -warriors. Mason made a formal request for permission to pass through his -territories, on his way to the Pequot forts. Miantonomo, after a solemn -consultation, replied, that he highly approved of the expedition, and -would send men, especially as the English force appeared to him quite too -insignificant to meet the Pequots, who were great warriors. About five -hundred warriors accordingly marched against the enemy, under the command -of Mason; and some of them did active service. The chief sachems took no -part, personally, in the campaign. [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <div class="quote">[FN] According to some writers they did not even meet Major Mason, in - conference, as above related. Mr. Wolcott, (Gov. of Conn. from 1751 to - 1754,) in his <i>poetical</i> "Account of Mr. Winthrop's agency in obtaining - a charter for Connecticut," gives the following notice of that interview:<br> - -<p class="list"> The news of this our march, fame doth transport - With speed to great Miaantinomoh's court. - Nor had that pensive king forgot the losses, - He had sustained through Sassacus's forces. - Cheer'd with the news, his captains, all as one, - In humble manner do address the throne, - And press the king to give them his commission, - To join the English in this expedition. - To their request the cheerful king assents, - And now they fill and form their regiments - To war: a cohort which came marching down - To us, who lay encamp'd before the town. - Their chiefs go to our general, and declare - What's their intention and whose men they are, &c.</p> -</div> - -<p>In September 1638, the Pequots being completely conquered, Uncas, the -chief sachem of the Mohegans, (who had assisted in the war,) and -Miantonomo, were invited to meet the Connecticut magistrates at Hartford, -to agree upon a division of captives. These were two hundred in number, -besides women and children. Eighty of them were allotted to the -Narraghansett sachem; twenty to a neighboring chief Ninigret; and the -other one hundred to Uncas. The Pequots were to pay an annual tribute of -Wampum at Hartford. It was also covenanted, that there should be a -perpetual peace between Miantonomo and Uncas; that all past injuries -should be buried; that if any should be committed in future, complaints -should be submitted amicably to the arbitration of the English, both -parties being bound to abide by their decision on pain of incurring their -hostility. No open enemies of the English were to harbored, and all -individual criminals were to be given over to justice.</p> - -<p>The terms of this treaty did not long remain inviolate. Whatever were the -motives of Miantonomo, and whatever his justification, he soon became -bitterly hostile to the Mohegans at least. It might have been reason -enough with him for opposing both them and the English, that either was -his enemy; because he knew them to be bound together by alliance of -offence and defence. But it seems probable, that he intended only to fight -the Mohegans. His old grudge against the Pequots revived against them, as -a branch of the Pequot stock. Uncas, too, was his greatest personal rival; -and Miantonomo was ambitious to stand at the head of all the New England -Indians. If, however, as has been asserted by some, his main design was to -resist the growing power of the English, from merely patriotic motives, -it was clear, that an essential step towards the attainment of this -object, and especially towards a hostile union of all the tribes, must be -the death of Uncas, and the suppression of <i>his</i> tribe. Other causes of -hostility will be considered hereafter.</p> - -<p>But be the reasoning of the sachem what it might, his measures were of a -character not to be mistaken. Great efforts were made for a general -co-operation of the tribes, especially in Connecticut. They were observed -to be collecting arms and ammunition, and to be making a general -preparation for war. The colonists thought themselves obliged to keep -guard and watch every night, from sunset to sunrise, and to protect their -inhabitants from town to town, and even from one place to another in the -same neighborhood.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile Miantonomo is said to have hired a Pequot, subject to Uncas, to -kill him. The assassin made an attempt, in the spring of 1643. He shot -Uncas through the arm, and then fled to the Narraghansetts, reporting -through the Indian towns that he had killed him. When it was understood, -however, that the wound was not fatal, the Pequot circulated a rumor that -Uncas had purposely cut his own arm with a flint, and then charged the -Pequot with shooting him. But, Miantonomo soon after going to Boston in -company with the refugee, the governor and magistrates, on examination, -found clear evidence that the latter was guilty of the crime with which he -was charged. They proposed sending him to Uncas to be punished; but -Miantonomo pleaded that he might be suffered to return with himself; and -gave them to understand, it is said, that he would send him to Uncas. He -took occasion to exculpate himself of all blame in the affair, and -convinced them so completely, that his requests were granted. Two days -afterwards, he killed the Pequot with his own hand.</p> - -<p>About the same time, an event took place in another direction, under -circumstances which strongly indicated the same authorship. Sequassen, a -sachem on the Connecticut river, killed a principal Indian of the Mohegan -tribe; and waylaid Uncas himself; as he was going down the river, and shot -several arrows at him. Uncas complained to the governor and court of the -colony, who took great pains to settle the affair; but without success. He -was finally induced to accept of one of Sequassen's Indians, to be given -up as an equivalent for the murdered man; but Sequassen would not consent -to submission or concession of any kind. He insisted upon fighting. Uncas -accepted his challenge, and invaded his territory; and Sequassen was -defeated, with the loss of many of his wigwams burned, and his men -killed. [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Trumbull's Connecticut.</p> - - -<p>As the conquered sachem was nearly allied to Miantonomo, and upon intimate -terms with him, it was generally believed that he acted from his -instigation, and with the promise of his assistance in case of necessity. -He even expressed, openly, his reliance on the aid of Miantonomo.</p> - -<p>The Narraghansett chief was not a man to desert his ally or to retreat -from his foe. Having hastily matured a plan of campaign, it was the next -object to strike the intended blow with the most possible effect, and that -implied the least possible notice. He raised an army of between five -hundred and one thousand men, and marched towards the Mohegan territory. -The spies of Uncas discovered their approach, and gave him intelligence. -The enemy was already near, and Uncas was unprepared; but he hastily -rallied four or five hundred of his men, and telling them that the enemy -must by no means be suffered to surprise them in their villages, marched -out to meet him forthwith. At the distance of three or four miles, the two -armies encountered each other upon a large plain. Meanwhile, Uncas, who -found himself obliged to rely more upon stratagem than strength, had -acquainted his warriors on the march with a plan which he now proceeded to -put in execution.</p> - -<p>He desired a parley, and the two armies halted in the face of each other. -Then advancing in the front of his men, he addressed Miantonomo: "You have -a number of stout men with you, and so have I with me. It is a great pity -that such brave warriors should be killed in a private quarrel between us -only. Come on, then, like a man, as you profess to be, and let us fight it -out. If you kill me, my men shall be yours. If I kill you, your men shall -be mine." Miantonomo saw advantage too clearly to accept such a proposal. -"My warriors," said he, "have come a long way to fight, and they <i>shall</i> -fight." The reply was anticipated, and it was scarcely uttered, when Uncas -fell to the ground. His men discharged over him a shower of arrows upon -the Narraghansetts; and then following up the surprise without a moment's -interval, rushed upon them furiously with a hideous yell, and soon put -them to flight.</p> - -<p>The pursuit was sustained with a ferocious eagerness. The enemy were -chased down rocks and precipices, like the doe flying from the huntsman. -About thirty were slain, and a much greater number wounded. Miantonomo was -exceedingly pressed. Some of the bravest men of Uncas at length came up -with him; but not daring actually to skirmish with him, or preferring to -leave that honor to their leader, they contrived to impede his flight by -twitching him back, and then passed him. Uncas now came up, and rushing -forward like a lion greedy of his prey, he seized him by the shoulder. The -Narraghansett saw that his fate was decided—Uncas was a man of immense -strength, and his warriors were thick around him. He stopped, sat down -sullenly, and spake not a word. Uncas gave the Indian whoop, and called up -a party of his men, who gathered about the royal captive and gazed at him. -He still continued moody and speechless. Some of his sachems were slain -before his eyes, but he moved not a muscle. "Why do you not speak," -inquired Uncas, at length; "had you taken me, I should have besought you -for my life." But the Narraghansett was too proud to ask such a boon of -his enemy, and especially of his rival. Uncas however spared his life for -the present, and returned in great triumph to Mohegan, leading along with -him the splendid living evidence of his victory.</p> - -<p>The notorious Samuel Gorton having purchased lands of Miantonomo, under -the jurisdiction of Plymouth and Massachusetts, and expecting to be -vindicated by him in his claims against those colonies, and against other -Indian tribes, he immediately sent word to Uncas to give up his prisoner, -and threatened him with the vengeance of the colonies if he refused a -compliance. But Uncas shrewdly bethought himself of a safer course. He -carried his prisoner to Hartford, and asked advice of the governor and -magistrates. There being no open war between the Narraghansetts and -English, these authorities were unwilling to interfere in the case, and -they recommended a reference of the whole affair to the commissioners of -the United Colonies; at their next meeting in September. Meanwhile, -Miantonomo had recovered his speech. He probably expected better treatment -with the English than with Uncas, and he now earnestly pleaded to be -committed to their custody. Uncas consented to leave him at Hartford, but -insisted on having him kept as <i>his</i> prisoner.</p> - -<p>At the meeting of the commissioners the whole affair was laid before them. -In their opinion it was fully proved that Miantonomo had made attempts -against the life of Uncas, by all the means and measures heretofore -alluded to, and by poison and sorcery besides; that he had murdered the -Pequot assassin with his own hand, instead of giving him up to justice; -that he was the author of a general plot among the Indian tribes against -the colonies; and that he had moreover gone so far as to engage the aid of -the Mohawks, who were now within a day's journey of the English -settlements, waiting only for Miantonomo's release to serve him according -to his pleasure.</p> - -<p>"These things being duly weighed and considered," say the commissioners in -their report,[FN-1] "we apparently see that Vcus cannot be safe while -Myantenomo [FN-2] lives, but that either by secret treachery or open force -his life will still be in danger. Wherefore we thinke he may justly putt -such a false and blood-thirsty enemie to death, but in his owne -Jurisdiccon, not in the English plantacons; and advising that in the -manner of his death all mercy and moderacon be shewed, contrary to the -practice of the Indians who exercise tortures and cruelty, and Vcus -haveing hitherto shewed himself a friend to the English, and in this -craveing their advice, if the Nanohiggansetts Indians or others shall -unjustly assault Vcus for this execucon, vpon notice and request the -English promise to assist and protect him, as farr as they may, against -such vyolence."</p> - - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN-1] Hazard's Collections, Vol. II. p. 7.</p> - - <p class="quote">[FN-2] Haz. Coll. Vol. II. p. 7.—The reader will observe the variation - of the Sachem's name here used. There are several others in Hazard. - Hutchinson writes <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Myantinomo</span> and <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Miantonomo</span> in the same volume; Baylies, - both terms in the course of the same; Trumbull adds an <i>h.</i> Winthrop - admits this spelling with the qualification that the chief was otherwise - called <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Mecumah</span> (as he was); but he afterwards regularly uses - <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Miantunnomoh.</span> Mason, (<i>account of the Pequot war</i>) writes <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Myantonimo</span> and - <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Miantomo;</span> Wolcott, <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Miaatinomoh</span>; Roger Williams, <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Miantunnomu,</span> and several - other variations. We are thus particular only in the hope of amusing the - curious.</p> - - -<p>The commissioners further directed, that Uncas should immediately be sent -for to Hartford, with some of his trustiest men; and informed of the -sentence passed upon his captive. He was then to take him into the nearest -part of his own territory, and there put him to death in the presence of -certain discreet English persons, who were to accompany them, "and see the -execucon for our more full satisfaccon, and that the English meddle not -with the head or body at all." The Hartford Government was subsequently to -furnish Uncas with forces enough to defend him against all his enemies.</p> - -<p>These directions were promptly obeyed. Uncas made his appearance at -Hartford, received his prisoner, and marched off with him to the very spot -where the capture had happened. At the instant they arrived on the ground, -a Mohegan who marched behind Miantonomo split his head with a hatchet, -killing him at a single stroke; so that he was probably unacquainted with -the mode of his execution. Tradition says that Uncas cut out a piece of -his shoulder, and ate it in savage triumph. "He said it was the sweetest -meat he ever eat—it made his heart strong." The royal victim was buried, -by the conqueror's order, at the place of his death; and a great heap or -pillar was erected over his grave. The field of battle, situated in the -eastern part of the town of Norwich, is called the <i>Sachem's Plain</i> to -this day.</p> -<br><br><br> - - - - <h2 class="direct" style="page-break-before: always;"><a id="chx">CHAPTER X.</a></h2> -<br><br> - - - <p class="chap">Consideration of the justice of the Commissioners' sentence upon - Miantonomo—Their reasons, as alleged—The charge against him of - ambitious designs—Of employing the Mohawks—Of breaking the league of - 1638—"Concerning the Pequot squaws"—Of hostility to the English—Of - peculation—Proofs of his fidelity and friendship—Causes of complaint - by him and Canonicus against the English—Character of both - Sachems—Their treatment of Roger Williams—Letters of that - gentleman—Anecdotes—Death of Canonicus.</p> -<br> - -<p><span style="font-variant:small-caps">It is</span> not easy to determine, at this period, the justice of the sentence -by which Miantonomo was led to the slaughter. As between himself and his -enemy, considering Indian custom and character, it might be considered -just; and the sufferer would certainly have been the last to complain of -it. But though Uncas may not be blamed for using the privilege of the -victor, a different opinion has been entertained of the interference of -the English. Their justification, as laid before the Narraghansett -nation, after Miantonomo's death, was as follows:</p> - -<p>"They may well vnderstand that this is without violacon of any couenant -betweene them and vs; for Vncus being in confederacon with vs, and one -that hath diligently observed his couenants before mentioned for aught we -know, and requiring advice from vs, vpon serious consideracon of the -premises, viz. <i>his</i> [Miantonomo] treacherous and murtherous disposition -against Vncus &c. and how great a disturber he hath beene of the common -peace of the whole countrey, we could not in respect of the justice of -the case, safety of the countrey and faythfulness of our frend, do -otherwise than approve of the lawfullness of his death. This agreeing so -well with the Indians owne manners, and concurring with the practice of -other nations with whom we are aquainted, we persuade ourselves howeuer -his death may be grieuous at present, yet the peaceable fruits of it will -yield not only matter of safety to the Indians, but profite to all that -inhabite this continent."</p> - -<p>Supposing every thing to be true which is here and elsewhere alleged, it -may still be doubted whether the colonies could be justified in the part -taken by their commissioners;—but such is not the case.</p> - -<p>His killing the Pequot was one point against him; but what could be more -natural than for them to misunderstand his promise in that case, or for -him to suppose that administering justice with his own hand would be the -most satisfactory course he could take. Stress is laid upon Miantonomo's -"ambitious designes to make himself vniversal Sagamore or Governor of all -these parts;" but this, whether laudable or reprehensible in itself, was -clearly no usurpation as against them. As to his hostility towards the -English, suffice it to say here, that the evidence of it seems to have -been furnished chiefly by his enemies, whose direct interest it was to -oppress him by engaging the English interest in their own favor. As to the -employment of the Mohawks, in particular, the most that was made to -appear, even through this medium, was, that they were awaiting -Miantonomo's release—"and then they will carry on their designes, whether -against the English or Vncus or both, <i>is doubtful.</i>" [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] <i>Hazard's Col. Vol. II. p. 9. Commissioners' Report.</i></p> - - -<p>Let us observe the testimony of Mr. Williams in regard to this affair, -borrowing from a letter written immediately after it took place. "A -fortnight since, I heard of the Mauquawogs coming to Paucomtuckqut, their -rendezvous; that they were provoked by Onkas wronging and robbing some -Paucomtuck Indians the last year, and that he [Uncas] had dared the -Mauquawogs, threatening if they came to set his ground with gobbets of -their flesh &c."</p> - -<p>He admits, that a few of the Narraghansetts had joined the Mohawks; but -these, whether they were well or ill disposed towards the English, were at -all events considered traitors to Miantonomo. Elsewhere he states, "yt ye -Narigansetts and Mauquawogs are the two great bodies of Indians in ye -country, and they are confederates, and long have bene <i>as both yet are -friendly and peaceable to ye English.</i>" [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Ms. Letters in the Mass. Col. Rec. (File 10. No. 45.)</p> - - -<p>Miantonomo is said to have violated the league of 1638, by invading the -country of Uncas, without having previously submitted his grievances to -the decision of the English. But did he not think himself absolved from -the obligation created by that league, in consequence of violations of it -on the part of the English. He probably regarded them at this very time, -precisely as they regarded him. Roger Williams writes on one occasion, -when letters of complaint had been sent to him from Massachusetts, that -"<i>they</i> [Miantonomo and Canonicus] thought they should prove themselves -honest and faithful when Mr. Governor understood their answers; and that -(although they would not contend with their friends) yet they could relate -many particulars, wherein the English had broken (since these wars) their -promises."</p> - -<p>Respecting the alleged violation of the Hartford league in particular, we -might perhaps properly waive all attempts at justification, inasmuch as -the charge hardly purports to be true. Governor Winthrop gives an account -of the affair as received officially from Connecticut, by which it appears -that Miantonomo, before taking plan with Sequassen, applied to the -authorities of that province for redress of grievances committed upon him -by Uncas. He was answered, that <i>the English had nothing to do with the -business.</i> He then applied also to Governor Winthrop himself, and was very -desirous to know if he would not be offended, by his making war upon -Uncas. Our Governor answered, <i>if Onkus had done him or his friends wrong, -and would not give satisfaction, we should leave him to take his own -course.</i> [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] <i>Journal Vol. II. and Records of the Colonies.</i></p> - - -<p>The account which follows next of the explanation given upon one point by -the accused parties, is sufficiently characteristic of their intelligence, -at least, to be quoted at length. "First then, concerning the Pequot -squaws. Canaunicus answered that he never saw any, but heard of some that -came into these parts, and he bade carry them back to Mr. Governour; but -since he never heard of them till I came, and now he would have the -country searched for them. Miantunnomu answered, that he never heard of -but six; and four he saw which were brought to him, at which he was angry, -and asked why they did not carry them to me, that I might convey them home -again. Then he bid the natives that brought them to carry them to me, who -departing brought him word that the squaws were lame, and they could not -travel, whereupon he sent me word, that I should send for them. This I -must acknowledge, that this message I received from him, and sent him -word, that we were but few here, and could not fetch them nor convey them, -and therefore desired him to send men with them, and to seek out the rest. -Then, saith he, we were buzy ten or twelve days together, as indeed they -were in a strange kind of solemnity, wherein the sachems eat nothing but -at night, and all the natives round about the country were feasted. In -which time, saith he, I wished some to look to them, which -notwithstanding, in this time, they scaped, and now he would employ men -instantly to search all places for them, and within two or three days to -convey them home. Besides he profest he desired them not, and was sorry -the governour should think he did. I objected that he sent to beg one. He -answered, that Sassamun, being sent by the governour with letters to -Pequot, fell lame, and lying at his house, told him of a squaw, which was -a sachem's daughter, who while he lived was his, Miantunnomue's, great -friend. <i>He</i> [Miantonomo] <i>therefore desired in kindness to his, dead -friend, to beg her or redeem her</i>" [of Mr. Williams.]</p> - -<p>In reply to a charge touching his fidelity to the English alliance, -Canonicus declared that the Narraghansetts "had stuck to the English in -life or death, without which they were persuaded that Okace [Uncas] and -the Mohiganeuks had proved false, as he fears they will yet." He then went on -to specify his reasons for this persuasion and this fear. He also stated, -that although the Mohegans had yet brought in no captives, his own -brother, Yootash, had on one occasion "seized upon Puttaquppuunk, Quame -and twenty Pequts and three-score squaws; <i>they killed three and bound the -rest, watching them all night, and sending for the English delivered them -into their hands in the morning.</i>" It seems that soon afterwards -Miantonomo passed the house where the Pequots were kept confined by the -English, and having a curiosity to see one of the captive sachems—a man -of considerable note—he made application for that purpose—but was thrust -at with a pike several times by the English sentinels, and finally driven -off. Mr. Williams suggested, that probably he was not recognised; but he -thought that he was, and several of the Narraghansetts were of the same -opinion, and asked if they should have dealt so with "Mr. <i>Governour.</i>" -Mr. Williams still denied, that he could have been known; to which -Miantonomo answered that, at least, his whole company [FN] were -disheartened, "and they all and Cutshamquene desired to be gone; and yet, -saith he, two of my men (Waqouckwhut and Maunamoh) were their guides to -Sesquanket from the river's mouth."</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote"><p class="quote">[FN] He was at the head of two hundred of his warriors, just returned - from an expedition against the Pequots, in which they had taken ten - prisoners, and had faithfully brought them in at this time. See the <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Life - of Cutshamequin</span> in a succeeding Chapter.</p> - - -<p>To a third accusation, that he had received prisoners and Wampum of the -enemy, which belonged to the common stock, and were nevertheless -monopolized by himself; Canonicus replied, that although he and Miantonomo -had paid their own warriors many hundred fathom of wampum, he never had -received one Pequot or one yard of beads. Miantonomo added, that <i>he</i> had -received nothing but one small present from four women of Long-Island, who -were no Pequots, but of that Island, and who, for safety's sake, had -thereby put themselves under his protection.</p> - -<p>Other facts, if not opinions, appear in some of the early annals, which -would lead to similar conclusions respecting the fidelity of the -Narraghansett chiefs. Governor Winthrop says, in his journal of February -1637—"Miantunnomoh &c. sent twenty six, with forty fathom of Wampum, and -a Pequot's hand." In March, he records intelligence received from the same -source, concerning the Pequot movements, with proposals of fresh -assistance. On the 22d of the month, "Miantunnomoh sent us word, that -Mason had, surprised and slain eight Pequods" &c. Again, during the same -summer, "Miantunnomoh <i>sent here some Pequod squaws,</i> which had run from -us;" and five days afterwards, "the Narraghansetts <i>sent us the hands of -three Pequods</i>" &c. The two last statements agree with the declaration of -the sachems to Mr. Williams, apparently upon the same points.</p> - -<p>We have seen that Canonicus accused the English of having broken their -promises. Omitting the proof of that statement, it is impossible to doubt -at least, that it was made in the most earnest sincerity. The writer just -cited informs us incidentally in is <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Key to the Indian Languages,</span> that -Canonicus, in a solemn address to himself, before a large assembly, had -once used the following expression—"I have never suffered any wrong, to -be offered to the English since they landed, nor never will. If the -Englishmen speak true," he added, "then I shall go to my grave in peace, -and hope that the English and my posterity will live in peace and love -together." Mr. Williams observed, that he hoped he had no occasion to -question the friendliness of the English. Upon this the sachem took a -stick, broke it into ten pieces, and related ten instances, laying down a -stick to every instance, which gave him cause for apprehension or -suspicion. With regard to some of them, he was afterwards convinced of his -being mistaken, and readily acknowledged himself to be so; but not as to -all.</p> - -<p>The truth probably is, that provocations of some sort had been received -upon both sides; but that the English had any peculiar reason to complain, -and especially to assume the violent administration of punishment or -prevention, certainly cannot be admitted. There is no evidence extant to -support such a position. Mr. Williams indeed acknowledges, with his usual -frankness, that individual Narraghansetts had perhaps now and then -committed offences in "matters of money or pettie revenging of themselves -in some Indians <i>upon extream provocation;</i>" but he also states, in the -same paragraph, that he "could not yet learn y<sup>t</sup> ever it pleased y<sup>e</sup> Lord to -permit y<sup>e</sup> Narraghansetts to staine their hands with any English blood, -neither in open hostilities nor secret murthers, as both Pequts and Long -Islanders did, and Monhiggans also in y<sup>e</sup> Pequt wars." [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Ms. Letters.</p> - -<p>This statement we suppose to be uncontradicted, and the authority is -certainly deserving of credit. Now, for a moment, let us examine the other -side of the question, bearing in mind how little likely we are, under the -circumstances, to be furnished by history with the truth, and least of all -with the whole truth.</p> - -<p>Some instances in point have already been given. The excessive jealousy -and the frequent complaints of the English were in themselves calculated, -to produce, if not to justify, what they referred to "The governor of the -Massachusetts"—says Mr. Winthrop, in his journal of 1638—"wrote also to -Mr. Williams to treat with Miantunnomoh <i>about satisfaction, or otherwise -to bid them look for war.</i>" This was a harsh message, at the best, to send -to a sovereign ally, who had faithfully served the English cause. The only -reason for it which appears in the context is, that Janemoh, a Niantick -chief, was understood to have committed certain depredations on a -settlement of Long Island Indians who were tributary to the English. Now -some of that tribe, we have seen, put themselves under Miantonomo's -protection; and there are no means of determining whether that chieftain -did not in this case, like the English, feel <i>himself</i> aggrieved by -Janemoh. We do find it recorded, however, that, in the summer of 1637, -Miantonomo came to Boston. The governor, deputy, and treasurer, treated -with him, and they parted upon fair terms. He acknowledged on this -occasion, that <i>all the Pequot and Block Island</i> country belonged to the -English, and promised that he would not meddle with them but by their -leave. "In fine, we gave him leave to right himself <i>for the wrongs which -Janemoh</i> and Wequash Cook <i>had done him</i>; and for the wrong they had done -us, we would right ourselves in due time." [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Winthrop's Journal, Vol. I. 243.</p> - - -<p>Not far from the time when the above mentioned complaint seems to have -been made through Mr. Williams, the latter writes to Governor Winthrop as -follows. "Sir, there hath been a great hubbub in all these parts, as a -general persuasion that the time was come for a general slaughter of -natives, by reason of a murther committed upon a native [Narraghansett] -within twelve miles of us, four days since, by four desperate English. . . . -An old native comes to me, and tells me that the natives round about us -were fled, relating that those four had slain an Indian, who had carried -three beaver-skins and beads for Canaunicus's son, and came home with five -fathom and three coats; that three natives which came after him found him -groaning in the path; that he told them, &c." The particulars of this -flagrant outrage even to the Christian and surnames of the four -murderers—are given with a minuteness which precludes the possibility of -mistake. And yet we find no mention of this transaction in the English -histories. Miantonomo perhaps made <i>his</i> complaint to the proper -authority, without success. But more probably he endured the injury in -silence, as a new evidence that his allies were become his enemies.</p> - -<p>Still, it should not be omitted, that Miantonomo never declined to make -all the explanation for which a fair opportunity was given him. [FN-1] As -late as 1642, two messengers were sent to him by the Massachusetts -government, with articles of complaint; requiring him to come himself or -send two of his chief counsellors to the governor, in order to give -satisfaction for certain grievances alleged. He attended this summons -promptly and personally. On his arrival at Boston, he came forward in -court, and demanded that his accusers should be brought before him face -to face; and that if they failed in their proof; they should suffer the -same punishment which their accusations were calculated to bring upon -himself. The whole on this occasion was grave and dignified. His answers -were given with great deliberation, and never except in the presence of -the counsellors who attended him, that they might be witnesses of every -thing which passed. Two days were spent in treaty. He denied all he was -charged with and affirmed—what we have already suggested—that the -reports to his disadvantage were raised and circulated, either by Uncas, -or some of his people. Such an effect, (it should be observed) had these -reports already produced, that the Connecticut people were importunate for -open war with the Narraghansetts at this very time; and it required the -whole influence of the Massachusetts authorities, (who doubted, "whether, -they had sufficient proofs of the designs of the Indians to justify a -war,") to prevent immediate hostilities. Such alarm existed, that places -of refuge for the women and children were provided in most of the towns -and plantations. Beacons were set up, in readiness to be fired; and smiths -were ordered to postpone other business until all the arms in the colony -were put in complete repair. A great excitement was produced in the towns -about Boston, by a poor man, in a swamp at Watertown, crying out for help -against a kennel of wolves which he heard howling around him in the night. -And although Massachusetts was opposed to war, "Yet the governor, with the -magistrates, before the court met, thought it necessary to disarm the -Indians within the colony, which they readily submitted to." [FN-2]</p> - - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN-1] "The messengers coming to him, he carried them apart into the - woods, taking only one of his chief men with him, and gave them very - rational answers to all their propositions, &c." - <i>Win. Journal, Vol. II.</i></p> - - <p class="quote">[FN-2] Hutchinson, Vol. I.</p> - - -<p>Miantonomo, as was very natural, not only noticed these symptoms of -jealousy on his visit to Boston, but felt keenly the ill-will they -implied, and inquired the cause of them. Governor Winthrop gave him an -evasive answer, with which, however, he politely professed to be -satisfied. He then entered into quite an argument, to show that the -suspicions which had been entertained of him were unjust, and were owing -to the machinations of his enemies. He offered to meet Uncas either at -Hartford or at Boston, and to prove his treachery to the English, in their -presence. He should stand ready to come at any time, he added; and this -notwithstanding he had been advised not to visit the English again, lest -they should seize upon his person. He relied upon his innocence, and he -<i>would</i> visit them, whenever it was deemed necessary that he should.</p> - -<p>It is acknowledged in fine, that he gave perfect satisfaction at this -time. Considering the entertainment which was given him, and his great -pride of character, that was quite as much as could be expected. "When we -should go to dinner"—it is recorded in the Governor's Journal—"there was -a table provided for the Indians to dine by themselves, <i>and Miantunnomoh -was left to sit with them.</i> This he was discontented at, and would eat -nothing till the governor sent him meat from his table. So at night, and -all the time he staid, <i>he sat at the lower end of the magistrates' -table.</i>" But he overlooked the indignity, and parted upon good terms. "We -gave him and his counsellors coats and tobacco; and when he came to take -his leave of the governor, and such of the magistrates as were present, -<i>he returned and gave his hand to the governor again,</i> saying, that was -for the rest of the magistrates who were absent." It may be observed, that -the examination in this case, which resulted thus satisfactorily to -Massachusetts, was a deliberate and thorough one. The court was already -assembled, when he arrived at Boston; and even before his admission, all -the points and order of inquiry were agreed upon; "For we knew him," says -the governor, "to be a very subtle man." [FN] The same authority admits, -that he showed, in his answers, "a good understanding of the principles of -equity and justice, and ingenuity with withal."</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] A phraseology, which, as implying prejudice, is rather more - creditable to the subject than the writer. Hubbard describes him as a - very goodly personage, of tall stature, "<i>subtile and cunning in his - contrivements, as well as haughty in his designs.</i>"</p> - - -<p>The attack of Miantonomo upon Uncas, independently of the interest which -the English had in it, has been regarded as a moral if not legal -outrage—an unprovoked, unprincipled aggression—the off-spring of hatred, -envy, or at best of mere ambition. But even here we do not happen to be -without proof as well as probability, in favor of the accused. In more -than one case, if not generally, the fault was on the side of Uncas; and -that being true, it must naturally occur to every reader, to inquire, in -the language applied to a similar case by Mr. Williams,—"Graunt these -subjects, <i>What capacitie hath their late massacre of y<sup>e</sup> Narrgansetts -(with whom they had made peace) without y<sup>e</sup> English consent, tho' still -under y<sup>e</sup> English name, put them into?</i>" [FN] A very forcible query, it must -be admitted; and to show its relevancy to the present subject, let us look -again for a few facts.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Ms. Letters, dated 1654.</p> - - -<p>Soon after the Pequot war, when the chieftains who had assisted the -English in carrying it on, convened at Hartford for a division of the -spoil, Mr. Williams accompanied Miantonomo on his journey. "By the way," -says he, ("lodging from his house three nights in the woods,) we met -divers Nanhiggontick [Narraghansett] men complaining of robbery and -violence, which they had sustained from the Pequts and Monahiggins in -their travel from Cunnihticut [Connecticut]; as also some of the -Wunnashowatuckoogs [subject to Canaunicus] came to us and advertised, that -two days before about six hundred and sixty Pequts, Monahiggins and their -confederates had robbed them and spoiled about twenty-three fields of -corn; and rifled four Nanhiggontick men amongst them; as also that they -in way and wait to stop Miantunnomue's passage to Cunnihticut, and divers -of them threatened to boil him in the kettle."</p> - -<p>These tidings being confirmed by various authorities, Mr. Williams and the -other English in the company, were strongly in favor of turning back, and -going to Hartford by water. But Miantonomo declared that not a man should -retreat; he would keep strict watch by night, and in dangerous passes the -sachems should all march with a body-guard, but they should die, as he -himself would, rather than turn back. They moved on, therefore, the -English with Miantonomo and his wife in front, and a flank-guard of forty -or fifty men on either side to prevent surprisal. They arrived safely at -Hartford, and the conference took place. Uncas was accused of conniving at -the trespasses of his men upon the Narraghansetts, and he retorted with -charges of the same kind upon Miantonomo. The result of this angry -discussion was, as follows. "At last we drew them to shake hands, -Miantunnomu and Okace; and Miantunnomu invited (twice, earnestly) Okace -to sup and dine with him, he and all his company (his men having killed -some venison;) but he would not yield, altho' the magistrates persuaded -him also to it."</p> - -<p>The magnanimity manifested by the chieftain on this occasion, was -uniformly a prominent part of his character. When he visited Boston in -1640—as he always did, at the request of the Massachusetts government—he -was entertained first by the government at Roxbury; but when the parley -was to commence, he refused to treat through the medium of a Pequot -interpreter. The governor being unwilling to yield this point to him as -good policy, if not manners apparently required that he should—he -departed abruptly for Boston, without so much as taking leave of his host. -The latter informed the court of this conduct, "and would show him no -countenance, nor admit him to dine at our table as formerly, until he had -acknowledged his failing, <i>which he readily did as soon as he could be -made to understand it.</i>" [FN] He observed, however, with some dignity, -that when the English should visit him, he should cheerfully permit them -to use their own fashions, as they always had done.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Win. Jour. vol. II.</p> - - -<p>Previous to the expedition against the Pequots, both Miantonomo and -Canonicus had expressed a wish that whatever was done with the warriors -of the enemy, their women and children should be spared. There was a -chivalry in this request—and it does not seem to have been soon -forgotten—which accords with all that is known of both these chieftains. -Canonicus might have suppressed the Plymouth colony in 1622, at a single -blow; but he thought it more honorable to give them formal notice of -hostile intentions, by a messenger; and when he became convinced that -<i>they</i> had been misrepresented to him, he at least ceased to be their -enemy if he did not become their friend. In the same spirit, Miantonomo, -while in the custody of the governor of Connecticut, cautioned him to -increase his guard. He openly declared—what was the fact—that attempts -were and would be made by his Narraghansett subjects for his rescue.</p> - -<p>There is a most affecting evidence of the same noble disposition, in the -report of the commissioners for 1644. The Narraghansetts, now constantly -complaining of the conduct of Uncas and his tribe, brought a charge, among -other things, that the latter had embezzled a quantity of wampum which had -been put into their hands for the ransom of Miantonomo, while the chief -was yet living. How much truth there might be in the allegation, cannot -well be ascertained. The commissioners however report, that they gave a -fair hearing to the "Narraghansett" deputies on the one hand, and to Uncas -on the other. The result is thus stated:</p> - -<p>"That though several discourses had passed from Vcus and his men that for -such quantities of wampom and such parcels of other goods to a great value -there might have been some probabilities of spareing his life, yet no such -parcells were brought. But Vncus denyeth; and the Narrohiggansett Deputies -did not allready, much less proue that any ransome was agreed, nor so much -as any treaty begunn to redeeme their imprisoned Sachem. And for that -wampoms and goods sent as they were but small parcells and scarce -considerable for such a purpose, a part of them disposed by Myantinomo -himself to Vncus his counsellors and captaines for some favour either past -or hoped for <i>and part were giuen and and sent to Vncus and to his -Squa for preseruing his life so long and vssing him curteously during his -Imprisonment.</i>" What could be nobler than this?</p> - -<p>The warm and constant friendship of the two sachems for Williams himself, -is a sufficient indication of noble natures. Canonicus was suspicious of -him at first; "but with Miantunnomu," writes Mr. Williams soon after his -removal, "I have far better dealing. He kept his barbarous court lately at -my house. He takes some pleasure to visit me, and sent me word of his -coming over some eight days hence." When the treaty of 1636 was negotiated -at Boston, Miantonomo not being able to understand perfectly all the -articles, or perhaps not placing entire confidence in the Massachusetts -government, desired that a copy should be sent to his friend Williams—if -<i>he</i> was satisfied, it was intimated, no objection or difficulty would -arise upon his own part. The conveyances of land heretofore spoken of, -were made to him in the same feeling. "It was not price or money," says -the grantee, "that could have purchased Rhode Island; but 't was obtained -by love, that love and favor which that honored gentleman, Sir Henry Vane, -and myself, had with the great sachem, Miantunnomu, about the league which -I procured in the Pequod war. The Indians were very shy of <i>selling</i> lands -to any, and chose rather to make a grant [gift] of them, to such as they -affected."</p> - -<p>It might be supposed, that Mr. Williams had peculiar facilities for -instructing the sachems in the doctrines of Christianity; but he did not -attempt a great deal in this way, and his reasons for it are given in his -<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Key to the Languages.</span> [FN] He observes, that he once heard Miantonomo -conversing with several of his chief warriors about keeping the English -Sabbath. At another time, a Connecticut Indian undertook, in Miantonomo's -presence, to dispute Mr. Williams' doctrine, that the souls of the good -should up to heaven, and those of the wicked to hell. Our Fathers have -told us, said he, that all go to the South-West, and this I believe. "And -why so," asked the sachem, "did you ever <i>see</i> a soul go to the -South-West?" To this the other rejoined, that the evidence was the same in -this respect for the Indian doctrine as for that of Mr. Williams. "Ah!" -answered Miantonomo, "but he has books and writings, and one which God -himself has made; he may well know more than we or our fathers." The -anecdote certainly shows a great confidence of the sachem in his English -acquaintance.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] In 1654, (Mass.) he writes—"at my last departure for England, I was - importuned by ye Narigansett sachims, and especially by Nanekunnat, to - pressent their petition to ye high sachims of England, yt they might not - be forced from their religion, and for not changing their religion be - invaded by war; for they said they were daily visited by threatenings by - Indians yt came from about ye Massachusetts yt if they would not pray - they should be destroyed by war." Ms. Letters.</p> - - -<p>We shall close our remarks upon this part of our subject with citing at -large one of the letters to which we already have been so much indebted -for facts. It is sufficiently characteristic of both the writer and the -chieftains his friends, to repay us for the labor of perusal. It is -supposed to have been written in October 1637.</p> - -<p class="chap"><p class="exit">"<i>The last of the week. I think the 28th of the 8th.</i></p> - -<p>"Sir.</p> - -<p>"This bearer, Miantunnomu, resolving to go on his visit, [to Boston] I am -bold to request a word of advice from you concerning a proposition made by -Canaunicus and himself to me some half year since. Canaunicus gave an -island in the bay to Mr. Oldam, by name Chibachuwese, <i>on condition,</i> as it -should seem, <i>that he would dwell there near unto them.</i> The Lord (in -whose hands all hearts are) turning their affections towards myself, <i>they -desired me to move hither and dwell nearer to them,</i> I have answered once -and again, that for the present I mind not to remove. But if I have it -from them I would give them satisfaction for it, and build a little house, -and put in some swine, as understanding the place to have store of fish -and good feeding for swine. Of late I have heard that Mr. Gibbons, upon -occasion, motioned your desire and his own of putting some swine on some -of these islands, which hath made me since more desire to obtain it. I -spake of it to this sachem, and he tells me that <i>because of the store of -fish, Canaunicus desires that I would accept half</i> (it being -spectacle-wise, and between a mile or two in circuit, as I guess) and he -would reserve the other; <i>but I think, if I go over, I shall obtain the -whole.</i> Your loving counsel, how far it may be inoffensive, because it was -once (upon a condition not kept) Mr. Oldam's. So with respective salutes -to your kind self and Mrs. Winthrop, I rest</p> - -<p class="list"> "your worship's unfeigned, in all I may.<br> - - "<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Ro. Williams.</span><br> - - "<i>For his much honored</i> } - <i>Mr. Governour, these.</i> }"</p> - -<p>A singular paragraph in a previous communication addressed to the same -gentleman, indicates that the writer took some pains to requite the -various favors conferred upon him. "Sir, if any thing be sent to the -princes, [alluding to proposed presents,] I find that Canaunicus would -gladly accept of of eight or ten pounds of sugar, and indeed he told me -he would thank Mr. Governor for a box full."</p> - -<p>In fine, we cannot dismiss the biography of Miantonomo without confessing -a sensation of sorrow, and even shame, arising from the contemplation of -the lofty and noble traits which certainly adorned his character, -contrasted with the ignominious death which he met with at the hands of -his allies. The learned editor of a recent edition of Winthrop's Journal, -calls it a case of "perfidy or cruelty, or both." He also expresses an -opinion, that the argument which really though secretly decided the minds -of the commissioners against the sachem, was his encouragement of the sale -of Shaomet and Patuxet to Gorton and his associates. Without going as far -as this, we may be permitted to say; that the case requires all the -apology which can be derived from the great excitement of the times, -occasioned especially by the power and movements of the Indians.</p> - -<p>Such seems to have been the opinion of Governor Hopkins, [FN] who, it will -be observed, also intimates a new explanation of the conduct of the -colonies, towards the Narraghansett chief. His eloquent and generous -tribute to the memory of the latter, we do not think ourselves at liberty -to omit or abridge.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] See his <i>Account of Providence Colony,</i> first published in the - Providence <i>Gazette</i> of 1765, and preserved in the <i>Mass. His. Coll.</i> He - was governor of Rhode-Island for nine years, but is better known as one - of the signers of the <i>Declaration of Independence.</i></p> - - -<p>"This," says that eminent scholar, and patriot, "was the end of -Myantinomo, the most potent Indian prince the people of New-England had -ever any concern with; and this was the reward he received for assisting -them seven years before, in their war with the Pequots. Surely a -Rhode-Island man may be permitted to mourn his unhappy fate, and drop a -tear on the ashes of Myantinomo; who, with his uncle Conanicus, were the -best friends and greatest benefactors the colony [of R. I.] ever had. They -kindly received, fed, and protected the first settlers of it, when they -were in distress, and were strangers and exiles, and all mankind else were -their enemies; <i>and by this kindness to them,</i> drew upon themselves the -resentment of the neighboring colonies, and hastened the untimely end of -the young king."</p> - -<p>Nothing of great interest can be added to the history of Canonicus, -subsequent to the death of his colleague. Messengers were sent to him, the -same year, to explain the circumstances of that event, and to take -measures for preserving peace. In 1644, he is said to have subjected -himself and his territory to the Government of Charles I. of England, by a -deed dated April 19th. [FN] He must have been near ninety yearn of age at -this time, and if actually in the exercise of government, no doubt was -more disposed than ever to live peaceably with his English neighbors.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Report of Commissioners appointed in 1683 by Charles II. to enquire - into the claims and titles to the <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Narraghansett Country.</span> <i>5th Vol. of - Mass. His. Coll. 1st. Series.</i></p> - - -<p>Mr. Winthrop states, that he died June 4th, 1647. Mr. Hubbard says 1648, -and he has been copied by late writers (including Holmes;) but the former -date is believed to be the better authenticated of the two. One or two -historians indeed seem to confound the old sachem with a younger man, who -was killed in Philip's war, by the Mohawks, in June 1676. This person bore -the same name, and may have been one of his descendants. Between twenty -and thirty years before this, Mr. Williams, (the best authority on all -that relates to the Narraghansetts,) writes, that "their late famous -long-lived Caunnonicus so liv'd and died, and in ye same most honorable -manner and solemnitie (in their way) as you laid to Sleepe your Prudent -Peace-Maker, Mr. Winthrop, did they honour this, their Prudent and -Peaceable Prince." [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] <i>Ms. Letters.</i></p> -<br><br><br> - - - - <h2 class="direct" style="page-break-before: always;"><a id="chxi">CHAPTER XI.</a></h2> -<br><br> - - - <p class="chap">Canonicus succeeded by <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Pessacus—Mexham—Ninigret,</span> Sachem of the - Nianticks—Proposals made by them to the English, and by the English in - return—They commence hostilities against Uncas—The English resolve to - make war upon them—They make concessions—Their visits to - Boston—Subsequent movements against Uncas. An armed party sent against - Ninigret and Pessacus—They are accused of a league with the Dutch - against the English.</p> -<br> - -<p><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Strictly</span> speaking, there was no <i>successor</i> to Canonicus in the government -of the Narraghansetts, the lineage, talents and age of that sachem having -given him a peculiar influence over his countrymen, which none other among -them could command. At his death, therefore, the authority which he had -monopolized at one time, and afterwards shared with Miantonomo and others, -reverted into that form of dominion (half way between oligarchy and -democracy, and occasionally vibrating to each extreme,) which is common -among the Indian tribes.</p> - -<p><i>One</i> of the Narraghansett chiefs, after that period, was his son, <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Mexham,</span> -otherwise called Mexamo, Mixamo, Meihammoh, and by Roger Williams also -Mriksah and Mejhsah. Considering the multitude of his names, he is rather -less distinguished than might be supposed. Mr. Williams however gives him -the credit of inheriting "his father's spirit" of friendliness for the -English. In another passage, speaking of the Nipmucks, he says "they were -unquestionably subject to ye Narrhigansett sachims, <i>and in a special -manner to Mejhsah,</i> ye son of Caunonnicus, and late husband to this old -<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Squa-Sachim</span> now only surviving." [FN] This letter bearing date of May 7th, -1668, Mexham must have died previous to that time. The name of his widow -and successor, (sometimes called <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Quaiapen</span>, and more frequently <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Magnus,</span>) -who was a woman of great energy, figures not a little in the history of -King-Philip's war. We may hereafter have occasion to mention both husband -and wife.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] MS. Letters.</p> - - -<p>A more distinguished character was <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Pessacus,</span> generally believed to have -been the brother of Miantonomo, [FN] and therefore <i>nephew</i> of -Canonicus—a better authenticated theory than that of Johnson's, who (in -<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Wonder-Working Providence,</span>) calls him a <i>son.</i> He was born about the time -of the English settling at Plymouth, and was therefore not far from twenty -years old when his brother was killed. His name being associated with that -of Canonicus in the deed of 1644, alluded to in the preceding chapter, it -may be presumed, that the mantle of Miantonomo, after <i>his</i> death, fell -upon the shoulders of Pessacus. It will soon appear, how much he -interested himself, both as sachem and brother, in the revenge of that -outrage.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Winthrop.</p> - - -<p>It is impossible to pursue the career of either of these chieftains, -eminent in history as some of them are, without connecting them not only -with each other, but with a foreign party who still remains to be named. -We refer to <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Ninigret,</span> [FN] chief sachem of the Nianticks, generally -considered a Narraghansett tribe, and certainly the most considerable of -all those which profited by the alliance of that people. Miantonomo spoke -of them to Governor Winthrop in 1642, "as his own flesh, being allied by -continual intermarriages;" and the governor consequently had "some -difficulty to bring him to <i>desert</i> them." In fact, they were rather -confederates than tributaries to Canonicus during his life, and the -relationship of blood, with no other bonds of sympathy, would have -abundantly sufficed to keep up an intimate connexion after his death. -Prince states that Ninigret was the uncle of Miantonomo; but other writers -represent him as the brother or brother-in-law; and considering the age of -the parties especially, the latter supposition is much the more plausible. -Either will explain the regard which he will be found to have cherished -for the memory of the dead chieftain, and for the person of Pessacus, the -living brother.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <div class="quote">[FN] Variously entitled by various writers.<br> - e g. <table><tr><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Ninigrate,</span> by </td><td> </td><td>Hutchinson.</td></tr> - <tr><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Nynigrett,</span> </td><td> </td><td>Mason's Pequot war</td></tr> - <tr><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Ninicrite,</span> </td><td> </td><td>Hubbard.</td></tr> - <tr><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Ninicraft,</span> </td><td> </td><td>Same and others.</td></tr> - <tr><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Ninegrad,</span> </td><td> </td><td>Prince.</td></tr> - <tr><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Nennegratt</span> and <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Nennegrate,</span> &c., </td><td> </td><td>Hazard.</td></tr> - <tr><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Nanekunat, Niniglud,</span> &c., </td><td> </td><td>R. Williams and others.</td></tr> -</table></div> - -<p>We first hear of Ninigret in 1632, from which time to 1635 a violent war -was carried on between the Narraghansetts and Pequots. In this he is said -to have taken no part; and the fair inference is, that he was not from his -relation to the former under any necessity, and probably not under -obligation, to assist them.</p> - -<p>A similar conclusion might be drawn from the division of captives made at -the close of the war of 1637, when Ninigret's services were acknowledged -by the compliment of twenty Pequots—in the same manner, though not in the -same measure, with those of Uncas and Miantonomo. Like the latter, -however, Ninigret took no personal or active part in that war; and like -him, he permitted his subjects to go volunteers under Mason. Mr. Wolcott -thus mentions him on the occasion of Underhill's arrival in his territory, -[FN] on <i>his</i> way to the Pequots:</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] The principal residence of Ninigret, and the centre of his dominion, - was at Wekapaug, now Westerly, R. I. It was formerly a part of - Stonington, Conn.</p> - - -<p class="list"> "And marching through that county soon they met - <i>The Narraghansett Prince,</i> proud Ninigrett, - To whom the English say, we lead these bands, - Armed in this manner, thus into your lands, - Without design to do you injury, - But only to invade the enemy; - You, who to the expense of so much blood - Have long time born their evil neighborhood, - Will bid us welcome, and will well excuse - That we this way have took our rendezvouz, &c." [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] "A Brief Account of the Agency of the Hon. John Winthrop Esq. in the - Court of King Charles the second, Anno Dom. 1682; when he obtained a - charter for the Colony of Connecticut." <i>Vol. IV. Mass. His. Coll.</i></p> - - -<p>If what is here intimated was true, that the Pequots had been bad -neighbors to the Nianticks, as they certainly had been to the -Narraghansetts, it is no matter of wonder that numbers of those tribes -engaged in the English expedition; and it indicates the pride, if not -magnanimity on the other hand that neither would consent to fight against -the common enemy of both.</p> - -<p>From Major Mason's account of the affair, it would appear that the English -took this independence of Ninigret rather in dudgeon. "On the Wednesday -morning," says that writer, "we marched from thence to a Place called -Nayanticke, it being about eighteen or twenty miles distant, where another -of those Narraghansetts lived in a Fort; it being a Frontier to the -Pequots. They carryed very proudly towards us; not permitting any of us to -come into their Fort." Upon which Mason set a guard about them, forbidding -the Indians to go in or out, and quartered in the neighborhood over night. -Whether this "Sachem" was Ninigret or one of his subjects, the conduct of -Mason could hardly have left a very gratifying impression on the mind, of -that chieftain. Possibly, if borne in mind by the reader, it may throw -some light upon subsequent events.</p> - -<p>From the time of Miantonomo's death, all the sachems we have mentioned as -succeeding to his power, came prominently into intercourse with the -English. Ninigret and Pessacus, particularly, were distinguished by a -continual series of controversies alternately with that people, and the -Mohegans, and very often with both. They inherited the strong prejudice -of the slaughtered Narraghansett against Uncas and his tribe; and most -bitterly was that prejudice exasperated by the slaughter itself.</p> - -<p>Anticipating such an excitement, the commissioners, immediately after the -execution of the sentence, despatched messengers to Pessacus, who were -directed to inform him that they had heard of the quarrel between himself -and Uncas; and to propose that he should send delegates to Hartford; these -should meet delegates from Uncas, and thus all differences be adjusted. A -conference accordingly was agreed upon, and it took place as proposed. The -result was stated, in the commissioners Report: "They did require that -neither themselves [the Narraghansetts] nor the Nayanticks should make, -any warr or injurious assault vpon Vncus or any of his company vntil they -make proofe of the ransome charged &c."—alluding to the allegation that -Uncas had embezzled money, deposited in his hands for Miantonomo's -redemption.</p> - -<p>The following agreement was subscribed by the four "Narrohhiganset -Deputies," as they are called in the Report. It should be observed, that -although "the Nayantick sachems" are ostensibly here represented, the only -evidence going to justify such a phraseology, so far as we know, is in a -previous statement (in the Report,) that when the English messengers had -been sent to propose this conference, the Narraghansett sagamores -"consulting among themselves <i>and with Kienemo one of the Nayantick -sachims</i> had sent a sagamore &c." We copy <i>literatim</i> and <i>punctuatim:</i></p> - -<p>"Weetowisse one of the Narrohiggansett sachims Pummumsh (alias) Pumumshe -and Pawpianet two of the Narrohigganset Captaines being sent with two of -the Narrohiggansett Indians as <i>Deputies from the Narrohigganset and -Nayantick</i> sachims to make proofe of the ransome they pretended was given -for their late sachim's life as also to make knoune some other greevances -they had against Vncus sachim of the Mohiggins did in conclusion promise -and engage themselves (<i>according to the power committed to them</i>) that -there should be no war begun by any of the Narrohiggansets <i>or Nayantic</i> -Indians with the Mohegan sachim or his men till after the next planting -tyme, and that after that, before they begin warr, or vse any hostility -towards them, they will give thirty dayes warneing thereof to the -Government of the Massachusetts or Conectacutt.</p> - -<p class="list"> "Hartford the XVIIth of September, 1644</p> -<table> - <tr><td>"(Signed with the marks of) </td><td> </td><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Weetowisse</span></td></tr> - <tr><td> </td><td> </td><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Pawpianet</span></td></tr> - <tr><td> </td><td> </td><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Chimough</span></td></tr> - <tr><td> </td><td> </td><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Pummushe.</span>"</td></tr> -</table> -<p>This, considering it an agreement authorised by Pessacus, was certainly as -much as could be reasonably expected of him; for such was his eagerness to -revenge the death of his brother, that he had himself sent messengers to -confer upon the subject with the Massachusetts Government. Only a month or -two after that event, they carried a present from him, of an otter coat, -with Wampum to the value of fifteen pounds. Proposals of peace and -friendship were tendered; but a request was added, that the Governor -should not assist Uncas, whom he (Pessacus) intended shortly to make war -upon. The Governor replied, that he desired peace, but wished that all the -Indian tribes, including the Mohegans, might be partakers of it; and that -unless Pessacus would consent to these terms, his present could not be -received. The messengers said, they had no instructions upon this point; -they would however return, and consult with Pessacus; and meanwhile the -Governor was requested to retain the present, which he did.</p> - -<p>After this, (in April, 1644) and previous to the Hartford conference, the -Governor sent messengers on his own part to the Narraghansetts, probably -to sound the disposition of Pessacus. They went first to the wigwam of the -old sachem Canonicus, whom they found in such ill humor that he did not -admit them, (as they stated) for two hours, during which time they were -not altogether at ease, being obliged to endure the pelting of a -rain-storm. On entering, they found him lying upon his couch. He noticed -them, not very cordially, for the purpose of referring them to Pessacus; -and for <i>him</i> they waited four hours more. When he came, he took them into -a shabby wigwam, and kept them talking with him most of the night. On the -whole, he appeared determined to wage war on Uncas forthwith; not in the -manner of Miantonomo, but by sending out small war-parties, to cut off the -straggling Mohegans, and to interfere with their hunting and fishing.</p> - -<p>There is reason to believe, that he either had taken, or was about taking -some measures in pursuance of this scheme; and that the message of the -commissioners was therefore rather as much in consequence as in -anticipation of his acts. On the 23d. of April, messengers came to Boston -from <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Pomham,</span> (a chief, hereafter noticed at length, who had put himself -under the Massachusetts protection,) with intelligence that the -Narraghansetts had captured and killed six Mohegan men and five women; and -had sent <i>him</i> two hands and a foot, to engage him in the war. If this -statement was true—and we know no particular reason for doubting it—the -commissioners might certainly consider themselves fortunate in checking -hostilities, so far as they did in September.</p> - -<p>They convened again, at Boston, early in 1645; and messengers were again -sent to the Narraghansetts, with directions afterwards to visit the -Mohegans, inviting all the sachems to meet them for a new adjustment of -difficulties. The instructions given to these men [FN] imply, that the -commissioners supposed Pessacus to be in a state of warfare with Uncas at -that time—whether it was now past "planting-tyme," or not—but the same -records show that the messengers brought back "a letter from Mr. Roger -Williams wherein hee assures vs the warr <i>would presently break forth</i> and -that the Narrohiggansett sachims had lately concluded a neutrallyty with -Providence and the Townes upon Aquidnett [Rhode] Island."</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] See records of the United Colonies. Hazard.</p> - - -<p>It would seem, then, that the treaty was not yet broken—when the -messengers were sent. Pessacus at first told them, that he would attend -the commissioners' summons, and that meanwhile there should be no -operations against Uncas; but he soon afterwards said, that his mind was -changed. They then went to Ninigret. He expressed great discontent on -account of certain military assistance which the English had sent to -defend Uncas; and threatened haughtily, (said the messengers) that unless -that force were withdrawn, he should consider it a violation of the -treaty. "He would procure as many Mowhauques as the English should affront -[meet] them with, that would lay the English cattell on heapes as heigh as -their houses, and no Englishman should stir out of his doore but he should -be killed."</p> - -<p>After meeting such a reception here, the messengers were afraid to set out -for the Mohegan country, and they therefore went back to Pessacus and -requested him to furnish them with a guide. He offered them an old Pequot -squaw—in derision (as they supposed)—and even while they were speaking, -several of his Indians who stood close behind him, appeared to them to be -frowning rather grimly, besides brandishing their hatchets in a most -ominous manner.</p> - -<p>"Wherevpon," [on the return of the messengers] says the Report, "the -commissioners considering the great provocations offered and the -necessyty we should be put unto of making warr vpon the <i>Narrohiggansets -&c.</i>" it was agreed, "First, that our engagement bound us to ayde and -defende the Mohegan Sachem. 2dly, That this ayde could not be intended -onely to defend him and his in his fort or habitacon, but (according to -the common acceptacon of such covenants or engagements considered with the -fraude or occasion thereof) so to ayde him as hee might be preserved in -his liberty and estate. 3dly, That this ayde must be speedy least he might -bee swallowed vp in the meane tyme and so come too late."</p> - -<p>The engagement here alluded to was made at Hartford in these words: "That -if they assualt Vncus the English are engaged to assist him." Whether they -had assaulted him or not—whether, if they had, it was under circumstances -which started such a <i>casus faederis</i> as to justify the English -interference—and whether, under any circumstances, the latter could -justify sending an expedition designed "not onely to ayde the Mohegans but -to offend the Narrohiggansets, Nyanticks and other their confederates" -[FN]—need not now be discussed. Nor shall we inquire whether any blame -was chargeable, on the other hand, to Uncas, as having himself secretly -provoked hostilities—which, it may be observed, is a matter that in its -nature cannot easily be determined.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] "Instructions for Serjeant Major Edward Gibbons, comaunder in chief - of our military forces and for such as are joyned to him as a counsell of - warr." Hazard.</p> - - -<p>Preparations were made for a war; but, at the suggestion of some of the -Massachusetts Government, it was concluded to make still another offer of -compromise to the Narraghansetts, returning at the same time, by way of -manifesto, the present of wampum "long since sent and left by messengers -from Piscus [Pessacus]." A conference took place between some of the -messengers and some of the Sachems, at which <i>Mr. Williams officiated as -interpreter,</i> and the result was almost necessarily pacific, several of -the allegations of the English (which Benedict upon oath had formerly -certified [FN]) were denied, says the commissioners' Report, and others -excused; and as the English desired further conference, it was agreed -"that Pissicus chiefe-sachem of the Narraghansetts and Mixano Canownacus -his eldest sonn and others should forthwith come to Bostone to treat with -the commissioners for the restoreing and settleing of peace."</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] <i>Report of Commissioners,</i> 1645. Benedict Arnold is here referred - to, a person employed as messenger for a long series of years. He seems - to have been in this case the only witness against the Sachems; and what - his testimony amounted to, we have already seen.</p> - - -<p>This promise was faithfully kept. The sachems just named, with a Niantick -deputy, made their appearance at Boston within a few days, followed by a -long train of attendants. Some altercation took place between them and the -commissioners, in the course of which the latter charged them (as the -Report shows,) that, notwithstanding the Hartford treaty, "they had <i>this -summer</i> (1645) at severall tymes invaded Vncus &c." At length, with great -reluctance, and "after long debate and some private conferrence they had -with Sergeant Cullicutt they acknowledged they had brooken promise or -covenant in the aforemenconed warrs." They then offered to make another -truce, but that not satisfying the commissioners, they wished to know what -<i>would.</i> Upon which the commissioners, "to show their moderacon required -of them but twoo thousand fathome of white wampon for their oune -satisfaccon," beside their restoring the boats and prisoners taken from -Uncas, and making reparation for all damages. A treaty, containing these -and other stipulations, and providing that the payment of one instalment -should be made in twenty days, was drawn up and finally subscribed by all -the deputies. Four hostages were given for security, including a son of -Pessacus; the English army was disbanded; the sachems returned home; and -the 4th of September, which had been appointed for a fast, was now ordered -to be observed as a day of thanksgiving.</p> - -<p>We have thought it the less necessary to specify all the provisions of -this "treaty," inasmuch as the circumstances under which it was made, -amount, as appears to us, to such a duress as not only must have -exasperated the Sachems, but clearly invalidated the treaty itself. This -point, however, we shall leave to be decided by every reader who will -trouble himself to become familiar with those minutiæ which cannot here -be stated. It is sufficient to add, that the Report itself; as above -cited, shows the consideration (so to speak) upon which the whole -transaction was founded, to have failed, or rather never to have existed. -The "acknowledgements," indeed, like the agreements, under the -circumstances we count nothing; but even these, as the commissioners state -them, only intimate that the Narraghansetts had invaded Uncas "this -summer"—that is, (for aught we are told) subsequent to "planting-tyme," -when the former treaty expired—and not then without previous and repeated -declarations to the English, as we have seen, of their intended movements. -No remarks need be made upon the invasion of the English, or upon the -requisitions on the deputies at Boston.</p> - -<p>One provision of the treaty was, that the Narraghansetts should meet Uncas -at New Haven in 1646, which they failed to do, though Uncas himself -attended the meeting of the commissioners at that place. Nor did they make -their payments of wampum according to promise. Three instalments, to the -amount of one thousand three hundred fathoms, being now due, they sent -into Boston one hundred fathoms—mostly, it is said in "old -kettles"—excusing themselves on the score of poverty and the failure of -the Nianticks to contribute their proportion. So small a sum the -commissioners would not accept; and the messengers who brought it -therefore sold their kettles to a Boston brazier, and deposited the money -in his hands, to be paid over when they should bring the residue of the -debt. Messengers were sent for Pessacus, but he failed to make his -appearance.</p> - -<p>The summons being repeated in 1647, on the 31st of July, "Thomas Stanton -returned with Pessacks answere as followinge. Pessack being charged for -not meeting the commissioners at New Haven the last yeare, his answere -was, he had no warninge. It is true, said he, I have broken my covenant -these two years, and it is and hath been the constant griefe of my spirit. -2dly, The reason why he doth not come at this time is, because he hath -bene sicke and is now sicke; had I bene but pretty well, said he, I would -have come to them." He also stated, that he <i>when the last treaty was -made, he had acted in fear of the English army;</i> [FN] and he proposed to -send Ninigret to Boston forthwith, with full authority to treat in his own -name.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Report of the comm. for 1647. "He doth say when he made his covenant - he did it in feare of the army that he did see, and tho' the English kept - their covenant with him there and let him go from them, yet the army was - to goe to Narragensett ymmediately and kill him there, therefore said the - commissioners sett your hands to such and such things or els the army - shall goe forth to the Narragensetts." Excellently well stated!</p> - - -<p>Ninigret accordingly came on the 3d of August. When the commissioners -demanded an explanation of his past defaults, he at first affected -ignorance of what agreements had been made by the Narraghansetts. He then -argued the matter, and inquired upon what pretence the alleged debt was -originally founded. He was reminded of all the old subjects of complaint, -including his own declarations of hostility towards the English. In -respect to the latter, he said that the messengers had given him -provocation. As to the money, he considered it impossible ever to pay it, -but nevertheless wished to know how the reckoning now stood. It appeared, -on examination, that Pessacus had paid seventy fathoms of wampum the first -year. As for the kettles sold to the braziers, that property had since -been attached by one Woddy, a Boston man for goods stolen from him by a -Narraghansett Indian. Ninigret excepted to this procedure. It was neither -the property of Pessacus, he said, nor of the thief; it was deposited as -part payment of the debt, and ought so to be received. Having gained this -point, he next proposed that credit should be given him for one hundred -and five fathoms, sent by the hand of the Indian called Cutchamaquin. -[FN-1] It was rejoined, that the sum referred to had been intended as a -present to the Governor. Ninigret, "<i>being pressed to cleare the questione -himselfe, he answered, his tounge should not belye his heart, let the -debt be satisfied as it may—he intended it for the Governour.</i>" He had -sent ten fathoms to Cutchamaquin for his own trouble; but that covetous -Indian, unsatisfied with so liberal a commission, had appropriated all but -forty-five fathoms to his own use and "lied" about the residue. The facts -came out upon a cross-examination, instituted by Ninigret in presence of -the commissioners. [FN-2]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN-1] Whom we suppose to be the Sachem of Braintree, (near Boston), so - well known for his violent opposition to Mr. Elliot's preaching, and - called also Kitchmakin and some half dozen other names. He submitted to - the Massachusetts Government in 1643. Neal says, that soon after his - appearing at Mr. Elliot's lecture, and protesting against the building - of a town for the Christian Indians in what he considered his dominions, - "he himself turned Christian." But that reverend missionary does not - himself state quite so much. In that old tract, <span style="font-variant:small-caps">The Light Appearing</span> &c. - he says, that after a certain pungent discourse which he took occasion to - level at the Sachem, and not long after his remonstrance just mentioned, - "Elder Heath his observation of him was, that there was a great change in - him, his spirit was very much lightned, and it much appeared both in his - countenance and carriage, <i>and he hath carried all things fairly ever - since.</i>" We are glad to leave him thus—he died soon after his - reformation.</p> - - <p class="quote">[FN-2] Hazard Vol. II. p. 80 (quarto 3d. Phil. 1794) "Hereupon - Cutchmaquin was sent for and before Ninegrate questioned &c. He at first - persisted, and added to his lyes, but was at last convinced by Ninegrate - &c." A good illustration of the impropriety of giving implicit credit in - such cases.</p> - - -<p>He then asked time to give in his final answer, and the commissioners -allowed him a day. Having consulted meanwhile with his companions, he -appeared the next morning again. He was sorry to find, he said, that the -burden of the business had been shifted from the shoulders of Pessacus -upon his own, but he had determined to do what he could; and he would -therefore send some of his men home to collect the arrears due to the -English. In the course of three days he should know the result, and in ten -he thought the wampum might be forwarded. He would himself remain at -Boston till that time, and send word to the Narraghansetts of the -arrangement. "But if the collection," he added, "should fall short of the -sum due, he desired some forbearance, being sure that the residue would be -shortly paid, and that the English would at all events perceive his great -desire to give them entire satisfaction." The commissioners accepted these -proposals, and Ninigret despatched his messenger.</p> - -<p>They returned on the 16th of the month, but brought only two hundred -fathom of wampum. The commissioners complained of this new default, and -Ninigret was a little embarrassed. He said, it must be owing to his own -absence; but as it was, he wished that the Wampum intended, but not yet -received, as a present to the Governor, should go in part payment of the -debt. For the remainder, he desired a respite till the next spring, when, -if it were not fully paid, the English should have his country and his -head. [FN] The commissioners accordingly gave him leave to return home, -and allowed him twenty days for sending in one thousand fathoms; if he -failed, he must suffer the consequences. If he did what he could, and -<i>Pessacus</i> failed, as heretofore he had done, they should punish <i>him,</i> -and expect Ninigret's assistance.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <div class="quote">[FN] The account, which may be considered a curiosity, now stood thus.<br> -<table> - <tr><td align="right">Mr. Pelham received allmost two yeares since, }</td><td></td></tr> - <tr><td align="right">above what was given Vncus }</td><td> 70 fathoms.</td></tr> - <tr><td align="right">Left by the Narraghansetts in Mr. Shrimpton's }</td><td></td></tr> - <tr><td align="right">hands, in kettles and wampum }</td><td> 70 fathoms.</td></tr> - <tr><td align="right">In Cutchamaqua's hands by Ninegrett </td><td> 105 do.</td></tr> - <tr><td align="right">Received of Ninegrett 16. Aug. 1647. </td><td> <u>243 1/2 do.</u></td></tr> - <tr><td>The sum being </td><td> 443.</td></tr> -</table></div> - -<p>At their meeting in 1648, the commissioners received information of new -movements of Pessacus and Ninigret, in disturbance of the common peace. -Both sachems were said to be withdrawing their old men, women and children -into swamps, hiding their corn, and preparing for the reception of the -Mohawk, whom they had engaged to assist them. The invading army was to -consist of eight hundred men. The Mohawks had four hundred guns, and three -pounds of powder to a gun. Ninigret had made inquiry whether the English -would probably defend Uncas, and seemed to calculate, in that case, upon -the necessity of fighting <i>them.</i> The Pocomtock tribe were also engaged to -assist him. But both these and the Mohawks were finally discouraged from -undertaking the expedition, by the prospect of having to contend with the -English.</p> - -<p>But depredations were soon after committed by some of the Narraghansetts -upon the English; and as for Uncas, the hostility against him was carried -so far, that he came very near losing his life by an Indian hired to -assassinate him, having been run through the breast with a sword, as he -was going on board a vessel in the river Thames. At the commissioners' -meeting in 1649, he appeared, laid his complaints before them, and -demanded the protection of his ally. Ninigret also presented himself. As -to hiring the Indian to assassinate Uncas, he observed, the confession of -the criminal himself was the only evidence in the case, and that was -forced from him by the Mohegans. As to the arrears of wampum, of which -much was said, he thought there been a mistake in the measure, and that -only two hundred fathoms were due, while the English at this time -acknowledged the receipt of only one thousand five hundred twenty-nine and -a half in the whole. But the commissioners were dissatisfied with his -answer; and they therefore once more set themselves to making vigorous -preparations for war.</p> - -<p>The measures adopted in 1650, may be learned from the following passage of -the commissioners' record for that year. "Taking into consideration the -seueral offensiue practices of the Narraghausetts whereby they have broken -their couenents and endeauoured to disturbe the peace betweene the English -and themselves; and how they yet delay to pay the wampum which hath been -so long due [having sent but one hundred fathom since the last meeting at -Boston;] it was therefore thought meet to keepe the colonies from falling -into contempt among the Indians, and to preuent their improuing said -wampum to hire other Indians to joyne with themselves against vs or Vcus, -that twenty men well armed bee sent out of the Jurisdiccon of -Massachusetts to Pessicus to demand the said Wampum which is three hundred -and eight fathom, and vpon Refusall or Delay to take the same or to the -Vallew thereof in the best goods they can find; Together with so much as -will satisfy for their charges &c."</p> - -<p>The messengers were farther instructed to go to Ninigret, and make the -following complaints. 1. That the commissioners were told he had married -his daughter to the brother of the old Pequot chief; Sassacus, and had -made some pretensions to the Pequot territory. 2. That <i>Weekwash Cooke</i> -had complained to them of certain grievances received at his hands. 3. -"That about twelve years sence a Mare belonging to Elty Pomary of Winsor -in Connecticatt was killed wilfully by Pequiam a Nyantick Indian brother -to Ninegrett which Mare cost twenty-nine pounds, for which satisfaccon -hath often been required." &c. They were then to demand payment of all -charges due the English, and as also categorical answers to a certain list -of questions.</p> - -<p>The party sent out by Massachusetts in pursuance of these orders was -commanded by Major Atherton. On meeting with Pessacus, and stating the -purposes of his visit, some altercation ensued. As the Narraghansett -warriors meanwhile appeared to be collecting around him, Atherton marched -directly to the door of his Wigwam, posted a guard there, entered himself -with his pistol in hand, seized Pessacus by his hair, and drawing him out -from among his attendants, declared he would despatch him instantly on -perceiving the least attempt for his rescue. This bold stroke made such an -impression, that all arrearages were paid on the spot. Atherton then -visited Ninigret, and having stated the accusations, suspicions and -threats of the commissioners—though without obtaining any farther -satisfaction—returned home. [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Trumbull's expression is—"Having in this spirited manner - <i>Accomplished his business,</i> he returned in safety." <i>History of Conn. - Vol. I.</i></p> - - -<p>In 1653, the commissioners sent messengers to demand of Ninigret, Pessacus -and Mexham, answers to the following questions. They are given in full, -as a curious illustration both of the policy of the former and the -character of the latter. The object and occasion are sufficiently manifest -on the face of them.</p> - -<p>"1. Whether the <i>Duch Governor</i> hath engaged him [Ninigret] and others to -healp them to fight against the English, and how many?</p> - -<p>"2. Whether the Duch Governor did not attempt such a Conspiracy?</p> - -<p>"3. Whether hee [Ninigret] hath not received of the Duch Governor guns -powder bullets and swords or any ammunition to that end; and how much or -many of the said provision for warr?</p> - -<p>"4. What other sachems or Indians to his Knowlidg that are so engaged?</p> - -<p>"5. Whether himselfe or the Rest are Resolved according to theire -engagement to fight against the English?</p> - -<p>"6. If hee bee Resolved of his way what he thinks the English will do?</p> - -<p>"7. Whether it bee not safest for him and his men to be true to the -English?</p> - -<p>"8. Whether the Duch hath engaged to healp him and the Rest of the Indians -against the English?</p> - -<p>"9. If hee haue engaged against us to aske vpon what grounds and what -wrong wee haue donn him?</p> - -<p>"10. Whether hee thinks it meet to com or send his messengers to give -satisfaction concerning these queries?</p> - -<p>"11. Whether hee hath hiered the Mohakes to healp him against us?"</p> - -<p>The answer of Mexham, as reported by the messengers, to the first -question, was thus. "I speak vnfeignedly from my hart without -Dessimulation that I know of noe such plott that is intended or ploted -by the Duch Governour against the English my frinds. Though I bee poor it -is not goods guns powder nor shott that shall draw mee to such a plott." -Pessacus said, "I am very thankfull to these two men that came from the -Massachusetts and to you Thomas and to you Poll and to you Mr. Smith that -are come soe fare as from the Bay to bring vs this message, <i>and to -enforme vs of these things wee knew not of before.</i>"</p> - -<p>To the second, Mexham answered "No." Pessacus said, "that for the Governor -of the Duch, <i>wee are loth to Inuent any fakehood of him,</i> though we bee -far off from him, <i>to please the English</i> or any other that bring these -Reports. The Duch Governor did never propound such a thing." He also -represented the evident folly of his leagueing with a remote people -against his nearest neighbors. He gave a negative to the fifth question. -The sixth he supposed to be already answered. To the seventh, he said, -"wee desire to keeps it [peace] feirmly to our dieing day as neare as we -can." The eighth and ninth, Mexham and Pessacus thought they had answered -already. As to the tenth, they replied, that Pessacus was <i>too old</i> [FN] -to "trauell two daies together, but they would send some men into the -Massachusetts to speak with [tell] the Sachems that they had sent to Mr. -Smith and Voll his man to speake to Mr. Browne that they loved the English -sachems and all English in the Bay." The charge implied in the last query -they absolutely denied.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Probably meant for <i>too ill.</i></p> - - -<p>The answers of Ninigret, which were given separately, are the more worthy -of notice that he was known to have visited New York during the previous -winter, and had been accused by various Indians, including some of the -Mohegans, of having formed an alliance with the Dutch against the English. -He utterly disclaimed such conduct. "But," he added, "whiles I was there -att the Indian Wigwames there cam som Indians that told mee there was a -ship com in from Holland, which did report the English and Duch were -fighting together in theire owne countrey, and theire were severall other -shippes cominge with amunition to fight against the English heer, and that -there would bee a great blow given to them, but <i>this</i> (said he,) <i>I had -from the Indians,</i> and I cannot tell how true it is." Next, four queries -were answered in the negative. As to the sixth, "What shall I answare -these things over and over again? What doe the English thinke that I -thinke they bee asleep and suffer mee to do them wronge? Doe we not know -they are not a sleepy people? The English make queries for gunpowder, and -shot and swords. Do they thinke wee are mad to sell our liues and the -liues of all our wiues and children and all our kindred, and to haue our -countrey destroyed for a few guns powder shott and swords? What will they -doe vs good when wee are dead?" The eighth, ninth, and eleventh, were -denied. To the seventh he replied, that he knew no reason for breaking his -league with his old friends the English; and why should he ally himself to -a few Dutchmen, so far off when he lived next door to <i>them?</i> The answer -to the tenth would puzzle the most mystifying politician of modern times. -"It being indifferently spoken whether hee may goe or send yet bee knowing -nothing by himselfe wherein hee hath wronged the English but that hee may -goe yet being Indifferently spoken hee would send to speak with the -English." [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] We copy <i>punctuatim,</i> from the Records of the United Colonies, as - preserved in Hazard's Collections. Perhaps the Interpreter was to blame - for this problematical sentence.</p> - - -<p>Letters having been also sent to the sachems from the commissioners, -Pessacus and Mexham sent word in return, that they wished for a good -understanding, and hoped it might be preserved. They requested, -furthermore, that the English would make known <i>the names of their -accusers,</i> and the other sources of their information respecting their -alleged league with the Dutch. Ninigret replied as follows:</p> - -<p>"You are kindly welcom to vs and I kindly thanke the Sachems [magistrates] -of the Massachusetts that they would Nominate my Name amongst the other -to require my answare to the propositions; had any of the other Sachems -been att the Duch I should have feared theire folly might have donn some -hurt one way or other, but they have not been there. <i>I am the Man that -haue bene there myselfe,</i> therefore I must answare for what I haue donn. -I doe utterley deney and protest against any such acteings doun by mee or -to my knowlidge att or with the Duch. What is the story of <i>these great -Rumers that I hear att Pocatocke, that I should bee cut off and that the -English had a quarrell against mee.</i> I know of noe such cause att all for -my parte. <i>Is it because I went thither to take Phisicke for my healthe?</i> -Or what is the cause I found noe such entertainment from the Duch -Governour, when I was there to giue mee any Incorragement to sturr mee up -to such a league against the English my friends. It was winter-time, and I -stood a great parte of a day knocking at the Governor's dore, and he would -neither open it nor suffer others open it to lett mee in. I was not wont -to find such carriage from the English my frinds." The messenger promised -to be sent by Pessacus was sent accordingly. The English, examined him -very closely, but ascertained nothing new.</p> -<br><br><br> - - - - <h2 class="direct" style="page-break-before: always;"><a id="chxii">CHAPTER XII.</a></h2> -<br><br> - - - <p class="chap">Sequel of the lives of Ninigret and Pessacus, from 1653—Various - accusations, deputations, and hostile movements between them and the - English—Controversy between Ninigret and Harmon Garrett—Application - for justice in 1675—Conduct of Ninigret in Philip's War—Consequences - of it—His death—Death of Pessacus—Some of the charges against the - former considered—His hostility to Uncas, and the Long Islanders, and - "League with the Dutch"—Remarks on his character.</p> -<br> - -<p><span style="font-variant:small-caps">In September,</span> 1653, new complaints were made against the Narraghansett and -Niantick Sachems. It was reported to the commissioners, that they had -attacked the Long Island Indians, and slain two Sachems and thirty others. -This was deemed a case requiring their interference; and messengers were -forthwith despatched as usual, to demand explanation and satisfaction, on -penalty that the commissioners would otherwise "proceed as they should -find cause." These men executed their errand, and returned on the 19th of -the month. According to their own account, they were not very graciously -received, as indeed it was hardly to be expected they should be.</p> - -<p>They declared upon oath that, on entering the Niantick country, they saw -about forty or fifty Indians, all in arms, who came up to them as they -rode by; and the leader having a gun in his hand, "did, in the presence of -Thomas Staunton Serjeant Waite and Vallentyne Whitman, put his hand back -as if hee would have cocked it; Richard Waite said this man will shoote; -whervpon the English men faced about, Rode vp to the said Indians, asked -what they intended to doe and bedd them goe before, which some of them did -but others would not; and particularly the said Captaine Refused. The -English rode on in the way towards Ninigrett, but coming vp into the -Woods, the former company of Indians first fell on shouting in a -triumphing way. After the English Messengers came to a greater company of -Indians, all armed, whoe comaund them to stand to alight and to tye there -horses to a tree showed them, which the Messengers refused to doe. The -Indians then strove to becompase the English, which they would not suffer, -but being Informed that Ninnigrett would come thither they stayed awhile, -but Ninnigrett not coming the English tould the Indians that if they might -neither passe nor Ninnigrett come then they would return home. The Indians -answared hee would com presently, but hee not coming the English rode -forward and mett Ninnigrett; the Indians running on both sides hollowing, -the English Messengers made a stand, when they mett Ninnigrett haveing -many armed men with him and him selfe a pistoll in his hand. Ninnigrett -sat doune and desired them to alight which they did. The Indians then -surrounded them and som of them charged their guns with powder and bullets -and som primed their guns. The English in the meen time delivering their -message to Ninnigrett his men were so Tumultus in speaking especially one -whoe they said was a Mohauke they were much desturbed." [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] This Valentyne is apparently the same whom Ninigret familiarly - called "Voll," and another chief, "Poll."</p> - - -<p>The messengers were afterwards informed by one of Ninigret's chief men, -"that the aforementioned Mohauke came to see what news, for <i>they heard -that English were coming to warr against the Narraghansetts,</i> which if -true the Mohaukes take what is doun against the Narraghansetts as doun -against themselues." After leaving Ninigret, two Indians, with bows and -arrows in their hands, came running out of the woods, and roughly demanded -of Staunton whither he was going, when he was coming back, and which way -he should come.—Upon this report, the commissioners decided to make war -at once, with the exception of Mr. Bradstreet alone, (the member from -Massachusetts,) who protested against such a proceeding, and thereby -prevented it.</p> - -<p>In 1654, the commissioners were informed, that Ninigret was not only -prosecuting hostilities against the Long-Island Indians as before, but had -hired the Mohawks, Pocomtocks and Wampanoags to assist him. They -immediately sent messengers demanding his appearance at Hartford, and the -payment of the tribute so long due, as they alleged, for the Pequots under -his dominion. One article in the messenger's instructions was expressed -thus. "That vnlesse hee either com himselfe forthwithe to Hartford or give -som satisfying securitie to the commissioners for the true and constant -paiment of the said Tribute the commissioners shall thinke of some course -forthwithe to despose of the said Pequots some other way." On the 18th of -September, the following report was made of the result of the interview.</p> - -<p>"1. When Ninigret was told, that the commissioners had perused <i>the letter -he had sent to the governor of Massachusetts</i> [FN] <i>concerning the -suspicions he had of Uncas,</i> he answered, that he knew nothing of such -letter, and expressed great wonder at its being charged upon him."</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] We see no previous mention of this letter. It must have been one of - many cases where the commissioners were deceived by false testimony.</p> - - -<p>"Again, as to the breach of covenant alleged against him, he desired to -know who could say that he had any Pequots under him. 2. Mr. Eaton and Mr. -Hopkins, being both at New Haven, had told him that he was to pay for the -Pequots only ten years. And 3. Those ten years had elapsed three years -before." [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Such an agreement was made in 1651, between the commissioners, - Uncas, and some of Ninigret's men. The ten years were to commence with - 1650; but, probably, Ninigret was either uninformed or misinformed - respecting this stipulation. Frequently, treaties were not understood - even by those who subscribed them.</p> - -<p>"3. In respect to the Long-Islanders he answered in the following -remarkable manner: Wherefore should he acquaint the commissioners -therewith when the long-islanders had slayne a sachem's son and sixty -other of his men; and therefore he will not make peace with the -long-islanders, but doth desire the English would lett him alone, and doth -desire that the commissioners would not Request him to goe to hartford; -for hee had doun noe hurt what should he doe there; hee had bene many -times in the Bay, and when was Uncas there; Jonathan [the messenger] asked -him whether he would send two or three of is men that might act in his -Rome and steed if hee would not goe him selfe hee answared what should hee -or his men doe att hartford; Adding if youer Governor's sonne were slayne -and seuerall other men would [you] aske counsell of another Nation how -and when to Right yourselves; and againe said hee would not goe nor send -to Hartford.</p> - -<p>"4. Concerning the vpland Indians his answsre was they are my frinds and -came to healp mee against the long-islanders which had killed seuerall of -my men; wherefore should I acquaint the commissioners with it; I doe but -Right my owne quarell which the long-islanders began with mee."</p> - -<p>This spirited reply, alone sufficient to immortalize Ninigret, brought on -open war. A body of troops was raised in the three united colonies, and -sent into the Niantick country, under Major Willard of Massachusetts, with -orders to demand of Ninigret the Pequots subject to his control, the -tribute already due from them, and also a cessation of hostilities against -the Indians of Long Island. On refusal to comply with these terms, they -were to reduce him to submission and tribute by force, and take hostages -for security. The place of general rendezvous was appointed at Stanton's -house in the Narraghansett country. On arriving there, Major Willard found -that Ninigret had fled into a swamp ten or fifteen miles distant from the -army leaving his country, corn, and wigwams, at the invader's mercy. -Messengers were sent to him, inviting him to a conference, and pledging -the safety of his person. He returned answer that aggressions had <i>already</i> -been made upon his territory and property, and he did not think it safe -for him to visit the Major. He wished to know, too, what had occasioned -the present invasion. What had he done to <i>the English,</i> that they beset -him in this manner?—Whatever the difficulty was, he was ready to settle -it by messengers, but not in person.</p> - -<p>A day or two afterwards, as he was still in close quarters, six new -messengers were sent to him, two of whom, only, after much debate with his -guards and scouts, were admitted to his own presence. They began with -demanding the Pequots; to which he replied, that most of that people had -left him already—nearly one hundred had deserted to the English army—; -and the few that remained were hunting and straggling up and down the -country. He however set his mark to the following agreement, dated Oct. -18, 1654.</p> - -<p>"Wheras the commissioners of the vnited collonies demaund by theire -Messengers that I deliuer vp to the English all the captiue Pequotes in my -countrey I heerby ingage myselfe to surrender the said Pequotes within -seuen daies to Mr. Winthrope or Captain Mason Witnesse my hand.</p> - -<p>"Witnesse Thomas Stanton and Vallentine Whitman Interpretors Witnesse -alsoe Thomas Bligh."</p> - -<p>The messengers next demanded the tribute due for the Pequots. He replied, -that he never engaged to pay it. "Why then," said they, "did you pay it, -or part of it, at New Haven?" "Because," he readily answered, "I feared -they would be taken from me if I did not, and therefore made a gratuity -out of my own wampum to please <i>you.</i>" Being now forbidden in the -commissioners' name, to pursue hostilities against the Indians of -Long-Island, he stood silent for some time, and then asked if it was right -that his men—<i>such men</i>—should lose their lives and their blood, and not -be revenged. The English observed, that he should have offered his -complaints to the commissioners; but to this he made no reply; nor yet to -the unceremonious if not uncivil declaration of the messengers, that in -case he gave any farther trouble to any of the friends of the English, -they should forthwith take the liberty to set his head upon a pole. The -conference ended with their requesting him to pay the expenses of the -expedition, which he refused to do; "Hee was not the cause of it, but -longe-Island Indians killed him a man att Connecticott." Thus the affair -ended. The commander was censured by the commissioners, for neglecting a -good opportunity of humbling a troublesome enemy, but no farther -strictures ensued. [FN] They contented themselves with stationing an armed -vessel in the road between Neanticut and Long-Island, with orders to -prevent hostile movements on the part of Ninigret, and with encouraging -his Indian adversaries by promises of English assistance. The next year, -Ninigret continuing his attacks, they thought themselves under obligation -to furnish it.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] A Mss. private letter of Major Willard is extant, (in the possession - of Mr. Shattuck, author of a very valuable History of Concord, which we - hope may be soon published,) in which, alluding to this expedition, he - rather mysteriously speaks of his "hands being tied" Whether this - alludes to his general instructions, or to something more secret, every - reader will judge for himself.</p> - - -<p>From this time forward, there is little of interest in the life either of -Pessacus or Ninigret. We hear of them occasionally, but not much farther -than is sufficient to indicate their existence. Whether they gave less -reason to be complained of than before, or whether the English at length -grew weary of sending messages to them, cannot be ascertained; but there -is probably some truth in both suppositions.</p> - -<p>One of the last deputations to Ninigret, in 1656, was occasioned by -complaints which he made to the English of grievances received from the -Long-Islanders. He failed to prove them as alleged, and the commissioners -took that occasion to remind him of his own duties and defaults, in their -wonted manner. The lesson was repeated in 1657, some affrays and assaults -having meanwhile occurred, which threatened to bring on more serious -troubles between the Indian tribes. The most remarkable circumstance -connected with the deputation of this season, is the dissent of the -commissioners of Massachusetts, who frequently had occasion to differ with -their associates in regard to intercourse with the Indians. The terms of -this opinion, expressed in the records, are worthy of notice, as throwing -a casual light on the charges brought against Ninigret.</p> - -<p>"There hauing bine," say they, "many messengers to this purpose formerly -sent from the commissioners to the Indian Sachems, but seldom obserued by -them, which now to Renew againe <i>when many complaints have bine made -against Vncus by seuerall sachems and other Indians of his proud Insolent -and prouocking speeches and Trecherous actions, and with much probabilitie -of truth,</i> besides his hostile attempts at Potunck &c.—seems -vnseasonable; and can in Reason have no other attendance in conclusion -than <i>to Render vs lo and contemptable in the eyes of the Indians, or -engage vs to vindicate our honer in a dangerouse and vnecessarie warr -vpon Indian quarrells, the grounds whereof wee can hardly euer -satisfactoryly understand, &c.</i>" There is manifestly great truth, as well -as some severity, in this declaration. We may hereafter allude again to -what is said respecting Uncas.</p> - -<p>We now refer to the instructions of messengers sent two years after the -embassy last named, merely to illustrate the style of diplomacy which -still continued to be used. They were directed "to Repaire to Ninnigrett, -Pessicus, Woqnocanoote, and the Rest of the Narraghansett Sachems, and -distinctly and clearly deliuer to them the following message." One article -of complaint runs thus:</p> - -<p>"The comissioners doe require ninety-five fathom of Wampam ordered by them -to bee payed the last yeare for the Insolencyes committed att mistress -Brewster's feet to her great affrightment and stealing corne &c. and other -affronts."</p> - -<p>Again: "The comissioners doe charge Ninnigrett with breach of couenant -<i>and high neglect of theire order sent them by Major Willard six yeares -since not to Inuade the longe Iland Indians;</i> and doe account this -surprising the longe-Iland Indians att Gull Iland and murthering of them -to be an insolent carriage to the English and a barbarous and inhumaine -acte; therefore the comissioners <i>haue proeuided for his entertainment at -longe-Iland</i> if hee shall dare further to attempt vpon them before hee -hath satisfied the comissioners of the justnes of his quarrell, ordering -the English there to assist the Indians and driue him from thence." It -will be recollected, that Ninigret had always disclaimed the right of the -English to interfere in this contest with his neighbors, though he -explained to them, so far as to justify himself on the ground of having -been first aggrieved and attacked by his enemy. More recently he had -chosen—probably for the sake of keeping peace with the English—to make -complaints to them; but because he had failed to prove them (—and no -doubt they were mostly incapable of being proved, in their very nature—) -the commissioners had taken no other notice of his suit than to send -Thomas Stanton and others to reprimand him at once for his present -insolence and his old sins.</p> - -<p>Still, he was not utterly discouraged, for he did not invariably fail of -having justice done him. In 1662, the commissioners being informed of his -intention to sell a certain tract of land in his actual possession, which -was nevertheless claimed by one Harmon Garrett, they sent to him—not a -message of threats by Thomas Stanton—but "a writing vnder theire hands -sertifying the said Harmon Garrett's claime, which being made knowne to -Ninnigrett, the said Ninnigrett by his Messengers to the comissioners att -theire last meeting att Plymouth made claime to the said land, and Refered -the Determination therof to the next meeting of the court att Boston, -<i>desireing that notice might bee given to the said harmon Garrett att the -said Meeting of the comissioners to apperr.</i>"</p> - -<p>This honorable proposition was adopted. Garrett made his appearance, and -Ninigret sent his attorney to meet him at Boston. Garrett stated, that his -father was a great sachem, and was possessed of the lands in controversy, -and that Ninigret was the said Sachem's younger brother. On the other -side, <i>Cornman</i> in behalf of Ninigret, showed that his master was -possessed of said lands according to the Indian custom, being allowed to -be the chief sachem, and having married the sister of Harmon Garrett; and -that said Harmon was not of the whole [Niantick] blood, because his mother -was a stranger. This evidence was furnished orally by divers -Narraghansett and Pequot Indians, as also by Uncas and others in writing. -The commissioners decided, that it was "not meet to prejudice the title of -Ninnigrett, being in posession by any acte of theires, and that the -writing giuen vnder theire hand att New-hauen conserning harmon Garrett -bee not vnderstood nor made vse of to prejudice Ninnigrett's title and -posession, but aduise all the English to forbeare to disturbe -Ninnirett." [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Records of the Colonies. Hazard, Vol. II.</p> - - -<p>The good effect of this decision is to be seen in the almost total silence -of history in regard to Ninigret for the next twelve or thirteen years, -when we find him coming forward, confidently and amicably, in a similar -case. The particulars may be best gathered from a letter written by Mr. -John Easton, (probably a magistrate living near the sachem,) to the -Governor of Plymouth Colony. It runs thus:</p> - -<p>"Ninigret, one of the two chief sachems of the Narraghansetts in our -colony, importuned me thus to write to you, that, as he saith, it is the -Indian custom or law, that when any sachem's men are driven and cast -ashore, or their goods, upon any other sachem's Jurisdiction, or taken up -by any other sachem's men, that the goods are to be restored to the sachem -whose men they were; and this spring, twelve Indians, at a time, were -drowned in the sea, coming from an Island, and some of their goods drove -up in your jurisdiction at Dartmouth; and he desireth you to inform those -Indians [at Dartmouth] that they should restore to him all the goods of -those drowned that they have got." [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Sixth volume of the Mass. His. Col. 1st series.</p> - - -<p>This letter was written in March, 1675, just on the eve of the great war -of King Philip. The friendly disposition of Ninigret was now put to the -test. The Nipmucks, Nashaways, Pocontocks, the Hadley and Springfield -Indians, the Pokanokets of Philip, the tribes of Maine, and still nearer -home the Narraghansetts, were involved in the common controversy of the -times. But Ninigret remained faithful to the English; and though he took -no personal part in the war, some of his warriors distinguished themselves -more than once by their zealous cooperation with their allies. Ninigret -was one of the signers of the treaty of July, wherein the Narraghansetts -bound themselves to remain neutral; and in October his counsellor, -Cornman, signed a confirmation of the same instrument, in <i>his</i> name, at -Boston, with an additional agreement to surrender up such Pokanoket -refugees as might be found in his territories. Several of the -Narraghansett sachems did the same, but Ninigret, alone, seems to have -maintained his fidelity. At all events, he alone had the credit of it, and -the consequent benefit. The Narraghansetts were completely subdued, and -their country overrun and subjected. The tribe and territory of Ninigret -were spared; and several of their descendants were living on the premises -so late as 1738, when few, if any, of the Narraghansett blood could be -found within the limits of Rhode Island. [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Callender's Century Discourse.</p> - - -<p>The precise time of the death of Ninigret is not recorded. It is not -probable that he lived long after Philip's war, for two good reasons. He -is rarely if at all mentioned, subsequently; and he must have been already -quite advanced in age. It was now over forty years since that Pequot war, -at the date of which he is mentioned by Prince. Pessacus must have died -previous to Phillip's war. We do not find his name in the Colonial Records -after 1658, though it would certainly have been among the signatures to -the treaty last mentioned, had he been living at the date of its -execution. The English regarded him as the leading man of his tribe.</p> - -<p>The three principal complaints made against Ninigret, and the occasion of -the ill-treatment he received from the English, were his hostility to -Uncas, his intercourse with the Dutch, and the wars which he waged with -the Long Islanders. Respecting the latter, enough has already been said. -Enough appears in the protest of the Massachusetts commissioners, alone, -to show that the English had but a poor reason for interfering as they -did. They barely alleged that these Indians were their friends; but -nothing is more obvious than that <i>such</i> reasoning, however satisfactory -to themselves, could only render them, in the words of the protest, "low -and contemptible in the eyes of the Indians."</p> - -<p>"There being noe agreement produced or proved,"—said Mr. Bradstreet, of -Massachusetts, in 1653—"whereby the collenies are obliged to protect the -Long Island Indians against Ninnegrett or others, and so noe Reason to -engage them in theire quarrells the grounds whereof they cannot well -vnderstand: I therefore see not sufficient light to this vote."</p> - -<p>It is obvious that even an "obligation," by agreement, to protect those -Indians, might not imply a <i>right</i> to do so as regarded other parties—but -granting such a right as consequent upon sufficient provocation, it still -remains to prove upon which party lay the blame of the first attack. -Ninigret always asserted that he acted in self-defence, and no doubt such -was his real opinion. The English only reprimanded him upon old scores, -when he laid his grievances before them; and then sent an armed vessel and -a body of troops to fight for his enemies. The Long Islanders told a -different story; but this was at best but one Indian testimony against -another; and how much <i>theirs</i> in particular could be relied upon, appears -from the fact, that within a year or two after this same affair, they -themselves committed the most flagrant depredations upon the English. -Trumbull says, that in 1657, "after all the trouble and expense which the -English had been at for their defence, they became tumultuous, and did -great damage to the inhabitants of Southampton."</p> - -<p>To conclude this discussion, we introduce some passages of a manuscript -letter from Roger Williams to the government of one of the colonies, which -has already been cited. It bears date of Oct. 5, 1654, and was written to -prevent war. [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Col. Rec. of R.I.</p> - - -<p>"The Cause and Roote of all y<sup>e</sup> present mischief is y<sup>e</sup> Pride of 2 -Barbarians, Ascassassôtick, y<sup>e</sup> Long Island Sachim, and Nenekunat, of the -Narigansett. The former is proud and foolish. The latter is proud and -fierce. I have not seene him these many years, yet from their sober men I -hear he pleads,</p> - -<p>"First, y<sup>t</sup> Ascassassôtick, a very Inferior Sachim (bearing himself upon y<sup>e</sup> -English) hath slain 3 or 4 of his people and since y<sup>t</sup> sent him challenges -and darings to fight and mend himself.</p> - -<p>"2dly. He, Nenekunat, consulted by Solemn messengers with the chiefe of -the English Governors, Major Endicott then Gov<sup>r</sup> of y<sup>e</sup> Massachusetts, who -sent him an Implicite consent to right himselfe.</p> - -<p>"3. After he had taken revenge, upon y<sup>e</sup> Long Islanders and brought away -about 14 Captives, yet he restored them all again upon y<sup>e</sup> mediation and -desire of y<sup>e</sup> English.</p> - -<p>"4. After this peace made, the Long Islanders pretending to visit -Nenekunat at Block Island, slaughtered of his Narigansetts neere 30 -persons at midnight, 2 of them of great note, especially Wepiteammock's -sonn, to whom Nenekunat was uncle."</p> - -<p>Mr. Williams afterwards says;</p> - -<p>"1. I know it is said y<sup>e</sup> Long Islanders are subjects; But I have heard -this greatly questioned, and indeed I question whether any Indians in this -Country, remayning Barbarous and Pagan, may with truth or honor be cald y<sup>e</sup> -English subjects.</p> - -<p>"2. But graunt them subjects, what capacitie hath their late massacre of -y<sup>e</sup> Narigansetts (with whom they had made peace) without y<sup>e</sup> English -consent, though still under y<sup>e</sup> English name, put them into?"</p> - -<p>As to a league between Ninigret and "the Duch Governor," his own reply to -the charge has been given. It will furnish some amusement, at least, to -review parts of the evidence upon which it was founded. Ninigret and -Pessacus sent an Indian named Awashaw to the commissioners, in pursuance -of their agreement to give what satisfaction they could in regard to this -subject; "<i>whoe being demanded why Ninigret went to the Manhatoes the last -winter,</i> answared that Ninigret told <i>him</i> that hee went thether to bee -cured of his disease, hearing there was a Frenchman there that could cure -him; that Mr. Iohn Winthorpe knew of his going; that he carried thirty -fathom of wampam, ten whereof he gave the Doctor and fifteen to the -governor; and the governor gave him in Lieue thereof sleived coates but -not one gun, but the Indians there gave Ninigrett two guns." This was in -1653.</p> - -<p>Not long before, it seems that <i>Uncas</i>—the last man whose evidence should -have been noticed at all—had called on Governor Haynes at Hartford, and -informed him of Ninigret's visit to the Dutch; as also that he had made a -league with them, bought up a large quantity of ammunition, and negotiated -with the New York Indians for a war against Uncas and the English. -Furthermore, it was said that Ninigret had sent to a neighboring Sachem, -to procure a man skillful in poisoning, and had promised him one hundred -fathoms of Wampum in return. The Wampum was sent by a canoe, which Uncas -intercepted, with seven Indians aboard, one of whom his men had killed, -(according to his own story,) and two others had confessed Ninigret's -whole plot. We are inclined to hold, that this testimony should be -received only so far as it goes against Uncas himself, showing that he -took the liberty, on the strength of his suspicion alone, to assault a -canoe belonging to Ninigret, and to murder one of his subjects. When these -accusations were stated by the commissioners to Awashaw, the messenger -just mentioned, and he was particularly questioned who and what was in the -canoe, he replied, "that in the canoe that was sent back which was taken -by Vcus his men, hee sent in it sixty fathom of wampam to pay for the two -guns which he had of the Indians whiles hee was att the Monhatoes, and the -Remainder of the Phissicke he had there." Being asked what corn Ninigret -sent, to the Dutch <i>in the Vessel taken by the English</i> [another -aggression it would seem,] he said, "that hee Intended not to send any -corne to the Duch Governor, but what come was aboard the Duch vessel <i>was -for the hier of the vessel that</i> brought him home," It appears, he had -returned by water, while some of his men had walked; and he paid for his -passage in corn.</p> - -<p>Awashaw on this occasion had an Indian in company with him, named Newcom -Matuxes. The means resorted to for obtaining proof of the accusation, are -farther illustrated by the information gravely given us in the Records, -that this fellow "spake with one Iohn lightfoot of Boston, an Englishman, -whoe as Lightfoot saith, told him in Duch that the Duchmen would cutt off -the English on Long-island. Newcom also confesseth that Ninnigrett said -that hee heard that some shipps were to come from holland to the Monhatoes -to cutt off the English; and that when the said Newcom lived att Southhold -an Indian tould him that the Duch would come against the English and cutt -them of; but they would saue the weemen and children and guns for -themselves; <i>But Captaine Simkins and the said Lightfoot doe both affeirme -that the said Newcome tould them that the Duch men tould him as before,</i> -tho' he now puts it of and saith that an Indian tould him. Further hee the -said Newcom tould captaine Simkins (as hee confidently afeirmeth) that if -he would goe to serue the Duch the Duch would giue him an hundred pounds -a yeare." It matters but little, we conceive, whether Captain Simkins -recollected correctly or not, his reminiscences amounting to nothing in -any case. Ninigret had himself expounded the transaction, much more -completely than all these witnesses together.</p> - -<p>But the examination was still pursued, "Thomas Stanton [Interpreter] being -there alsoe to charge it vpon him. The said Newcom not being able to -cleare himselfe from <i>the guilt</i> of the charge, the comissioners then -tould Awashaw that had the said Newcom not bine a Messenger sent by -Ninnigrett hee should not have escaped without some punishment, and -therfore they willed Awashaw to tell Ninnigrett hee would doe well to send -the said Newcom againe to vs, the better <i>to cleare himselfe from all -suspition.</i>" This manœuvre has a little too much the air of a pretext for -getting a farther opportunity to cross-examine and confuse poor Newcom; -he had thus far been able to make out a respectably clear statement.</p> - -<p>Before leaving town, Awashaw sent a request to the commissioners for -another interview; which being granted, he inquired who had informed them -of these matters against Ninigret. They mentioned in reply "severall -Indians, and more particularly <i>the Monheage Indian, and the Narraghansett -taken by Vncus his men.</i>" Awashaw then requested restitution of the wampum -taken by these men. The commissioners only said, that they had not yet -ascertained the truth of that affair; but when they had thought of it -more, he should know their decision.</p> - -<p>The following amusing document is a fair specimen of the testimony -furnished against Ninigret by other Indians. It is the deposition—taken -in May, 1653—of one Adam, of whom nothing further is known. After -mentioning what the Dutch Governor had done among the Indians, which is -not to our purpose,</p> - -<p>"Further hee saith that Ninnegrett the Fiscall [Treasurer] and the Duch -Governor were vp two daies in a close Roome with other Sagamores; and -there was noe speaking with any of them except when they came for a cole -or fier or the like and much sewam [Wampum] was seen at that time in -Ninnegret's hand and he carried none away with him; Further hee saith that -Ronessocke a Sagamore on longe Island tould the said Addam that the Duch -Governor bid him fly for his life; for that the plott was now descovered; -and besides hee sends word dayly that they had as good appear now for when -hee is cutt of they English will cut them all of.</p> - -<p>"This was testifyed aboard Tuson near the white stone</p> - - <p class="exit">"before <span style="font-variant:small-caps">John Leverett</span><br> - <span style="font-variant:small-caps">William Davis.</span>"</p> - -<p>Other evidence, considerably relied upon, was an Indian squaw's relation -to a person in Wethersfield, (Conn.)—being an assertion, in general -terms, that the Dutch and the Indians were leagued against the English. In -fine, the commissioners say, "<i>wee heare</i> that some of the Duch att or -about the Monhatoes tell the English they shall shortly have an East India -breakfast, in which it is conceived they Refer to that horrid Treachervs -and crewill plott and execution att Amboina. . . . And not to multiply -Indian Testimonies which from all parts of the countrey presse vpon the -colonies—[we quote the only definite statement we can find]—nine Indian -Sagamores whoe liue about the Monhatoes did voullentarily without any -Motion or Reward from the English send theire Messengers to Stanford -declaring and afeirming that the Duch had solissited them by promising -them guns pouder swords weapons war-coates and coates to cutt of the -English" &c. It is of no consequence, so far as regards Ninigret, whether -these Sagamores conspired to tell a falsehood or to tell the truth. Nor do -we intend to enter at length into this ancient controversy between the -colonies and the Dutch. It is sufficient to observe, that the charges of -the former were officially and distinctly denied by the latter. Governor -Stuyvesant, in a letter to the commissioners dated May 26, 1658, and -written by the order of the Counsel of New-Netherlands, says—</p> - -<p>"As touching what happened in the Amboyna busines in the East Indies is -unknown vnto vs, neither hath there been any of vs there, therefore wee -sease to answare to the same or to trouble yourselues or vs therein.</p> - -<p>"It is in parte as youer Worships conclude that about January there came a -strange Indian from the North called Ninnigrett, Commaunder of the -Narraghansetts. But hee came hither <i>with a passe from Mr. John Winthrope</i> -vpon which passe as wee remember the occasion of his coming was expressed -viz: to be cured and healed," &c. On the whole, the reader of our times, -on perusing these records, can hardly go farther with the commissioners -than to extenuate their harshness towards Ninigret, like their treatment -of Miantonomo, on the score of their exaggerated fears.</p> - -<p>Upon the quarrel with Uncas, we shall waste no words. Ninigret and -Pessacus no doubt considered the circumstances of Miantonomo's case a -sufficient cause for war upon the English. But this they waived; and even -engaged, at <i>their</i> instance, to forbear hostilities against <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Uncas</span> for some -months, expressing at the same time a strong desire to be upon friendly -terms with the English, if they could be left to pursue their own business -in their own way. It is neither necessary nor possible to determine upon -which side the provocation began between these sachems and Uncas. It has -been seen, that the latter took many liberties for which the English never -called him to account, as well as some for which they did; but of still -more they must necessarily have remained in ignorance. The truth seems to -be most plainly set forth by Hutchinson, who says, it would appear to have -been good policy not to interpose in <i>this Indian quarrel</i>; but <i>the -English were afraid of the success of the Narraghansetts,</i> and as they had -generally espoused the cause of the Mohegans, it was feared, that as soon -as they were subdued, if not in the course of the war, the Narraghansetts -and their allies would fall upon the plantations of the English, against -whom they were then in a peculiar manner enraged for the death of -Miantonomo. The same historian acknowledges, that it was with great -reluctance the Narraghansetts submitted to the hard terms of the treaty of -1645, and only in consequence of the armed force which had already invaded -their country. They must have considered the tribute a most insulting, -forcible imposition.</p> - -<p>Waiving a statement of the charges which Ninigret made, or might have -made, on the other hand, against the English, we shall only observe in -conclusion that whatever may be thought of his political course, there are -points in his personal character not unworthy of esteem and even of -admiration. It was noble in him, according to the principles of a warrior -and king, to revenge, as far as he was able, the cool-blooded massacre of -his relative and predecessor. That purpose he pursued with undaunted -courage and indefatigable energy. He would gladly have avoided a contest -with the English; but he would not sacrifice his honor either to his -friendship or his interest. The spirit with which he repulsed their -attempts to interfere in his contest with the Long-Islanders, indicated a -soul of the same stamp. His reasoning upon that occasion—assuming the -truth of his premises, which we have no means either of proving or -falsifying—appears to us wholly unanswerable.</p> -<br><br><br> - - - - <h2 class="direct" style="page-break-before: always;"><a id="chxiii">CHAPTER XIII.</a></h2> -<br><br> - - - <p class="chap">The Pequot tribe—Their first chief-sachem known to the English, - <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Pekoath</span>—succeeded by <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Sassacus</span>—An embassy sent to Boston in - 1631—Residence and strong-holds of Sassacus—His earliest intercourse - with the English—Murder of Captain Stone—Justification of it by - Sassacus—He proposes a treaty of peace in 1684—Sends deputies to - Boston twice—Treaty concluded—Anecdotes—His wars with the - Narraghansetts—Fresh controversy with the English—They send an armed - party to demand damages—Conduct of the party, and consequences of - it—War with the Pequots in 1636—Political movements of - Sassacus—English expedition against him in 1637—He is - defeated—Driven from his country—Killed by the Mohawks—The English - policy in his case briefly considered.</p> -<br> - -<p><span style="font-variant:small-caps">The Pequots,</span> or Pequods, inhabited that part of the southern coast of New -England, which is now comprehended within the limits of Connecticut. They -are said to have been originally an inland tribe, and to have gained -possession by mere force of arms of the fine territory which they occupied -at the date of their first acquaintance with the English. They were in the -meridian of their glory and power about forty years previous to that -period, and were then the most considerable tribe in New England, -mastering as many as four thousand bowmen. Their principal settlements -were now about New London and Groton; the former of which was their chief -harbor, and called by their own name. The Nipmuck Indians, on their north, -were still tributary to them. So also were a part of the Long Islanders, -and most of the Indians on the Connecticut river. The Narraghansetts alone -of the neighboring tribes had been able to oppose them with success, and -against that nation they waged an implacable and almost perpetual war.</p> - -<p>The first great sachem of the Pequots known to the English was <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Pekoath</span>, -from whom they probably derived the national name. He appears to have been -a great warrior. He was going on conquering and to conquer, when the -earliest settlements of the English were made upon the Massachusetts -coast. Tribe after tribe retreated before him as he advanced, till his -terrible myrmidons were at length in a situation to locate themselves at -their ease on the best soil, and beneath the most genial skies, of New -England.</p> - -<p>As early as 1631, Waghinacut, a sachem of one of the expelled or subject -tribes just mentioned, travelled across the wilderness to Boston; and -attended by a Massachusetts Sagamore, and one Jack Straw (an Indian who -had formerly lived with Sir Walter Raleigh in England,) made application -for the alliance or assistance of the Massachusetts government against -Pekoath. He gave a glowing description of his native land; and promised, -if some of the English would go there and settle, that he would supply -them with corn, and pay them eighty beaver-skins yearly. This proposition -being rejected, he desired that at least two men might be permitted to -accompany him, with the view of examining the country. He showed great -anxiety to effect that object, but to no purpose; the governor suspected -some stratagem, and politely dismissed his visiter with the compliment of -a good dinner at his own table. [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] <i>Winthrop's Journal.</i> Waghinacut persevered, however, and succeeded. - He went to Plymouth, and Governor Winslow sent out a party, at his - suggestion, who are understood to have been the first discoverers of - Connecticut river and the adjacent parts.</p> - - -<p>The successor of Pekoath, and the last as well as first great sachem of -his tribe known personally to the whites, was <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Sassacus</span>, a warrior of high -renown, who, when the English commenced their settlements in Connecticut, -soon after the transaction last mentioned, had no fewer than twenty-six -sachems or war-captains under his dominion, and could at that time muster, -at the smallest calculation, seven hundred bowmen. The site of his -principal fortress and residence, was on a most beautiful eminence in the -town of Groton, commanding one of the best prospects of the Sound and the -adjacent country which can be found upon the coast. Another strong-hold -was a little farther eastward, near Mystic river; and this also was finely -situated upon a verdant swell of land, gradually descending towards the -south and southeast.</p> - -<p>Sassacus, and his warlike Pequots, are almost the only American chieftain -and tribe who, in the light of history, seem to have been from the outset -disposed to inveterate hostility against all foreigners. They were, as -Trumbull observes, men of great and independent spirits; and had conquered -and governed the nations around them without control. They viewed the -English especially, as not only strangers but mere intruders, without -right or pretence of right to the country, who had nevertheless taken the -liberty to make settlements and build forts in their very neighborhood, -without asking their consent—and even to restore the Indian kings whom -they had subjected, to their former lands and authority. Under these -circumstances, it is no matter of wonder, that the whites had scarcely -located themselves within the bounds of Connecticut, when "that great, -spirited and warlike nation, the Pequots, began to murder and plunder -them, and to wound and kill their cattle." [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Trumbull.</p> - - -<p>And yet—setting aside the general offence committed, or at least by -Sassacus understood to be committed, in the act of making settlements -without leave—it does not clearly appear whether the first particular -provocation was given on the one side or the other. It is only known, that -in the summer of 1633, one Captain Stone, on a voyage from Maine to -Virginia put into the mouth of the Connecticut river, and was there -murdered by the natives, with all his crew. Three of them, who went ashore -to kill fowl, were first surprised and despatched. A sachem, with some of -his men, then came aboard, and staid with Captain Stone in his cabin until -the latter fell asleep. The sachem then knocked him on the head; and his -crew being at this time in the cook's room, the Indians took such guns as -they found charged, and fell upon them. At this moment, all the powder on -board the vessel, in the hurry of sudden alarm, was accidentally exploded. -The deck was blown up; but most of the Indians escaping, returned, -completed the massacre, and burned the wreck.</p> - -<p>Such was the English account of the proceeding. The Pequots had a -different story to tell. In October, 1634, Sassacus sent a messenger to -the Governor of Massachusetts, to desire friendship and alliance. This man -brought two bundles of sticks with him, by which he signified how many -beaver and otter skins his master would give, besides a large quantity of -wampum. He brought also a small present. The Governor received it, and -returned a moose coat of the same value; but sent word to Sassacus withal, -that a treaty could not be negotiated, unless he would send men proper to -negotiate, and enough of them. [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Winthrop Vol. I.</p> - - -<p>Accordingly, but a fortnight afterwards, (though the distance to the -Pequot country was a five-days journey,) two more messengers arrived at -Boston, bringing another present of wampum. They were told, in answer to -their renewed application, that the English would willingly come to -amicable terms with Sassacus, but that his men having murdered Captain -Stone, he must first surrender up the offenders to justice. The messengers -readily replied, that the sachem concerned in that transaction had since -been killed by the Dutch; and that all the other offenders had died of the -small pox, excepting two. These, they presumed Sassacus would surrender -<i>if the guilt were proved upon them.</i> They asserted, that Captain Stone, -after entering their river, had taken two of their men, and detained them -by force, and made them pilot the vessel up the river. The captain and two -of his crew then landed, taking the guides on shore, with their hands -still bound behind them. The natives there fell upon and killed them. The -vessel, with the remainder of the crew on board, was blown up—they knew -not how or wherefore.</p> - -<p>This—in the words of the journalist who gives the particulars—was -related with so much confidence and gravity, that the English were -inclined to believe it, especially as they had no means of proving its -falsity. A treaty was concluded on the following terms.</p> - -<p>1. The English to have as much land in Connecticut as they needed, -provided they would make a settlement there; and the Pequots to render -them all the assistance they could.</p> - -<p>2. The Pequots to give the English four hundred fathoms of wampum, and -forty beaver and thirty otter skins; and to surrender the two murderers -whenever they should be sent for.</p> - -<p>3. The English were to send a vessel immediately, "to trade with them as -friends, tho' not to defend them," and the Pequots would give them all -their "custom."</p> - -<p>The agreement was put in writing, and subscribed by the two messengers -with their marks. The chief object proposed by Sassacus in effecting it, -appears to have been, not the assistance of the English in his wars, but -their commerce in peace. He thought himself competent to fight his own -battles; and perhaps would have made no attempt to conciliate even the -English, but for having quarrelled with the Dutch of New York, who had -hitherto supplied him, and thereby lost their trade as well as incurred -their hostility.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile, he was at deadly war, as usual, with the Narraghansetts. The -very next morning after the treaty was concluded, and while the messengers -still tarried in Boston, news came, that a party of two or three hundred -of the tribe last named had come as far as Neponsett, (the boundary -between Milton and Dorchester) for the purpose of laying wait and killing -the Pequots on their way home. The English immediately despatched a small -armed force, to request a visit from the Narraghansetts; and two sachems, -with about twenty of their men, obeyed the summons. They said they had -been hunting round-about the country, and came to visit the Indians at -Neponsett, according to old custom. However this might be, they showed -themselves quite ready to gratify the English in their requests; and the -Pequots were permitted to return home unmolested.</p> - -<p>A passage in the Journal of Winthrop, relating to this occasion, -illustrates the spirit of Sassacus and his subjects. The Narraghansetts -were privately told by the Governor, that if they should happen to make -peace with the Pequots, they should receive a goodly proportion of the -wampum just sent.—"For the Pequots held it dishonorable to offer them any -thing as of themselves, yet were willing we would give it them, and indeed -did offer us so much to that end."</p> - -<p>Thus matters remained until 1636. During that season one Oldham, an -Englishman who had been trading in Connecticut, was murdered by a party of -Block-Island Indians; several of whom are said to have taken refuge among -the Pequots, and to have been protected by them. On the strength of this -fact and this supposition, the Governor of Massachusetts—Mr. Oldham being -a Dorchester resident—despatched a force of ninety men, under Captain -Endecott, commissioned (as Mr. Winthrop tells us,) to put to death the men -of Block-Island, but to spare the women and children, and bring them away, -and take possession of the Island. Thence they were to go to the Pequots, -"to demand the murderers of Captain Stone and other English, and <i>one -thousand fathom of wampum for damages</i> &c. and some of their children as -hostages which if they should refuse the were to obtain it by force."</p> - -<p>The proceedings which ensued upon the attempt to execute these orders -ought not to be overlooked. From Block-Island, the English sailed to -Pequot harbor. Here an Indian came out to them in a canoe, and demanded -who they were, and what they would have in the country of the Pequots. -Endecott replied, that he came from the Governor of Massachusetts, to -speak with the Pequot sachems. The Indian answering that Sassacus was gone -to Long-Island, he was directed to communicate Endecott's message to -another sachem. He returned to the shore, and the English meanwhile made a -landing. The messenger came back, and the Indians began to gather about -the English. Several hours passed in desultory conference, until Endecott, -growing impatient, announced his commission to the crowd which surrounded -him, and at the same time sent word to the sachem, that unless he would -come to him or satisfy his demands, he should try forcible measures. The -messenger, who had been several times running to and fro between the -parties, said that the sachem would come forward if the English would lay -down their arms, the Indians also leaving their bows and arrows at a -distance.</p> - -<p>Endecott was incensed by the proposal, considering it a pretext for -gaining time. He therefore bade the Pequots begone, an take care of -themselves; they had dared the English to come and fight with them, he -said, and now he was ready for the battle. The Pequots withdrew peaceably -to a distance. When they were beyond musket-shot, "he marched after them, -supposing they would have stood it awhile, as they did to the Dutch," -[FN]—but they all fled, letting fly a few arrows among the English, which -did no damage. Two of their own number were killed and several more -wounded; and the English then marched up to their village, and burned all -their wigwams and mats. At night, concludes the historian, they returned -to their vessels; and the next day they went ashore on the west side of -the river, and burnt all their wigwams and spoiled their canoes in that -quarter; and so set sail and came to the Narraghansett country. There they -landed their men, "and on the 14th of 7ber they came all safe to Boston, -which was a marvellous providence of God, that not a hair fell from the -head of any of them, nor any sick nor feeble person among them."</p> - - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Winthrop.</p> - - -<p>The sequel of the tragedy must be gathered from other authorities. A -detachment of Endecott's party was appointed to reinforce the English -garrison at Saybrook. Lying wind-bound off Pequot harbor, after his -departure, a part of these men went on shore to plunder the Pequots, and -bring off their corn. Their ravages were interrupted by an attack from -these Indians. The skirmish lasted till near evening, and then both -parties retired, the English with one man wounded, and the Pequots with a -loss unknown. We have given the particulars of this transaction, -(according to the English version of course) because it throws light upon -the subsequent relations between Sassacus and the English.</p> - -<p>Whatever was the disposition of the Pequots previous to this date, there -is no question about them ever afterwards. They determined to extirpate -the whites from the limits of Connecticut; and to that great object -Sassacus now devoted the whole force of his dominions and the entire -energies of his soul. The forts and settlements were assaulted in every -direction. In October, five of the Saybrook garrison were surprised, as -they were carrying home their hay. A week afterwards, the master of a -small English vessel was taken and tortured; and several others within the -same month. The garrison just mentioned were so pressed before winter, -(1636-7) that they were obliged to keep almost wholly within reach of their -guns. Their out-houses were razed, and their stacks of hay burned; and so -many of the cattle as were not killed, often came in at night with the -arrows of the enemy sticking in them. In March, they killed four of the -garrison, and at the same time surrounding the fort on all sides, -challenged the English to come out and fight, mocked them with the groans -and prayers of their dying friends whom they had captured, and boasted -they could kill Englishmen "<i>all one flies.</i>" Nothing but a cannon -loaded with grape-shot, could keep them from beating the very gates down -with their clubs.</p> - -<p>Three persons were next killed on Connecticut river, and nine at -Wethersfield. No boat could now pass up or down the river with safety. The -roads and fields were everywhere beset. The settlers could neither hunt, -fish, nor cultivate the land, nor travel at home or abroad, but at the -peril of life. A constant watch was kept night and day. People went armed -to their daily labors, and to public worship; and the church was guarded -during divine service. Probably no portion of the first colonists of New -England ever suffered so horribly from an Indian warfare, as the -Connecticut settlers at this gloomy and fearful period.</p> - -<p>Nor was the employment of his own subjects the only measure adopted by -Sassacus against his civilized enemy. He knew them too well to despise, -however much he detested them. He saw there was need of all the ingenuity -of the politician, as well as the prowess of the warrior, to be exercised -upon his part; and he therefore entered upon a trial of the arts of -diplomacy with the same cunning and courage which were the confidence of -his followers in the field of battle. The proposal of alliance offensive -and defensive which he made to his ancient rival and foe, the chief sachem -of the Narraghansetts, was a conception worthy of a great and noble soul. -And such was the profound skill with which he supported the reasonableness -of that policy, that, (as we have heretofore seen,) Miantonomo himself -wavered in his high-minded fidelity to the English cause. But for the -presence and influence of Roger Williams, [FN] the consummate address of -the Pequot must have carried his point.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] That gentleman, in one of his letters preserved on the Mass. - Records, writes—"That in y<sup>e</sup> Pequt Wars it pleased your honoured - Government to employ me in y<sup>e</sup> hazardous and waighty Service of - negotiating a League between Yourselves and the Narigansetts; <i>when y<sup>e</sup> - Pequt messengers (who sought y<sup>e</sup> Narigansett's league against the English) - had almost ended y<sup>t</sup> my worck and life together.</i>"</p> - - -<p>The measures taken by the other colonies, in consequence of the state of -things we have been describing, and the minutiæ of the famous expedition -of Mason, are too well known to be repeated at length. The contest was not -long continued, but it required the most serious efforts on the part of -the English; and not only did Massachusetts and Plymouth feel themselves -under the necessity of aiding Connecticut in the suppression of this -common and terrible foe, but many of the Narraghansetts also were called -on to aid, with the Nianticks, the Mohegans and other tribes upon the -river.</p> - -<p>Sassacus must have felt, that the day of restitution and reparation was -indeed come upon him for all his ancient victories and spoils. Every -people in his neighborhood who had suffered, or expected to suffer, from -his pride or his power, now gladly witnessed the onset of a new enemy -against him; and large numbers availed themselves of the opportunity to do -personal service. Not less than five hundred Indians of various tribes -accompanied Mason in his march against the great Pequot fortress. Not a -few of them, without doubt, remembered old times as well as Miantonomo -himself; though they acted very differently in consequence.</p> - -<p>These gallant allies were so eager to go against the Pequots, that nothing -but the van of the army could satisfy them for their own station. "We -hope," said they, (—or something, no doubt, to that purpose—)</p> - -<p class="list"> "We hope it will offend not you nor yours - The chiefest post of honor should be ours."</p> - -<p>Upon which</p> - -<p class="list"> "Mason harangues them with high compliments - And to confirm them he to them consents. - Hold on, <i>bold men,</i> says he, as you've began; - I'm free and easy; you you shall take the van." - -But,—("as we always by experience find, - Frost-bitten leaves will not abide the wind")</p> - -<p>These formidable veterans had gone but a few miles, when every man of them -fell in the rear, and that unluckily to such a distance that not one could -be found. They were in the enemy's country, and the truth was, they</p> - -<p class="list"> "—Had so often, to their harm, - Felt the great power of Sassacus's arm, - That now again just to endure the same, - The dreadful sound of great Sassacus' name, - Seemed every moment to attack their ears, - And fill'd them with such heart-amazing fears, - That suddenly they run and seek to hide, - Swifter than leaves in the autumnal tide." [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Wolcott's Account.</p> - - -<p>This was in the evening. As the English approached the fortress about -day-light, they halted at the foot of a large hill, and Mason sent word -for his allies "to come up." After a long time, Uncas and Wequash [FN] -alone made their appearance. "Where is the fort?" inquired Mason. "On the -top of that hill," answered they. "And where are the rest of the -Indians?"—Uncas said, "they were behind, exceedingly afraid;" and the -most that Mason could induce them to do, was to form a semi-circle at a -particularly respectful distance, for the purpose of witnessing the attack -of the English upon the enemy's fort, and waylaying such of the Pequots as -might escape <i>their</i> hands.</p> - - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Vide "<span style="font-variant:small-caps">A Brief History of the Pequot War:</span> Especially of the - <i>memorable Taking of their Fort at Mystic in Connecticut in</i> 1637, - written by Major John Mason, a Principal Actor therein, as the chief - captain and commander of Connecticut Forces: Boston: Printed and Sold by - S. Kneeland and T. Green in Queen St. 1736." The following is the motto - of this tract.—"We have heard with our ears, God, . . . how thou didst - drive out the heathen with thy hand, and plantedst them; how thou didst - afflict the people and cast them out," &c.</p> - - <p class="quote">The author of <span style="font-variant:small-caps">New England's First Fruits</span> calls this man a famous captain, - a proper man of person, and of very grave and sober spirit. He became - religious after the Pequot war, lived sometime among the whites, and then - preached to his countrymen until his death, which was occasioned by a - dose of poison wherewith some of them repaid him for his labors. A - Massachusetts clergyman says of him, in 1648: "He loved Christ, he - preached Christ up and down, and then suffered martyrdom for Christ; and - when he dyed, gave his soule to Christ, and his only child to the - English, rejoycing in this hope, that the child should know more of - Christ than its poore father ever did."</p> - - -<p>The resistance was manly and desperate, but the whole work of destruction -was completed in little more than an hour. The extent and violence of the -conflagration kindled by the assailants, the reflection of this pyramid of -flames upon the forest around, the flashing and roar of arms, the shrieks -and yellings of men, women and children within, and the shouts of the -allies without, exhibited one of the most awful scenes which the pens of -the early historians have described. Seventy wigwams were burnt, and five -or six hundred Pequots killed. Parent and child alike, the sanop and -squaw, the gray-haired man and the babe were buried in one promiscuous -ruin.</p> - -<p>It had been Mason's intention to fall upon both the principal forts of the -enemy at once; and finding it impossible, he says, "we were much grieved, -chiefly because the greatest and bloodiest sachem there resided, <i>whose -name was</i> <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Sassacus</span>." The execution of this design would have saved him -much subsequent loss and labor. That great warrior was so little -discouraged by the horrible havoc already made among his subjects, that -immediately on receiving the intelligence he despatched, perhaps led on in -person, a reinforcement of three hundred warriors, who pursued the English -very closely for a distance of six miles, on their march towards Pequot -harbor.</p> - -<p>But the reception which this body met with from the English, drove them to -desperation. The whole remaining force of the nation repaired to the -strong-hold of Sassacus, and vented all their complaints and grievances -upon his head. In their fury they even threatened to destroy him and his -family; and perhaps nothing but the entreaties of his chief counsellors, -who still adhered to him in his misfortunes, prevented his being massacred -by his own subjects in his own fort. A large number deserted him, as it -was, and took refuge among the Indians of New York. The fort was then -destroyed, and Sassacus himself, with seventy or eighty of his best men, -retreated towards the river Hudson.</p> - -<p>To kill or capture him, was now the main object of the war; and the -Pequots were pursued westward, two captured sachems having had their lives -spared on condition of guiding the English in the surprisal of their royal -master. The enemy were at last overtaken, and a great battle took place in -a swamp in Fairfield, where nearly two hundred Pequots were taken -prisoners, besides killed and wounded. Seven hundred, it was computed, had -now been destroyed in the course of the war. As Mason expresses himself, -they were become "a prey to all Indians; and happy were they that could -bring in their heads to the English—of which there came almost daily to -Windsor or Hartford." So Winthrop writes late in the summer of 1637-"The -Indians about still send in many Pequots' heads and hands from Long Island -and other places." &c. [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] <i>Journal,</i> Vol. I.</p> - - -<p>But Sassacus was not destined to fall by the hands of the English, -although thirteen of his war-captains had already been slain, and he was -himself driven from swamp to swamp, by night and day, until life was -hardly worthy of an effort to preserve it. Even his own men were seeking -his life, to such extremities were they compelled by fear of the English. -One Pequot, whose liberty was granted him on condition of finding and -betraying Sassacus, finally succeeded in the search. He came up with him -in one of his solitary retreats; but finding his design suspected, and -wanting the courage necessary for attacking a warrior whom even his -Narraghansett enemies had described as "all one God," [FN] he left him in -the night, and returned to the English.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Mason's <i>History.</i></p> - -<p> -The sachem was at last obliged to abandon his country. Taking with him -five hundred pounds of Wampum, and attended by several of his best -war-captains and bravest men, he sought a refuge among the Mohawks. These -savages wanted the magnanimity to shelter, or even spare, a formidable -rival, now brought within their power by his misfortunes. He was surprised -and slain by a party of them, and most of the faithful companions who -still followed his solitary wanderings, were partakers with him of the -same miserable fate. The scalp of Sassacus was sent to Connecticut in the -fall; and a lock of it soon after carried to Boston, "as a rare sight," -(says Trumbull,) and a sure demonstration of the death of a mortal enemy.</p> - -<p>Thus perished the last great sachem of the Pequots; and thus was that -proud and warlike nation itself, with the exception of a small remnant, -swept from the face of the earth. The case requires but brief comment. -However this tribe and their chieftain might have been predisposed to -treat the English, and however they did treat their Indian neighbors, they -commenced their intercourse with the whites, ostensibly at least, in a -manner as friendly and honorable as it was independent. Previous to the -treaty, indeed, complaints had grown out of the murder of Stone; but the -English had no evidence at all in that case, while the evidence of the -Pequots was, according to their own acknowledgement, cogent if not -conclusive, in support of their innocence.</p> - -<p>We may add, that it was confirmed by what is known incidentally of the -character of Stone. Governor Winthrop, speaking of his arrival at Boston -in June 1633, on board a small vessel loaded with "corn and salt," adds, -that "the governor of Plymouth sent Captain Standish <i>to prosecute against -him for piracy.</i>" The particulars of the accusation need not be stated, -for only a few months after this, we find the same person mentioned as -charged with another infamous crime; "and though it appeared he was in -drink, and no <i>act</i> to be proved, yet it was thought fit he should abide -his trial," &c. He was fined a hundred pounds, and expelled from the -Massachusetts jurisdiction.</p> - -<p>As to the next proceeding recorded—the expedition of the English in -1635—we have only to remark, 1. That the demand of one thousand fathoms -of wampum, with no justifiable nor even alleged reason for it, was an -imposition and an insult. 2. The English should at least have taken time -to see Sassacus himself, his subjects having no more authority than -disposition to treat without him. 3. The English, with no apparent -provocation, not only insulted but assaulted the Pequots, merely to see if -they would "show fight;" and then burnt their towns and boats; not a hair -of their own heads being meanwhile injured, and Sassacus himself being -still absent.</p> - -<p>With such inducement, the chieftain began a war of extermination; and then -indeed it became necessary that one of the two nations at issue should be -completely disabled. No, civilized reader entertains a doubt as to the -result which, under such an alternative, was most to be desired. But he -may nevertheless have his opinion, respecting the moral propriety as well -as the state policy of the measures which brought on that horrible -necessity. Let the whole truth, then, be exposed. If it shall be found, -(as we believe it must be,) that under the influence of strong and sincere -though fatal excitement, a rashness of the civilized party was the -ultimate cause of the ruin of the savage, let that injustice be -acknowledged, though it should be with shame and with tears. Let it be -atoned for, as far as it may be.—in the only way now possible—by the -candid judgment of posterity and history, upon the merits and the -misfortunes of both.</p> -<br><br><br> - - - - <h2 class="direct" style="page-break-before: always;"><a id="chxiv">CHAPTER XIV.</a></h2> -<br><br> - - - <p class="chap">The Pequot territory claimed by <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Uncas</span>—His tribe, family, and early - history—Services in the Pequot expedition rewarded by the - English—Effect of their favor—His contest with Miantonomo, and - result—Subsequent wars and quarrels with various tribes and - chiefs—Assistance rendered him by the English—Complaints brought - against him to them—His Christianity considered—His morality—Evidence - of his fraud, falsehood, violence, tyranny, ambition—His services, and - those of his tribe to the English—Manner in which he met the - accusations made against him—Cunning and servility—His treatment of - neighboring sachems—Various negotiations with the English—His - death—Fate of his tribe.</p> -<br> - -<p><span style="font-variant:small-caps">On the conquest</span> of the Pequots, the whole of their territory, about thirty -miles square, was claimed by the Mohegans. The best opinion is, that this -tribe was originally a part of the Pequot nation; and that their -subsequent name was derived from the place of their subsequent residence. -The first chief sachem of the Mohegans personally known to the English, -was <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Uncas</span>, [FN] who was a Pequot by birth, and of the royal line, both by -his father and mother. His wife was a daughter of <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Tatobam</span>, one of the -Pequot sachems. Probably he had been himself a war-captain under Sassacus. -But when the English began their settlements in Connecticut, he was in a -state of rebellion against him, in consequence of some misunderstanding -between them, for which either he had expatriated himself; or Sassacus had -expelled him from his dominions. At this time, his influence was -inconsiderable; but his great address and ambition soon made him the -leading Sagamore of the Mohegans, as they afterwards made that tribe the -leading one in Connecticut.—[See Appendix No. 1.]</p> - - - <hr width="80%"> - - <div class="quote">[FN]<table> - <tr><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Onkos</span>. </td><td> </td><td><i>Mason's Pequot Expedition.</i></td></tr> - <tr><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Uncass</span>. </td><td> </td><td><i>Wolcott.</i></td></tr> - <tr><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Okack</span>. </td><td> </td><td><i>Roger Williams.</i></td></tr> - <tr><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Onkus</span> and <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Okoko</span>. </td><td> </td><td><i>Winthrop.</i></td></tr> - <tr><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Uncus, Unquas, Unkowah,</span> &c. </td><td> </td><td><i>Hazard.</i></td></tr> -</table></div> - -<p>The English were more indebted to Uncas for his zealous services in the -Pequot war, than to all the other Indians together, though they at first -entertained doubts of his fidelity. Governor Wolcott says:</p> - -<p class="list"> "'Twas here [at Hartford] that Uncass did the army meet, - With many stout Moheagans at his feet. - He to the general [Mason] goes, and doth declare, - He came for our assistance in the war. - - "He was that Sagamore, whom great Sassacus' rage - Had hitherto kept under vassalage. - But weary of his great severity, - He now revolts and to the English fly. - With cheerful air our captain him embraces, - And him and his chief men with titles graces; - But over them preserved a jealous eye, - <i>Lest all this might be done in treachery.</i>"</p> - - -<p>But he was soon convinced, that his supicions were unjust. The Mohegans -embarked with Mason's ninety men, on board a pink or pinnace and a -shallop, both which, the water being low in the river, fell aground -several times. The Indians disliked this new species of navigation, and -especially so much of it as pertained to the flats and sands; and Uncas -was still more impatient to recommend himself by an active commencement of -the war. He therefore requested, that he and his men might be set on -shore, promising to join Mason again at Saybrook. His request was granted; -and he not only redeemed his pledge, but, meeting a considerable party of -Pequots on the route, he attacked them with great spirit, and killed seven -of their number—"which," says Captain Mason, "we looked at as a special -Providence; for before we were somewhat doubtful of his fidelity."</p> - -<p>This good opinion was daily confirmed by the Sachem's conversation and -conduct. "Indeed," our writer elsewhere adds, "he was a great friend and -did great service—I shall never forget him." At the commencement of the -campaign, the various Indians who engaged in it, were in high glee. They -gathered into a ring, and one by one made solemn protestations how -gallantly they would demean themselves, and how many men they would kill. -But Uncas said very little, until Mason inquired of him what he thought -these Indians would do. "Nothing," answered he, gravely; "The -Narraghansetts will leave you to a man. I can only say for myself that I -never will." And he never did. The Narraghansetts, who had vaunted -themselves on the example they should be obliged to set the English, to -encourage them in their attack upon the enemy, soon fell into the back -ground, and many of them returned home.</p> - -<p>The English marched on through the woods by moonlight, until, finding -themselves altogether abandoned by these spirited allies, they halted, and -sent messengers to know what had become of them. At last,</p> - -<p class="list"> "—After long waiting for the same, - Up trusty Uncass and stout Wequash came, - Of whom the general in strict terms demands, - Where stands the fort, and how their judgement stands - About the enterprise? and what's the cause - They left their post [the van] against all martial laws."</p> - -<p>From the answer given to these questions, it would appear that, however it -might be with the Sachems, the Indians generally were in horrible fear of -the Pequots. The apology however was cogent; "when once they were -engaged," said they,</p> - -<p class="list"> "—'tis hard to get - <i>A dispensation from them to retreat,</i>"</p> - -<p>But no such reasoning influenced the resolution or the fidelity of Uncas. -Even after the great success which attended the assault, most of the -Indians deserted, or at least disappeared, in consequence of an -apprehension of falling in with the wandering Pequots. But Uncas remained -steadfast. He also did active service afterwards, against a band of the -enemy who had settled themselves at Pawcatuck, contrary to the terms of -their submission to the English; joining his friend Mason, on that -occasion, with one hundred of his men and twenty canoes.</p> - -<p>A small harbor in the southern part of the town of Guilford, (in -Connecticut) has to this day a name derived from one of his achievements. -He and his Mohegans, with a few of the English, having undertaken, when -the enemy fled westward, to scour the shores near the seas for the purpose -of cutting off stragglers, came up with a Pequot sachem and a few men, not -far from this harbor, and pursued them. As the south side of the harbor is -formed by a long narrow neck of land, the Pequots went out upon that -point, hoping that their pursuers would pass by them. But Uncas, -perceiving the stratagem, ordered some of his men to give chase, which the -enemy observing, swam over the mouth of the harbor. There they were -waylaid, and taken as they landed. A council being held, and the sachem -sentenced to death, Uncas himself is said to have shot him with an arrow, -cut off his head, and set it up in the crotch of a large oak-tree near the -water. The skull remained there many years, and the name of the -<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Sachem's-Head</span> has been ever since attached to the harbor. [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] History of Guilford, Mass. His. Coll.</p> - - -<p>The remuneration to Uncas for the part which he took in this war, was a -portion of the Pequot territory, (which he afterwards sold to the -English,) and one hundred captives of that tribe; and this, with the honor -of having subdued his great Pequot rival, and the reputation of being upon -the most flattering and favorable terms of intercourse with the English, -made him at once a character of high dignity and of no little influence. -Indians began to collect around him from neighboring tribes, and he could -now muster four or five hundred warriors. The state of Connecticut treated -with him, and made him presents, and permitted him to exercise dominion -and to give deeds of territory, in all respects like an independent and -sovereign authority, while he enjoyed at the same time the benefit of -their personal patronage and the protection of his tribe from <i>their</i> -enemies.</p> - -<p>In July, 1638, Uncas visited in person the authorities of Massachusetts at -Boston—the only visit of mere ceremony which is recorded of him in -history. Ostensible ceremony, we should perhaps say; for considering the -time, the company, and especially the deportment on that occasion, there can -be little doubt that the Sachem had an object in view which lightened the -weariness of his long journey.</p> - -<p>He came attended by thirty-seven men, and accompanied by Governor Haynes, -whom he had called upon by the way. He offered the Governor of -Massachusetts a present of twenty fathoms of Wampum, which being in open -court, the Council thought fit to refuse it, "till he had given -satisfaction about the Pequods he kept," &c. [FN] Upon this he appeared -much dejected, and even affected to apprehend that his life was in danger. -But he was not long at a loss. Evidence was produced which counteracted -the main suspicions that rested upon him; and he promised to submit his -controversy with the Narraghansetts to English arbitration, and to follow -any arrangement they should make as to his Pequots.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Winthrop.</p> - - -<p>The present was now accepted, and about half an hour afterwards, he went -to the Governor, and addressed him in the following terms: "<i>This -heart</i>"—he said, laying his hand on his breast—"<i>is not mine, but -yours. I have no men. They are all yours. Command me any hard thing—I -will do it. I will not believe any Indian's words against the English. If -any man shall kill an English man, I will put him to death were he never -so dear to me.</i>" The Governor gave him a handsome red coat, defrayed the -expenses of his visit, and furnished him with provisions for his -return-journey, and a general letter of protection—and so "he departed -very Joyful."</p> - -<p>This transaction throws some light upon what is far the most singular -point in the history of the cunning Sachem, viz: that he invariably -maintained at once the best terms with his civilized ally and the worst -with his Indian neighbors. The latter circumstance indeed naturally ensued -from the former; on account of which, as well as from other causes -partially explained heretofore, the inveterate hatred which had so long -existed between the Mohegans and the Narraghansetts, previous to their -union with the English or the suppression of the common enemy of all, -broke out again soon after the treaty of 1638, and continued from that -time forward until the proud Narraghansetts in their turn fell beneath the -power of the English. Ostensibly, (as we have seen in the life of -Miantonomo,) the war was brought on by the quarrel of Uncas with -Sequassen, of whose outrage he complained to the Governor and Court of the -Colony. The high estimate he set upon his own dignity appears from his -demanding six of Sequassen's men for the murder of his subject. With great -difficulty he was finally persuaded to accept of the offender alone. But -Sequassen objected even to these terms; for he would do nothing but fight. -A contest ensued, and Uncas was the victor.</p> - -<p>His subsequent war with Miantonomo, and the proceedings which ensued upon -his triumph over that formidable chieftain, have been detailed. From this -period, so long as the Narraghansetts remained able to send an army into -the field, there was no rest for Uncas or his people, day nor night. -Truces and promises were negotiated and passed between the parties by the -English; but the power which imposed, or the influence which induced these -obligations was scarcely withdrawn, when the unextinguishable flame blazed -forth, the more furiously for its brief suspension. The Narraghansetts -repeatedly invaded the Mohegan country in the course of the year 1645, -assaulted Uncas in his own fort, killed and captured numbers of his men, -and finally so pressed him, that both Connecticut and New Haven were -obliged to send troops to his assistance, as Hartford had done before, to -prevent the enemy from completely subduing him and his country.</p> - -<p>In 1648, the Mohawks, Pocomtocks, and other tribes were induced to take -part against him. Nine years afterwards, he was again beset in his -fortress, and again rescued by the Connecticut forces; and so late as -1660, the same emergency led to the same measures. On that occasion, he -was besieged until his provisions were nearly exhausted, and he saw that, -without speedy relief, he and his men must soon perish by famine or sword. -In this crisis, he found means of communicating his danger to the scouts -of the English, who had been sent out from Saybrook fort. The case being -urgent, one Lefingwell, an ensign of the garrison, and a bold enterprising -man, loaded a canoe with beef, corn and pease, and paddled it under cover -of the night from Saybrook into the Thames river, where he had the address -to get the whole into the besieged fort, which stood near the water's -edge. The enemy soon ascertained that Uncas was relieved, and raised the -siege. The Sachem is said to have rewarded Lefingwell for his services by -a deed of the town of Norwich. [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Trumbull.</p> - - -<p>And not open and honorable arms, (as civilized foes would consider them,) -alone, were employed against Uncas. One of the Pequots, in 1643, shot him -through the arm, at the instigation, as was generally supposed, of -Miantonomo; and the war with that chieftain was brought on by similar -attempts on the part of Sequassen. The Narraghansett sachems hired an -Indian to assassinate him in 1649, and he succeeded so far as to give him -a wound in the breast with a sword, which for some time was thought -mortal. Sorcery and poison were also tried.</p> - -<p>Attempts were meanwhile made to injure him in the estimation of the -English; his enemies believing, and with good reason, that the withdrawal -of their protection would be fatal to him. Sequassen, whose hatred was -inveterate, went so far, in 1646, as to form a plan for murdering -Governor Haynes and other of the principal inhabitants of Hartford, with -the view of having the crime charged upon Uncas. Watohibrough, a Waranoke -Indian was engaged to do the business; and he and Sequassen, after leaving -matters in a proper train, were to take refuge among the Mohawks. The -price of blood was already paid in girdles of Wampum; but Watohibrough -wanted courage to perform what avarice only had led him to undertake. -Having altered his mind thus far, he soon bethought himself that the -English had given rewards to those who discovered a similar conspiracy -on a former occasion; and concluding they would do so again, he went to -Hartford, and disclosed every thing he knew. Messengers were immediately -sent to demand the attendance of Sequassen, for the purpose of clearing -himself from the charge; but he thought it more politic to avoid the -messengers, and so escaped unpunished.</p> - -<p>The English authorities invariably took cognizance of all these and -similar proceedings; and no doubt, but for their interference, and the -expectation of it, many more of the same nature would have taken place, -and might finally have succeeded. Thus it was the extraordinary good -fortune of Uncas to be a favorite with his early allies, from first to -last. He complained of no grievance in vain; and as a natural consequence, -he uniformly complained upon good occasion, as well as frequently upon bad -or none. The Mohansick Sachem, of Long-Island, committed trespasses on his -men and forthwith "hee desires the commissioners that hee may be righted -therein;" and four persons are immediately appointed to examine the -Mohansick Sachem, "and if proof bee cleare to labor to convince him -thereof, require satisfaccon, and in case of reasonable complyance -endeauor a Composure thereof; but if no satisfaccon will bee giuen for -Iniuries, proceed then to lett him know <i>they give the English just cause -of offence, and will bring trouble vpon themselues.</i>"</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] <i>Records of the Colonies:</i> 1649.</p> - - -<p>The possibility of his giving false testimony against his enemies and -rivals, seems scarcely to have entered the Commissioners' minds. Upon -rumors of fresh assaults by the Narraghansetts upon the Long-Islanders, in -1653, they sent messengers to the former, requiring their attendance at -Boston, for the purpose of compromising the quarrel. These messengers were -further instructed to notify, not only to the Long-Islanders, but <i>to -Uncas,</i> that if they or any of them find any thing "to enforme charge or -propound either in the foremencioned or any other," they were to send -witnesses accordingly—"and by Thomas Staunton or otherwise you are to -giue notice to Captaine Mason, <i>Vncus &c. that there may bee noe fayling -for want of Witnesse or Euidence.</i>" It is not wonderful, that Ninigret -asked the messengers, on this occasion, after being told of their -errand—"Why doe the English slight <i>mee,</i> and respect the Longe-Islanders -and the Mohegins, seeing all around mee do love mee and are my -frinds?" [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] <i>Ibid</i> for 1653.</p> - - -<p>In 1654, great complaints were made against Uncas himself. On that -occasion, the same messenger sent to the Mohegan sachem was sent also to -Ninigret; but although the former was the accused party, it will be -observed, that a peculiar provision was made to accommodate <i>him,</i> while the -only one made in relation to Ninigret's visit was, that "hee may not bring -with him aboue twenty or thirty men; nor may Newcome, or as the Indians -call him, Mattackist, come with him whoe last yeare gaue offence att -Boston." It is clear, that the plaintiff in this suit was no favorite; and -it is further remarkable, that the messenger was directed to take the -present occasion of reminding him of his old debts and defaults, and (as -if to prevent his appearance) requiring satisfaction to be given at the -time of his visit. The following are the messengers instructions:</p> - -<p>"You are to informe both Vncus and his brother Woweque that the -Commissioners haue receiued information of some purpose of theires to -invade the Narraghansetts or Ninnigrett; they haue alsoe heard of some -differences lately groune twixt Vncus and his brother and betwixt them and -theire men. They are not willing to receive reports without due enquiry; -they haue therefore sent for Ninnigrett, the better to secure the -longe-Island Indians, and to heare what hee hath to allege against the -Mohegens, and compose all other differences. The Commissioners therfore -desire and expect that both Vncus and his brother doe forthwith Come to -hartford, &c. <i>You are alsoe to informe both Vncus and his brother [FN] -and theire men, that the English doe oune Vncus so longs as hee carrieth -himselfe well,</i> and shall bee loth hee suffer wrong." &c.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Woweque,</span> a very troublesome fellow, elsewhere noticed under some ten - or fifteen other names.</p> - - -<p>Next follow the "Instruccons for John Gilbert and John Baily <i>whoe were -sent to continue att Vncus his fortt during his absence.</i></p> - -<p>"You shall Repaire to Mohegen, and acquaint Vncus and all other Indians -that you are to reside att his fortt by the Commisioners of all the -Collonies, to the Intent that Vncus and all others may know the realitie -of the English to continew his frinds whiles hee coutinueth faithfull to -the English; and because the Commissioners have now sent for Vncus to -speak with him concerning some affaires of concernment relating to -himselfe Ninnigret and Woweque, and being Informed some sturrs may arise -in his absence to his prejudice you shall vse youer Indeauors to keep all -things quiett and informe the Indians that such attempts wil bee offenciue -to the English." &c.</p> - -<p>No fears seem to have been entertained, that "sturrs" would arise in the -Niantick country during Ninigret's absence, although the message itself -was founded upon the rumor of an attack to be made upon <i>him</i> by the other -party. So, when Captain Mason had been commissioned to march against -Ninigret with an armed force, on a former occasion, he was ordered "to -advise particularly that Vncus Fort be secured when any strength is sent -forth against the enemie, lest hee and wee recieue more damage by some -Indian stratageme than the enemie." A multitude of other decisions and -directions might be cited to the same purpose.</p> - -<p>Uncas was in less favor with the English towards the latter part of his -life than formerly, for reasons which will soon be mentioned. He did not -however come to an open rupture with them at any time; and his subjects, -though frequently insolent, were never hostile. On the contrary, they -assisted their ally on many occasions, the Commissioners never hesitating -to notify them when their services would be acceptable, and <i>they</i> never -hesitating to attend a summons. For this zeal, directed as it invariably -was against their Indian neighbors, and generally their old enemies, it -would be easy to suggest more reasons than one. They thought themselves -fortunate in these secure and sanctioned opportunities of revenge and -plunder, even had they not also been richly repaid by the protection of -the English, reciprocated to them in all emergencies of their own. Their -last services during the life of Uncas were during Philip's war, when a -party of them was commanded by Onecho, a son of Uncas, and by other -sachems. The father was then too old a man to endure much more labor and -weariness.</p> - -<p>It has been stated, that Uncas was at least convinced of the truth of -Christianity, and that he died in the faith; but we fear this information -can hardly be relied upon. The only proof of it we have seen is derived -from the following anecdote.</p> - -<p>In the summer of 1676, a great drought prevailed throughout New England, -which was extremely severe in the Mohegan country. The corn was dried up -in August, and the fruit and leaves fell from the trees, as in autumn. The -Indians were alarmed, but knew not what to do. According to custom, they -applied to their Powahs to intercede with the Great Spirit for rain, after -their manner; but these men labored to no purpose. They then went to the -English settlement at Norwich, and Uncas went with them. He told Mr. -Fitch, the clergyman at that place, that it was a hard case with them—the -Powahs could do them no service—they must apply to the English God. Mr. -Fitch appointed a fast-day at these and other suggestions. The weather on -that occasion proved to be clear; but about sunset, at the close of the -religious services, some clouds arose. The next day also was cloudy. Uncas -now went to the house of Mr. Fitch, with many Indians, and again lamented -the great want of rain. "If God shall send it," said Mr. Fitch, "will you -not attribute it to your Powahs?" "No," answered the sachem; "we have done -our utmost, but all in vain." The clergyman then told him, that if he -would make this declaration before the Indians, they should see what God -would do for them. Uncas then made a speech to the Indians, confessing -with particular emphasis, that if God should grant this favor, it could -not be in consequence of their powowing, but must be ascribed to the -clergyman's prayers. Of the sequel we only know, that upon the day -following there was so copious a rain that the river rose more than two -feet.</p> - -<p>This testimony proves but little. On the other hand, Mr. Fitch himself in -a letter cited by Gookin gives a very clear opinion as follows:</p> - -<p>"—Since God hath called me to labor in this work among the Indians nearer -to me, the first of my time was spent among them at Moheek, where Unkas, -and his son, and Wanuho are sachems. These at first carried it teachably -and tractably; until at length the sachems did discern that religion would -not consist with a mere receiving, and that practical religion will throw -down their heathenish idols, and the sachems' tyrannical authority. -Discerning this, they did not only go away, but drew off their people, and -would not suffer them to give so much as an outward attendance to the -ministry of the word of God. . . . At this time <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Unkas</span> and his sons seem as -if they would come on again. <i>But it is no other but in envy against -these</i> [the converts] <i>and to promote some present self-design.</i>"</p> - -<p>When Mr. Gookin, with the Apostle Elliot, visited the towns of the -Massachusetts Praying Indians, in 1674, he says, that on one occasion, a -large part of the night was spent at Sagamore's wigwam, in company with -the principal Indians then at the settlement, in prayer, singing psalms -and exhortation. There was one person present, who sat mute during all -these exercises. At length he arose and said, that he was an agent for -Uncas, the Mohegan sachem, and that in his name he challenged a right to, -and dominion over this people of Wabquissit. [FN] "Uncas is not well -pleased," added he, "that the English should pass over Mohegan river, to -call <i>his</i> Indians to pray to God." Mr. Gookin replied, that Wabquissit -was within the Massachusetts jurisdiction, and that no harm need be feared -at all events; the English only wished to bring the Indians to the -knowledge of Christ, and to suppress among them the sins of drunkenness, -idolatry, powowing, witchcraft, murder, and the like.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] The South-East corner of Woodstock, and still called Wabequasset. It - was in truth, as it still is, part of Connecticut, though claimed by - Massachusetts, as well as by Uncas.</p> - - -<p>This was plainly a lecture meant for the benefit of Uncas himself, and his -agent was specially requested to inform him of the answer made to his -protest. In another connexion, we find Mr. Gookin's opinion expressed to -the same effect, without the same circumlocution. "I am apt to fear," is -his language, [FN] "that a great obstruction unto his [Mr. Fitch's] labors, -is in the sachem of those Indians, whose name is Unkas; an old wicked and -wilful man; a drunkard, and otherwise very vicious; who hath always been -an opposer and underminer of praying to God—some hints whereof I have -given in the narrative of my journey to Wabquissit, before mentioned." The -Sachem once took the trouble to visit Hartford for the express purpose of -complaining to the Colonial authorities of the attempts made to convert -his subjects to Christianity.</p> - -<hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] <i>His. Coll. Chapter X.</i></p> - - -<p>His piety, then, will hardly bear rigid examination. Whether his morality -was quite so objectionable as Mr. Gookin supposed, or whether that good -man was unduly prejudiced against him for his opposition to the ministry, -may not be easily decided. There is but too much reason for believing, -however, that there was great truth in most of the charges, and a most -pertinent application for the lecture referred to above. The United -Commissioners themselves seem to pay but a sorry compliment to his -previous habits when, so late as 1672, they directed a letter to be -written to him, "to incurrage him to attende on the Minnestrey."</p> - -<p>What is more to the purpose, we find a complaint entered against him -before them, in 1647, by one of his Pequot subjects, named Obechiquod. The -grievance was, that Uncas had taken possession of and detained the man's -wife; and though <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Foxon,</span> the deputy of the Mohegan sachem, ingeniously -argued, that this accident had happened only in consequence of -Obechiquod's having unlawfully withdrawn from the jurisdiction of Uncas, -and left his wife behind him, to be of course appropriated, according to -Indian law, by any other person who desired such a connexion; yet even the -Commissioners felt themselves obliged, upon a hearing of the whole case, -to express their abhorrence "of that lustfull adulterous carriage of -Vncus." He was adjudged to restore the complainant's wife, and allow the -husband to live where he chose, on condition of his assisting Uncas in his -wars whenever the English desired. He was discharged from another -accusation of the same nature made by Sanops, a Connecticut Indian, at the -same time—the evidence not being sufficient to convict him.</p> - -<p>The proofs of fraud and falsehood are still more abundant. Miantonomo -hesitated not to accuse him of foul play, even in the Pequot war; and the -account given by Roger Williams of the reports which he rendered in to the -English authorities, of the Pequot captives who fell into his hands, goes -very far to establish the charge. Six, whom he had taken at one time, he -represented to be Mohegans, although an Indian who gave information of the -fact to Mr. Williams, knew them as Pequots personally, and perfectly well, -and mentioned the names of all.</p> - -<p>His conduct at the Hartford conference in 1637, has already been the -subject of comment. Some time after Miantonomo's arrival, who had been -delayed by his machinations, he sent in messengers to the court that he -was lame, and could not visit them. Governor Haynes observed, that this -was a lame excuse, at best, and immediately despatched a cogent request -for him to attend without fail or delay. He came at length, and the -Governor then accused him of the flagrant outrages which he and his -subjects had committed on the Narraghansetts. Some altercation ensued -between the rival chieftains, but, by the persuasion of the English, they -were finally induced to shake hands. Miantonomo then cordially invited -Uncas to sup with him, his men having just killed some venison; but he -would not consent. The sachems were now called upon to make returns of -their Pequot prisoners. Miantonomo made his promptly, and no fault was -found. "Okace [Uncas] was desired to give in the names of his. He -answered, that he knew not their names. He said there were forty on -Long-Island; and that Juanemo [alias Janemoh] and three Nayantaquit -Sachims had Pequts, and that he himself had but twenty. Thomas Stanton -[Interpreter] told him and the magistrates, that he dealt very falsely; -and it was affirmed by others, that he fetched thirty or forty from -Long-Island at one time. <i>Then he acknowledged that he had thirty,</i> but -the names he could not give. It pleased the magistrates to request me to -send to Nayantaquit, that the names of the Pequts might be sent to -Cunnihticut; as also to give Okace ten days to bring in the number and -names of his Pequts and their runaways, Mr. Haynes threatening also (in -case of failing) to fetch them." [FN] This transaction speaks clearly -enough for itself.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Letters of Williams in <i>Mass. His. Coll. Third Series.</i></p> - - -<p>The sachem's treatment of the Pequots surrendered to him on this occasion, -does him little more credit. In 1647, ten years after the conquest, these -unfortunate people sent in a complaint to the commissioners, in which they -stated that Uncas had drawn Wampum from them unjustly, on all manner of -pretexts, and without any pretext. When his child had died, for example, -he made, or pretended to make, a present to his wife, and ordered the -Pequots to do the same. Frightened by his threats, they collected one -hundred fathoms of Wampum, and gave it as directed. Uncas appeared to be -pleased, and promised to treat them from that time forward as his own -ancient subjects. But only a few days afterwards, his brother (Woweque) -came and told them, that Uncas and his Council had determined to kill some -of them. They now thought it necessary to appeal to the English -protection, and they set about collecting a quantity of wampum to be sent -in to Connecticut with that view. Uncas received a hint of their -movements; and the next morning he came to the fort where they were, with -a body of warriors, armed, and apparently bent upon killing some of their -number. They however escaped safe to Connecticut. It was farther alleged, -that they had given Uncas Wampum forty times. Twenty-five times they had -sent it by him to the English, in payment of tribute; but they knew not -that any part of it was delivered.—Also, that Uncas favored the Mohegans -to <i>their</i> prejudice. If they won anything of one of them in play, it -could never be collected.—Also, that he had cut all their fishing nets -for not aiding him—as they were not bound to do in certain of his forays -against the Indians of Long Island.</p> - -<p>The reply of Foxon to these charges—no doubt by instruction from his -master—is full of his usual ingenuity. 1. As to the Wampum—"he belieueth -the Pequats haue for tribute and vpon other occasions at sundry times paid -wampam to Vncus, but denyeth that they in particular had giuen him any -for the English; but the Moyhegens and they had sometimes joyned togeither -to giue in wampam, which had been sent as a presente twice into the -Mattachusets, and sometimes to Mr. Haynes at Hartford, but he thinckes the -nomber of twenty-fiue times to be altogeither false.</p> - -<p>"2. He concieues that the Pequats being an vnder people might haue some -wrong from the Mohegens in play and durst not presse for their right, but -denyeth that Vncus had any hand therein.</p> - -<p>"3. He acknowledgeth that the Pequats did bring in 100 fathome of wampam -at the death of Vncus child, and were promised favoure as is expressed, -but the latter was only a treacherous plott of Vncus brother perswading -the Pequats to withdraw from Vncus into theire oune Country, and there he -would come vnto them, and to prouoke them thereunto he tould them (though -falsly) that Vncus had determined to kill some of them.</p> - -<p>"4. Though Vncus at first apprehended noe inconvenience in such a present -to the English, yet being after, informed it was a plott on a fruit of -crooked counsell giuen them by Tassaquanott, Sassacus his brother, who had -suggested vnto them that most of the cheife Sachems were cutt off, Vncus -to them but a stranger, why should they serue or giue wampam to him -herewith Vncus was justly offended.</p> - -<p>"5. He had heard some of the Mohegans tooke fish from them, but knoweth -not that hee cutt theire netts, though he cannot deny it."</p> - -<p>The Commissioners decreed, that the Pequots should return to the dominion -of Uncas, who should receive them without charge or revenge for the manner -in which they deserted; and on the other hand that he should himself -be reproved for his tyranny, and seriously informed, that the English -would not support him "in any unlawful, much less treacherous and -outrageous courses."</p> - -<p>Unquestionably, this "brother" of Uncas was quite as troublesome to -himself as he was to the white people. Mr. Winthrop complained at this -very meeting, that he has fallen upon the Nopnet Indians entirely without -provocation, with one hundred and thirty Mohegans, and carried off wampum, -copper kettles, great hempen baskets, bear-skins, deer-skins and many -other things to a great value. These facts were admitted by Foxon, who -also asserted that Uncas had no part either in the assault or the spoil, -he being at New Haven when the affair happened. Other complaints being -brought forward and proved, the Commissioners directed that Uncas should -either disown his brother entirely, or else regulate him in a more -suitable manner for the future. This was correct. It is clear that he -either instigated these flagrant outrages, or at least connived at them by -sufferance. He was able to prevent them as far as he thought proper.</p> - -<p>It would be tedious, though not wholly without matter of amusement, to -detail at large all the accusations brought against the Mohegan Sachem by -various complainants at various times. Massachusetts and Connecticut -arraigned him. The English settlements nearest to him accused him of -insolence and violent assaults. The Mohawks quarrelled with his tribe. The -Narraghansetts and Nianticks charged him repeatedly with inroads and -insults upon them. Necwash Cooke, a Pequot under English protection, -complained of being plundered with open force. Sanops, an Indian mentioned -heretofore, was robbed of his corn and beans, (perhaps hardly less -valuable to him than his <i>wife.</i>) Mr. Winthrop stated, in behalf of a Long -Island Sachem, that he had sent sixty fathoms of Wampum to the Governor of -Massachusetts by Uncas; and though he made the bearer himself a present of -twenty at the same time, he had embezzled the whole.</p> - -<p>Again, one Apumps "complained against Vncus, that about sixe weekes since -hee tooke sixe of his people at Quinnapauge, killed one, and wounded -another."</p> - -<p>"<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Pomham</span> [a Massachusetts Sachem] appearing before the Commissioners [at -the same meeting] said that about a month agone Vncus or some of his men -killed a man and two wemen at Cawesett, the one of them belonging to -himselfe, the other vnto Tupayamen, both without provocation."</p> - -<p>"Wee desire the English Sachims"—wrote the Pocomptocks in answer to an -English message of inquiry—"not to perswade vs to a peace with Vncus; for -though hee promiseth much yett will hee performe nothinge. We have -experience of his falcenes" &c.</p> - -<p>In 1656, he, or his brother, invaded the Norwootucks; and he even joined -arms with Ninigret against a Sachem of Long Island. About two years -before this, he had taken occasion to push his conquests beyond the river -Connecticut by quarrelling and then fighting with <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Arrhamamet,</span> Sachem of -Mussauco (now Simsbury, near Hartford.) He sent one of his warriors to -take and burn a Wigwam in the outskirts of the village, killing a few of -the inhabitants, and then leaving marks <i>of the Mohawks.</i> His orders were -executed, and the stratagem took effect. Arrhamamet ascribed the mischief -to the Mohawks, and, burning with resentment, fitted out a war-party, and -went in pursuit of them to the Northwest. Uncas thus gained time to equip -his men, and fall upon the enemy's town in his absence. Arrhamamet was -subjugated and his tribe, the Podunks, were ever afterwards tributary to -Uncas.</p> - -<p>The season before this, Meeksaw [probably Mexham] a Narraghansett Sachem, -complained that Uncas had killed one of his men, and also that he had -"afronted him by abusiuely naming and jeering his dead ancestors, and -sending him a challenge this summer to fight." The Commissioners inquired -of Foxon the truth of the charge, "and hee not giuing a satisfactory -answare, they tooke the matter into consideration." &c. Soon afterwards -the same person complained "of a gun taken from a Narraghansett Indian by -Vncus his son, which some of Vncus his men acknowlidged to bee true." The -commissioners' judgment in this case was, substantially, that although -Mexham had not sufficient proof, yet, knowing that Uncas out of his pride -and folly was apt to insult people, they would send him a suitable -reprimand. In some other cases, they went so far as to adjudge, and -perhaps enforce restitution.</p> - -<p>Not to examine the records farther, it is only necessary to observe, that -though all these accusations were not strictly correct, many of them, and -many others, were proved; and perhaps a tithe of the truth never appeared -after all. Some of the sufferers were too proud to complain. Others had no -evidence to offer but their own. Many supposed it impracticable to obtain -a fair hearing or decision of the Commissioners, against a chieftain -regarded as their ward; and many more were too much irritated not to right -themselves in a more customary and summary manner upon the spot.</p> - -<p>The secret source of this extraordinary series of wars, forays, -challenges, robberies and adulteries, like that of the Sachem's inveterate -opposition to Christianity, was in his lawless appetites and passions; -but especially an inordinate and uncontrolled ambition. It might be with -justice that Miantonomo was accused of a design to make himself <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Universal -Sagamore</span>—as the phrase, was—of New England. But the Narraghansett took -no measures for the attainment of his object which were in his own view -either mean or malicious. He neither kept back part of the captives, nor -embezzled the tribute which they deposited in his hands, nor plundered his -neighbors in time of peace, nor unduly availed himself of foreign -assistance for the annihilation of his rivals. He sent a few of his men, -it is true, to aid in the Pequot expedition—or rather did not, perhaps -could not, prevent them from going—but these were only two hundred, out -of two thousand; and he neither headed them himself, like Uncas, nor even -engaged personally at all in the contest. Indeed, he at most only -continued, on this occasion, the hostilities which had existed between the -two nations for a long series of years; and all historians admit, that he -was very near joining Sassacus at one time against the English themselves. -Uncas, on the other hand, made the most of the opportunity, to revenge -himself upon Sassacus, and to exalt his reputation and power upon the -wreck of the Pequots.</p> - -<p>Miantonomo became in his turn a victim to the same over-reaching spirit. -He began the war, indeed—or rather the campaign—and Uncas, on the other -hand, was encouraged in <i>his</i> course by his allies;—but a magnanimous -soul would never have permitted either circumstance to affect the -treatment of a sovereign like himself, who had fallen into his hands by -the chances of battle.</p> - -<p>Ninigret next became the grand object of his scrutiny. He went forward as -often as practicable to prejudice the character of that chieftain in the -eyes of the English, as well as to reduce his resources by direct attacks. -No man was so zealous as he in furnishing evidence—such as it was—to -convict him of a conspiracy with the Dutch against the colonies; and -though he is understood to have been ostensibly at peace with him at that -period, he carried his interference to such a length as to lay wait and -intercept a Niantick canoe which, as he pretended to suspect, was laden -with certain palpable evidences of the hostile coalition. So we find him -falling upon Mexham, Necwash Cooke, Woosamequin, and last of all, King -Philip. No doubt, he had sagacity enough to perceive, that such a course -must prove unfavorable, if not fatal to his race; but patriotism, honor, -friendship, generosity, truth, every nobler feeling of his nature was -merged in a barbarous, ferocious ambition.</p> - -<p>There is a curious illustration of this weakness upon record:—"Vncus -complained that Sequasson som yeares sence as is well knoune began hostile -actes vpon him to the desturbance of the publicke peace. Whervpon hee was -ocationed to fight and in the Issue ouercame him and conquared his -Country, which though hee gaue to the English and did not oppose the -fauor they were pleased to shew him in sparing his life, <i>yet hee cannot -but look on himselfe as wronged, in that Sequaason, as hee is informed, -is set up and endeauoured to bee made a great Sachem,</i> notwithstanding hee -hath refused to pay an acknoulidgment of wampam to him according to -engagements."</p> - -<p>Of this acknowledgement, no proof appears but the Sachem's own assertion; -and whether true or not, no real cause of complaint can be gathered from -the whole context. The Commissioners, with their usual complaisance, -"disclaimed any Endeauors of theirs <i>to make Sequasson great,</i> and are -ignorant of what hee afeirmes concerning the other [acknowledgement] yet -recommended it to the Gouernment of Conectncot to examine the case, and to -provide vpon due proofe Vcus may be owned in what may be just and equall, -and Mr. Ludlow was entreated to promote the same." This passage will be -found in the Records for 1651. No subsequent mention is made of the suit.</p> - -<p>It might be a subject of some speculation, what were the causes of the -extraordinary partiality of the English for Uncas; and especially what -were the means whereby he counteracted the strong current of reproach -which set against him from all other quarters. Different opinions have -been entertained upon this point. We suppose, however, the Commissioners -considered it good policy, to select some one among the principal -uncivilized and unsubjected Indian chiefs, to be made a channel of -intercourse and influence with and over all. This one would naturally be -the most ambitious, and at the same time least scrupulous of the number. -Such was Uncas; and hence it was, that with his shrewdness, he found no -difficulty in maintaining a tolerably good understanding with them under -all circumstances. The "proud Ninigret" disdained the English -interference. Massasoit protected rather than courted them. Sassacus -fought them at the first provocation. Philip hated them and kept aloof; -and Miantonomo, though he met them and treated them as friends, yet forgot -not a soul of his own, more sovereign than his royal blood. But Uncas was -neither more nor less than their humble servant. He fought for them, and -gave evidence for them, with about the same alacrity, and the same -indifference as to subject or occasion, antagonist or defendant.</p> - -<p>Whenever complaints were made against himself; he of course had resources -for defence. There was something in the testimony he could generally bring -forward in his favor; and still more in the ingenuity of his explanations, -or the humility of his acknowledgements and apologies. Other Sachems, -irritated by suspicion and accusation, frequently committed themselves in -reality by rash speeches and rude acts. But Uncas never lost sight of his -interest in his pride.</p> - -<p>The pliability of Indian evidence, and the manœuvres of Indian -politicians, appear singularly in the case of Necwash Cooke. Uncas was at -New Haven, attending a meeting of the Commissioners, in 1646, when one -William Morton came forward, and charged him with having hired Wampushet, -a Pequot Powah then present, "by himselfe or some other with a hatchet to -wounde another Indian <i>and lay it vpon Neckwash Cooke.</i>" The consideration -for the bargain was said to be fifteen fathoms of Wampum, and the Indian -was assaulted according to the terms. After some inquiry into the -evidence, Wampushet himself was brought upon the stand, and questioned by -the English interpreter. Much to the astonishment of Mr. Morton, and of -the Pequots who came into court with him, he cleared Uncas and cast the -plot upon Cooke himself, and Robin, Mr. Winthrop's Indian; and though the -other two Pequots, whereof one was Robin's brother, were much offended, -"and after [afterwards] <i>said</i> Uncas had hired him to withdrawe and after -his chardge, yet hee persisted and said Necwash Cooke and Robin had giuen -him a payre of breeches and promised him twenty-five fathome of wampam to -cast the plott vpon Uncas."</p> - -<p>As to the main allegation in Cooke's case, which was proved, the Sachem -acknowledged some miscarriages or misdemeanors in vindicating what he -called his right, so near the English plantations,—but alleged -provocation. Then follows the sentence.</p> - -<p>1. That it was an error to quarrel with Cooke to the public disturbance, -without consent of the English.</p> - -<p>2. That to do it near an English plantation was worse still; and the -Commissioners required him to acknowledge his fault to that plantation, -(as he did to themselves) and by promise to secure them from any such -disturbance or the future.</p> - -<p>For Uncas it was an easy matter to make such satisfaction. But as if it -was thought too harsh by those who decreed it, they took occasion at the -same time to sweeten the dispensation with promises of protection and -professions of respect. After all, so strong was the additional testimony -advanced against him on the same matters, at the next session, that they -were induced to modify their decision as follows:—"All which being duly -considered the insolency and outrage of Vncus and his men appeared much -more heinous than the complaints at Newhaven the last yeere imported. The -Commissioners (having the last yeere ordered that Vncus should acknowledge -his fault to the English plantation, which they heare he performed in -Captain Mason's presence) thought fitt now to add that vpon the return of -the Pequots to his subjection Vncus foorthwith pay into the hands of Mr. -Jo. Winthrop, to be by him divided to the English and ould Pequots and -other innocent Indians, towards the repaire of theire losses in proportion -as he shall finde cause, one hundred fathome of wampam."</p> - -<p>We conclude these expositions with a literal copy from Hazard, of one of -the last formal messages of complaint sent by the Commissioners to Uncas, -together with his answer. The date is 1661:</p> - -<p>"Vncus</p> - -<p>"We have Receiued Information and Complaint from the Generall Court of -Massachusetts of youer hostile Invading of Wosamequin and the Indians of -Quabakutt whoe are and longe haue bine Subjects to the English killing -some and Carrying away others captiues spoyling theire goods to the -vallue of 33 lb. as they alledge, and all this contrary to youer couenant -and promise to the Comissioners seuerall times Renewed, not to make warr -against any of our Tributaries without the allowance of the Comissioners -wee alsoe vnderstand that the Generall Court of Massachusetts whose -subjects the said Indians are, haue formerly signified theire offence vnto -you Requiring the Returne of youer Captiues and Satisfaction for the -wronge you haue done to which you haue not returned any answare <i>which -seemes to bee an Insolent and proud carriage of youers</i> wee cannot but -wonder att it and must beare witnes against it and doe heerby will and -require you forthwith to returne the said Captiues with due Satisfaction -for other wrongs done them or to make out sufficient grounds and Reesons -for youer Invading the said Indians the which you are speedily to send to -the Governor of the Massachusetts and if it appeer they haue done you any -wronge vpon due proofe wee shall take care that they may make you -satisfaction if you shall neglect to obserue our order and Injunction -herein contained; wee must leaue the Massachusetts to Right themselues as -formerly signifyed vnto you; in which case wee must oune and if need bee -assist our Confederates;</p> - -<p class="list"> "The Comisioners of the Vnited Collonies; - (Signed)</p> -<table> - <tr><td> </td><td>"<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Samuel Willis</span> </td><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Thomas Prence </span><i>President</i></td></tr> - <tr><td> Plymouth the 13th. </td><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">William Leete</span> </td><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Simon Bradstreet</span></td></tr> - <tr><td> of September 1661. </td><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Benjamin Fen</span> </td><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Daniel Denison</span></td></tr> - <tr><td> </td><td> </td><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Thomas Southworth.</span>"</td></tr> -</table> -<p>Then follows the answer given in on behalf of Uncas by Major Mason. As -nothing more is heard of the affair, it may be presumed that the reasons -alleged were considered sufficient.</p> - -<p>"Whereas there was a warrant sent from the Court of Boston dated, in May -last to Vncus wherein it was declared upon the Complaint of Wesamequen -that the said, Vncus had offered a great violence to theire Subjects at -quabauk killing some and taking others captiue; which warrant came not to -Vncus aboue 20 daies before these presents whoe being summoned by Major -John Mason in the full scope of the said warrant wherin hee was chardged -if hee did not Returne the Captiues and thirty-three pounds damage then -the Massachusetts would Recouer it by force of armes which to him was very -grieuous; <i>professing hee was altogether ignorant they were subjects -belonging to the Massachusetts</i> and further said they were none of -Wesamequen's men but belonging to Onopequin his deadly enemie whoe was -there borne; one of the men then taken was his oune Cousin, who had -formerly fought against him in his oune person; and yett sett him at -libertie and further saith that all the Captiues were sent home alsoe that -Wesamequin's son and diuers of his men had fought against him diuers times -this hee desired might bee returned as his answare to the Commissioners."</p> - -<p>Concessions of this nature it was—which no other Indian Sachem of equal -power ever submitted to—that went farther than anything else to keep -Uncas secure in the English favor. His actual services, which were -considerable, have been alluded to. His tribe were an out-guard for the -settlements in Connecticut. After selling the town of Norwich, that place -being first colonized in a period of general excitement and hostility -among the tribes, the Mohegans kept out spies and runners to give the -inhabitants intelligence of their enemies' movements, and were a continual -defence against them. In times of greater danger, they often moved, and -pitched their wigwams near the town. On one occasion, a hostile party of -savages approached the outskirts, on the sabbath, with a design to make a -descent upon the village; but viewing it from an eminence, and seeing the -Mohegan huts, they were intimidated, and retreated without doing the least -damage.</p> - -<p>The sale just mentioned was but one of a large number with which Uncas was -always ready to oblige his civilized friends; and which constituted -another claim to their good will. In 1648, on receiving presents to his -satisfaction, he conveyed to the Governor and Magistrates of the English -on Connecticut river all his lands, called by whatever name, reserving -only the ground then planted by him for himself and his tribe. In 1641, he -granted to Henry Whitefield and others, certain lands near Guilford, in -consideration of four coats, two kettles, four fathoms of wampum, four -hatchets, and three hoes. In 1659, he granted all his lands, with all his -corn, to his old comrade and friend, Major John Mason, who the next year -surrendered it to the Colony of Connecticut. Trumbull says, that the -individual towns in this great tract were very generally purchased, either -of him or his successors, a second or third time.</p> - -<p>It is remarkable, that a very late mention made of Uncas in history, casts -an imputation upon his friendship for the English. "It is suggested by -them who know him best"—says Hubbard in his Narrative—"that in his heart -he is no better affected to the English, or their religion, than the rest -of his countrymen, and that it hath been his own advantage hath led him to -be this time." &c. This was written in 1667. Only two years previous, at -the commencement of Philip's war it was reported to governor Winslow of -Plymouth, that the Mohegan Sachem had sent twenty men to join his -Pokanoket brother, with a message that if Philip would send him six -English heads, all the Indians in <i>his</i> territories would go for him. -[FN-1] Uncas is last heard of in 1680, when he must have been a very old -man, though still likely, we are told, to survive all his enemies. [FN-2]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN-1] <i>Sixth Vol. Mass. Coll. First Series.</i></p> - - <p class="quote">[FN-2] Hubbard's General History.</p> - - -<p>The best comment on the Sachem's husbandry of his own interest is perhaps, -after all, in the fact that a remnant of his tribe exists to this day (on -a reservation of about three thousand acres of land,) in the neighborhood -of Norwich; and are the only natives yet lingering within the limits of -the state. The last sachem of the tribe was Isaiah Uncas, once a pupil in -the famous school of Dr. Wheelock, at Lebanon. The following epitaph, -copied by President Stiles from a grave-stone in the old Indian -burial-ground at Mohegan, indicates the end of the genealogy:</p> - -<p class="list"> Here lies the body of <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Sunseeto,</span> - Own son to Uncas, grandson to <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Oneko,</span> - Who were the famous sachems of <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Moheagan;</span> - But now they are all dead, I think it is <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Weeheegen.</span> [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] The Mohegan term for <i>All is well or Good-news.</i> Oneko, or Oneoho, - is the same who commanded in Philip's war.</p> -<br><br><br> - - - - <h2 class="direct" style="page-break-before: always;"><a id="chxv">CHAPTER XV.</a></h2> -<br><br> - - -<p class="chap">Indians who submitted to Massachusetts—The Gortonists—<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Pomham,</span> Sachem of -Shaomet, and <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Saconoco</span> complain of them—Submit to the Government—Their -examination and entertainment—Policy of Massachusetts in the case of -Pomham—He and Saconoco much harassed by their neighbors—Subsequent -history—Pomham takes part in Philip's war and is killed—<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Canonchet,</span> son -of Miantonomo—His agreement of October, 1675—<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Weetamore,</span> Squaw-Sachem of -Pocasset—Canonchet's career during Philip's war—Particulars of his -surprisal and death—His character—Anecdotes—His reputation with the -English—Defence of his conduct.</p> -<br> - -<p><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Among</span> a considerable number of chieftains who submitted to the -Massachusetts Government, were several whose territory was without <i>their</i> -jurisdiction, and in some cases within that of other Governments. The most -notorious case of this kind is connected with that much-discussed -transaction in which the notorious Gorton and his associates were engaged; -and by which they brought themselves into a disagreeable collision with -civil and martial authorities in all directions.</p> - -<p>To explain that affair very briefly,—Gorton, having become obnoxious as -the founder of a new religious sect, left the Massachusetts jurisdiction -for Plymouth. Here he met with much the same treatment. He was whipped for -disturbing the Church, and required to find sureties for his good -behavior; which not being able to do, he either removed or was driven to -Rhode Island. There he treated the Court with contempt, and by order of -Governor Coddington was imprisoned and again whipped. He then took refuge -in Providence, where Roger Williams, though he disliked his principles, -yet gave him shelter. But he had hardly located himself, and begun to -gather a company of disciples around him, when the neighboring English -settlers complained of him to <i>Massachusetts,</i> under the apprehension that -he was about to supplant their own possessions by purchasing the Patuxet -territory from the Narraghansett original owners. Massachusetts issued a -warrant to the Providence people to submit to <i>their</i> jurisdiction. Gorton -denied their authority to interfere with him or his company, where they -now were, and signified this opinion in a contemptuous letter.</p> - -<p>But, perhaps for the sake of being still farther out of the reach of -Massachusetts, or from discord among themselves, the Gortonists soon -removed to a tract of land called by the Indians Shaomet or Showamet, -(since Warwick in Rhode Island,) having previously purchased it of -Miantonomo, for the consideration of one hundred and forty-four fathoms of -wampum; "with the free and joint consent, [as the deed itself is -expressed] of the present inhabitants, being natives." The instrument was -dated January 12, 1642-3, and was subscribed with a bow and arrow as the -mark of the grantor, and of a hatchet, a gun, &c., as the marks of "the -Sachem of Shaomet, <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Pomham,</span>" and other Indians. Possession was given upon -the premises, at the same time.</p> - -<p>From this moment, Pomham,—who, though he signed the deed of conveyance, -and was offered a share of the consideration, (which he would not accept,) -affected to consider himself aggrieved,—neither gave rest to his -neighbors, nor found any for himself. Whether, according to the relation -which existed between himself and Miantonomo, and the customary degree of -subjection attached to it, he had reason to complain of that chieftain in -the present case, cannot well be decided. But it may be safely said, that -the part soon afterwards taken by Massachusetts, was at least an unusual -stretch of authority, however it might correspond with the general policy -of that government wherever the formidable Narraghansett Sachem was -concerned.</p> - -<p>Whether at his own suggestion or that of others, Pomham, and <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Saconoco,</span> a -Sachem equally interested in the land, but otherwise of no note in -history, went to Boston a few months after the sale, and by an -interpreter, made complaint of the manœuvres of the Gortonists whereby, -as they alleged, Miantonomo had been induced to compel them to an -arbitrary disposal of their territory. They further desired to be received -under the protection of Massachusetts, and withal brought a small present -of wampum. The matter being referred to the next Court, and Gorton and -Miantonomo notified to attend, the latter made his appearance. He was -required to prove the interest he had claimed in the Shaomet Sachems and -territory, but it is said he could prove none; and upon the testimony of -Cutchamequin and other Indians who were present, it appeared that the -Shaomet chiefs were not tributary to the Narraghansett, though they -sometimes made him presents,—a mark of deference and not of subjection. -Upon this an order was passed, authorizing the Governor and certain -magistrates to treat with the applicants at their discretion. [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Winthrop's Journal, Vol. II.</p> - - -<p>These Commissioners soon after conferred with the Sachems; and, giving -them to understand upon what terms they should be received, "they found -them very pliable to all." So, indeed, it might be inferred from the -answers made by the Sachems to the requisitions touching the ten -commandments. The servility which some of them indicate—as represented in -the Commissioners' report, at least,—is hardly redeemed by the shrewd -simplicity of others.</p> - -<p>Being asked if they would worship the true God, and not blaspheme him, -they waived the first clause, and replied thus to the latter. "We desire -to speak reverently of the Englishman's God, and not to speak evil, -because we see Englishman's God doth better for them than other Gods do -for others."</p> - -<p>As to "swearing falsely," they replied, that they never knew what swearing -was, or what an oath was. As to working unnecessarily on the Christian -Sabbath,—"It is a small thing," answered they, "for us to rest on that -day, <i>for we have not much to do any day, and therefore we will forbear on -that day.</i>"</p> - -<p>In regard to honoring parents and seniors, they said, "It is our custom to -do so, for when if we complain to the Governor of the Massachusetts that -we have wrong, if they tell us we lie, we shall patiently bear it." The -following articles are also part of the report:</p> - -<p>5. Not to kill any man but upon just cause and good authority, &c. -<i>Answer.</i> It is good, and we desire to do so.</p> - -<p>6. Not to commit fornication, stealing &c. <i>Answer.</i> Though they be -committed among us, we allow it not, but judge it evil.</p> - -<p>8. For lying, they say it is an evil, and shall not allow it. And finally, -as to being Christianized, they said, "as opportunity serveth by the -English coming among us, we desire to learn their manners."</p> - -<p>Whatever may be thought of the right of Massachusetts to interfere in this -case, and especially of the policy of interfering as regarded the -Narraghansetts and the other colonies, it must be admitted, that the -submission itself, so far as concerned the applicants, was conducted with -the honesty, as well as civility, generally characteristic of the -intercourse of that Government with the natives.</p> - -<p>The Governor having sent for the Sachems to appear at Boston on the 22d of -April, (1643) they attended, with their interpreter. The submission was -then explained to their entire satisfaction. They were also expressly -informed, that they were not to be considered confederates, but subjects, -to which they manifested their assent. So, adds the historian, they dined -in the same room with the Governor, at a table by themselves, and having -much countenance shown them by all present, and being told that they and -their men should always be welcome to the English, provided they brought a -note from Benedict Arnold (their interpreter,) and having some small -things bestowed upon them by the Governor, they departed joyful and well -satisfied. The submission was as follows:</p> - -<p>"This writing is to testify, that we, <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Pomham,</span> Sachem of Showamet, and -<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Sachonocho,</span> Sachem of Patuxet, have and by these presents do voluntarily -and without any constraint or persuasion, but of our own free motion, put -ourselves, our subjects, lands and estates under the government and -jurisdiction of Massachusetts, to be governed and protected by them -according to their just laws and orders, so far as we shall be made -capable of understanding them; and we do promise, for ourselves, our -subjects, and all our posterity, to be true and faithful to the Government -and aiding to the maintenance thereof to our best ability; and from time -to give speedy notice of any conspiracy, attempt, or evil intentions of -any we shall know or hear of against the same, and do promise to be -willing from time to time to be instructed in the knowledge of the worship -of God. In witness whereof, we have hereunto put our hands the 22d of the -4th month, 1643.</p> -<table> - <tr><td>"The Y mark </td><td>The 9 mark</td></tr> - <tr><td> of <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Saconoco</span>. </td><td>of <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Pomham.</span>"</td></tr> -</table> -<p>Thus was consummated the title of Massachusetts to the jurisdiction of the -Shaomet land. It was at this very time, as well as afterwards, claimed -also by Plymouth, and by Rhode Island. [FN] Gorton always alleged, that it -belonged to Miantonomo, and that Pomham was secretly influenced by -Massachusetts to withdraw from him and seek protection under their -authority. No doubt that Government was sufficiently aware of the interest -they had, not only in humbling the Gortonists, but in extending their -jurisdiction as far as possible towards or into the territory of the -Narraghansett chieftain, then, as Hutchinson calls him, the greatest and -most powerful sachem of New England. Speaking of the petition of certain -settlers, in 1645, for permission to begin a plantation, where Gorton and -his company had erected three or four small houses "on the land of Pomham, -who had submitted himself," &c. Mr. Winthrop himself states, that the -Court readily granted their petition, promising all encouragement, -&c.—"for it was of great concernment to all the English in these parts, -<i>that a strong plantation should be there, as a bulwark &c. against the -Narraghansetts.</i>" It may be that this consideration assumed, in the view -of the Massachusetts Government, the imperious interest of what is -commonly called State-necessity.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Winthrop, Vol. II. pp. 251. and 317.</p> - - -<p>Hence the measures occasionally adopted subsequent to the submission, for -affording Pomham the promised relief; a policy which certainly accorded -better with their stipulations to him, than with their relations to some -other parties. The Gortonists harassed him beyond measure, but they were -at length subdued. The Narraghansetts, (after Miantonomo's death,) -threatened and frightened him still more. In April 1645, "that it might -really appear that the Massachusetts did own and would protect him," which -would seem to have been heretofore doubted, an order was taken for sending -men and an officer to Shaomet, to stay there a few days, and act on the -defensive against the Narraghansetts. [FN] These men being <i>volunteers,</i> -however, refused to go, unless they were each paid ten shillings a week, -furnished with arms and ammunition, and allowed such booty as they might -be able to collect in case of fighting. Whereupon the Court, not choosing -to establish such a precedent, sent word to Pomham, that the required -force would be at his disposal, whenever he should forward sufficient -funds to enable then to perform. On the earnest importunity of the Sachem, -early in May, his request was finally granted; and, with the aid of the -English, he erected a fort upon his lands.</p> - -<hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Winthrop.</p> - - -<p>This was in 1646. But Pomham and Saconoco were not destined quietly to -enjoy their possessions, as the following detail from Mr. Winthrop's -records for 1647, will abundantly illustrate. The Gortonists had at that -period returned to Shaomet, which they now named Warwick; and, as the -Sachems alleged before the Commissioners of the United Colonies, -manifested a decided disposition "for eating up all their corn, with their -cattle," &c. These functionaries hereupon wrote to certain persons in the -vicinity of the premises, to view the damages, and require satisfaction; -which process, however, had scarcely been commenced; when Justice -Coggleshall and others from Rhode Island came to Shaomet, claimed -jurisdiction for that colony over the land in question, and forbade the -appraisers to proceed. Upon this, the latter returned home. Another -warrant was issued, with the same result. Pomham was reduced to -extremities; but still undiscouraged, he renewed his complaints once more. -Massachusetts now sent three special messengers, to demand satisfaction of -the trespassers, and to warn them to leave the territory. The application -did no good; and therefore, "as we could do no more at present," writes -Mr. Winthrop, "we procured the Indians some corn in the mean time." The -measures subsequently taken for redress, it would be alike tedious and -needless to enumerate.</p> - -<p>As to Pomham, with whom we have chiefly to do, it must be confessed, that -his character assumes, but little dignity throughout this proceeding. In -after times, his career was occasionally more independent, while at the -same time it gave evidence that his early attachment to the English was by -no means, one of indissoluble affection, or of principle sacred in his -own eyes. It is not a little remarkable, that after all the trouble and -expense taken and incurred by and between the colonies, and especially by -Massachusetts, for his protection; and notwithstanding the authorities of -the latter government fondly an we trust sincerely represented his -submission as the fruit of their prayers, and the first fruit of their -hopes, in the great process of civilizing and Christianizing the natives; -[FN] this incorrigible savage not only loosened his connexion with the -English, but engaged against them, with his whole force and influence, in -the great war of King Philip.</p> - -<hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Winthrop.</p> - - -<p>That course, fatal as it was to himself and his, interests, was upon the -whole the most creditable passage of his life. And once adopted, he -pursued it with an energy that altogether sets aside any doubts which his -former course might suggest, in regard to his real temperament and genius. -Even Philip was scarcely more feared than Pomham. Historians universally, -while they <i>now</i> call him a Narraghansett, as evidently he had determined -to consider himself, place him in the highest rank among the Sachems of -that warlike and powerful tribe. He did not even pretend to neutrality in -the early part of the war, as they did. He did not sign either the treaty -of July, (1675) negotiated at the point of the English bayonet in his own -territory, or the submission executed in October following at Boston, -although upon the latter occasion one of his fellow-chieftains affected to -sign for him. This, at best, like every other part and circumstance of the -compromise, was a mere artifice, meant to divert the Government by a show -of satisfaction and amity.</p> - -<p>During Philip's war the territory of Pomham was ravaged far and wide, and -one hundred and fifty wigwams destroyed by fire at one time, in December, -1675. Whether this chief was in the decisive and bloody battle of the -19th, or in what other engagements he was during the war, history does not -determine. He was finally slain in July, 1676, a few weeks previous to the -death of Philip, and the consequent close of that contest, the most -critical and the most furious ever waged between the red man and the -white. Great was the exultation of the conquerors over this first success, -so encouraging to themselves, and so disastrous to their savage and -terrible foes. The event took place in the neighborhood of Dedham, (in -Massachusetts) where Pomham, with a small band of faithful warriors, -half-starved and desperate, were still roaming the woods in the close -vicinity of the English settlements. About fifty Indians were captured; -and the Sachem seems to have been the only man of the company who would -not be taken alive. "That which increased the victory," says Mr. Hubbard, -"was the slaughter of <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Pomham,</span> which was one of the Stoutest Sachems <i>that -belonged to the Narraghansetts.</i>" [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Narrative of Indian Wars. It will be observed in what terms the - true allegiance of the Sachem is mentioned.</p> - - -<p>His spirit and strength were such, that after being mortally wounded in -the fight, so that he could not stand, he caught hold of an English -soldier who came near him, and had nearly destroyed him by his violence, -when the poor fellow was rescued by his comrades, and the dying chieftain -relieved at once from his agony and his foes. He had little to live for, -had there been a disposition to spare him. His territory was long since -subjected to a foreign plower by his own act, and afterwards desolated. -His subjects were dispersed and destroyed. His grandson had been slain in -the field within a few months; and among the captives at the time of his -own fall, historians particularly notice one of his sons, "a very likely -youth, and one whose countenance would have bespoke favor for him, had he -not belonged to so bloody and barbarous an Indian as his father was." -This unfortunate lad was probably executed, by order of the Plymouth -government, together with the other principal captives of the last months -of the war. At best, he was spared, like the son of Philip, only to be -enslaved in a foreign land.</p> - -<p>Among other distinguished chieftains of the Narraghansett tribe, who -perished much in the same manner, and about the same time with the last -named, was <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Nanutenoo</span> or <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Quananshett,</span> commonly called by the English -<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Canonchet.</span> He was the son of Miantonomo, and probably, after the death of -Mexham and Pessacus, succeeded to his father's high rank,—being -generally entitled by historians the Chief-Sachem of his tribe. His -reputation, both with his countrymen and his foes was worthy of the noble -blood in his veins. Mr. Trumbull observes, that he inherited all his -father's pride, and all his insolence and hatred towards the English. -What is still more conclusive in his favor, Mr. Hubbard calls him a -"damned wretch," enlarges upon his cruelty and blasphemy, and exults over -his final destruction. This—not the facts alleged, (which are wholly -without proof,) but the assertion—furnishes, as a modern writer has -aptly remarked, irresistible evidence of his heroic character.</p> - -<p>There is abundant other evidence, however, to the same effect. The only -ostensible deference of any description which he even paid to an English -authority—detesting, as unquestionably he did, their very name—was the -act of subscribing the celebrated treaty of October 1675, negotiated at -Boston. The object of it was to quiet the jealousy of the English, who -suspected him of having contracted engagements with Philip. One provision -went to ratify a treaty executed at Hartford during the month of July -previous, (by four of the Narraghansett Sachems, nominally in behalf of -all.) Another, and the principal one, was expressed thus: [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Records of the Colonies.</p> - - -<p>"And wheras a considerable Number of people both men weomen and Children -appertaining to those Indians who haue bin in actuall hostillitie aginst -the English are now fled to the Narraghansetts Countrey; and are vnder -the Custody of the said Sachems there; after a full and long Conference -had concerning that matter, wee doe in the Name and by the Power to vs -giuen and betrusted in the behalfe of the Sachems of the aboue said -Countrey fully and absolutely couenant and promise to and with the -abouenamed Comissioners att or before the 28th Day of this Instant month -of October to deliuer or cause to be deliuered all and euery one of the -Said Indians, whether belonging vnto Phillip, the Pocasset Sqva [FN-1] or -the Saconett [FN-2] Indians Quabaug hadley or any other Sachems; or -people that haue bin or are in hostilitie with the English or any of -theire Allies or abettors; and these wee promise and Couenant to deliuer -att Boston to the Gouenor and Councell there by them to be disposed in -the behalfe of and for the best securitie and peace of the Vnited -Collonies.</p> -<table> - <tr><td>"Sealed and deliuered in <br>the presence of vs. </td><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Quananchetts</span> marke.</td></tr> - <tr><td> <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Richard Smith<br>Samuel Gorton Iunnr.</span><br>Iames Browne<br><i>Interpreters</i> </td><td>Sachem in the behalfe of himselfe and<br><i>Conanacus</i> and the old Gueen and Pomham<br>and Quanapeen. (Seal)</td></tr> - <tr><td></td><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Manatannoo</span> <i>Counsellor</i> <br>his marke.</td></tr> - <tr><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">John Nowhenetts</span> <i>marke</i> <br><i>Indian Interpretor:</i></td><td>and Canaonnacus in his behalfe (Seal)</td></tr> - <tr><td> </td><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Ahanmampowetts</span> marke</td></tr> - <tr><td> </td><td>Councellor and his (Seal)</td></tr> - <tr><td> </td><td><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Cornman</span> cheife Councellor to<br><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Ninnigrett</span> in his behalfe and a (Seal.)"</td></tr> -</table> - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN-1] Weetamore, Weetamoe, or Weetanno, a kinswoman of Philip, and the - active ruler of the tribe, though married to an insignificant fellow - named Peter Nunnuit. All her subjects joined Philip with herself, - excepting Alderman, who had the honor of shooting that Sachem with his - own hand. Weetamore was drowned in August, 1675, attempting to escape - from the English over a stream in Swanzey; and her head, in the - barbarous style of the times, was set upon a pole at Taunton, much to - the chagrin of such of her tribe as were compelled to witness the - spectacle. Pocasset, now Tiverton, was on the coast, opposite the north - of Rhode Island.</p> - - <p class="quote">[FN-2] Or Sogkonate; a tribe on the same coast with the Pocassets, - governed also by a Squaw-Sachem named Awashonks, or Awasunck, somewhat - celebrated for her masculine qualities, and for the part she took in - Philip's war, first against the English and then with them. Captain - Church, who effected this change in her politics, has given a minute - account of his interviews with her. Ten of her tribe were living in - Compton, as late as 1803.</p> - - -<p>It is well known, how speedily the execution of this instrument was -followed up by sending a strong English force to invade the Narraghansett -territory, and subdue that spirited people at the point of the bayonet. -Canonchet is supposed to have been engaged in the great swamp-fight, the -most fatal to the Indians, and they most desperately fought upon their -part, of the whole war. It continued to rage with the utmost violence for -three hours from the moment of assault, until the enemy's wigwams, to the -number of five or six hundred, were fired, and the field of contest -became almost instantaneously an immense mass of terrific conflagration. -The Savages, inspirited by their leaders, defended every wall and post -with the fury of maniacs; and when they at length slowly retreated, they -left the ground behind them encumbered with heaps of the slain. Quarter -was neither asked nor given. Three hundred of the Narraghansetts, at the -least estimate, are supposed to have been killed, besides more than -double that number wounded, and an unknown multitude of women, children -and old men burnt in the wigwams.</p> - -<p>But the victory was dearly bought. Of the one thousand English soldiers -of which the civilized portion of the invading army consisted, according -to their own statement, eighty were killed and one hundred and fifty -wounded. Abandoning the captured fort, they retreated sixteen miles the -same night—and that in the depth of winter—leaving the enemy to return -the next day to their former position.</p> - -<p>It is not our intention to discuss at length the propriety of the summary -course adopted by the colonies in this case. The principal offence of the -Narraghansetts, as set forth in the Manifesto, was their evasion and -delay in surrendering the hostile Indians who took refuge in their -country. This refusal was certainly inconsistent with the stipulations of -July and October preceding; but these stipulations were enforced in the -first instance by the presence of an English army, which had already -invaded the Narraghansett territory.</p> - -<p>Those of the tribe who made proposals of peace, immediately after the -swamp-fight, imputed the blame of hostilities wholly to Canonchet. He had -made them believe, that by the former treaty they were not obliged to -surrender Philip's followers, until <i>his</i> brother, (who, with three other -Indians of rank, was detained as a hostage at Hartford,) had been -released. Probably, Canonchet did not himself misunderstand the plain -provisions of that instrument, although, as he does not appear to have -been present at the execution of it, it might be misrepresented to him. -It is more likely, that he considered it an absolute nullity, as having -been obtained by force, unjustly and insultingly imposed. The -construction referred to by his subjects, he countenanced with the view -of overcoming scruples on their part in the protection of Philip's -Indians. Whether that protection—independently of the forced promise to -surrender the refugees—was or was not a sufficient cause for the war -which ensued, it must be allowed at least to do no dishonor to the -humanity and honor of Canonchet, and the other Sachems, who persisted in -that policy at every hazard and almost in the very face of their enemy. -With him and them it was unquestionably a measure of sacred principle. No -noble-minded chieftain upon the Continent, educated as an Indian -chieftain always is, would have given up men who appealed to their -hospitality—their own brethren, in distress and nakedness, driven before -the bayonet of a mortal enemy of a distinct race and of vastly superior -power—and least of all, when, if surrendered, they were surrendered to a -certain alternative of slavery or death. Some of his tribe would have -compromitted their dignity through fear, but not the son of Miantonomo. -"Deliver the Indians of Philip!" said the haughty Sachem at one -time—"Never! Not a Wampanoag will I ever give up. No!—Not the paring of -a Wampanoag's nail!"</p> - -<p>Those who are familiar with the history of the war will recollect, that -the most critical period of it was immediately subsequent to the -swamp-fight. This was owing to the desperate exertions of the -Narraghansetts, and especially Canonchet and their other Sachems. They -were indeed driven about the country far and wide, and reduced to such -extremities for food, that corn sold for two shillings a pint; but their -sufferings only made them the more ferocious, and the more bold. "That -young insolent Sachem, Canonchet, (writes Mr. Hubbard, in his usual -complimentary style,) said they would fight it out to the last man, -rather than they would become servants to the English."</p> - -<p>The destruction of Lancaster took place early in February. Medfield was -desolated ten days afterwards; and in March happened that memorable -engagement, not far from Providence and upon ancient Narraghansett -ground, in which Captain Pierce with his detachment, to the number of -fifty English soldiers, were cut off to a man. Canonchet commanded in -this affair. The spirit of his warriors, as well as the superiority of -the English skill in the use of their arms, appears from the fact that -the Indians lost between one and two hundred killed. Warwick, Seekonk, -and Providence were next successively ravaged by the victorious foe. -Plymouth was assaulted, and eleven of the inhabitants slaughtered; and -another party had the courage to commit horrible ravages within eleven -miles of Boston itself. The prospects of Philip were never so flattering -to himself and so disastrous to the English, as at this memorable -juncture, when the exasperated and fearless son of Miantonomo was -supporting him with the whole force of his dominions.</p> - -<p>The manner in which the Narraghansett Sachems treated Roger Williams, at -this period, amid all the excitement of suffering on the one side and -success on the other, is worthy of everlasting remembrance. That -gentleman was one of the few English who remained at Providence, exposed -to the full torrent of war, and with no other security than such as he -attributed to long acquaintance, friendship, and good faith, with those -who were now become the inveterate enemies, and were openly calculating -upon the utter extermination of his race. He had even the hardihood to -reproach some of the Sachems who frequently came to converse with him, -for their cruelties; and to threaten them with the sure, though it might -be lingering vengeance of the English. "Massachusetts," said he, "can -raise thousands of men at this moment; and if you kill them, the King -of England will supply their place as fast as they fall." "Well!" -answered one of the chieftains, "let them come. We are ready for -them.—But as for you,—Brother Williams,—you are a good man,—you have -been kind to us many years.—Not a hair of your head shall be touched." -This noble pledge, bearing upon the face of it the mark of the chivalrous -spirit of Canonchet, was regarded throughout the war with the most sacred -fidelity. It was not in vain that the young Sachem remembered the warm -affection which his father had entertained for his English neighbor and -confidant.</p> - -<p>But to resume the narrative;—"It was now full sea with Philip's -affairs," says Mr. Hubbard, "for soon after the tide of his successes -began to turn about the coast, which made way for the falling of the -water up higher in the country." The disasters of the Pokanoket Sachem -commenced with no less a misfortune than the death of Canonchet. And a -matter of rejoicing indeed it was to the Colonies of the English—if we -may credit the historian last cited—"that the ring-leader of almost all -this mischief; and the great incendiary betwixt the Narraghansetts and -us, died himself by that sword of war which he had drawn against others." -The last assertion might perhaps have been spared to advantage, but the -epithets furnish the best evidence in favor of the subject of them which -the case could be supposed to present.</p> - -<p>Early in April, it seems, Canonchet, weary of desolating the towns of the -English had betaken himself to the Indian haunts on the Connecticut -river. Here he continued to take a most active part in the war; the whole -body of the savages to the Westward trusting, (as our eulogist expresses -himself) under the shadow of that aspiring bramble. Nor was it in battle -only that they placed reliance on his courage and genius. It was -necessary, as it was difficult, to provide the means of sustenance, from -day to day, for something like one thousand five hundred warriors, with -their women and children. Canonchet suggested the plan of planting the -lands on the West bank of the river, recently taken from the English. But -how should even the means of planting be obtained? A council was summoned -to solve this question; but not a man could be found who would hazard his -life, at this season, in that section of the country where corn must be -procured. The Sachem himself went forward, and proposed, with the -assistance of thirty volunteers, who soon found courage to second him, to -undertake a journey to Seekonk, in the immediate vicinity of Montaup, -the old residence of Philip.</p> - -<p>The adventure proved fatal to him. On the 27th of March Captain Dennison -of Connecticut, had commenced a volunteer expedition against the enemy, -with about fifty English soldiers, and eighty Niantick, Pequot and Mohegan -Indians, severally commanded by Catapazet, Casasinamon and Oneco. [FN] -By the time Canonchet, reached Seekonk, where he encamped on Blackstone -river near the Pawtucket falls, Dennison's party, following the sea-coast, -had arrived in the same neighborhood. The former was so little -apprehensive of danger, that he dismissed all his thirty attendants but -seven. The English, on the other hand, received the first intimation of -his being near them, from two old straggling squaws, who confessed, on -being captured, that Canonchet was not far off. The intelligence put new -life into the weary soldiers, and they pressed forward till they came upon -fresh tracks, and these brought them in view of a cluster of wigwams on -the bank of the river.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] The son of Uncas. The Pequot Sachem was a man of no particular - note. Catapazet was subordinate to Ninigret.</p> - - -<p>In one of those wigwams Canonchet was at this moment reposing from the -fatigues of his journey. His seven remaining followers sat around him; and -he entertained them with the recital of the bloody victory over Pierce's -detachment, which had taken place but a week or two before. [FN] Suddenly -the speaker suspended his narrative. His silent audience started to their -feet, and stood aghast. The trained ear of the savage had already -detected the approach of an enemy. Two of the company were immediately -despatched to the summit of the hill, at the foot of which the wigwam was -situated. These men, frightened by the near approach of the English, who -were now (says Hubbard,) mounting with great speed over a fair champagna -on the other side of the hill, ran by, as if they wanted time to tell -what they saw. A third was sent, who executed his errand no better. But of -two others who were sent up, one had the courage to return and inform the -Sachem, in great haste and trepidation, that the whole English army was -upon him.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] So writes Mr. Hubbard, and Trumbull and others follow his authority. - Baylies (Memoir of Plymouth Colony,) doubts the correctness of the - statement, alleging that Canonchet did not leave the Connecticut river - until April, whereas Pierce's defeat happened on the 26th of March. We - do not however conceive that the distance was so great, but it might - have been traversed more than once after the battle and before the - surprisal.</p> - - -<p>Canonchet had no means of defence, and no time for deliberation. He could -only attempt an escape by running round the hill opposite his pursuers; -and he had not gone far in that direction, when Catapazet, with twenty of -his followers, and a few of the English who were lightest of foot, nearly -intercepted him as they descended the hill, and immediately commenced a -vigorous and close pursuit. Canonchet was a fleet runner, but the -swiftest of Catapazet's men began to gain upon him. He threw off his -blanket, and then a silver-laced coat which had been given him on the -renewal of his league at Boston. His wampum belt was finally abandoned; -and this betraying his rank to his pursuers, they redoubled their efforts, -until they forced him to betake himself to the river, in which he plunged -forward with great haste. Unluckily, his foot slipped upon a stone, and -this not only delayed him, but brought him down so far at to wet the gun -which he still carried in one hand; upon which accident, he confessed -soon after we are told, that his heart and his bowels turned within him, -so as he became like a rotten stick, void of strength. [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] <i>Hubbard's Narrative, p.</i> 129.</p> - - -<p>Thenceforth he submitted to his destiny without a struggle. He was a -large, muscular man; and as Hubbard himself allows, of "great courage of -mind," as well as strength of body; but the foremost of the hostile party, -one Monopoide, a Pequot, laid hold of him without his making the slightest -resistance. The first Englishman who came up was Robert Stanton, a young -man of some twenty years old; yet adventuring to ask him a question or -two, (continues the historian, with a touch of feeling which does him -credit,) the manly Sachem looked somewhat disdainfully upon his youthful -face, and replied in broken English, "you much child—no understand -war—let your chief come—him I will talk with." The English offered him -his life if he would submit to their government, but he would make no -submission of any kind. They suggested his sending one of his men to -propose terms to his Narraghansett warriors in the west; but he refused -with scorn. He was then told of the enmity he had manifested towards the -English. "And many others," he replied haughtily, "will be found of the -same mind with myself. Let me hear no more of that." When informed of what -his fate must inevitably be, he only answered, "It is well. I shall die -before my heart is soft.—I shall speak nothing which Canonchet should be -ashamed to speak.—It is well." Even those who have censured the Sachem -most, touched with the the dignity of his last hours, would fain search in -the theory of a Pythagorean Metempsychosis for the secret of his -greatness. Some old Roman ghost, say they, must have possessed the body of -this Western Pagan. [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Hubbard.</p> - - -<p>He was soon afterwards taken to Stonington, in Connecticut, where -Dennison's expedition had been fitted out; and there was executed upon -him the sentence of death. That all concerned in the capture of so proud -a victim might be gratified with a share in the honors of his slaughter, -the English contented themselves with being spectators of the scene, while -the Pequots were permitted to shoot him, the Mohegans to behead and -quarter him, [FN] and Ninigret's men to kindle the pile upon which he was -burned. As a token of love and fidelity to their civilized allies, his -head only was reserved, to be presented to the English council at -Hartford. It is remarkable, that Oneco, on this occasion, took the same -part in the execution of Canonchet, and under very similar circumstances, -which, near forty years before, his father Uncas had taken in that of -Miantonomo, the father of Canonchet.</p> - -<hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Baylies' Memoir of Plymouth Colony.</p> - - -<p>Thus fell, in the prime of his manhood, the last Chief-Sachem of the -Narraghansetts, the grand-nephew of Canonicus, and the son of Miantonomo. -The English historians of his own period may be excused for the prejudice -with which they regarded him (as they did all who fought for the same -cause with the same courage,) and which nevertheless affords to the reader -of these days the most satisfactory proof of his high reputation and -formidable talents. "This," says one writer, "was the confusion of a -damned wretch, that had often opened his mouth to blaspheme." Again:—"as -a just reward of his wickedness he was adjudged by those who took him to -die."</p> - -<p>It were useless to dispute these positions, for every reader of history -possesses the means of forming a just opinion whether or not they are -sound. But at all events, (as an author of a more liberal period has -observed,) [FN] we may surely at <i>this</i> day be permitted to lament the -unhappy fate of this noble Indian, without incurring any imputation for -want of patriotism. In the entire compass of Indian, and we might perhaps -add, civilized history, there is no finer instance of that generous and -chivalrous character, which—whatever it might be termed under other -circumstances—in the situation of Canonchet, and with his sincere and -strict principles, can only be approved and admired, as humanity to the -suffering who sought his protection; as fidelity to his own and his -father's friends; as a proud and lofty sacrifice of royalty, liberty and -life itself to honor; as patriotism to his country, and as religion to -his gods.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Baylies' Memoir of Plymouth Colony.</p> -<br><br><br> - - - - <h2 class="direct" style="page-break-before: always;"><a id="chxvi">CHAPTER XVI.</a></h2> -<br><br> - - - <p class="chap">Account of the Pawtucket confederacy in New Hampshire—<span style="font-variant:small-caps">Passaconaway,</span> - their Chief Sachem—He is disarmed by order of the Massachusetts - Government. His residence, age and authority—He maintains a good - understanding with the English—Visits Boston—The Apostle Elliot's - acquaintance with, and notice of him—His views of - Christianity—Festival, and Farewell speech to his tribe in 1660—Death - and character—His son and successor, <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Wonolanset.</span>—Anecdotes of the - family—Legend of Passaconaway's feats as a Powah.</p> -<br> - -<p><span style="font-variant:small-caps">Turning</span> our attention to a part of the country and to a people which have -not yet been the subject of special notice, we shall now introduce, with -the following passage from Winthrop's Journal, an individual of far too -much distinction to be wholly over-looked. The date is of July, 1642:—</p> - -<p>"There came letters from the court at Connecticut, and from two of the -magistrates there, and from Mr. Ludlow near the dutch, certifying us that -the Indians all over the country had combined themselves to cut off all the -English—that the time was appointed after harvest—the manner also they -should go, by small companies to the chief men's houses by way of trading -&c. and should kill them in the house and seize their weapons, and then -others should be at hand to prosecute the massacre. . . . Upon these -letters the Governor called so many of the magistrates as were near, and -being met they sent out summons for a general court to be kept six days -after, and in the meantime it was thought fit, for our safety, and to -strike some terror into the Indians, to disarm such as were within our -jurisdiction. Accordingly we sent men to Cutshamkin at Brantree to fetch -him and his guns, bows &c. which was done, and he came willingly, and -being late in the night when they came to Boston, he was put in the -prison, but the next morning, finding upon examination of him and divers -of his men, no ground of suspicion of his partaking in any such -conspiracy, he was dismissed. Upon the warrant which went to Ipswich, -Rowlye and Newberry to disarm <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Passaconamy,</span> who lived by Merrimack, they -sent forth forty men armed the next day, being the Lord's-day, but it -rained all the day, as it had done divers days before and also after, so -as they could not go to his wigwam, but they came to his son's and took -him, which they had warrant for, and a squa and her child, which they had -no warrant for, and therefore order was given so soon as he heard of it, -to send them home again. They fearing his son's escape, led him in a line, -but he taking an opportunity, slipped his line and escaped from them, but -one very indiscreetly made a shot at him, and missed him narrowly."</p> - -<p>The Sachem here mentioned, and commonly, called <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Passaconaway,</span> [FN] was -generally known among the Indians as the Great Sagamore of Pannuhog, or -Penacook—that being the name of a tribe who inhabited Concord, (New -Hampshire) and the country for many miles above and below, on Merrimac -river. The Penacooks were among the most warlike of the northern Indians; -and they, almost alone, seem to have resisted the occasional ancient -inroads of the Mohawks, and sometimes even to have carried the war into -<i>their</i> territories. One of their forts, built purposely for defence -against these invasions, was upon Sugar-Ball Hill, in Concord; and -tradition indistinctly preserves to this time the recollection of an -obstinate engagement between the two tribes, which occurred on the banks -of the Merrimac in that vicinity.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Hubbard writes Passaconnawa; Mr. Elliot, Papassaconaway; Wood, in - that most singular curiosity, <span style="font-variant:small-caps">New England's Prospect,</span> has pointed out - Pissaconawa's location on his map, by a cluster of marks representing - wigwams.</p> - - -<p>The Penacooks were one member of a large confederacy, more or less under -Passaconaway's control, which, beside comprising several small tribes in -Massachusetts, extended nearly or quite as far in the opposite direction -as the northern extremity of Lake Winepissiogee. Among those who -acknowledged subjection to him were the Agawams (at Ipswich,) the -Naamkeeks (at Salem,) the Pascataquas, the Accomintas, and the Sachems of -Squamscot, Newichwannock and Pawtucket,—the latter being also the -National name of all the confederates. Passaconaway is supposed to have -resided, occasionally, at what is now Haverhill (Mass.) but he afterwards -lived among the Penacooks.</p> - -<p>He must have been quite advanced in life at the date of the earliest -English settlements on the coast, for he is said to have died, about 1665, -at the great age of one hundred and twenty years, though that statement -indeed has an air of exaggeration. The first mention of him is in the -celebrated Wheelwright deed of 1629—the authenticity of which it is not -necessary to discuss in this connexion. In 1642, Passaquo and Saggahew, -the Sachems of Haverhill (Mass.) conveyed that township to the original -settlers, by deed sealed and signed,—the consideration being three -pounds ten shillings, and the negotiation expressly "<i>w<sup>th</sup> y<sup>e</sup> consent of -Passaconaway.</i>" [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] The original is still in the possession of a gentleman in Haverhill. - See Mirick's History of that town.</p> - - -<p>It was about the time of this conveyance that the measures already -mentioned were taken for "disarming" the old chieftain. That was clearly -a most unexampled stretch of prerogative, especially as Passaconaway had -hitherto maintained his independence equally with his apparent good will -for the English. There is some apology for the outrage in the excitement -of the period, which was so powerful, it appears, even with the -well-informed and well-meaning citizens of Boston, that they hesitated not -to entertain the Braintree Sachem, their most obedient servant on all -occasions, in the town-jail. Even the report of a gun, in the night-time, -in the neighborhood of the town, was now sufficient to rouse the good -citizens far and wide; and the shouts of a poor fellow at Watertown, who, -having lost himself in the woods, cried out somewhat lustily for -<i>help!—help!</i>—against an apprehended assault of the wild-cats round -about him, produced an alarm hardly less serious than would probably have -followed an actual foray of the Mohawks.</p> - -<p>This excitement, we say, furnishes an apology for the harsh treatment of -the Grand-Sachem. The government, upon cool reflection, appears to have -been sensible of having gone too far, and what is creditable to them, they -were not ashamed to make such explanations of the matter, promptly and -politely, to the injured party, as were fitting their own true dignity as -well as his. Governor Winthrop, speaking of the treatment of the Squaw and -the Son as "an unwarranted proceeding," and conceiving "that Passaconamy -would look at it as a manifest injury," called the court together, and -proposed measures of reparation. Cutchamequin was accordingly sent to the -old Sachem, to disclaim any order for kidnapping the woman and child, and -discharging a musket at the boy, and to explain to him the real purpose -and principle of the warrant. Passaconaway listened with composure, and -returned answer that whenever the two absent members of his family should -be returned, he would of his own accord render in the required -artillery,—(and this, it would seem, the war-party which went out from -Boston on the Sabbath, had not after all been able to effect.) One of -them was still in custody, and the other had taken refuge in the woods. -"<i>Accordingly,</i>" adds our authority, "about a fortnight after, he sent his -eldest son, who delivered up his guns," &c. The fair inference is, that -the conditions made by the Sachem were performed to his satisfaction.</p> - -<p>At all events, he considered it a good policy to maintain peaceable -relations with his much excited neighbors; he was too old, as most of his -near relatives—children or grand-children—seem to have been too young. -On the other hand, the English movements in this case, taken together, -certainly indicate a respectful estimate of his character; and in fact the -policy by which he was gained over, was so much valued, that either Mr. -Winthrop alludes to his one act of submission repeatedly, or else the -Government troubled itself to have the scene actually rehearsed as many -times:—</p> - -<p>"At this Court," says the Journal, for the spring of 1644, "Passaconamy, -the Merrimack Sachem, came in and submitted to our Government, as Pumham -&c. had done before."</p> - -<p>And again, in 1645—"At this Court, in the third month, Passaconamy, the -Chief Sachem of Merrimack, and his sons, came and submitted themselves -and their people and lands under our Jurisdiction, as Pumham and others -had done before."</p> - -<p>One of the most distinct notices of the old Sagamore occurs in that -ancient tract, "<span style="font-variant:small-caps">The Light Appearing</span> &c." most of which was written by the -apostle Elliot, in 1649. He preached about that time at Pawtucket, that -being "a fishing place where from all parts they met together."</p> - -<p>"The Chief Sachem at this place," says Mr. Elliot, "and of all Mermak, is -Papassaconaway, whom I mentioned unto you the last yeere, <i>who gave up -himself and his sonnes to pray unto God;</i> this man did this yeere show -very great affection to me, and to the Word of God." The writer adds, -that the Sagamore even urged his solicitations importunately, using withal -many "elegant arguments, with much gravity, wisdome and affection." He -observed, among other things, that the preacher's coming there once a year -did them but little good, "because they soone had forgotten what he -taught, it being so seldome, and so long betwixt the times." Another sound -suggestion was, that the Sagamore had many subjects who "would not beleeve -<i>him</i> that praying to God was so good," whereas as no doubt they might be -convinced by the preaching itself. Nor did Mr. Elliot, he thought, allow -himself leisure enough to explain and <i>prove</i> what he asserted. It was -"as if one should come and throw a fine thing among them, and they -earnestly catch at it, and like it well, because it <i>looks</i> finely, but -could not look into it, to see what is within,—whether something or -nothing,—stock, stone or precious jewel." So it was with praying; it -might be excellent, as it seemed,—but on the other hand it might be -hollow and empty,—he wished to see it <i>opened.</i></p> - -<p>Whether this sensible advice was followed as far as it could be, is -uncertain; but there can be little doubt that the Sagamore himself became, -if not almost a Christian, yet strongly prepossessed in favor of the -English. In 1660, an English gentleman, who had been much conversant among -the Indians, was invited to a great dance and feast, at which among other -ceremonies, Passaconaway, now very old, made a farewell speech to his -people. He cautioned them especially, as a dying man, to take heed how -they quarrelled with the English. He said, that though they might do the -whites some damage, it would prove the sure means of their own -destruction; and that, as for himself, he had formerly tried his utmost by -the arts of sorcery to hinder their settlement and increase, but all to -no purpose.</p> - -<p>It is remarkable, that when Philip's War broke out, fifteen years after -this transaction, Wonolanset, the Sagamore's son and successor, withdrew -both himself and his people into some remote place, where he wholly -escaped the disasters and excitement of the times. Probably there was no -other instance of the kind among all the tribes.</p> - -<p>The allusion made by Passaconaway to the arts of sorcery should be -explained, by observing that he had formerly been, for a long term of -years, one of the most noted Powahs, or Conjurors, ever heard of among the -Indians of New England. Perhaps his dominion itself, and certainly the -greater part of his influence, was acquired by his talents exercised in -that capacity. He indeed excelled his contemporaries, as all historians -allow, in general sagacity and duplicity, as well as in moderation and -self-command; [FN] but these were the very qualities proper for playing -off that game on the extreme superstition of the Indians, which has so -frequently been tried among them, and yet so rarely with a very prevalent -or very permanent success.</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] See Hubbard, Hutchinson, Belknap, &c.</p> - - -<p>But Passaconaway's attempt was no failure. He induced the savages to -believe it in his power to make water burn, and trees dance; to -metamorphose himself into a flame; and to raise, in winter, a green leaf -from the ashes of a dry one, and a living serpent from the skin of one -which was dead. Few modern practitioners, we presume, have surpassed the -old Sagamore in the arts of legerdemain. These, however, were not his -substantive profession, or at least not long. The politician soon emerged -from the slough of the juggler. The Priest became a Sachem; the Sachem, -the Grand Sagamore of Penacook; and the Sagamore preserved not only his -own power, but his son's after him, by a series of diplomatic -demonstrations, and a few words of "elegant" civility, which, without -disparaging his importance with his countrymen, made him the most -agreeable neighbor to the English.</p> - -<p>That Passaconaway was living as late as 1662, appears from the following -anecdote of that date. Manataqua, Sachem of Saugus, made known to the -chief of Panacook, that he desired to marry his daughter, which being -agreeable to all parties, the wedding was soon consummated, at the -residence of Passaconaway, and the hilarity was closed with a great feast. -According to the usages of chiefs, Passaconaway ordered a select number of -his men to accompany the new married couple to the dwelling of the -husband. When they had arrived there, several days of feasting followed, -for the entertainment of his friends, who could not be present at the -ceremony in the first instance, as well as for the escort; who, when this -was ended, returned to Pennakook.</p> - -<p>Some time after, the wife of Manataqua expressing a desire to visit her -father's house and friends, was permitted to go, and a choice company -conducted her. When she wished to return to her husband, her father, -instead of conveying her as before, sent to the young Sachem to come and -take her away. He took this in high dudgeon, and sent his father-in-law -this answer: "When she departed from me, I caused my men to escort her to -your dwelling, as became a chief. She now having an intention to return to -me, I did expect the same." The elder Sachem was in his turn angry, and -returned an answer which only increased the difference; and it is believed -that thus terminated the connexion of the new husband and wife. [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] Manuscript documents, cited in Drake's Indian Biography.</p> - - -<p>In the Third Volume of Farmer and Moore's Historical Collections, may be -seen an account of the death of an Indian, called <span style="font-variant:small-caps">Saint Aspinquid,</span> May -1st, 1682, at Mount Agamenticus on the coast of Maine, where his tombstone -is said to be still visible. It is also stated, that he was born in 1598, -and of course died aged about ninety-four; that he was over forty years -old when he was converted to Christianity; that from that time he employed -himself in preaching the gospel among the Indians; and that his funeral -obsequies were attended by many Sachems of various tribes, and celebrated -by a grand hunt of the warriors. [FN]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN] At which were slain "ninety-nine bears, thirty-six moose, - eighty-two wild-cats, thirty-eight porcupines," and a long list of other - animals of various names.</p> - - -<p>We are inclined to hazard the hypothesis, that this Saint was no other -than our Sagamore; that Agamenticus was the retreat of Wonolanset, or at -least of his father, during and subsequent to Philip's war; and that the -latter obtained his new name from his new friends, and the title attached -to it from an English source. It certainly would be remarkable, that so -many and such particulars should appear of the death of a man never before -heard of. And on the other hand, the reputation and the age attributed -to Aspinquid, agree strikingly with those of Passaconaway. By his -"preaching" must be meant his sacred character and the great exertions he -made to keep peace with the English; and the date of the alleged -"conversion," we suppose to have been the same with that of his first -acquaintance with the whites in 1629.</p> - -<p>Our sketch may be fitly concluded with one of those popular traditions -concerning the old Chief, which happens still to be in such preservation -as to form now and then, in some sections of the country, the burden of a -fireside tale. It is probably a fair illustration of the opinion -entertained of his abilities by the credulous of his own era.</p> - -<p class="list"> He said, that Sachem once to Dover came, - From Penacook, when eve was setting in. - With plumes his locks were dressed, his eyes shot flame; - He struck his massy club with dreadful din, - That oft had made the ranks of battle thin; - Around his copper neck terrific hung - A tied-together, bear and catamount skin; - The curious fishbones o'er his bosom swung, - And thrice the Sachem danced, and thrice the Sachem sung. - - Strange man was he! 'T was said, he oft pursued - The sable bear, and slew him in his den; - That oft he howled through many a pathless wood, - And many a tangled wild, and poisonous fen, - That ne'er was trod by other mortal men. - The craggy ledge for rattlesnakes he sought, - And choked them one by one, and then - O'ertook the tall gray moose, as quick as thought - And then the mountain cat he chased, and chasing caught. - - A wondrous wight! For o'er 'Siogee's ice, - With brindled wolves, all harnessed three and three, - seated on a sledge, made in a trice, - On mount Agiocochook, [FN-1] of hickory, - He lashed and reeled, and sung right jollily; - And once upon a car of flaming fire, - The dreadful Indian shook with fear, to see - The king of Penacook, his chief, his sire, - Ride flaming up towards heaven, than any mountain higher. [FN-2]</p> - - <hr width="80%"> - - <p class="quote">[FN-1] The Indian name applied to the White Mountains. There is a - curious tradition, preserved in Josselyn's New England, of the - veneration of the Indians for the summits of these mountains. They - considered them the dwelling places of invisible beings, and never - ventured to ascend them. They had also a tradition, that the whole - country was once drowned, with all its inhabitants except one Indian with - his wife, who, foreseeing the flood, fled to these mountains, were - preserved, and afterwards re-peopled the country.—<i>Ed.</i></p> - - <p class="quote">[FN-2] See F. and M. His. Coll.</p> -<br><br><br><br> - - - - <h2>END OF VOL. I.</h2> -<br><br><br> - - - - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's Indian Biography; Vol. 1 of 2, by B. B. 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