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diff --git a/old/54812-0.txt b/old/54812-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index ddc42f3..0000000 --- a/old/54812-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,27180 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's A Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin, by Harriet Beecher Stowe - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: A Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin - Presenting the original facts and documents upon which the - story is founded. Together with corroborative statements - verifying the truth of the work. - -Author: Harriet Beecher Stowe - -Release Date: May 30, 2017 [EBook #54812] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A KEY TO UNCLE TOM'S CABIN *** - - - - -Produced by Richard Tonsing and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - - A KEY - TO - UNCLE TOM’S CABIN; - PRESENTING THE ORIGINAL - FACTS AND DOCUMENTS - UPON WHICH THE STORY IS FOUNDED. - TOGETHER WITH - Corroborative Statements - VERIFYING - THE TRUTH OF THE WORK. - - - BY HARRIET BEECHER STOWE, - - AUTHOR OF “UNCLE TOM’S CABIN.” - - - BOSTON: - PUBLISHED BY JOHN P. JEWETT & CO. - CLEVELAND, OHIO: - JEWETT, PROCTOR & WORTHINGTON. - LONDON: LOW AND COMPANY. - 1853. - - - - - Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1853, by - HARRIET BEECHER STOWE, - In the Clerk’s Office of the District Court for the District of - Massachusetts. - - - STEREOTYPED BY - HOBART & ROBBINS, - NEW ENGLAND TYPE AND STEREOTYPE FOUNDERY, - BOSTON. - - Damrell & Moore, Printers, 16 Devonshire St., Boston. - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - PREFACE. - - -The work which the writer here presents to the public is one which has -been written with no pleasure, and with much pain. - -In fictitious writing, it is possible to find refuge from the hard and -the terrible, by inventing scenes and characters of a more pleasing -nature. No such resource is open in a work of fact; and the subject of -this work is one on which the truth, if told at all, must needs be very -dreadful. There is no bright side to slavery, as such. Those scenes -which are made bright by the generosity and kindness of masters and -mistresses, would be brighter still if the element of slavery were -withdrawn. There is nothing picturesque or beautiful, in the family -attachment of old servants, which is not to be found in countries where -these servants are legally free. The tenants on an English estate are -often more fond and faithful than if they were slaves. Slavery, -therefore, is not the element which forms the picturesque and beautiful -of Southern life. What is peculiar to slavery, and distinguishes it from -free servitude, is evil, and only evil, and that continually. - -In preparing this work, it has grown much beyond the author’s original -design. It has so far overrun its limits that she has been obliged to -omit one whole department;—that of the characteristics and developments -of the colored race in various countries and circumstances. This is more -properly the subject for a volume; and she hopes that such an one will -soon be prepared by a friend to whom she has transferred her materials. - -The author desires to express her thanks particularly to those legal -gentlemen who have given her their assistance and support in the legal -part of the discussion. She also desires to thank those, at the North -and at the South, who have kindly furnished materials for her use. Many -more have been supplied than could possibly be used. The book is -actually selected out of a mountain of materials. - -The great object of the author in writing has been to bring this subject -of slavery, as a moral and religious question, before the minds of all -those who profess to be followers of Christ, in this country. A minute -history has been given of the action of the various denominations on -this subject. - -The writer has aimed, as far as possible, to say what is true, and only -that, without regard to the effect which it may have upon any person or -party. She hopes that what she has said will be examined without -bitterness,—in that serious and earnest spirit which is appropriate for -the examination of so very serious a subject. It would be vain for her -to indulge the hope of being wholly free from error. In the wide field -which she has been called to go over, there is a possibility of many -mistakes. She can only say that she has used the most honest and earnest -endeavors to learn the truth. - -The book is commended to the candid attention and earnest prayers of all -true Christians, throughout the world. May they unite their prayers that -Christendom may be delivered from so great an evil as slavery! - - - - - PART I. - - - - - CHAPTER I. - - -At different times, doubt has been expressed whether the representations -of “Uncle Tom’s Cabin” are a fair representation of slavery as it at -present exists. This work, more, perhaps, than any other work of fiction -that ever was written, has been a collection and arrangement of real -incidents,—of actions really performed, of words and expressions really -uttered,—grouped together with reference to a general result, in the -same manner that the mosaic artist groups his fragments of various -stones into one general picture. His is a mosaic of gems,—this is a -mosaic of facts. - -Artistically considered, it might not be best to point out in which -quarry and from which region each fragment of the mosaic picture had its -origin; and it is equally unartistic to disentangle the glittering web -of fiction, and show out of what real warp and woof it is woven, and -with what real coloring dyed. But the book had a purpose entirely -transcending the artistic one, and accordingly encounters, at the hands -of the public, demands not usually made on fictitious works. It is -_treated_ as a reality,—sifted, tried and tested, as a reality; and -therefore as a reality it may be proper that it should be defended. - -The writer acknowledges that the book is a very inadequate -representation of slavery; and it is so, necessarily, for this -reason,—that slavery, in some of its workings, is too dreadful for the -purposes of art. A work which should represent it strictly as it is -would be a work which could not be read. And all works which ever mean -to give pleasure must draw a veil somewhere, or they cannot succeed. - -The author will now proceed along the course of the story, from the -first page onward, and develop, as far as possible, the incidents by -which different parts were suggested. - - - - - CHAPTER II. - MR. HALEY. - - -In the very first chapter of the book we encounter the character of -the negro-trader, Mr. Haley. His name stands at the head of this -chapter as the representative of all the different characters -introduced in the work which exhibit the trader, the kidnapper, the -negro-catcher, the negro-whipper, and all the other inevitable -auxiliaries and indispensable appendages of what is often called the -“divinely-instituted relation” of slavery. The author’s first personal -observation of this class of beings was somewhat as follows: - -Several years ago, while one morning employed in the duties of the -nursery, a colored woman was announced. She was ushered into the -nursery, and the author thought, on first survey, that a more surly, -unpromising face she had never seen. The woman was thoroughly black, -thick-set, firmly built, and with strongly-marked African features. -Those who have been accustomed to read the expressions of the African -face know what a peculiar effect is produced by a lowering, desponding -expression upon its dark features. It is like the shadow of a -thunder-cloud. Unlike her race generally, the woman did not smile when -smiled upon, nor utter any pleasant remark in reply to such as were -addressed to her. The youngest pet of the nursery, a boy about three -years old, walked up, and laid his little hand on her knee, and seemed -astonished not to meet the quick smile which the negro almost always has -in reserve for the little child. The writer thought her very cross and -disagreeable, and, after a few moments’ silence, asked, with perhaps a -little impatience, “Do you want anything of me to-day?” - -“Here are some papers,” said the woman, pushing them towards her; -“perhaps you would read them.” - -The first paper opened was a letter from a negro-trader in Kentucky, -stating concisely that he had waited about as long as he could for her -child; that he wanted to start for the South, and must get it off his -hands; that, if she would send him two hundred dollars before the end of -the week, she should have it; if not, that he would set it up at -auction, at the court-house door, on Saturday. He added, also, that he -might have got more than that for the child, but that he was willing to -let her have it cheap. - -“What sort of a man is this?” said the author to the woman, when she had -done reading the letter. - -“Dunno, ma’am; great Christian, I know,—member of the Methodist church, -anyhow.” - -The expression of sullen irony with which this was said was a thing to -be remembered. - -“And how old is this child?” said the author to her. - -The woman looked at the little boy who had been standing at her knee, -with an expressive glance, and said, “She will be three years old this -summer.” - -On further inquiry into the history of the woman, it appeared that she -had been set free by the will of her owners; that the child was legally -entitled to freedom, but had been seized on by the heirs of the estate. -She was poor and friendless, without money to maintain a suit, and the -heirs, of course, threw the child into the hands of the trader. The -necessary sum, it may be added, was all raised in the small neighborhood -which then surrounded the Lane Theological Seminary, and the child was -redeemed. - -If the public would like a specimen of the correspondence which passes -between these worthies, who are the principal reliance of the community -for supporting and extending the institution of slavery, the following -may be interesting as a matter of literary curiosity. It was forwarded -by Mr. M. J. Thomas, of Philadelphia, to the _National Era_, and stated -by him to be “a copy taken verbatim from the original, found among the -papers of the person to whom it was addressed, at the time of his arrest -and conviction, for passing a variety of counterfeit bank-notes.” - - _Poolsville, Montgomery Co., Md., - March 24, 1831._ - - DEAR SIR: I arrived home in safety with Louisa, John having been - rescued from me, out of a two-story window, at twelve o’clock at - night. I offered a reward of fifty dollars, and have him here safe - in jail. The persons who took him brought him to Fredericktown jail. - I wish you to write to no person in this state but myself. Kephart - and myself are determined to go the whole hog for any negro you can - find, and you must give me the earliest information, as soon as you - do find any. Enclosed you will receive a handbill, and I can make a - good bargain, if you can find them. I will in all cases, as soon as - a negro runs off, send you a handbill immediately, so that you may - be on the look-out. Please tell the constable to go on with the sale - of John’s property; and, when the money is made, I will send on an - order to you for it. Please attend to this for me; likewise write to - me, and inform me of any negro you think has run away,—no matter - where you think he has come from, nor how far,—and I will try and - find out his master. Let me know where you think he is from, with - all particular marks, and if I don’t find his master, _Joe’s dead!_ - - Write to me about the crooked-fingered negro, and let me know which - hand and which finger, color, &c.; likewise any mark the fellow has - who says he got away from the negro-buyer, with his height and - color, or any other you think has run off. - - Give my respects to your partner, and be sure you write to no person - but myself. If any person writes to you, you can inform me of it, - and I will try to _buy_ from them. I think we can make money, if we - do business together; for I have plenty of money, if you can find - plenty of negroes. Let me know if Daniel is still where he was, and - if you have heard anything of Francis since I left you. Accept for - yourself my regard and esteem. - - REUBEN B. CARLLEY. - - JOHN C. SAUNDERS. - -This letter strikingly illustrates the character of these -fellow-patriots with whom the great men of our land have been acting in -conjunction, in carrying out the beneficent provisions of the Fugitive -Slave Law. - -With regard to the _Kephart_ named in this letter the community of -Boston may have a special interest to know further particulars, as he -was one of the dignitaries sent from the South to assist the good -citizens of that place in the religious and patriotic enterprise of -1851, at the time that Shadrach was unfortunately rescued. It therefore -may be well to introduce somewhat particularly JOHN KEPHART, as sketched -by RICHARD H. DANA, Jr., one of the lawyers employed in the defence of -the perpetrators of the rescue. - - I shall never forget John Caphart. I have been eleven years at the - bar, and in that time have seen many developments of vice and - hardness, but I never met with anything so cold-blooded as the - testimony of that man. John Caphart is a tall, sallow man, of about - fifty, with jet-black hair, a restless, dark eye, and an anxious, - care-worn look, which, had there been enough of moral element in the - expression, might be called melancholy. His frame was strong, and in - youth he had evidently been powerful, but he was not robust. Yet - there was a calm, cruel look, a power of will and a quickness of - muscular action, which still render him a terror in his vocation. - - In the manner of giving in his testimony there was no bluster or - outward show of insolence. His contempt for the humane feelings of - the audience and community about him was too true to require any - assumption of that kind. He neither paraded nor attempted to conceal - the worst features of his calling. He treated it as a matter of - business which he knew the community shuddered at, but the moral - nature of which he was utterly indifferent to, beyond a certain - secret pleasure in thus indirectly inflicting a little torture on - his hearers. - - I am not, however, altogether clear, to do John Caphart justice, - that he is entirely conscience-proof. There was something in his - anxious look which leaves one not without hope. - - At the first trial we did not know of his pursuits, and he passed - merely as a police-man of Norfolk, Virginia. But, at the second - trial, some one in the room gave me a hint of the occupations many - of these police-men take to, which led to my cross-examination. - - _From the Examination of John Caphart, in the “Rescue Trials,” - at Boston, in June and Nov., 1851, and October, 1852._ - - _Question._ Is it a part of your duty, as a police-man, to take up - colored persons who are out after hours in the streets? - - _Answer._ Yes, sir. - - _Q._ What is done with them? - - _A._ We put them in the lock-up, and in the morning they are brought - into court and ordered to be punished,—those that are to be - punished. - - _Q._ What punishment do they get? - - _A._ Not exceeding thirty-nine lashes. - - _Q._ Who gives them these lashes? - - _A._ Any of the officers. I do, sometimes. - - _Q._ Are you paid _extra_ for this? How much? - - _A._ Fifty cents a head. It used to be sixty-two cents. Now it is - fifty. Fifty cents for each one we arrest, and fifty more for each - one we flog. - - _Q._ Are these persons you flog men and boys only, or are they women - and girls also? - - _A._ Men, women, boys and girls, just as it happens. - - [The government interfered, and tried to prevent any further - examination; and said, among other things, that he only performed - his duty as police-officer under the law. After a discussion, Judge - Curtis allowed it to proceed.] - - _Q._ Is your flogging confined to these cases? Do you not flog - slaves at the request of their masters? - - _A._ Sometimes I do. Certainly, when I am called upon. - - _Q._ In these cases of private flogging, are the negroes sent to - you? Have you a place for flogging? - - _A._ No. I go round, as I am sent for. - - _Q._ Is this part of your duty as an officer? - - _A._ No, sir. - - _Q._ In these cases of private flogging, do you inquire into the - circumstances, to see what the fault has been, or if there is any? - - _A._ That’s none of my business. I do as I am requested. The master - is responsible. - - _Q._ In these cases, too, I suppose you flog women and girls, as - well as men. - - _A._ Women and men. - - _Q._ Mr. Caphart, how long have you been engaged in this business? - - _A._ Ever since 1836. - - _Q._ How many negroes do you suppose you have flogged, in all, women - and children included? - - _A._ [Looking calmly round the room.] I don’t know how many niggers - you have got here in Massachusetts, but I should think I had flogged - as many as you’ve got in the state. - - [The same man testified that he was often employed to pursue - fugitive slaves. His reply to the question was, “I never refuse a - good job in that line.”] - - _Q._ Don’t they sometimes turn out bad jobs? - - _A._ Never, if I can help it. - - _Q._ Are they not sometimes discharged after you get them? - - _A._ Not often. I don’t know that they ever are, except those - Portuguese the counsel read about. - - [I had found, in a Virginia report, a case of some two hundred - Portuguese negroes, whom this John Caphart had seized from a vessel, - and endeavored to get condemned as slaves, but whom the court - discharged.] - -Hon. John P. Hale, associated with Mr. Dana, as counsel for the defence, -in the Rescue Trials, said of him, in his closing argument: - - Why, gentlemen, _he sells agony_! Torture is his stock-in-trade! He - is a walking scourge! He hawks, peddles, retails, groans and tears - about the streets of Norfolk! - -See also the following correspondence between two traders, one in North -Carolina, the other in New Orleans; with a word of comment, by Hon. -William Jay, of New York: - - _Halifax, N. C., Nov. 16, 1839._ - - DEAR SIR: I have shipped in the brig Addison,—prices are below: - - No. 1. Caroline Ennis, $650.00 - No. 2. Silvy Holland, 625.00 - No. 3. Silvy Booth, 487.50 - No. 4. Maria Pollock, 475.00 - No. 5. Emeline Pollock, 475.00 - No. 6. Delia Averit, 475.00 - - The two girls that cost $650 and $625 were bought before I shipped - my first. I have a great many negroes offered to me, but I will not - pay the prices they ask, for I know they will come down. I have no - opposition in market. I will wait until I hear from you before I - buy, and then I can judge what I must pay. Goodwin will send you the - bill of lading for my negroes, as he shipped them with his own. - Write often, as the times are critical, and it depends on the prices - you get to govern me in buying. Yours, &c., - - G. W. BARNES. - - Mr. THEOPHILUS FREEMAN, } - New Orleans. } - - The above was a small but choice invoice of wives and mothers. Nine - days before, namely, 7th Nov., Mr. Barnes advised Mr. Freeman of - having shipped a lot of forty-three men and women. Mr. Freeman, - informing one of his correspondents of the state of the market, - writes (_Sunday_, 21st Sept., 1839), “I bought a boy yesterday, - sixteen years old, and likely, _weighing_ one hundred and ten - pounds, at $700. I sold a likely girl, twelve years old, at $500. I - bought a man yesterday, twenty years old, six feet high, at $820; - one _to-day_, twenty-four years old, at $850, black and sleek as a - mole.” - -The writer has drawn in this work only one class of the negro-traders. -There are all varieties of them, up to the great wholesale purchasers, -who keep their large trading-houses; who are gentlemanly in manners and -courteous in address; who, in many respects, often perform actions of -real generosity; who consider slavery a very great evil, and hope the -country will at some time be delivered from it, but who think that so -long as clergyman and layman, saint and sinner, are all agreed in the -propriety and necessity of slave-holding, it is better that the -necessary trade in the article be conducted by men of humanity and -decency, than by swearing, brutal men, of the Tom Loker school. These -men are exceedingly sensitive with regard to what they consider the -injustice of the world in excluding them from good society, simply -because they undertake to supply a demand in the community which the -bar, the press and the pulpit, all pronounce to be a proper one. In this -respect, society certainly imitates the unreasonableness of the ancient -Egyptians, who employed a certain class of men to prepare dead bodies -for embalming, but flew at them with sticks and stones the moment the -operation was over, on account of the sacrilegious liberty which they -had taken. If there is an ill-used class of men in the world, it is -certainly the slave-traders; for, if there is no harm in the institution -of slavery,—if it is a divinely-appointed and honorable one, like civil -government and the family state, and like other species of property -relation,—then there is no earthly reason why a man may not as -innocently be a slave-trader as any other kind of trader. - - - - - CHAPTER III. - MR. AND MRS. SHELBY. - - -It was the design of the writer, in delineating the domestic -arrangements of Mr. and Mrs. Shelby, to show a picture of the fairest -side of slave-life, where easy indulgence and good-natured forbearance -are tempered by just discipline and religious instruction, skilfully and -judiciously imparted. - -The writer did not come to her task without reading much upon both sides -of the question, and making a particular effort to collect all the most -favorable representations of slavery which she could obtain. And, as the -reader may have a curiosity to examine some of the documents, the writer -will present them quite at large. There is no kind of danger to the -world in letting the very fairest side of slavery be seen; in fact, the -horrors and barbarities which are necessarily inherent in it are so -terrible that one stands absolutely in need of all the comfort which can -be gained from incidents like the subjoined, to save them from utter -despair of human nature. The first account is from Mr. J. K. Paulding’s -Letters on Slavery; and is a letter from a Virginia planter, whom we -should judge, from his style, to be a very amiable, agreeable man, and -who probably describes very fairly the state of things on his own -domain. - - DEAR SIR: As regards the first query, which relates to the “rights - and duties of the slave,” I do not know how extensive a view of this - branch of the subject is contemplated. In its simplest aspect, as - understood and acted on in Virginia, I should say that the slave is - entitled to an abundance of good plain food; to coarse but - comfortable apparel; to a warm but humble dwelling; to protection - when well, and to succor when sick; and, in return, that it is his - duty to render to his master all the service he can consistently - with perfect health, and to behave submissively and honestly. Other - remarks suggest themselves, but they will be more appropriately - introduced under different heads. - - 2d. “The domestic relations of master and slave.”—These relations - are much misunderstood by many persons at the North, who regard the - terms as synonymous with oppressor and oppressed. Nothing can be - further from the fact. The condition of the negroes in this state - has been greatly ameliorated. The proprietors were formerly fewer - and richer than at present. Distant quarters were often kept up to - support the aristocratic mansion. They were rarely visited by their - owners; and heartless overseers, frequently changed, were employed - to manage them for a share of the crop. These men scourged the land, - and sometimes the slaves. Their tenure was but for a year, and of - course they made the most of their brief authority. Owing to the - influence of our institutions, property has become subdivided, and - most persons live on or near their estates. There are exceptions, to - be sure, and particularly among wealthy gentlemen in the towns; but - these last are almost all enlightened and humane, and alike liberal - to the soil and to the slave who cultivates it. I could point out - some noble instances of patriotic and spirited improvement among - them. But, to return to the resident proprietors: most of them have - been raised on the estates; from the older negroes they have - received in infancy numberless acts of kindness; the younger ones - have not unfrequently been their playmates (not the most suitable, I - admit), and much good-will is thus generated on both sides. In - addition to this, most men feel attached to their property; and this - attachment is stronger in the case of persons than of things. I know - it, and feel it. It is true, there are harsh masters; but there are - also bad husbands and bad fathers. They are all exceptions to the - rule, not the rule itself. Shall we therefore condemn in the gross - those relations, and the rights and authority they imply, from their - occasional abuse? I could mention many instances of strong - attachment on the part of the slave, but will only adduce one or - two, of which I have been the object. It became a question whether a - faithful servant, bred up with me from boyhood, should give up his - master or his wife and children, to whom he was affectionately - attached, and most attentive and kind. The trial was a severe one, - but he determined to break those tender ties and remain with me. I - left it entirely to his discretion, though I would not, from - considerations of interest, have taken for him quadruple the price I - should probably have obtained. Fortunately, in the sequel, I was - enabled to purchase his family, with the exception of a daughter, - happily situated; and nothing but death shall henceforth part them. - Were it put to the test, I am convinced that many masters would - receive this striking proof of devotion. A gentleman but a day or - two since informed me of a similar, and even stronger case, afforded - by one of his slaves. As the reward of assiduous and delicate - attention to a venerated parent, in her last illness, I proposed to - purchase and liberate a healthy and intelligent woman, about thirty - years of age, the best nurse, and, in all respects, one of the best - servants in the state, of which I was only part owner; but she - declined to leave the family, and has been since rather better than - free. I shall be excused for stating a ludicrous case I heard of - some time ago:—A favorite and indulged servant requested his master - to sell him to another gentleman. His master refused to do so, but - told him he was at perfect liberty to go to the North, if he were - not already free enough. After a while he repeated the request; and, - on being urged to give an explanation of his singular conduct, told - his master that he considered himself consumptive, and would soon - die; and he thought Mr. B—— was better able to bear the loss than - his master. He was sent to a medicinal spring and recovered his - health, if, indeed, he had ever lost it, of which his master had - been unapprised. It may not be amiss to describe my deportment - towards my servants, whom I endeavor to render happy while I make - them profitable. I never turn a deaf ear, but listen patiently to - their communications. I chat familiarly with those who have passed - service, or have not begun to render it. With the others I observe a - more prudent reserve, but I encourage all to approach me without - awe. I hardly ever go to town without having commissions to execute - for some of them; and think they prefer to employ me, from a belief - that, if their money should not quite hold out, I would add a little - to it; and I not unfrequently do, in order to get a better article. - The relation between myself and my slaves is decidedly friendly. I - keep up pretty exact discipline, mingled with kindness, and hardly - ever lose property by thievish, or labor by runaway slaves. I never - lock the outer doors of my house. It is done, but done by the - servants; and I rarely bestow a thought on the matter. I leave home - periodically for two months, and commit the dwelling-house, plate, - and other valuables, to the servants, without even an enumeration of - the articles. - - 3d. “The duration of the labor of the slave.”—The day is usually - considered long enough. Employment at night is not exacted by me, - except to shell corn once a week for their own consumption, and on a - few other extraordinary occasions. _The people_, as we generally - call them, are required to leave their houses at daybreak, and to - work until dark, with the intermission of half an hour to an hour at - breakfast, and one to two hours at dinner, according to the season - and sort of work. In this respect I suppose our negroes will bear a - favorable comparison with any laborers whatever. - - 4th. “The liberty usually allowed the slave,—his holidays and - amusements, and the way in which they usually spend their evenings - and holidays.”—They are prohibited from going off the estate without - first obtaining leave; though they often transgress, and with - impunity, except in flagrant cases. Those who have wives on other - plantations visit them on certain specified nights, and have an - allowance of time for going and returning, proportioned to the - distance. My negroes are permitted, and, indeed, encouraged, to - raise as many ducks and chickens as they can; to cultivate - vegetables for their own use, and a patch of corn for sale; to - exercise their trades, when they possess one, which many do; to - catch muskrats and other animals for the fur or the flesh; to raise - bees, and, in fine, to earn an honest penny in any way which chance - or their own ingenuity may offer. The modes specified are, however, - those most commonly resorted to, and enable provident servants to - make from five to thirty dollars apiece. The corn is of a different - sort from that which I cultivate, and is all bought by me. A great - many fowls are raised; I have this year known ten dollars worth sold - by one man at one time. One of the chief sources of profit is the - fur of the muskrat; for the purpose of catching which the marshes on - the estate have been parcelled out and appropriated from time - immemorial, and are held by a tenure little short of fee-simple. The - negroes are indebted to Nat Turner[1] and Tappan for a curtailment - of some of their privileges. As a sincere friend to the blacks, I - have much regretted the reckless interference of these persons, on - account of the restrictions it has become, or been thought, - necessary to impose. Since the exploit of the former hero, they have - been forbidden to preach, except to their fellow-slaves, the - property of the same owner; to have public funerals, unless a white - person officiates; or to be taught to read and write. Their funerals - formerly gave them great satisfaction, and it was customary here to - furnish the relations of the deceased with bacon, spirit, flour, - sugar and butter, with which a grand entertainment, in their way, - was got up. We were once much amused by a hearty fellow requesting - his mistress to let him have his funeral during his lifetime, when - it would do him some good. The waggish request was granted; and I - venture to say there never was a funeral the subject of which - enjoyed it so much. When permitted, some of our negroes preached - with great fluency. I was present, a few years since, when an - Episcopal minister addressed the people, by appointment. On the - conclusion of an excellent sermon, a negro preacher rose and thanked - the gentleman kindly for his discourse, but frankly told him the - congregation “did not understand his _lingo_.” He then proceeded - himself, with great vehemence and volubility, coining words where - they had not been made to his hand, or rather his tongue, and - impressing his hearers, doubtless, with a decided opinion of his - superiority over his white co-laborer in the field of grace. My - brother and I, who own contiguous estates, have lately erected a - chapel on the line between them, and have employed an acceptable - minister of the Baptist persuasion, to which the negroes almost - exclusively belong, to afford them religious instruction. Except as - a preparatory step to emancipation, I consider it exceedingly - impolitic, even as regards the slaves themselves, to permit them to - read and write: “Where ignorance is bliss, ‘tis folly to be wise.” - And it is certainly impolitic as regards their masters, on the - principle that “knowledge is power.” My servants have not as long - holidays as those of most other persons. I allow three days at - Christmas, and a day at each of three other periods, besides a - little time to work their patches; or, if very busy, I sometimes - prefer to work them myself. Most of the ancient pastimes have been - lost in this neighborhood, and religion, mock or real, has succeeded - them. The banjo, their national instrument, is known but in name, or - in a few of the tunes which have survived. Some of the younger - negroes sing and dance, but the evenings and holidays are usually - occupied in working, in visiting, and in praying and singing hymns. - The primitive customs and sports are, I believe, better preserved - further south, where slaves were brought from Africa long after they - ceased to come here. - - 6th. “The provision usually made for their food and clothing,—for - those who are too young or too old to labor.”—My men receive twelve - quarts of Indian meal (the abundant and universal allowance in this - state), seven salted herrings, and two pounds of smoked bacon or - three pounds of pork, a week; the other hands proportionally less. - But, generally speaking, their food is issued daily, with the - exception of meal, and consists of fish or bacon for breakfast, and - meat, fresh or salted, with vegetables whenever we can provide them, - for dinner; or, for a month or two in the spring, fresh fish cooked - with a little bacon. This mode is rather more expensive to me than - that of weekly rations, but more comfortable to the servants. - Superannuated or invalid slaves draw their provisions regularly once - a week; and the moment a child ceases to be nourished by its mother, - it receives eight quarts of meal (more than it can consume), and one - half-pound of lard. Besides the food furnished by me, nearly all the - servants are able to make some addition from their private stores; - and there is among the adults hardly an instance of one so - improvident as not to do it. He must be an unthrifty fellow, indeed, - who cannot realize the wish of the famous Henry IV. in regard to the - French peasantry, and enjoy his fowl on Sunday. I always keep on - hand, for the use of the negroes, sugar, molasses, &c., which, - though not regularly issued, are applied for on the slightest - pretexts, and frequently no pretext at all, and are never refused, - except in cases of misconduct. In regard to clothing:—the men and - boys receive a winter coat and trousers of strong cloth, three - shirts, a stout pair of shoes and socks, and a pair of summer - pantaloons, every year; a hat about every second year, and a - great-coat and blanket every third year. Instead of great-coats and - hats, the women have large capes to protect the bust in bad weather, - and handkerchiefs for the head. The articles furnished are good and - serviceable; and, with their own acquisitions, make their appearance - decent and respectable. On Sunday they are even fine. The aged and - invalid are clad as regularly as the rest, but less substantially. - Mothers receive a little raw cotton, in proportion to the number of - children, with the privilege of having the yarn, when spun, woven at - my expense. I provide them with blankets. Orphans are put with - careful women, and treated with tenderness. I am attached to the - little slaves, and encourage familiarity among them. Sometimes, when - I ride near the quarters, they come running after me with the most - whimsical requests, and are rendered happy by the distribution of - some little donation. The clothing described is that which is given - to the crop hands. Home-servants, a numerous class in Virginia, are - of course clad in a different and very superior manner. I neglected - to mention, in the proper place, that there are on each of my - plantations a kitchen, an oven, and one or more cooks; and that each - hand is furnished with a tin bucket for his food, which is carried - into the field by little negroes, who also supply the laborers with - water. - - 7th. “Their treatment when sick.”—My negroes go, or are carried, as - soon as they are attacked, to a spacious and well-ventilated - hospital, near the mansion-house. They are there received by an - attentive nurse, who has an assortment of medicine, additional - bed-clothing, and the command of as much light food as she may - require, either from the table or the store-room of the proprietor. - Wine, sago, rice, and other little comforts appertaining to such an - establishment, are always kept on hand. The condition of the sick is - much better than that of the poor whites or free colored people in - the neighborhood. - - 8th. “Their rewards and punishments.”—I occasionally bestow little - gratuities for good conduct, and particularly after harvest; and - hardly ever refuse a favor asked by those who faithfully perform - their duty. Vicious and idle servants are punished with stripes, - moderately inflicted; to which, in the case of theft, is added - privation of meat, a severe punishment to those who are never - suffered to be without it on any other account. From my limited - observation, I think that servants to the North work much harder - than our slaves. I was educated at a college in one of the free - states, and, on my return to Virginia, was struck with the contrast. - I was astonished at the number of idle domestics, and actually - worried my mother, much to my contrition since, to reduce the - establishment. I say to my contrition, because, after eighteen - years’ residence in the good Old Dominion, I find myself surrounded - by a troop of servants about as numerous as that against which I - formerly so loudly exclaimed. While on this subject it may not be - amiss to state a case of manumission which occurred about three - years since. My nearest neighbor, a man of immense wealth, owned a - favorite servant, a fine fellow, with polished manners and excellent - disposition, who reads and writes, and is thoroughly versed in the - duties of a butler and housekeeper, in the performance of which he - was trusted without limit. This man was, on the death of his master, - emancipated with a legacy of six thousand dollars, besides about two - thousand dollars more which he had been permitted to accumulate, and - had deposited with his master, who had given him credit for it. The - use that this man, apparently so well qualified for freedom, and who - has had an opportunity of travelling and of judging for himself, - makes of his money and his time, is somewhat remarkable. In - consequence of his exemplary conduct, he has been permitted to - reside in the state, and for very moderate wages occupies the same - situation he did in the old establishment, and will probably - continue to occupy it as long as he lives. He has no children of his - own, but has put a little girl, a relation of his, to school. Except - in this instance, and in the purchase of a few plain articles of - furniture, his freedom and his money seem not much to have benefited - him. A servant of mine, who is intimate with him, thinks he is not - as happy as he was before his liberation. Several other servants - were freed at the same time, with smaller legacies, but I do not - know what has become of them. - - I do not regard negro-slavery, however mitigated, as a Utopian - system, and have not intended so to delineate it. But it exists, and - the difficulty of removing it is felt and acknowledged by all, save - the fanatics, who, like “fools, rush in where angels dare not - tread.” It is pleasing to know that its burdens are not too heavy to - be borne. That the treatment of slaves in this state is humane, and - even indulgent, may be inferred from the fact of their rapid - increase and great longevity. I believe that, constituted as they - are, morally and physically, they are as happy as any peasantry in - the world; and I venture to affirm, as the result of my reading and - inquiry, that in no country are the laborers so liberally and - invariably supplied with bread and meat as are the negro slaves of - the United States. However great the dearth of provisions, famine - never reaches them. - - P. S.—It might have been stated above that on this estate there are - about one hundred and sixty blacks. With the exception of infants, - there has been, in eighteen months, but one death that I - remember,—that of a man fully sixty-five years of age. The bill for - medical attendance, from the second day of last November, comprising - upwards of a year, is less than forty dollars. - -The following accounts are taken from “Ingraham’s Travels in the -South-west,” a work which seems to have been written as much to show the -beauties of slavery as anything else. Speaking of the state of things on -some Southern plantations, he gives the following pictures, which are -presented without note or comment: - - The little candidates for “field honors” are useless articles on a - plantation during the first five or six years of their existence. - They are then to take their first lesson in the elementary part of - their education. When they have learned their manual alphabet - tolerably well, they are placed in the field to take a spell at - cotton-picking. The first day in the field is their proudest day. - The young negroes look forward to it with as much restlessness and - impatience as school-boys to a vacation. Black children are not put - to work so young as many children of poor parents in the North. It - is often the case that the children of the domestic servants become - pets in the house, and the playmates of the white children of the - family. No scene can be livelier or more interesting to a - Northerner, than that which the negro quarters of a well-regulated - plantation present on a Sabbath morning, just before church-hours. - In every cabin the men are shaving and dressing; the women, arrayed - in their gay muslins, are arranging their frizzly hair,—in which - they take no little pride,—or investigating the condition of their - children; the old people, neatly clothed, are quietly conversing or - smoking about the doors; and those of the younger portion who are - not undergoing the infliction of the wash-tub are enjoying - themselves in the shade of the trees, or around some little pond, - with as much zest as though slavery and freedom were synonymous - terms. When all are dressed, and the hour arrives for worship, they - lock up their cabins, and the whole population of the little village - proceeds to the chapel, where divine service is performed, sometimes - by an officiating clergyman, and often by the planter himself, if a - church-member. The whole plantation is also frequently formed into a - Sabbath class, which is instructed by the planter, or some member of - his family; and often, such is the anxiety of the master that they - should perfectly understand what they are taught,—a hard matter in - the present state of their intellect,—that no means calculated to - advance their progress are left untried. I was not long since shown - a manuscript catechism, drawn up with great care and judgment by a - distinguished planter, on a plan admirably adapted to the - comprehension of the negroes. - - It is now popular to treat slaves with kindness; and those planters - who are known to be inhumanly rigorous to their slaves are scarcely - countenanced by the more intelligent and humane portion of the - community. Such instances, however, are very rare; but there are - unprincipled men everywhere, who will give vent to their ill - feelings and bad passions, not with less good will upon the back of - an indented apprentice, than upon that of a purchased slave. Private - chapels are now introduced upon most of the plantations of the more - wealthy, which are far from any church; Sabbath-schools are - instituted for the black children, and Bible-classes for the - parents, which are superintended by the planter, a chaplain, or some - of the female members of the family. - - Nor are planters indifferent to the comfort of their gray-headed - slaves. I have been much affected at beholding many exhibitions of - their kindly feeling towards them. They always address them in a - mild and pleasant manner, as “Uncle,” or “Aunty,”—titles as peculiar - to the old negro and negress as “boy” and “girl” to all under forty - years of age. Some old Africans are allowed to spend their last - years in their houses, without doing any kind of labor; these, if - not too infirm, cultivate little patches of ground, on which they - raise a few vegetables,—for vegetables grow nearly all the year - round in this climate,—and make a little money to purchase a few - extra comforts. They are also always receiving presents from their - masters and mistresses, and the negroes on the estate, the latter of - whom are extremely desirous of seeing the old people comfortable. A - relation of the extra comforts which some planters allow their - slaves would hardly obtain credit at the North. But you must - recollect that Southern planters are men, and men of feeling, - generous and high-minded, and possessing as much of the “milk of - human kindness” as the sons of colder climes—although they may have - been educated to regard that as right which a different education - has led Northerners to consider wrong. - -With regard to the character of Mrs. Shelby the writer must say a few -words. While travelling in Kentucky, a few years since, some pious -ladies expressed to her the same sentiments with regard to slavery which -the reader has heard expressed by Mrs. Shelby. - -There are many whose natural sense of justice cannot be made to tolerate -the enormities of the system, even though they hear it defended by -clergymen from the pulpit, and see it countenanced by all that is most -honorable in rank and wealth. - -A pious lady said to the author, with regard to instructing her slaves, -“I am ashamed to teach them what is right; I know that they know as well -as I do that it is wrong to hold them as slaves, and I am ashamed to -look them in the face.” Pointing to an intelligent mulatto woman who -passed through the room, she continued, “Now, there’s B——. She is as -intelligent and capable as any white woman I ever knew, and as well able -to have her liberty and take care of herself; and she knows it isn’t -right to keep her as we do, and I know it too; and yet I cannot get my -husband to think as I do, or I should be glad to set them free.” - -A venerable friend of the writer, a lady born and educated a -slave-holder, used to the writer the very words attributed to Mrs. -Shelby:—“I never thought it was right to hold slaves. I always thought -it was wrong when I was a girl, and I thought so still more when I came -to join the church.” An incident related by this friend of her -examination for the church shows in a striking manner what a difference -may often exist between theoretical and practical benevolence. - -A certain class of theologians in America have advocated the doctrine of -disinterested benevolence with such zeal as to make it an imperative -article of belief that every individual ought to be willing to endure -everlasting misery, if by doing so they could, on the whole, produce a -greater amount of general good in the universe; and the inquiry was -sometimes made of candidates for church-membership whether they could -bring themselves to this point, as a test of their sincerity. The -clergyman who was to examine this lady was particularly interested in -these speculations. When he came to inquire of her with regard to her -views as to the obligations of Christianity, she informed him decidedly -that she had brought her mind to the point of emancipating all her -slaves, of whom she had a large number. The clergyman seemed rather to -consider this as an excess of zeal, and recommended that she should take -time to reflect upon it. He was, however, very urgent to know whether, -if it should appear for the greatest good of the universe, she would be -willing to be damned. Entirely unaccustomed to theological speculations, -the good woman answered, with some vehemence, that “she was sure she was -not;” adding, naturally enough, that if that had been her purpose she -need not have come to join the church. The good lady, however, was -admitted, and proved her devotion to the general good by the more -tangible method of setting all her slaves at liberty, and carefully -watching over their education and interests after they were liberated. - -Mrs. Shelby is a fair type of the very best class of Southern women; and -while the evils of the institution are felt and deplored, and while the -world looks with just indignation on the national support and patronage -which is given to it, and on the men who, knowing its nature, -deliberately make efforts to perpetuate and extend it, it is but justice -that it should bear in mind the virtues of such persons. - -Many of them, surrounded by circumstances over which they can have no -control, perplexed by domestic cares of which women in free states can -have very little conception, loaded down by duties and responsibilities -which wear upon the very springs of life, still go on bravely and -patiently from day to day, doing all they can to alleviate what they -cannot prevent, and, as far as the sphere of their own immediate power -extends, rescuing those who are dependent upon them from the evils of -the system. - -We read of Him who shall at last come to judgment, that “His fan is in -his hand, and he will thoroughly purge his floor, and gather his wheat -into the garner.” Out of the great abyss of national sin he will rescue -every grain of good and honest purpose and intention. His eyes, which -are as a flame of fire, penetrate at once those intricate mazes where -human judgment is lost, and will save and honor at last the truly good -and sincere, however they may have been involved with the evil; and such -souls as have resisted the greatest temptations, and persisted in good -under the most perplexing circumstances, are those of whom he has -written, “And they shall be mine, saith the Lord of Hosts, in that day -when I make up my jewels; and I will spare them as a man spareth his own -son that serveth him.” - ------ - -Footnote 1: - - The leader of the insurrection in lower Virginia, in which upwards of - a hundred white persons, principally women and children, were - massacred in cold blood. - - - - - CHAPTER IV. - GEORGE HARRIS. - - -The character of George Harris has been represented as overdrawn, both -as respects personal qualities and general intelligence. It has been -said, too, that so many afflictive incidents happening to a slave are -improbable, and present a distorted view of the institution. - -In regard to person, it must be remembered that the half-breeds often -inherit, to a great degree, the traits of their white ancestors. For -this there is abundant evidence in the advertisements of the papers. -Witness the following from the _Chattanooga_ (Tenn.) _Gazette_, Oct. -5th, 1852: - - $500 REWARD. - -[Illustration] - - Runaway from the subscriber, on the 25th May, a VERY BRIGHT MULATTO - BOY, about 21 or 22 years old, named WASH. Said boy, without close - observation, might pass himself for a white man, as he is very - bright—has sandy hair, blue eyes, and a fine set of teeth. He is an - excellent bricklayer; but I have no idea that he will pursue his - trade, for fear of detection. Although he is like a white man in - appearance, he has the disposition of a negro, and delights in comic - songs and witty expressions. He is an excellent house servant, very - handy about a hotel,—tall, slender, and has rather a down look, - especially when spoken to, and is sometimes inclined to be sulky. I - have no doubt but he has been decoyed off by some scoundrel, and I - will give the above reward for the apprehension of the boy and - thief, if delivered at Chattanooga. Or, I will give $200 for the boy - alone; or $100 if confined in any jail in the United States, so that - I can get him. - - GEORGE O. RAGLAND. - - _Chattanooga, June 15, 1852._ - -From the _Capitolian Vis-a-vis_, West Baton Rouge, Louisiana, Nov. 1, -1852: - - $150 REWARD. - - Runaway about the 15th of August last, _Joe_, a yellow man; small, - about 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, and about 20 years of age. _Has a - Roman nose_, was raised in New Orleans, and _speaks French and - English_. He was bought last winter of Mr. Digges, Banks Arcade, New - Orleans. - -In regard to general intelligence, the reader will recollect that the -writer stated it as a fact which she learned while on a journey through -Kentucky, that a young colored man invented a machine for cleaning hemp, -like that alluded to in her story. - -Advertisements, also, occasionally propose for sale artisans of -different descriptions. Slaves are often employed as pilots for vessels, -and highly valued for their skill and knowledge. The following are -advertisements from recent newspapers. - -From the _South Carolinian_ (Columbia), Dec. 4th, 1852: - - VALUABLE NEGROES AT AUCTION. - - BY J. & L. T. LEVIN. - - WILL be sold, on MONDAY, the 6th day of December, the following - valuable NEGROES: - - Andrew, 24 years of age, a bricklayer and plasterer, and thorough - workman. - - George, 22 years of age, one of the best barbers in the State. - - James, 19 years of age, an excellent painter. - - These boys were raised in Columbia, and are exceptions to most of - boys, and are sold for no fault whatever. - - The terms of sale are one-half cash, the balance on a credit of six - months, with interest, for notes payable at bank, with two or more - approved endorsers. - - Purchasers to pay for necessary papers. - - WILLIAM DOUGLASS. - - _November 27, 36._ - -From the same paper, of November 18th, 1852: - - Will be sold at private sale, a LIKELY MAN, boat hand, and good - pilot; is well acquainted with all the inlets between here and - Savannah and Georgetown. - -With regard to the incidents of George Harris’ life, that he may not be -supposed a purely exceptional case, we propose to offer some parallel -facts from the lives of slaves of our personal acquaintance. - -Lewis Clark is an acquaintance of the writer. Soon after his escape from -slavery, he was received into the family of a sister-in-law of the -author, and there educated. His conduct during this time was such as to -win for him uncommon affection and respect, and the author has -frequently heard him spoken of in the highest terms by all who knew him. - -The gentleman in whose family he so long resided says of him, in a -recent letter to the writer, “I would trust him, as the saying is, with -untold gold.” - -Lewis is a quadroon, a fine-looking man, with European features, hair -slightly wavy, and with an intelligent, agreeable expression of -countenance. - -The reader is now desired to compare the following incidents of his -life, part of which he related personally to the author, with the -incidents of the life of George Harris. - -His mother was a handsome quadroon woman, the daughter of her master, -and given by him in marriage to a free white man, a Scotchman, with the -express understanding that she and her children were to be free. This -engagement, if made sincerely at all, was never complied with. His -mother had nine children, and, on the death of her husband, came back, -with all these children, as slaves in her father’s house. - -A married daughter of the family, who was the dread of the whole -household, on account of the violence of her temper, had taken from the -family, upon her marriage, a young girl. By the violence of her abuse -she soon reduced the child to a state of idiocy, and then came -imperiously back to her father’s establishment, declaring that the child -was good for nothing, and that she would have another; and, as poor -Lewis’ evil star would have it, fixed her eye upon him. - -To avoid one of her terrible outbreaks of temper, the family offered up -this boy as a pacificatory sacrifice. The incident is thus described by -Lewis, in a published narrative: - - Every boy was ordered in, to pass before this female sorceress, that - she might select a victim for her unprovoked malice, and on whom to - pour the vials of her wrath for years. I was that unlucky fellow. - Mr. Campbell, my grandfather, objected, because it would divide a - family, and offered her Moses; * * * but objections and claims of - every kind were swept away by the wild passion and shrill-toned - voice of Mrs. B. Me she would have, and none else. Mr. Campbell went - out to hunt, and drive away bad thoughts; the old lady became quiet, - for she was sure none of her blood run in my veins, and, if there - was any of her husband’s there, it was no fault of hers. - Slave-holding women are always revengeful toward the children of - slaves that have any of the blood of their husbands in them. I was - too young—only seven years of age—to understand what was going on. - But my poor and affectionate mother understood and appreciated it - all. When she left the kitchen of the mansion-house, where she was - employed as cook, and came home to her own little cottage, the tear - of anguish was in her eye, and the image of sorrow upon every - feature of her face. She knew the female Nero whose rod was now to - be over me. That night sleep departed from her eyes. With the - youngest child clasped firmly to her bosom, she spent the night in - walking the floor, coming ever and anon to lift up the clothes and - look at me and my poor brother, who lay sleeping together. - _Sleeping_, I said. Brother slept, but not I. I saw my mother when - she first came to me, and I could not sleep. The vision of that - night—its deep, ineffaceable impression—is now before my mind with - all the distinctness of yesterday. In the morning I was put into the - carriage with Mrs. B. and her children, and my weary pilgrimage of - suffering was fairly begun. - -Mrs. Banton is a character that can only exist where the laws of the -land clothe with absolute power the coarsest, most brutal and -violent-tempered, equally with the most generous and humane. - -If irresponsible power is a trial to the virtue of the most watchful and -careful, how fast must it develop cruelty in those who are naturally -violent and brutal! - -This woman was united to a drunken husband, of a temper equally -ferocious. A recital of all the physical torture which this pair -contrived to inflict on a hapless child, some of which have left -ineffaceable marks on his person, would be too trying to humanity, and -we gladly draw a veil over it. - -Some incidents, however, are presented in the following extracts: - - A very trivial offence was sufficient to call forth a great burst of - indignation from this woman of ungoverned passions. In my - simplicity, I put my lips to the same vessel, and drank out of it, - from which her children were accustomed to drink. She expressed her - utter abhorrence of such an act by throwing my head violently back, - and dashing into my face two dippers of water. The shower of water - was followed by a heavier shower of _kicks_; but the words, bitter - and cutting, that followed, were like a storm of hail upon my young - heart. “She would teach me better manners than that; she would let - me know I was to be brought up to her hand; she would have _one_ - slave that knew his place; if I wanted water, go to the spring, and - not drink there in the house.” This was new times for me; for some - days I was completely benumbed with my sorrow. - - * * * * * - - If there be one so lost to all feeling as even to say that the - slaves do not suffer when _families_ are separated, let such a one - go to the ragged quilt which was my couch and pillow, and stand - there night after night, for long, weary hours, and see the bitter - tears streaming down the face of that more than orphan boy, while - with half-suppressed sighs and sobs he calls again and again upon - his absent mother. - - “Say, wast thou conscious of the tears I shed? - Hovered thy spirit o’er thy sorrowing son? - Wretch even _then_! life’s journey just begun.” - -He was employed till late at night in spinning flax or rocking the baby, -and called at a very early hour in the morning; and if he did not start -at the first summons, a cruel chastisement was sure to follow. He says: - - Such horror has seized me, lest I might not hear the first shrill - call, that I have often in dreams fancied I heard that unwelcome - voice, and have leaped from my couch and walked through the house - and out of it before I awoke. I have gone and called the other - slaves, in my sleep, and asked them if they did not hear master - call. Never, while I live, will the remembrance of those long, - bitter nights of fear pass from my mind. - -He adds to this words which should be deeply pondered by those who lay -the flattering unction to their souls that the oppressed do not feel the -sundering of family ties. - - But all my severe labor, and bitter and cruel punishments, for these - ten years of captivity with this worse than Arab family, all these - were as nothing to the sufferings I experienced by being separated - from my mother, brothers and sisters; the same things, with them - near to sympathize with me, to hear my story of sorrow, would have - been comparatively tolerable. - - They were distant only about thirty miles; and yet, in ten long, - lonely years of childhood, I was only permitted to see them three - times. - - My mother occasionally found an opportunity to send me some token of - remembrance and affection,—a sugar-plum or an apple; but I scarcely - ever ate them; they were laid up, and handled and wept over, till - they wasted away in my hand. - - My thoughts continually by day, and my dreams by night, were of - mother and home; and the horror experienced in the morning, when I - awoke and behold it was a dream, is beyond the power of language to - describe. - -Lewis had a beautiful sister by the name of Delia, who, on the death of -her grandfather, was sold, with all the other children of his mother, -for the purpose of dividing the estate. She was a pious girl, a member -of the Baptist church. She fell into the hands of a brutal, drunken man, -who wished to make her his mistress. Milton Clark, a brother of Lewis, -in the narrative of his life describes the scene where he, with his -mother, stood at the door while this girl was brutally whipped before it -for wishing to conform to the principles of her Christian profession. As -her resolution was unconquerable, she was placed in a coffle and sent -down to the New Orleans market. Here she was sold to a Frenchman, named -Coval. He took her to Mexico, emancipated and married her. After -residing some time in France and the West Indies with him, he died, -leaving her a fortune of twenty or thirty thousand dollars. At her death -she endeavored to leave this by will to purchase the freedom of her -brothers; but, as a slave cannot take property, or even have it left in -trust for him, they never received any of it. - -The incidents of the recovery of Lewis’ freedom are thus told: - - I had long thought and dreamed of LIBERTY. I was now determined to - make an effort to gain it. No tongue can tell the doubt, the - perplexities, the anxiety, which a slave feels, when making up his - mind upon this subject. If he makes an effort, and is not - successful, he must be laughed at by his fellows, he will be beaten - unmercifully by the master, and then watched and used the harder for - it all his life. - - And then, if he gets away, _who_, _what_ will he find? He is - ignorant of the world. All the white part of mankind, that he has - ever seen, are enemies to him and all his kindred. How can he - venture where none but white faces shall greet him? The master tells - him that abolitionists _decoy_ slaves off into the free states to - catch them and sell them to Louisiana or Mississippi; and, if he - goes to Canada, the British will put him in a _mine under ground, - with both eyes put out, for life_. How does he know what or whom to - believe? A horror of great darkness comes upon him, as he thinks - over what may befall him. Long, very long time did I think of - escaping, before I made the effort. - - At length, the report was started that I was to be sold for - Louisiana. Then I thought it was time to act. My mind was made up. - - * * * * * - - What my feelings were when I reached the free shore can be better - imagined than described. I trembled all over with deep emotion, and - I could feel my hair rise up on my head. I was on what was called a - _free_ soil, among a people who had no slaves. I saw white men at - work, and no slave smarting beneath the lash. Everything was indeed - _new_ and wonderful. Not knowing where to find a friend, and being - ignorant of the country, unwilling to inquire, lest I should betray - my ignorance, it was a whole week before I reached Cincinnati. At - one place where I put up, I had a great many more questions put to - me than I wished to answer. At another place, I was very much - annoyed by the officiousness of the landlord, who made it a point to - supply every guest with newspapers. I took the copy handed me, and - turned it over, in a somewhat awkward manner, I suppose. He came to - me to point out a veto, or some other very important news. I thought - it best to decline his assistance, and gave up the paper, saying my - eyes were not in a fit condition to read much. - - At another place, the neighbors, on learning that a Kentuckian was - at the tavern, came, in great earnestness, to find out what my - business was. Kentuckians sometimes came there to kidnap their - citizens. They were in the habit of watching them close. I at length - satisfied them by assuring them that I was not, nor my father before - me, any slave-holder at all; but, lest their suspicions should be - excited in another direction, I added my grandfather was a - slave-holder. - - * * * * * - - At daylight we were in Canada. When I stepped ashore here, I said, - sure enough, I AM FREE. Good heavens! what a sensation, when it - first visits the bosom of a full-grown man; one _born_ to bondage; - one who had been taught, from early infancy, that this was his - inevitable lot for life! Not till _then_ did I dare to cherish, for - a moment, the feeling that _one_ of the limbs of my body was my own. - The slaves often say, when cut in the hand or foot, “Plague on the - old foot” or “the old hand! It is master’s,—let him take care of it. - Nigger don’t care if he never get well.” My hands, my feet, were now - my own. - -It will be recollected that George, in conversing with Eliza, gives an -account of a scene in which he was violently beaten by his master’s -young son. This incident was suggested by the following letter from John -M. Nelson to Mr. Theodore Weld, given in _Slavery as It Is_, p. 51. - -Mr. Nelson removed from Virginia to Highland County, Ohio, many years -since, where he is extensively known and respected. The letter is dated -January 3d, 1839. - - I was born and raised in Augusta County, Virginia; my father was an - elder in the Presbyterian church, and was “owner” of about twenty - slaves; he was what was generally termed a “good master.” His slaves - were generally tolerably well fed and clothed, and not over-worked; - they were sometimes permitted to attend church, and called in to - family worship; few of them, however, availed themselves of these - privileges. On _some occasions_ I have seen him whip them severely, - particularly for the crime of trying to obtain their liberty, or for - what was called “running away.” For _this_ they were scourged more - severely than for anything else. After they have been retaken I have - seen them stripped naked and suspended by the hands, sometimes to a - tree, sometimes to a post, until their toes barely touched the - ground, and whipped with a cowhide until the blood dripped from - their backs. A boy named Jack, particularly, I have seen served in - this way more than once. When I was quite a child, I recollect it - grieved me very much to see one _tied up_ to be whipped, and I used - to intercede with tears in their behalf, and mingle my cries with - theirs, and feel almost willing to take part of the punishment; I - have been severely rebuked by my father for this kind of sympathy. - Yet, such is the hardening nature of such scenes, that from this - kind of commiseration for the suffering slave I became so blunted - that I could not only witness their stripes with composure but - _myself_ inflict them, and that without remorse. One case I have - often looked back to with sorrow and contrition, particularly since - I have been convinced that “negroes are men.” When I was perhaps - fourteen or fifteen years of age, I undertook to correct a young - fellow named Ned, for some supposed offence,—I think it was leaving - a bridle out of its proper place; he, being larger and stronger than - myself, took hold of my arms and held me, in order to prevent my - striking him. This I considered the height of insolence, and cried - for help, when my father and mother both came running to my rescue. - My father stripped and tied him, and took him into the orchard, - where switches were plenty, and directed me to whip him; when one - switch wore out, he supplied me with others. After I had whipped him - a while, he fell on his knees to implore forgiveness, and I kicked - him in the face; my father said, “Don’t kick him, but whip him;” - this I did until his back was literally covered with _welts_. I know - I have repented, and trust I have obtained pardon for these things. - - My father owned a woman (we used to call aunt Grace); she was - purchased in Old Virginia. She has told me that her old master, in - his _will_, gave her her freedom, but at his death his sons had sold - her to my father: when he bought her she manifested some - unwillingness to go with him, when she was put in irons and taken by - force. This was before I was born; but I remember to have seen the - irons, and was told that was what they had been used for. Aunt Grace - is still living, and must be between seventy and eighty years of - age; she has, for the last forty years, been an exemplary Christian. - When I was a youth I took some pains to learn her to read; this is - now a great consolation to her. Since age and infirmity have - rendered her of little value to her “owners,” she is permitted to - read as much as she pleases; this she can do, with the aid of - glasses, in the old family Bible, which is almost the only book she - has ever looked into. This, with some little mending for the black - children, is all she does; she is still held as a slave. I well - remember what _a heart-rending scene_ there was in the family when - _my father sold her husband_; this was, I suppose, thirty-five years - ago. And yet my father was considered one of the best of masters. I - know of few who were better, but of _many_ who were worse. - -With regard to the intelligence of George, and his teaching himself to -read and write, there is a most interesting and affecting parallel to it -in the “Life of Frederick Douglass,”—a book which can be recommended to -any one who has a curiosity to trace the workings of an intelligent and -active mind through all the squalid misery, degradation and oppression, -of slavery. A few incidents will be given. - -Like Clark, Douglass was the son of a white man. He was a plantation -slave in a proud old family. His situation, probably, may be considered -as an average one; that is to say, he led a life of dirt, degradation, -discomfort of various kinds, made tolerable as a matter of daily habit, -and considered as enviable in comparison with the lot of those who -suffer worse abuse. An incident which Douglass relates of his mother is -touching. He states that it is customary at an early age to separate -mothers from their children, for the purpose of blunting and deadening -natural affection. When he was three years old his mother was sent to -work on a plantation eight or ten miles distant, and after that he never -saw her except in the night. After her day’s toil she would occasionally -walk over to her child, lie down with him in her arms, hush him to sleep -in her bosom, then rise up and walk back again to be ready for her field -work by daylight. Now, we ask the highest-born lady in England or -America, who is a mother, whether this does not show that this poor -field-laborer had in her bosom, beneath her dirt and rags, a true -mother’s heart? - -The last and bitterest indignity which has been heaped on the head of -the unhappy slaves has been the denial to them of those holy affections -which God gives alike to all. We are told, in fine phrase, by languid -ladies of fashion, that “it is not to be supposed that those creatures -have the same feelings that we have,” when, perhaps, the very speaker -could not endure one tithe of the fatigue and suffering which the -slave-mother often bears for her child. Every mother who has a mother’s -heart within her, ought to know that this is blasphemy against nature, -and, standing between the cradle of her living and the grave of her dead -child, should indignantly reject such a slander on all motherhood. - -Douglass thus relates the account of his learning to read, after he had -been removed to the situation of house-servant in Baltimore. - -It seems that his mistress, newly married and unaccustomed to the -management of slaves, was very kind to him, and, among other acts of -kindness, commenced teaching him to read. His master, discovering what -was going on, he says, - - At once forbade Mrs. Auld to instruct me further, telling her, among - other things, that it was unlawful, as well as unsafe, to teach a - slave to read. To use his own words, further, he said, “If you give - a nigger an inch, he will take an ell. A nigger should know nothing - but to obey his master—to do as he is told to do. Learning would - _spoil_ the best nigger in the world. Now,” said he, “if you teach - that nigger (speaking of myself) how to read, there would be no - keeping him. It would forever unfit him to be a slave. He would at - once become unmanageable, and of no value to his master. As to - himself, it could do him no good, but a great deal of harm. It would - make him discontented and unhappy.” There words sank deep into my - heart, stirred up sentiments within that lay slumbering, and called - into existence an entirely new train of thought. It was a new and - special revelation, explaining dark and mysterious things, with - which my youthful understanding had struggled, but struggled in - vain. I now understood what had been to me a most perplexing - difficulty—to wit, the white man’s power to enslave the black man. - It was a grand achievement, and I prized it highly. From that - moment, I understood the pathway from slavery to freedom. - -After this, his mistress was as watchful to prevent his learning to read -as she had before been to instruct him. His course after this he thus -describes: - - From this time I was most narrowly watched. If I was in a separate - room any considerable length of time, I was sure to be suspected of - having a book, and was at once called to give an account of myself. - All this, however, was too late. The first step had been taken. - Mistress, in teaching me the alphabet, had given me the _inch_, and - no precaution could prevent me from taking the _ell_. - - The plan which I adopted, and the one by which I was most - successful, was that of making friends of all the little white boys - whom I met in the street. As many of these as I could I converted - into teachers. With their kindly aid, obtained at different times - and in different places, I finally succeeded in learning to read. - When I was sent of errands I always took my book with me, and by - going one part of my errand quickly, I found time to get a lesson - before my return. I used also to carry bread with me, enough of - which was always in the house, and to which I was always welcome; - for I was much better off in this regard than many of the poor white - children in our neighborhood. This bread I used to bestow upon the - hungry little urchins, who, in return, would give me that more - valuable bread of knowledge. I am strongly tempted to give the names - of two or three of those little boys, as a testimonial of the - gratitude and affection I bear them; but prudence forbids;—not that - it would injure me, but it might embarrass them; for it is almost an - unpardonable offence to teach slaves to read in this Christian - country. It is enough to say of the dear little fellows, that they - lived on Philpot-street, very near Durgin and Bailey’s ship-yard. I - used to talk this matter of slavery over with them. I would - sometimes say to them I wished I could be as free as they would be - when they got to be men. “You will be free as soon as you are - twenty-one, _but I am a slave for life_! Have not I as good a right - to be free as you have?” These words used to trouble them; they - would express for me the liveliest sympathy, and console me with the - hope that something would occur by which I might be free. - - I was now about twelve years old, and the thought of being _a slave - for life_ began to bear heavily upon my heart. Just about this time - I got hold of a book entitled “The Columbian Orator.” Every - opportunity I got I used to read this book. Among much of other - interesting matter, I found in it a dialogue between a master and - his slave. The slave was represented as having run away from his - master three times. The dialogue represented the conversation which - took place between them when the slave was retaken the third time. - In this dialogue, the whole argument in behalf of slavery was - brought forward by the master, all of which was disposed of by the - slave. The slave was made to say some very smart as well as - impressive things in reply to his master—things which had the - desired though unexpected effect; for the conversation resulted in - the voluntary emancipation of the slave on the part of the master. - - In the same book I met with one of Sheridan’s mighty speeches on and - in behalf of Catholic emancipation. These were choice documents to - me. I read them over and over again, with unabated interest. They - gave tongue to interesting thoughts of my own soul, which had - frequently flashed through my mind, and died away for want of - utterance. The moral which I gained from the dialogue was the power - of truth over the conscience of even a slave-holder. What I got from - Sheridan was a bold denunciation of slavery, and a powerful - vindication of human rights. The reading of these documents enabled - me to utter my thoughts, and to meet the arguments brought forward - to sustain slavery; but, while they relieved me of one difficulty, - they brought on another even more painful than the one of which I - was relieved. The more I read, the more I was led to abhor and - detest my enslavers. I could regard them in no other light than a - band of successful robbers, who had left their homes, and gone to - Africa, and stolen us from our homes, and in a strange land reduced - us to slavery. I loathed them as being the meanest as well as the - most wicked of men. As I read and contemplated the subject, behold! - that very discontentment which Master Hugh had predicted would - follow my learning to read had already come, to torment and sting my - soul to unutterable anguish. As I writhed under it, I would at times - feel that learning to read had been a curse rather than a blessing. - It had given me a view of my wretched condition without the remedy. - It opened my eyes to the horrible pit, but to no ladder upon which - to get out. In moments of agony I envied my fellow-slaves for their - stupidity. I have often wished myself a beast. I preferred the - condition of the meanest reptile to my own. Anything, no matter - what, to get rid of thinking! It was this everlasting thinking of my - condition that tormented me. There was no getting rid of it. It was - pressed upon me by every object within sight or hearing, animate or - inanimate. The silver trump of freedom had roused my soul to eternal - wakefulness. Freedom now appeared, to disappear no more forever. It - was heard in every sound, and seen in every thing. It was ever - present to torment me with a sense of my wretched condition. I saw - nothing without seeing it, I heard nothing without hearing it, and - felt nothing without feeling it. It looked from every star, it - smiled in every calm, breathed in every wind, and moved in every - storm. - - I often found myself regretting my own existence, and wishing myself - dead; and but for the hope of being free, I have no doubt but that I - should have killed myself, or done something for which I should have - been killed. While in this state of mind I was eager to hear any one - speak of slavery. I was a ready listener. Every little while I could - hear something about the abolitionists. It was some time before I - found what the word meant. It was always used in such connections as - to make it an interesting word to me. If a slave ran away and - succeeded in getting clear, or if a slave killed his master, set - fire to a barn, or did anything very wrong in the mind of a - slave-holder, it was spoken of as the fruit of _abolition_. Hearing - the word in this connection very often, I set about learning what it - meant. The dictionary afforded me little or no help. I found it was - “the act of abolishing;” but then I did not know what was to be - abolished. Here I was perplexed. I did not dare to ask any one about - its meaning, for I was satisfied that it was something they wanted - me to know very little about. After a patient waiting, I got one of - our city papers, containing an account of the number of petitions - from the North praying for the abolition of slavery in the District - of Columbia, and of the slave-trade between the states. From this - time I understood the words _abolition_ and _abolitionist_, and - always drew near when that word was spoken, expecting to hear - something of importance to myself and fellow-slaves. The light broke - in upon me by degrees. I went one day down on the wharf of Mr. - Waters; and, seeing two Irishmen unloading a scow of stone, I went, - unasked, and helped them. When we had finished, one of them came to - me and asked me if I were a slave. I told him I was. He asked, “Are - ye a slave for life?” I told him that I was. The good Irishman - seemed to be deeply affected by the statement. He said to the other - that it was a pity so fine a little fellow as myself should be a - slave for life. He said it was a shame to hold me. They both advised - me to run away to the North; that I should find friends there, and - that I should be free. I pretended not to be interested in what they - said, and treated them as if I did not understand them; for I feared - they might be treacherous. White men have been known to encourage - slaves to escape, and then, to get the reward, catch them and return - them to their masters. I was afraid that these seemingly good men - might use me so; but I nevertheless remembered their advice, and - from that time I resolved to run away. I looked forward to a time at - which it would be safe for me to escape. I was too young to think of - doing so immediately; besides, I wished to learn how to write, as I - might have occasion to write my own pass. I consoled myself with the - hope that I should one day find a good chance. Meanwhile I would - learn to write. - - The idea as to how I might learn to write was suggested to me by - being in Durgin and Bailey’s ship-yard, and frequently seeing the - ship carpenters, after hewing and getting a piece of timber ready - for use, write on the timber the name of that part of the ship for - which it was intended. When a piece of timber was intended for the - larboard side it would be marked thus—“L.” When a piece was for the - starboard side it would be marked thus—“S.” A piece for the larboard - side forward would be marked thus—“L. F.” When a piece was for - starboard side forward it would be marked thus—“S. F.” For larboard - aft it would be marked thus—“L. A.” For starboard aft it would be - marked thus—“S. A.” I soon learned the names of these letters, and - for what they were intended when placed upon a piece of timber in - the ship-yard. I immediately commenced copying them, and in a short - time was able to make the four letters named. After that, when I met - with any boy who I knew could write, I would tell him I could write - as well as he. The next word would be, “I don’t believe you. Let me - see you try it.” I would then make the letters which I had been so - fortunate as to learn, and ask him to beat that. In this way I got a - good many lessons in writing, which it is quite possible I should - never have gotten in any other way. During this time my copy-book - was the board fence, brick wall and pavement; my pen and ink was a - lump of chalk. With these I learned mainly how to write. I then - commenced and continued copying the Italics in Webster’s - Spelling-book, until I could make them all without looking on the - book. By this time my little Master Thomas had gone to school and - learned how to write, and had written over a number of copy-books. - These had been brought home, and shown to some of our near - neighbors, and then laid aside. My mistress used to go to - class-meeting at the Wilk-street meeting-house every Monday - afternoon, and leave me to take care of the house. When left thus I - used to spend the time in writing in the spaces left in Master - Thomas’ copy-book, copying what he had written. I continued to do - this until I could write a hand very similar to that of Master - Thomas. Thus, after a long, tedious effort for years, I finally - succeeded in learning how to write. - -These few quoted incidents will show that the case of George Harris is -by no means so uncommon as might be supposed. - -Let the reader peruse the account which George Harris gives of the sale -of his mother and her children, and then read the following account -given by the venerable Josiah Henson, now pastor of the missionary -settlement at Dawn, in Canada. - -After the death of his master, he says, the slaves of the plantation -were all put up at auction and sold to the highest bidder. - - My brothers and sisters were bid off one by one, while my mother, - holding my hand, looked on in an agony of grief, the cause of which - I but ill understood at first, but which dawned on my mind with - dreadful clearness as the sale proceeded. My mother was then - separated from me, and put up in her turn. She was bought by a man - named Isaac R., residing in Montgomery County [Maryland], and then I - was offered to the assembled purchasers. My mother, half distracted - with the parting forever from all her children, pushed through the - crowd, while the bidding for me was going on, to the spot where R. - was standing. She fell at his feet, and clung to his knees, - entreating him, in tones that a mother only could command, to buy - her _baby_ as well as herself, and spare to her one of her little - ones at least. Will it, can it be believed, that this man, thus - appealed to, was capable not merely of turning a deaf ear to her - supplication, but of disengaging himself from her with such violent - blows and kicks as to reduce her to the necessity of creeping out of - his reach, and mingling the groan of bodily suffering with the sob - of a breaking heart? - -Now, all these incidents that have been given are _real_ incidents of -slavery, related by those who know slavery by the best of all -tests—experience; and they are given by men who have earned a character -in freedom which makes their word as good as the word of any man living. - -The case of Lewis Clark might be called a harder one than common. The -case of Douglass is probably a very fair average specimen. - -The writer has conversed, in her time, with a very considerable number -of liberated slaves, many of whom stated that their own individual lot -had been comparatively a mild one; but she never talked with one who did -not let fall, first or last, some incident which he had observed, some -scene which he had witnessed, which went to show some most horrible -abuse of the system; and, what was most affecting about it, the narrator -often evidently considered it so much a matter of course as to mention -it incidentally, without any particular emotion. - -It is supposed by many that the great outcry among those who are opposed -to slavery comes from a morbid reading of unauthenticated accounts -gotten up in abolition papers, &c. This idea is a very mistaken one. The -accounts which tell against the slave-system are derived from the -continual living testimony of the poor slave himself; often from that of -the fugitives from slavery who are continually passing through our -Northern cities. - -As a specimen of some of the incidents thus developed, is given the -following fact of recent occurrence, related to the author by a lady in -Boston. This lady, who was much in the habit of visiting the poor, was -sent for, a month or two since, to see a mulatto woman who had just -arrived at a colored boarding-house near by, and who appeared to be in -much dejection of mind. A little conversation showed her to be a -fugitive. Her history was as follows: She, with her brother, were, as is -often the case, both the children and slaves of their master. At his -death they were left to his legitimate daughter as her servants, and -treated with as much consideration as very common kind of people might -be expected to show to those who were entirely and in every respect at -their disposal. - -The wife of her brother ran away to Canada; and as there was some talk -of selling her and her child, in consequence of some embarrassment in -the family affairs, her brother, a fine-spirited young man, determined -to effect her escape, also, to a land of liberty. He concealed her for -some time in the back part of an obscure dwelling in the city, till he -could find an opportunity to send her off. While she was in this -retreat, he was indefatigable in his attentions to her, frequently -bringing her fruit and flowers, and doing everything he could to beguile -the weariness of her imprisonment. - -At length, the steward of a vessel, whom he had obliged, offered to -conceal him on board the ship, and give him a chance to escape. The -noble-hearted fellow, though tempted by an offer which would enable him -immediately to join his wife, to whom he was tenderly attached, -preferred to give this offer to his sister, and during the absence of -the captain of the vessel she and her child were brought on board and -secreted. - -The captain, when he returned and discovered what had been done, was -very angry, as the thing, if detected, would have involved him in very -serious difficulties. He declared, at first, that he would send the -woman up into town to jail; but, by her entreaties and those of the -steward, was induced to wait till evening, and send word to her brother -to come and take her back. After dark the brother came on board, and, -instead of taking his sister away, began to appeal to the humanity of -the captain in the most moving terms. He told his sister’s history and -his own, and pleaded eloquently his desire for her liberty. The captain -had determined to be obdurate, but, alas! he was only a man. Perhaps he -had himself a wife and child,—perhaps he felt that, were he in the young -man’s case, he would do just so for his sister. Be it as it may, he was -at last overcome. He said to the young man, “I must send you away from -my ship; I’ll put off a boat and see you got into it, and you must row -off, and never let me see your faces again; and if, after all, you -should come back and get on board, it will be your fault, and not mine.” - -So, in the rain and darkness, the young man and his sister and child -were lowered over the side of the vessel, and rowed away. After a while -the ship weighed anchor, but before she reached Boston it was discovered -that the woman and child were on board. - -The lady to whom this story was related was requested to write a letter, -in certain terms, to a person in the city whence the fugitive had come, -to let the brother know of her safe arrival. - -The fugitive was furnished with work, by which she could support herself -and child, and the lady carefully attended to her wants for a few weeks. - -One morning she came in, with a good deal of agitation, exclaiming, “O, -ma’am, he’s come! George is come!” And in a few minutes the young man -was introduced. - -The lady who gave this relation belongs to the first circles of Boston -society; she says that she never was more impressed by the personal -manners of any gentleman than by those of this fugitive brother. So much -did he have the air of a perfect, finished gentleman, that she felt she -could not question him with regard to his escape with the familiarity -with which persons of his condition are commonly approached; and it was -not till he requested her to write a letter for him, because he could -not write himself, that she could realize that this fine specimen of -manhood had been all his life a slave. - -The remainder of the history is no less romantic. The lady had a friend -in Montreal, whither George’s wife had gone; and, after furnishing money -to pay their expenses, she presented them with a letter to this -gentleman, requesting the latter to assist the young man in finding his -wife. When they landed at Montreal, George stepped on shore and -presented this letter to the first man he met, asking him if he knew to -whom it was directed. The gentleman proved to be the very person to whom -the letter was addressed. He knew George’s wife, brought him to her -without delay, so that, by return mail, the lady had the satisfaction of -learning the happy termination of the adventure. - -This is but a specimen of histories which are continually transpiring; -so that those who speak of slavery can say, “We speak that which we do -know, and testify that we have seen.” - -But we shall be told the slaves are all a lying race, and that these are -lies which they tell us. There are some things, however, about these -slaves, which cannot lie. Those deep lines of patient sorrow upon the -face; that attitude of crouching and humble subjection; that sad, -habitual expression of hope deferred, in the eye,—would tell their -story, if the slave never spoke. - -It is not long since the writer has seen faces such as might haunt one’s -dreams for weeks. - -Suppose a poor, worn-out mother, sickly, feeble and old,—her hands worn -to the bone with hard, unpaid toil,—whose nine children have been sold -to the slave-trader, and whose tenth soon is to be sold, unless by her -labor as washerwoman she can raise nine hundred dollars! Such are the -kind of cases constantly coming to one’s knowledge,—such are the -witnesses which will not let us sleep. - -Doubt has been expressed whether such a thing as an advertisement for a -man, “_dead or alive_,” like the advertisement for George Harris, was -ever published in the Southern States. The scene of the story in which -that occurs is supposed to be laid a few years back, at the time when -the black laws of Ohio were passed. That at this time such -advertisements were common in the newspapers, there is abundant -evidence. That they are less common now, is a matter of hope and -gratulation. - -In the year 1839, Mr. Theodore D. Weld made a systematic attempt to -collect and arrange the statistics of slavery. A mass of facts and -statistics was gathered, which were authenticated with the most -unquestionable accuracy. Some of the “one thousand witnesses,” whom he -brings upon the stand, were ministers, lawyers, merchants, and men of -various other callings, who were either natives of the slave states, or -had been residents there for many years of their life. Many of these -were slave-holders. Others of the witnesses were, or had been, -slave-drivers, or officers of coasting-vessels engaged in the -slave-trade. - -Another part of his evidence was gathered from public speeches in -Congress, in the state legislatures, and elsewhere. But the majority of -it was taken from recent newspapers. - -The papers from which these facts were copied were preserved and put on -file in a public place, where they remained for some years, for the -information of the curious. After Mr. Weld’s book was completed, a copy -of it was sent, through the mail, to every editor from whose paper such -advertisements had been taken, and to every individual of whom any facts -had been narrated, with the passages which concerned them marked. - -It is quite possible that this may have had some influence in rendering -such advertisements less common. Men of sense often go on doing a thing -which is very absurd, or even inhuman, simply because it has always been -done before them, and they follow general custom, without much -reflection. When their attention, however, is called to it by a stranger -who sees the thing from another point of view, they become immediately -sensible of the impropriety of the practice, and discontinue it. The -reader will, however, be pained to notice, when he comes to the legal -part of the book, that even in some of the largest cities of our slave -states this barbarity had not been entirely discontinued, in the year -1850. - -The list of advertisements in Mr. Weld’s book is here inserted, not to -weary the reader with its painful details, but that, by running his eye -over the dates of the papers quoted, and the places of their -publication, he may form a fair estimate of the extent to which this -atrocity was _publicly_ practised: - - The _Wilmington_ (North Carolina) _Advertiser_ of July 13, 1838, - contains the following advertisement: - - “$100 will be paid to any person who may apprehend and safely - confine in any jail in this state a certain negro man, named ALFRED. - And the same reward will be paid, if satisfactory evidence is given - of _his having been_ KILLED. He has one or more scars on one of his - hands, caused by his having been shot. - - THE CITIZENS OF ONSLOW. - - “_Richlands, Onslow Co., May 16, 1838._” - -In the same column with the above, and directly under it, is the -following: - - “RANAWAY, my negro man RICHARD. A reward of $25 will be paid for his - apprehension, DEAD or ALIVE. Satisfactory proof will only be - required of his being KILLED. He has with him, in all probability, - his wife, ELIZA, who ran away from Col. Thompson, now a resident of - Alabama, about the time he commenced his journey to that state. - - DURANT H. RHODES.” - -In the _Macon_ (Georgia) _Telegraph_, May 28, is the following: - - “About the 1st of March last the negro man RANSOM left me without - the least provocation whatever; I will give a reward of twenty - dollars for said negro, if taken, DEAD OR ALIVE,—and if killed in - any attempt, an advance of five dollars will be paid. - - BRYANT JOHNSON. - - “_Crawford Co., Georgia._” - -See the _Newbern_ (N. C.) _Spectator_, Jan. 5, 1838, for the following: - - “RANAWAY from the subscriber, a negro man named SAMPSON. Fifty - dollars reward will be given for the delivery of him to me, or his - confinement in any jail, so that I get him; and should he resist in - being taken, so that violence is necessary to arrest him, I will not - hold any person liable for damages should the slave be KILLED. - - ENOCH FOY. - - “_Jones Co., N. C._” - -From the _Charleston_ (S. C.) _Courier_, Feb. 20, 1836: - - “$300 REWARD.—Ranaway from the subscriber, in November last, his two - negro men named Billy and Pompey. - - “Billy is 25 years old, and is known as the patroon of my boat for - many years; in all probability he may resist; in that event 50 - dollars will be paid for his HEAD.” - - - - - CHAPTER V. - ELIZA. - - -The writer stated in her book that Eliza was a portrait drawn from life. -The incident which brought the original to her notice may be simply -narrated. - -While the writer was travelling in Kentucky, many years ago, she -attended church in a small country town. While there, her attention was -called to a beautiful quadroon girl, who sat in one of the slips of the -church, and appeared to have charge of some young children. The -description of Eliza may suffice for a description of her. When the -author returned from church, she inquired about the girl, and was told -that she was as good and amiable as she was beautiful; that she was a -pious girl, and a member of the church; and, finally, that she was -_owned_ by Mr. So-and-so. The idea that this girl was a slave struck a -chill to her heart, and she said, earnestly, “O, I hope they treat her -kindly.” - -“O, certainly,” was the reply; “they think as much of her as of their -own children.” - -“I hope they will never sell her,” said a person in the company. - -“Certainly they will not; a Southern gentleman, not long ago, offered -her master a thousand dollars for her: but he told him that she was too -good to be his wife, and he certainly should not have her for a -mistress.” - -This is all that the writer knows of that girl. - -With regard to the incident of Eliza’s crossing the river on the ice,—as -the possibility of the thing has been disputed,—the writer gives the -following circumstance in confirmation. - -Last spring, while the author was in New York, a Presbyterian clergyman, -of Ohio, came to her, and said, “I understand they dispute that fact -about the woman’s crossing the river. Now, I know all about that, for I -got the story from the very man that helped her up the bank. I know it -is true, for she is now living in Canada.” - -It has been objected that the representation of the scene in which the -plan for kidnapping Eliza, concocted by Haley, Marks and Loker, at the -tavern, is a gross caricature on the state of things in Ohio. - -What knowledge the author has had of the facilities which some justices -of the peace, under the old fugitive law of Ohio, were in the habit of -giving to kidnapping, may be inferred by comparing the statement in her -book with some in her personal knowledge. - - “Ye see,” said Marks to Haley, stirring his punch as he did so, “ye - see, we has justices convenient at all p’ints along shore, that does - up any little jobs in our line quite reasonable. Tom, he does the - knockin’ down, and that ar; and I come in all dressed up,—shining - boots,—everything first chop,—when the swearin’ ‘s to be done. You - oughter see me, now!” said Marks, in a glow of professional pride, - “how I can tone it off. One day I’m Mr. Twickem, from New Orleans; - ‘nother day, I’m just come from my plantation on Pearl river, where - I works seven hundred niggers; then, again, I come out a distant - relation to Henry Clay, or some old cock in Kentuck. Talents is - different, you know. Now, Tom’s a roarer when there’s any thumping - or fighting to be done; but at lying he an’t good, Tom an’t; ye see - it don’t come natural to him; but, Lord! if thar’s a feller in the - country that can swear to anything and everything, and put in all - the circumstances and flourishes with a longer face, and carry’t - through better’n I can, why, I’d like to see him, that’s all! I - b’lieve, my heart, I could get along, and make through, even if - justices were more particular than they is. Sometimes I rather wish - they was more particular; ‘twould be a heap more relishin’ if they - was,—more fun, yer know.” - -In the year 1839, the writer received into her family, as a servant, a -girl from Kentucky. She had been the slave of one of the lowest and most -brutal families, with whom she had been brought up, in a log-cabin, in a -state of half-barbarism. In proceeding to give her religious -instruction, the author heard, for the first time in her life, an -inquiry which she had not supposed possible to be made in America:—“Who -is Jesus Christ, now, anyhow?” - -When the author told her the history of the love and life and death of -Christ, the girl seemed wholly overcome; tears streamed down her cheeks; -and she exclaimed, piteously, “Why didn’t nobody never tell me this -before?” - -“But,” said the writer to her, “haven’t you ever seen the Bible?” - -“Yes, I have seen missus a-readin’ on’t sometimes; but, law sakes! she’s -just a-readin’ on’t ‘cause she could; don’t s’pose it did her no good, -no way.” - -She said she had been to one or two camp-meetings in her life, but -“didn’t notice very particular.” - -At all events, the story certainly made great impression on her, and had -such an effect in improving her conduct, that the writer had great hopes -of her. - -On inquiring into her history, it was discovered that, by the laws of -Ohio, she was legally entitled to her freedom, from the fact of her -having been brought into the state, and left there, temporarily, by the -consent of her mistress. These facts being properly authenticated before -the proper authorities, papers attesting her freedom were drawn up, and -it was now supposed that all danger of pursuit was over. After she had -remained in the family for some months, word was sent, from various -sources, to Professor Stowe, that the girl’s young master was over, -looking for her, and that, if care were not taken, she would be conveyed -back into slavery. - -Professor Stowe called on the magistrate who had authenticated her -papers, and inquired whether they were not sufficient to protect her. -The reply was, “Certainly they are, in law, if she could have a fair -hearing; but they will come to your house in the night, with an officer -and a warrant; they will take her before Justice D——, and swear to her. -He’s the man that does all this kind of business, and, he’ll deliver her -up, and there’ll be an end to it.” - -Mr. Stowe then inquired what could be done; and was recommended to carry -her to some place of security till the inquiry for her was over. -Accordingly, that night, a brother of the author, with Professor Stowe, -performed for the fugitive that office which the senator is represented -as performing for Eliza. They drove about ten miles on a solitary road, -crossed the creek at a very dangerous fording, and presented themselves, -at midnight, at the house of John Van Zandt, a noble-minded Kentuckian, -who had performed the good deed which the author, in her story, ascribes -to Van Tromp. - -After some rapping at the door, the worthy owner of the mansion -appeared, candle in hand, as has been narrated. - -“Are you the man that would save a poor colored girl from kidnappers?” -was the first question. - -“Guess I am,” was the prompt response; “where is she?” - -“Why, she’s here.” - -“But how did you come?” - -“I crossed the creek.” - -“Why, the Lord helped you!” said he; “I shouldn’t dare cross it myself -in the night. A man and his wife, and five children, were drowned there, -a little while ago.” - -The reader may be interested to know that the poor girl never was -retaken; that she married well in Cincinnati, is a very respectable -woman, and the mother of a large family of children. - - - - - CHAPTER VI. - UNCLE TOM. - - -The character of Uncle Tom has been objected to as improbable; and yet -the writer has received more confirmations of that character, and from a -greater variety of sources, than of any other in the book. - -Many people have said to her, “I knew an Uncle Tom in such and such a -Southern State.” All the histories of this kind which have thus been -related to her would of themselves, if collected, make a small volume. -The author will relate a few of them. - -While visiting in an obscure town in Maine, in the family of a friend, -the conversation happened to turn upon this subject, and the gentleman -with whose family she was staying related the following. He said that, -when on a visit to his brother, in New Orleans, some years before, he -found in his possession a most valuable negro man, of such remarkable -probity and honesty that his brother literally trusted him with all he -had. He had frequently seen him take out a handful of bills, without -looking at them, and hand them to this servant, bidding him go and -provide what was necessary for the family, and bring him the change. He -remonstrated with his brother on this imprudence; but the latter replied -that he had had such proof of this servant’s impregnable -conscientiousness that he felt it safe to trust him to any extent. - -The history of the servant was this. He had belonged to a man in -Baltimore, who, having a general prejudice against all the religious -exercises of slaves, did all that he could to prevent his having any -time for devotional duties, and strictly forbade him to read the Bible -and pray, either by himself, or with the other servants; and because, -like a certain man of old, named Daniel, he constantly disobeyed this -unchristian edict, his master inflicted upon him that punishment which a -master always has in his power to inflict,—he sold him into perpetual -exile from his wife and children, down to New Orleans. - -The gentleman who gave the writer this information says that, although -not himself a religious man at the time, he was so struck with the man’s -piety that he said to his brother, “I hope you will never do anything to -deprive this man of his religious privileges, for I think a judgment -will come upon you if you do.” To this his brother replied that he -should be very foolish to do it, since he had made up his mind that the -man’s religion was the root of his extraordinary excellences. - -Some time since, there was sent to the writer from the South, through -the mail, a little book, entitled, “Sketches of Old Virginia Family -Servants,” with a preface by Bishop Meade. The book contains an account -of the following servants: African Bella, Old Milly, Blind Lucy, Aunt -Betty, Springfield Bob, Mammy Chris, Diana Washington, Aunt Margaret, -Rachel Parker, Nelly Jackson, My Own Mammy, Aunt Beck. - - The following extract from Bishop Meade’s preface may not be - uninteresting. - - The following sketches were placed in my hands with a request that I - would examine them with a view to publication. - - After reading them I could not but think that they would be both - pleasing and edifying. - - Very many such examples of fidelity and piety might be added from - the old Virginia families. These will suffice as specimens, and will - serve to show how interesting the relation between master and - servant often is. - - Many will doubtless be surprised to find that there was so much - intelligence, as well as piety, in some of the old servants of - Virginia, and that they had learned to read the Sacred Scriptures, - so as to be useful in this way among their fellow-servants. It is, - and always has been true, in regard to the servants of the Southern - States, that although public schools may have been prohibited, yet - no interference has been attempted, where the owners have chosen to - teach their servants, or permit them to learn in a private way, how - to read God’s word. Accordingly, there always have been some who - were thus taught. In the more southern states the number of these - has most abounded. Of this fact I became well assured, about thirty - years since, when visiting the Atlantic states, with a view to the - formation of auxiliary colonization societies, and the selection of - the first colonists for Africa. In the city of Charleston, South - Carolina, I found more intelligence and character among the free - colored population than anywhere else. The same was true of some of - those in bondage. A respectable number might be seen in certain - parts of the Episcopal churches which I attended using their - prayer-books, and joining in the responses of the church. - - Many purposes of convenience and hospitality were subserved by this - encouragement of cultivation in some of the servants, on the part of - the owners. - - When travelling many years since with a sick wife, and two female - relatives, from Charleston to Virginia, at a period of the year when - many of the families from the country resort to the town for health, - we were kindly urged to call at the seat of one of the first - families in South Carolina, and a letter from the mistress, then in - the city, was given us, to her servant, who had charge of the house - in the absence of the family. On reaching there and delivering the - letter to a most respectable-looking female servant, who immediately - read it, we were kindly welcomed, and entertained, during a part of - two days, as sumptuously as though the owner had been present. We - understood that it was no uncommon thing in South Carolina for - travellers to be thus entertained by the servants in the absence of - the owners, on receiving letters from the same. - - Instances of confidential and affectionate relationship between - servants and their masters and mistresses, such as are set forth in - the following Sketches, are still to be found in all the - slaveholding states. I mention one, which has come under my own - observation. The late Judge Upshur, of Virginia, had a faithful - house-servant (by his will now set free), with whom he used to - correspond on matters of business, when he was absent on his - circuit. I was dining at his house, some years since, with a number - of persons, himself being absent, when the conversation turned on - the subject of the presidential election, then going on through the - United States, and about which there was an intense interest; when - his servant informed us that he had that day received a letter from - his master, then on the western shore, in which he stated that the - friends of General Harrison might be relieved from all uneasiness, - as the returns already received made his election quite certain. - - Of course it is not to be supposed that we design to convey the - impression that such instances are numerous, the nature of the - relationship forbidding it; but we do mean emphatically to affirm - that there is far more of kindly and Christian intercourse than many - at a distance are apt to believe. That there is a great and sad want - of Christian instruction, notwithstanding the more recent efforts - put forth to impart it, we most sorrowfully acknowledge. - -Bishop Meade adds that these sketches are published with the hope that -they might have the effect of turning the attention of ministers and -heads of families more seriously to the duty of caring for the souls of -their servants. - -With regard to the servant of Judge Upshur, spoken of in this -communication of Bishop Meade, his master has left, in his last will, -the following remarkable tribute to his worth and excellence of -character: - - I emancipate and set free my servant, David Rice, and direct my - executors to give him _one hundred dollars_. I recommend him in the - strongest manner to the respect, esteem and confidence, of any - community in which he may happen to live. He has been my slave for - twenty-four years, during all which time he has been trusted to - every extent, and in every respect; my confidence in him has been - unbounded; his relation to myself and family has always been such as - to afford him daily opportunities to deceive and injure us, yet he - has never been detected in any serious fault, nor even in an - unintentional breach of the decorum of his station. His intelligence - is of a high order, his integrity above all suspicion, and his sense - of right and propriety correct, and even refined. I feel that he is - justly entitled to carry this certificate from me in the new - relations which he must now form; it is due to his long and most - faithful services, and to the sincere and steady friendship which I - bear to him. In the uninterrupted confidential intercourse of - twenty-four years, I have never given him, nor had occasion to give - him, one unpleasant word. I know no man who has fewer faults or more - excellences than he. - -In the free states there have been a few instances of such extraordinary -piety among negroes, that their biography and sayings have been -collected in religious tracts, and published for the instruction of the -community. - -One of these was, before his conversion, a convict in a state-prison in -New York, and there received what was, perhaps, the first religious -instruction that had ever been imparted to him. He became so eminent an -example of humility, faith, and, above all, fervent love, that his -presence in the neighborhood was esteemed a blessing to the church. A -lady has described to the writer the manner in which he would stand up -and exhort in the church-meetings for prayer, when, with streaming eyes -and the deepest abasement, humbly addressing them as his masters and -misses, he would nevertheless pour forth religious exhortations which -were edifying to the most cultivated and refined. - -In the town of Brunswick, Maine, where the writer lived when writing -“Uncle Tom’s Cabin,” may now be seen the grave of an aged colored woman, -named Phebe, who was so eminent for her piety and loveliness of -character, that the writer has never heard her name mentioned except -with that degree of awe and respect which one would imagine due to a -saint. The small cottage where she resided is still visited and looked -upon as a sort of shrine, as the spot where old Phebe lived and prayed. -Her prayers and pious exhortations were supposed to have been the cause -of the conversion of many young people in the place. Notwithstanding -that the unchristian feeling of caste prevails as strongly in Maine as -anywhere else in New England, and the negro, commonly speaking, is an -object of aversion and contempt, yet, so great was the influence of her -piety and loveliness of character, that she was uniformly treated with -the utmost respect and attention by all classes of people. The most -cultivated and intelligent ladies of the place esteemed it a privilege -to visit her cottage; and when she was old and helpless, her wants were -most tenderly provided for. When the news of her death was spread abroad -in the place, it excited a general and very tender sensation of regret. -“We have lost Phebe’s prayers,” was the remark frequently made -afterwards by members of the church, as they met one another. At her -funeral the ex-governor of the state and the professors of the college -officiated as pall-bearers, and a sermon was preached in which the many -excellences of her Christian character were held up as an example to the -community. A small religious tract, containing an account of her life, -was published by the American Tract Society, prepared by a lady of -Brunswick. The writer recollects that on reading the tract, when she -first went to Brunswick, a doubt arose in her mind whether it was not -somewhat exaggerated. Some time afterwards she overheard some young -persons conversing together about the tract, and saying that they did -not think it gave exactly the right idea of Phebe. “Why, is it too -highly colored?” was the inquiry of the author. “O, no, no, indeed,” was -the earnest response; “it doesn’t begin to give an idea of how good she -was.” - -Such instances as these serve to illustrate the words of the apostle, -“God hath chosen the foolish things of the world to confound the wise; -and God hath chosen the weak things of the world to confound the things -which are mighty.” - -John Bunyan says that although the valley of humiliation be unattractive -in the eyes of the men of this world, yet the very sweetest flowers grow -there. So it is with the condition of the lowly and poor in this world. -God has often, indeed always, shown a particular regard for it, in -selecting from that class the recipients of his grace. It is to be -remembered that Jesus Christ, when he came to found the Christian -dispensation, did not choose his apostles from the chief priests and the -scribes, learned in the law, and high in the church; nor did he choose -them from philosophers and poets, whose educated and comprehensive minds -might be supposed best able to appreciate his great designs; but he -chose twelve plain, poor fishermen, who were ignorant, and felt that -they were ignorant, and who, therefore, were willing to give themselves -up with all simplicity to his guidance. What God asks of the soul more -than anything else is faith and simplicity, the affection and reliance -of the little child. Even these twelve fancied too much that they were -wise, and Jesus was obliged to set a little child in the midst of them, -as a more perfect teacher. - -The negro race is confessedly more simple, docile, childlike and -affectionate, than other races; and hence the divine graces of love and -faith, when in-breathed by the Holy Spirit, find in their natural -temperament a more congenial atmosphere. - -A last instance parallel with that of Uncle Tom is to be found in the -published memoirs of the venerable Josiah Henson, now, as we have said, -a clergyman in Canada. He was “raised” in the State of Maryland. His -first recollections were of seeing his father mutilated and covered with -blood, suffering the penalty of the law for the crime of raising his -hand against a white man,—that white man being the overseer, who had -attempted a brutal assault upon his mother. This punishment made his -father surly and dangerous, and he was subsequently sold south, and thus -parted forever from his wife and children. Henson grew up in a state of -heathenism, without any religious instruction, till, in a camp-meeting, -he first heard of Jesus Christ, and was electrified by the great and -thrilling news that He had tasted death for every man, the bond as well -as the free. This story produced an immediate conversion, such as we -read of in the Acts of the Apostles, where the Ethiopian eunuch, from -one interview, hearing the story of the cross, at once believes and is -baptized. Henson forthwith not only became a Christian, but began to -declare the news to those about him; and, being a man of great natural -force of mind and strength of character, his earnest endeavors to -enlighten his fellow-heathen were so successful that he was gradually -led to assume the station of a negro preacher; and though he could not -read a word of the Bible or hymn-book, his labors in this line were much -prospered. He became immediately a very valuable slave to his master, -and was intrusted by the latter with the oversight of his whole estate, -which he managed with great judgment and prudence. His master appears to -have been a very ordinary man in every respect,—to have been entirely -incapable of estimating him in any other light then as exceedingly -valuable property, and to have had no other feeling excited by his -extraordinary faithfulness than the desire to make the most of him. When -his affairs became embarrassed, he formed the design of removing all his -negroes into Kentucky, and intrusted the operation entirely to his -overseer. Henson was to take them alone, without any other attendant, -from Maryland to Kentucky, a distance of some thousands of miles, giving -only his promise as a Christian that he would faithfully perform this -undertaking. On the way thither they passed through a portion of Ohio, -and there Henson was informed that he could now secure his own freedom -and that of all his fellows, and he was strongly urged to do it. He was -exceedingly tempted and tried, but his Christian principle was -invulnerable. No inducements could lead him to feel that it was right -for a Christian to violate a pledge solemnly given, and his influence -over the whole band was so great that he took them all with him into -Kentucky. Those casuists among us who lately seem to think and teach -that it is right for us to violate the plain commands of God whenever -some great national good can be secured by it, would do well to -contemplate the inflexible principle of this poor slave, who, without -being able to read a letter of the Bible, was yet enabled to perform -this most sublime act of self-renunciation in obedience its commands. -Subsequently to this his master, in a relenting moment, was induced by a -friend to sell him his freedom for four hundred dollars; but, when the -excitement of the importunity had passed off, he regretted that he had -suffered so valuable a piece of property to leave his hands for so -slight a remuneration. By an unworthy artifice, therefore, he got -possession of his servant’s free papers, and condemned him still to -hopeless slavery. Subsequently, his affairs becoming still more -involved, he sent his son down the river with a flat-boat loaded with -cattle and produce for the New Orleans market, directing him to take -Henson along, and sell him after they had sold the cattle and the boat. -All the depths of the negro’s soul were torn up and thrown into -convulsion by this horrible piece of ingratitude, cruelty and injustice; -and, while outwardly calm, he was struggling with most bitter -temptations from within, which, as he could not read the Bible, he could -repel only by a recollection of its sacred truths, and by earnest -prayer. As he neared the New Orleans market, he says that these -convulsions of soul increased, especially when he met some of his old -companions from Kentucky, whose despairing countenances and emaciated -forms told of hard work and insufficient food, and confirmed all his -worst fears of the lower country. In the transports of his despair, the -temptation was more urgently presented to him to murder his young master -and the other hand on the flat-boat in their sleep, to seize upon the -boat, and make his escape. He thus relates the scene where he was almost -brought to the perpetration of this deed: - - One dark, rainy night, within a few days of New Orleans, my hour - seemed to have come. I was alone on the deck; Mr. Amos and the hands - were all asleep below, and I crept down noiselessly, got hold of an - axe, entered the cabin, and looking by the aid of the dim light - there for my victims, my eye fell upon Master Amos, who was nearest - to me; my hand slid along the axe-handle, I raised it to strike the - fatal blow,—when suddenly the thought came to me, “What! commit - _murder_! and you a Christian?” I had not called it murder before. - It was self-defence,—it was preventing others from murdering me,—it - was justifiable, it was even praiseworthy. But now, all at once, the - truth burst upon me that it was a crime. I was going to kill a young - man, who had done nothing to injure me, but obey commands which he - could not resist; I was about to lose the fruit of all my efforts at - self-improvement, the character I had acquired, and the peace of - mind which had never deserted me. All this came upon me instantly, - and with a distinctness which made me almost think I heard it - whispered in my ear; and I believe I even turned my head to listen. - I shrunk back, laid down the axe, crept up on deck again, and - thanked God, as I have done every day since, that I had not - committed murder. - - My feelings were still agitated, but they were changed. I was filled - with shame and remorse for the design I had entertained, and with - the fear that my companions would detect it in my face, or that a - careless word would betray my guilty thoughts. I remained on deck - all night, instead of rousing one of the men to relieve me; and - nothing brought composure to my mind, but the solemn resolution I - then made to resign myself to the will of God, and take with - thankfulness, if I could, but with submission, at all events, - whatever he might decide should be my lot. I reflected that if my - life were reduced to a brief term I should have less to suffer, and - that it was better to die with a Christian’s hope, and a quiet - conscience, than to live with the incessant recollection of a crime - that would destroy the value of life, and under the weight of a - secret that would crush out the satisfaction that might be expected - from freedom, and every other blessing. - -Subsequently to this, his young master was taken violently down with the -river fever, and became as helpless as a child. He passionately -entreated Henson not to desert him, but to attend to the selling of the -boat and produce, and put him on board the steamboat, and not to leave -him, dead or alive, till he had carried him back to his father. - -The young master was borne in the arms of his faithful servant to the -steamboat, and there nursed by him with unremitting attention during the -journey up the river; nor did he leave him till he had placed him in his -father’s arms. - -Our love for human nature would lead us to add, with sorrow, that all -this disinterestedness and kindness was rewarded only by empty praises, -such as would be bestowed upon a very fine dog; and Henson indignantly -resolved no longer to submit to the injustice. With a degree of -prudence, courage and address, which can scarcely find a parallel in any -history, he managed, with his wife and two children, to escape into -Canada. Here he learned to read, and, by his superior talent and -capacity for management, laid the foundation for the fugitive settlement -of Dawn, which is understood to be one of the most flourishing in -Canada. - -It would be well for the most cultivated of us to ask, whether our ten -talents in the way of religious knowledge have enabled us to bring forth -as much fruit to the glory of God, to withstand temptation as patiently, -to return good for evil as disinterestedly, as this poor, ignorant -slave. A writer in England has sneeringly remarked that such a man as -Uncle Tom might be imported as a missionary to teach the most cultivated -in England or America the true nature of religion. These instances show -that what has been said with a sneer is in truth a sober verity; and it -should never be forgotten that out of this race whom man despiseth have -often been chosen of God true messengers of his grace, and temples for -the indwelling of his Spirit. - -“_For thus saith the high and lofty One that inhabiteth eternity, whose -name is Holy, I dwell in the high and holy place, with him also that is -of a contrite and humble spirit, to revive the spirit of the humble, and -to revive the heart of the contrite ones._” - -The vision attributed to Uncle Tom introduces quite a curious chapter of -psychology with regard to the negro race, and indicates a peculiarity -which goes far to show how very different they are from the white race. -They are possessed of a nervous organization peculiarly susceptible and -impressible. Their sensations and impressions are very vivid, and their -fancy and imagination lively. In this respect the race has an oriental -character, and betrays its tropical origin. Like the Hebrews of old and -the oriental nations of the present, they give vent to their emotions -with the utmost vivacity of expression, and their whole bodily system -sympathizes with the movements of their minds. When in distress, they -actually lift up their voices to weep, and “cry with an exceeding bitter -cry.” When alarmed, they are often paralyzed, and rendered entirely -helpless. Their religious exercises are all colored by this sensitive -and exceedingly vivacious temperament. Like oriental nations, they -incline much to outward expressions, violent gesticulations, and -agitating movements of the body. Sometimes, in their religious meetings, -they will spring from the floor many times in succession, with a -violence and rapidity which is perfectly astonishing. They will laugh, -weep, embrace each other convulsively, and sometimes become entirely -paralyzed and cataleptic. A clergyman from the North once remonstrated -with a Southern clergyman for permitting such extravagances among his -flock. The reply of the Southern minister was, in effect, this: “Sir, I -am satisfied that the races are so essentially different that they -cannot be regulated by the same rules. I, at first, felt as you do; and, -though I saw that genuine conversions did take place, with all this -outward manifestation, I was still so much annoyed by it as to forbid it -among my negroes, till I was satisfied that the repression of it was a -serious hindrance to real religious feeling; and then I became certain -that all men cannot be regulated in their religious exercises by one -model. I am assured that conversions produced with these accessories are -quite as apt to be genuine, and to be as influential over the heart and -life, as those produced in any other way.” The fact is, that the -Anglo-Saxon race—cool, logical and practical—have yet to learn the -doctrine of toleration for the peculiarities of other races; and perhaps -it was with a foresight of their peculiar character, and dominant -position in the earth, that God gave the Bible to them in the fervent -language and with the glowing imagery of the more susceptible and -passionate oriental races. - -Mesmerists have found that the negroes are singularly susceptible to all -that class of influences which produce catalepsy, mesmeric sleep, and -partial clairvoyant phenomena. - -The African race, in their own climate, are believers in spells, in -“fetish and obi,” in “the evil eye,” and other singular influences, for -which, probably, there is an origin in this peculiarity of constitution. -The magicians in scriptural history were Africans; and the so-called -magical arts are still practised in Egypt, and other parts of Africa, -with a degree of skill and success which can only be accounted for by -supposing peculiarities of nervous constitution quite different from -those of the whites. Considering those distinctive traits of the race, -it is no matter of surprise to find in their religious histories, when -acted upon by the powerful stimulant of the Christian religion, very -peculiar features. We are not surprised to find almost constantly, in -the narrations of their religious histories, accounts of visions, of -heavenly voices, of mysterious sympathies and transmissions of knowledge -from heart to heart without the intervention of the senses, or what the -Quakers call being “baptized into the spirit” of those who are distant. - -Cases of this kind are constantly recurring in their histories. The -young man whose story was related to the Boston lady, and introduced -above in the chapter on George Harris, stated this incident concerning -the recovery of his liberty: That, after the departure of his wife and -sister, he, for a long time, and very earnestly, sought some opportunity -of escape, but that every avenue appeared to be closed to him. At -length, in despair, he retreated to his room, and threw himself upon his -bed, resolving to give up the undertaking, when, just as he was sinking -to sleep, he was roused by a voice saying in his ear, “Why do you sleep -now? Rise up, if you ever mean to be free!” He sprang up, went -immediately out, and, in the course of two hours, discovered the means -of escape which he used. - -A lady whose history is known to the writer resided for some time on a -Southern plantation, and was in the habit of imparting religious -instruction to the slaves. One day, a woman from a distant plantation -called at her residence, and inquired for her. The lady asked, in -surprise, “How did you know about me?” The old woman’s reply was, that -she had long been distressed about her soul; but that, several nights -before, some one had appeared to her in a dream, told her to go to this -plantation and inquire for the strange lady there, and that she would -teach her the way to heaven. - -Another specimen of the same kind was related to the writer by a -slave-woman who had been through the whole painful experience of a -slave’s life. She was originally a young girl of pleasing exterior and -gentle nature, carefully reared as a seamstress and nurse to the -children of a family in Virginia, and attached, with all the warmth of -her susceptible nature, to these children. Although one of the tenderest -of mothers when the writer knew her, yet she assured the writer that she -had never loved a child of her own as she loved the dear little young -mistress who was her particular charge. Owing, probably, to some -pecuniary difficulty in the family, this girl, whom we will call Louisa, -was sold, to go on to a Southern plantation. She has often described the -scene when she was forced into a carriage, and saw her dear young -mistress leaning from the window, stretching her arms towards her, -screaming, and calling her name, with all the vehemence of childish -grief. She was carried in a coffle, and sold as cook on a Southern -plantation. With the utmost earnestness of language she has described to -the writer her utter loneliness, and the distress and despair of her -heart, in this situation, parted forever from all she held dear on -earth, without even the possibility of writing letters or sending -messages, surrounded by those who felt no kind of interest in her, and -forced to a toil for which her more delicate education had entirely -unfitted her. Under these circumstances, she began to believe that it -was for some dreadful sin she had thus been afflicted. The course of her -mind after this may be best told in her own simple words: - -“After that, I began to feel awful wicked,—O, so wicked, you’ve no idea! -I felt so wicked that my sins seemed like a load on me, and I went so -heavy all the day! I felt so wicked that I didn’t feel worthy to pray in -the house, and I used to go way off in the lot and pray. At last, one -day, when I was praying, the Lord he came and spoke to me.” - -“The Lord spoke to you?” said the writer; “what do you mean, Louisa?” - -With a face of the utmost earnestness, she answered, “Why, ma’am, the -Lord Jesus he came and spoke to me, you know; and I never, till the last -day of my life, shall forget what he said to me.” - -“What was it?” said the writer. - -“He said, ‘Fear not, my little one; thy sins are forgiven thee;’” and -she added to this some verses, which the writer recognized as those of a -Methodist hymn. - -Being curious to examine more closely this phenomenon, the author said, - -“You mean that you dreamed this, Louisa.” - -With an air of wounded feeling, and much earnestness, she answered, - -“O no, Mrs. Stowe; that never was a dream; you’ll never make me believe -that.” - -The thought at once arose in the writer’s mind, If the Lord Jesus is -indeed everywhere present, and if he is as tender-hearted and -compassionate as he was on earth,—and we know he is,—must he not -sometimes long to speak to the poor, desolate slave, when he knows that -no voice but His can carry comfort and healing to his soul? - -This instance of Louisa is so exactly parallel to another case, which -the author received from an authentic source, that she is tempted to -place the two side by side. - -Among the slaves who were brought into the New England States, at the -time when slavery was prevalent, was one woman, who, immediately on -being told the history of the love of Jesus Christ, exclaimed, “He is -the one; this is what I wanted.” - -This language causing surprise, her history was inquired into. It was -briefly this: While living in her simple hut in Africa, the kidnappers -one day rushed upon her family, and carried her husband and children off -to the slave-ship, she escaping into the woods. On returning to her -desolate home, she mourned with the bitterness of “Rachel weeping for -her children.” For many days her heart was oppressed with a heavy weight -of sorrow; and, refusing all sustenance, she wandered up and down the -desolate forest. - -At last, she says, a strong impulse came over her to kneel down and pour -out her sorrows into the ear of some unknown Being whom she fancied to -be above her, in the sky. - -She did so; and, to her surprise, found an inexpressible sensation of -relief. After this, it was her custom daily to go out to this same spot, -and supplicate this unknown Friend. Subsequently, she was herself taken, -and brought over to America; and, when the story of Jesus and his love -was related to her, she immediately felt in her soul that this Jesus was -the very friend who had spoken comfort to her yearning spirit in the -distant forest of Africa. - -Compare now these experiences with the earnest and beautiful language of -Paul: “He hath made of one blood all nations of men, for to dwell on all -the face of the earth; and hath determined the times before appointed -_and the bounds_ of their habitation, _that_ THEY SHOULD _seek the Lord, -if haply they might_ FEEL AFTER HIM AND FIND HIM, _though he be not far -from every one of us_.” - -Is not this truly “_feeling after God and finding Him_”? And may we not -hope that the yearning, troubled, helpless heart of man, pressed by the -insufferable anguish of this short life, or wearied by its utter vanity, -never extends its ignorant, pleading hand to God in vain? Is not the -veil which divides us from an almighty and most merciful Father much -thinner than we, in the pride of our philosophy, are apt to imagine? and -is it not the most worthy conception of Him to suppose that the more -utterly helpless and ignorant the human being is that seeks His aid, the -more tender and the more condescending will be His communication with -that soul? - -If a mother has among her children one whom sickness has made blind, or -deaf, or dumb, incapable of acquiring knowledge through the usual -channels of communication, does she not seek to reach its darkened mind -by modes of communication tenderer and more intimate than those which -she uses with the stronger and more favored ones? But can the love of -any mother be compared with the infinite love of Jesus? Has He not -described himself as that good Shepherd who leaves the whole flock of -secure and well-instructed ones, to follow over the mountains of sin and -ignorance the one lost sheep; and, when He hath found it, rejoicing more -over that one than over the ninety and nine that went not astray? Has He -not told us that each of these little ones has a guardian angel that -doth always behold the face of his Father which is in heaven? And is it -not comforting to us to think that His love and care will be in -proportion to the ignorance and the wants of His chosen ones? - - * * * * * - -Since the above was prepared for the press the author has received the -following extract from a letter written by a gentleman in Missouri to -the editor of the _Oberlin_ (Ohio) _Evangelist_: - - I really thought, while reading “Uncle Tom’s Cabin,” that the - authoress, when describing the character of Tom, had in her mind’s - eye a slave whose acquaintance I made some years since, in the State - of Mississippi, called “Uncle Jacob.” I was staying a day or two - with a planter, and in the evening, when out in the yard, I heard a - well-known hymn and tune sung in one of the “quarters,” and then the - voice of prayer; and O, _such_ a prayer! what fervor, what - unction,—nay, the man “prayed right up;” and when I read of Uncle - Tom, how “nothing could exceed the touching simplicity, the - childlike earnestness, of his prayer, enriched with the language of - Scripture, which seemed so entirely to have wrought itself into his - being as to have become a part of himself,” the recollections of - that evening prayer were strangely vivid. On entering the house and - referring to what I had heard, his master replied, “Ah, sir, if I - covet anything in this world, it is Uncle Jacob’s religion. If there - is a good man on earth, he certainly is one.” He said Uncle Jacob - was a regulator on the plantation; that a _word_ or a _look_ from - him, addressed to younger slaves, had more efficacy than a _blow_ - from the overseer. - - The next morning Uncle Jacob informed me he was from Kentucky, - opposite Cincinnati; that his opportunities for attending religious - worship had been frequent; that at about the age of forty he was - sold south, was set to picking cotton; could not, when doing his - best, pick the task assigned him; was whipped and whipped, he could - not possibly tell how often; was of the opinion that the overseer - came to the conclusion that whipping could not bring one more pound - out of him, for he set him to driving a team. At this and other work - he could “make a _hand_;” had changed owners three or four times. He - expressed himself as well pleased with his present situation as he - expected to be in the South, but was yearning to return to his - former associations in Kentucky. - - - - - CHAPTER VII. - MISS OPHELIA. - - -Miss Ophelia stands as the representative of a numerous class of the -very best of Northern people; to whom, perhaps, if our Lord should again -address his churches a letter, as he did those of old time, he would use -the same words as then: “I know thy works, and thy labor, and thy -patience, and how thou canst not bear them which are evil; and thou hast -tried them which are apostles and are not, and hast found them liars; -and hast borne, and hast patience, and for my name’s sake hast labored -and hast not fainted. Nevertheless, I have somewhat against thee, -because thou hast left thy first love.” - -There are in this class of people activity, zeal, unflinching -conscientiousness, clear intellectual discriminations between truth and -error, and great logical and doctrinal correctness; but there is a want -of that spirit of love, without which, in the eye of Christ, the most -perfect character is as deficient as a wax flower—wanting in life and -perfume. - -Yet this blessed principle is not dead in their hearts, but only -sleepeth; and so great is the real and genuine goodness, that, when the -true magnet of divine love is applied, they always answer to its touch. - -So when the gentle Eva, who is an impersonation in childish form of the -love of Christ, solves at once, by a blessed instinct, the problem which -Ophelia has long been unable to solve by dint of utmost hammering and -vehement effort, she at once, with a good and honest heart, perceives -and acknowledges her mistake, and is willing to learn even of a little -child. - -Miss Ophelia, again, represents one great sin, of which, unconsciously, -American Christians have allowed themselves to be guilty. Unconsciously -it must be, for nowhere is conscience so predominant as among this -class, and nowhere is there a more honest strife to bring every thought -into captivity to the obedience of Christ. - -One of the first and most declared objects of the gospel has been to -break down all those irrational barriers and prejudices which separate -the human brotherhood into diverse and contending clans. Paul says, “In -Christ Jesus there is neither Jew nor Greek, barbarian, Scythian, bond -nor free.” The Jews at that time were separated from the Gentiles by an -insuperable wall of prejudice. They could not eat and drink together, -nor pray together. But the apostles most earnestly labored to show them -the sin of this prejudice. St. Paul says to the Ephesians, speaking of -this former division, “He is our peace, who hath made both one, and hath -broken down the middle wall of partition between us.” - -It is very easy to see that although slavery has been abolished in the -New England States, it has left behind it the most baneful feature of -the system—that which makes American worse than Roman slavery—the -prejudice of caste and color. In the New England States the negro has -been treated as belonging to an inferior race of beings;—forced to sit -apart by himself in the place of worship; his children excluded from the -schools; himself excluded from the railroad-car and the omnibus, and the -peculiarities of his race made the subject of bitter contempt and -ridicule. - -This course of conduct has been justified by saying that they are a -degraded race. But how came they degraded? Take any class of men, and -shut them from the means of education, deprive them of hope and -self-respect, close to them all avenues of honorable ambition, and you -will make just such a race of them as the negroes have been among us. - -So singular and so melancholy is the dominion of prejudice over the -human mind, that professors of Christianity in our New England States -have often, with very serious self-denial to themselves, sent the gospel -to heathen as dark-complexioned as the Africans, when in their very -neighborhood were persons of dark complexion, who, on that account, were -forbidden to send their children to the schools, and discouraged from -entering the churches. The effect of this has been directly to degrade -and depress the race, and then this very degradation and depression has -been pleaded as the reason for continuing this course. - -Not long since the writer called upon a benevolent lady, and during the -course of the call the conversation turned upon the incidents of a fire -which had occurred the night before in the neighborhood. A deserted -house had been burned to the ground. The lady said it was supposed it -had been set on fire. “What could be any one’s motive for setting it on -fire?” said the writer. - -“Well,” replied the lady, “it was supposed that a colored family was -about to move into it, and it was thought that the neighborhood wouldn’t -consent to that. So it was supposed that was the reason.” - -This was said with an air of innocence and much unconcern. - -The writer inquired, “Was it a family of bad character?” - -“No, not particularly, that I know of,” said the lady; “but then they -are negroes, you know.” - -Now, this lady is a very pious lady. She probably would deny herself to -send the gospel to the heathen, and if she had ever thought of -considering this family a heathen family, would have felt the deepest -interest in their welfare; because on the subject of duty to the heathen -she had been frequently instructed from the pulpit, and had all her -religious and conscientious sensibilities awake. Probably she had never -listened from the pulpit to a sermon which should exhibit the great -truth, that “in Christ Jesus there is neither Jew nor Greek, barbarian, -Scythian, bond nor free.” - -Supposing our Lord was now on earth, as he was once, what course is it -probable that he would pursue with regard to this unchristian prejudice -of color? - -There was a class of men in those days as much despised by the Jews as -the negroes are by us; and it was a complaint made of Christ that he was -a friend of publicans and sinners. And if Christ should enter, on some -communion season, into a place of worship, and see the colored man -sitting afar off by himself, would it not be just in his spirit to go -there and sit with him, rather than to take the seats of his richer and -more prosperous brethren? - -It is, however, but just to our Northern Christians to say that this sin -has been committed ignorantly and in unbelief, and that within a few -years signs of a much better spirit have begun to manifest themselves. -In some places, recently, the doors of school-houses have been thrown -open to the children, and many a good Miss Ophelia has opened her eyes -in astonishment to find that, while she has been devouring the -_Missionary Herald_, and going without butter on her bread and sugar in -her tea to send the gospel to the Sandwich Islands, there is a very -thriving colony of heathen in her own neighborhood at home; and, true to -her own good and honest heart, she has resolved, _not_ to give up her -prayers and efforts for the heathen abroad, but to add thereunto labors -for the heathen at home. - -Our safety and hope in this matter is this: that there are multitudes in -all our churches who do most truly and sincerely love Christ above all -things, and who, just so soon as a little reflection shall have made -them sensible of their duty in this respect, will most earnestly perform -it. - -It is true that, if they do so, they may be called Abolitionists; but -the true Miss Ophelia is not afraid of a hard name in a good cause, and -has rather learned to consider “the reproach of Christ a greater -treasure than the riches of Egypt.” - -That there is much already for Christians to do in enlightening the -moral sense of the community on this subject, will appear if we consider -that even so well-educated and gentlemanly a man as Frederick Douglass -was recently obliged to pass the night on the deck of a steamer, when in -delicate health, because this senseless prejudice deprived him of a -place in the cabin; and that that very laborious and useful minister, -Dr. Pennington, of New York, has, during the last season, been often -obliged seriously to endanger his health, by walking to his pastoral -labors, over his very extended parish, under a burning sun, because he -could not be allowed the common privilege of the omnibus, which conveys -every class of white men, from the most refined to the lowest and most -disgusting. - -Let us consider now the number of professors of the religion of Christ -in New York, and consider also that, by the very fact of their -profession, they consider Dr. Pennington the brother of their Lord, and -a member with them of the body of Christ. - -Now, these Christians are influential, rich and powerful; they can -control public sentiment on any subject that they think of any -particular importance, and they profess, by their religion, that “if one -member suffers, all the members suffer with it.” - -It is a serious question, whether such a marked indignity offered to -Christ and his ministry, in the person of a colored brother, without any -remonstrance on their part, will not lead to a general feeling that all -that the Bible says about the union of Christians is a mere hollow -sound, and means nothing. - -Those who are anxious to do something directly to improve the condition -of the slave, can do it in no way so directly as by elevating the -condition of the free colored people around them, and taking every pains -to give them equal rights and privileges. - -This unchristian prejudice has doubtless stood in the way of the -emancipation of hundreds of slaves. The slave-holder, feeling and -acknowledging the evils of slavery, has come to the North, and seen -evidences of this unkindly and unchristian state of feeling towards the -slave, and has thus reflected within himself: - -“If I keep my slave at the South, he is, it is true, under the dominion -of a very severe law; but then he enjoys the advantage of my friendship -and assistance, and derives, through his connection with me and my -family, some kind of a position in the community. As my servant he is -allowed a seat in the car and a place at the table. But if I emancipate -and send him North, he will encounter substantially all the -disadvantages of slavery, with no master to protect him.” - -This mode of reasoning has proved an apology to many a man for keeping -his slaves in a position which he confesses to be a bad one; and it will -be at once perceived that, should the position of the negro be -conspicuously reversed in our northern states, the effect upon the -emancipation of the slave would be very great. They, then, who keep up -this prejudice, may be said to be, in a certain sense, slave-holders. - -It is not meant by this that all distinctions of society should be -broken over, and that people should be obliged to choose their intimate -associates from a class unfitted by education and habits to sympathize -with them. - -The negro should not be lifted out of his sphere of life because he is a -negro, but he should be treated with Christian courtesy _in_ his sphere. -In the railroad car, in the omnibus and steamboat, all ranks and degrees -of white persons move with unquestioned freedom side by side; and -Christianity requires that the negro have the same privilege. - -That the dirtiest and most uneducated foreigner or American, with breath -redolent of whiskey and clothes foul and disordered, should have an -unquestioned right to take a seat next to any person in a railroad car -or steamboat, and that the respectable, decent and gentlemanly negro -should be excluded simply because he is a negro, cannot be considered -otherwise than as an irrational and unchristian thing: and any Christian -who allows such things done in his presence without remonstrance, and -the use of his Christian influence, will certainly be made deeply -sensible of his error when he comes at last to direct and personal -interview with his Lord. - -There is no hope for this matter, if the love of Christ is not strong -enough, and if it cannot be said, with regard to the two races, “He is -our peace who hath made both one, and hath broken down the middle wall -of partition between us.” - -The time is coming rapidly when the upper classes in society must learn -that their education, wealth and refinement, are not their own; that -they have no right to use them for their own selfish benefit; but that -they should hold them rather, as Fenelon expresses it, as “a ministry,” -a stewardship, which they hold in trust for the benefit of their poorer -brethren. - -In some of the very highest circles in England and America we begin to -see illustrious examples of the commencement of such a condition of -things. - -One of the merchant princes of Boston, whose funeral has lately been -celebrated in our city, afforded in his life a beautiful example of this -truth. His wealth was the wealth of thousands. He was the steward of the -widow and the orphan. His funds were a savings bank, wherein were laid -up the resources of the poor; and the mourners at his funeral were the -scholars of the schools which he had founded, the officers of literary -institutions which his munificence had endowed, the widows and orphans -whom he had counselled and supported, and the men, in all ranks and -conditions of life, who had been made by his benevolence to feel that -his wealth was their wealth. May God raise up many men in Boston to -enter into the spirit and labors of Amos Lawrence! - -This is the _true_ socialism, which comes from the spirit of Christ, -and, without breaking down existing orders of society, _by love_ makes -the property and possessions of the higher class the property of the -lower. - -Men are always seeking to begin their reforms with the _outward_ and -_physical_. Christ begins his reforms in the heart. Men would break up -all ranks of society, and throw all property into a common stock; but -Christ would inspire the higher class with that Divine Spirit by which -all the wealth and means and advantages of their position are used for -the good of the lower. - -We see, also, in the highest aristocracy of England, instances of the -same tendency. - -Among her oldest nobility there begin to arise lecturers to mechanics -and patrons of ragged schools; and it is said that even on the throne of -England is a woman who weekly instructs her class of Sunday-school -scholars from the children in the vicinity of her country residence. - -In this way, and not by an outward and physical division of property, -shall all things be had in common. And when the white race shall regard -their superiority over the colored one only as a talent intrusted for -the advantage of their weaker brother, _then_ will the prejudice of -caste melt away in the light of Christianity. - - - - - CHAPTER VIII. - MARIE ST. CLARE. - - -Marie St. Clare is the type of a class of women not peculiar to any -latitude, nor any condition of society. She may be found in England or -in America. In the northern free states we have many Marie St. Clares, -more or less fully developed. - -When found in a northern latitude, she is forever in trouble about her -domestic relations. Her servants never do anything right. Strange to -tell, they are not perfect, and she thinks it a very great shame. She is -fully convinced that she ought to have every moral and Christian virtue -in her kitchen for a little less than the ordinary wages; and when her -cook leaves her, because she finds she can get better wages and less -work in a neighboring family, she thinks it shockingly selfish, -unprincipled conduct. She is of opinion that servants ought to be -perfectly disinterested; that they ought to be willing to take up with -the worst rooms in the house, with very moderate wages, and very -indifferent food, when they can get much better elsewhere, purely for -the sake of pleasing her. She likes to get hold of foreign servants, who -have not yet learned our ways, who are used to working for low wages, -and who will be satisfied with almost anything; but she is often heard -to lament that they soon get spoiled, and want as many privileges as -anybody else,—which is perfectly shocking. Marie often wishes that she -could be a slave-holder, or could live somewhere where the lower class -are kept down, and made to know their place. She is always hunting for -cheap seamstresses, and will tell you, in an under-tone, that she has -discovered a woman who will make linen shirts beautifully, stitch the -collars and wristbands twice, all for thirty-seven cents, when many -seamstresses get a dollar for it; says she does it because she’s poor, -and has no friends; thinks you had better be careful in your -conversation, and not let her know what prices are, or else she will get -spoiled, and go to raising her price,—these sewing-women are so selfish. -When Marie St. Clare has the misfortune to live in a free state, there -is no end to her troubles. Her cook is always going off for better wages -and more comfortable quarters; her chambermaid, strangely enough, won’t -agree to be chambermaid and seamstress both for half wages, and so she -deserts. Marie’s kitchen-cabinet, therefore, is always in a state of -revolution; and she often declares, with affecting earnestness, that -servants are the torment of her life. If her husband endeavor to -remonstrate, or suggest another mode of treatment, he is a hard-hearted, -unfeeling man; “he doesn’t love her, and she always knew he didn’t;” and -so he is disposed of. - -But, when Marie comes under a system of laws which gives her absolute -control over her dependants,—which enables her to separate them, at her -pleasure, from their dearest family connections, or to inflict upon them -the most disgraceful and violent punishments, without even the restraint -which seeing the execution might possibly produce,—then it is that the -character arrives at full maturity. Human nature is no worse at the -South than at the North; but law at the South distinctly provides for -and protects the worst abuses to which that nature is liable. - -It is often supposed that domestic servitude in slave states is a kind -of paradise; that house-servants are invariably pets; that young -mistresses are always fond of their “mammies,” and young masters always -handsome, good-natured and indulgent. - -Let any one in Old England or New England look about among their -immediate acquaintances, and ask how many there are who would use -absolute despotic power amiably in a family, especially over a class -degraded by servitude, ignorant, indolent, deceitful, provoking, as -slaves almost necessarily are, and always must be. - -Let them look into their own hearts, and ask themselves if they would -dare to be trusted with such a power. Do they not find in themselves -temptations to be unjust to those who are inferiors and dependants? Do -they not find themselves tempted to be irritable and provoked, when the -service of their families is negligently performed? And, if they had the -power to inflict cruel punishments, or to have them inflicted by sending -the servant out to some place of correction, would they not be tempted -to use that liberty? - -With regard to those degrading punishments to which females are -subjected, by being sent to professional whippers, or by having such -functionaries sent for to the house,—as John Caphart testifies that he -has often been, in Baltimore,—what can be said of their influence both -on the superior and on the inferior class? It is very painful indeed to -contemplate this subject. The mind instinctively shrinks from it; but -still it is a very serious question whether it be not our duty to -encounter this pain, that our sympathies may be quickened into more -active exercise. For this reason, we give here the testimony of a -gentleman whose accuracy will not be doubted, and who subjected himself -to the pain of being an eye-witness to a scene of this kind in the -calaboose in New Orleans. As the reader will perceive from the account, -it was a scene of such every-day occurrence as not to excite any -particular remark, or any expression of sympathy from those of the same -condition and color with the sufferer. - -When our missionaries first went to India, it was esteemed a duty among -Christian nations to make themselves acquainted with the cruelties and -atrocities of idolatrous worship, as a means of quickening our zeal to -send them the gospel. - -If it be said that we in the free states have no such interest in -slavery, as we do not support it, and have no power to prevent it, it is -replied that slavery does exist in the District of Columbia, which -belongs to the whole United States; and that the free states are, before -God, guilty of the crime of continuing it there, unless they will -honestly do what in them lies for its extermination. - -The subjoined account was written by the benevolent Dr. Howe, whose -labors in behalf of the blind have rendered his name dear to humanity, -and was sent in a letter to the Hon. Charles Sumner. If any one think it -too painful to be perused, let him ask himself if God will hold those -guiltless who suffer a system to continue, the details of which they -cannot even read. That this describes a common scene in the calaboose, -we shall by and by produce other witnesses to show. - - I have passed ten days in New Orleans, not unprofitably, I trust, in - examining the public institutions,—the schools, asylums, hospitals, - prisons, &c. With the exception of the first, there is little hope - of amelioration. I know not how much merit there may be in their - system; but I do know that, in the administration of the penal code, - there are abominations which should bring down the fate of Sodom - upon the city. If Howard or Mrs. Fry ever discovered so - ill-administered a den of thieves as the New Orleans prison, they - never described it. In the negro’s apartment I saw much which made - me blush that I was a white man, and which, for a moment, stirred up - an evil spirit in my animal nature. Entering a large paved - court-yard, around which ran galleries filled with slaves of all - ages, sexes and colors, I heard the snap of a whip, every stroke of - which sounded like the sharp crack of a pistol. I turned my head, - and beheld a sight which absolutely chilled me to the marrow of my - bones, and gave me, for the first time in my life, the sensation of - my hair stiffening at the roots. There lay a black girl flat upon - her face, on a board, her two thumbs tied, and fastened to one end, - her feet tied, and drawn tightly to the other end, while a strap - passed over the small of her back, and, fastened around the board, - compressed her closely to it. Below the strap she was entirely - naked. By her side, and six feet off, stood a huge negro, with a - long whip, which he applied with dreadful power and wonderful - precision. Every stroke brought away a strip of skin, which clung to - the lash, or fell quivering on the pavement, while the blood - followed after it. The poor creature writhed and shrieked, and, in a - voice which showed alike her fear of death and her dreadful agony, - screamed to her master, who stood at her head, “O, spare my life! - don’t cut my soul out!” But still fell the horrid lash; still strip - after strip peeled off from the skin; gash after gash was cut in her - living flesh, until it became a livid and bloody mass of raw and - quivering muscle. It was with the greatest difficulty I refrained - from springing upon the torturer, and arresting his lash; but, alas! - what could I do, but turn aside to hide my tears for the sufferer, - and my blushes for humanity? This was in a public and - regularly-organized prison; the punishment was one recognized and - authorized by the law. But think you the poor wretch had committed a - heinous offence, and had been convicted thereof, and sentenced to - the lash? Not at all. She was brought by her master to be whipped by - the common executioner, without trial, judge or jury, just at his - beck or nod, for some real or supposed offence, or to gratify his - own whim or malice. And he may bring her day after day, without - cause assigned, and inflict any number of lashes he pleases, short - of twenty-five, provided only he pays the fee. Or, if he choose, he - may have a private whipping-board on his own premises, and brutalize - himself there. A shocking part of this horrid punishment was its - publicity, as I have said; it was in a court-yard surrounded by - galleries, which were filled with colored persons of all - sexes,—runaway slaves, committed for some crime, or slaves up for - sale. You would naturally suppose they crowded forward, and gazed, - horror-stricken, at the brutal spectacle below; but they did not; - many of them hardly noticed it, and many were entirely indifferent - to it. They went on in their childish pursuits, and some were - laughing outright in the distant parts of the galleries; so low can - man, created in God’s image, be sunk in brutality. - - - - - CHAPTER IX. - ST. CLARE. - - -It is with pleasure that we turn from the dark picture just presented, -to the character of the generous and noble-hearted St. Clare, wherein -the fairest picture of our Southern brother is presented. - -It has been the writer’s object to separate carefully, as far as -possible, the system from the men. It is her sincere belief that, while -the irresponsible power of slavery is such that no human being ought -ever to possess it, probably that power was never exercised more -leniently than in many cases in the Southern States. She has been -astonished to see how, under all the disadvantages which attend the -early possession of arbitrary power, all the temptations which every -reflecting mind must see will arise from the possession of this power in -various forms, there are often developed such fine and interesting -traits of character. To say that these cases are common, alas! is not in -our power. Men know human nature too well to believe us, if we should. -But the more dreadful the evil to be assailed, the more careful should -we be to be just in our apprehensions, and to balance the horror which -certain abuses must necessarily excite, by a consideration of those -excellent and redeeming traits which are often found in individuals -connected with the system. - -The twin brothers, Alfred and Augustine St. Clare, represent two classes -of men which are to be found in all countries. They are the radically -aristocratic and democratic men. The aristocrat by position is not -always the aristocrat by nature, and _vice versa_; but the aristocrat by -nature, whether he be in a higher or lower position in society, is he -who, though he may be just, generous and humane, to those whom he -considers his equals, is entirely insensible to the wants, and -sufferings, and common humanity, of those whom he considers the lower -orders. The sufferings of a countess would make him weep; the sufferings -of a seamstress are quite another matter. - -On the other hand, the democrat is often found in the highest position -of life. To this man, superiority to his brother is a thing which he can -never boldly and nakedly assert without a secret pain. In the lowest and -humblest walk of life, he acknowledges the sacredness of a common -humanity; and however degraded by the opinions and institutions of -society any particular class may be, there is an instinctive feeling in -his soul which teaches him that they are _men_ of like passions with -himself. Such men have a penetration which at once sees through all the -false shows of outward custom which make one man so dissimilar to -another, to those great generic capabilities, sorrows, wants and -weaknesses, wherein all men and women are alike; and there is no such -thing as making them realize that one order of human beings have any -prescriptive right over another order, or that the tears and sufferings -of one are not just as good as those of another order. - -That such men are to be found at the South in the relation of -slave-masters, that when so found they cannot and will not be deluded by -any of the shams and sophistry wherewith slavery has been defended, that -they look upon it as a relic of a barbarous age, and utterly scorn and -contemn all its apologists, we can abundantly show. Many of the most -illustrious Southern men of the Revolution were of this class, and many -men of distinguished position of later day have entertained the same -sentiments. - -Witness the following letter of Patrick Henry, the sentiments of which -are so much an echo of those of St. Clare that the reader might suppose -one to be a copy of the other: - - LETTER OF PATRICK HENRY. - - _Hanover, January 18th, 1773._ - - DEAR SIR: I take this opportunity to acknowledge the receipt of - Anthony Benezet’s book against the slave-trade; I thank you for it. - Is it not a little surprising that the professors of Christianity, - whose chief excellence consists in softening the human heart, in - cherishing and improving its finer feelings, should encourage a - practice so totally repugnant to the first impressions of right and - wrong? What adds to the wonder is, that this abominable practice has - been introduced in the most enlightened ages. Times that seem to - have pretensions to boast of high improvements in the arts and - sciences, and refined morality, have brought into general use, and - guarded by many laws, a species of violence and tyranny which our - more rude and barbarous, but more honest ancestors detested. Is it - not amazing that at a time when the rights of humanity are defined - and understood with precision, in a country above all others fond of - liberty,—that in such an age and in such a country we find men - professing a religion the most mild, humane, gentle and generous, - adopting such a principle, as repugnant to humanity as it is - inconsistent with the Bible, and destructive to liberty? Every - thinking, honest man rejects it in speculation. How free in practice - from conscientious motives! - - Would any one believe that I am master of slaves of my own purchase? - I am drawn along by the general inconvenience of living here without - them. I will not, I cannot, justify it. However culpable my conduct, - I will so far pay my devoir to virtue as to own the excellence and - rectitude of her precepts, and lament my want of conformity to them. - - I believe a time will come when an opportunity will be offered to - abolish this lamentable evil. Everything we can do is to improve it, - if it happens in our day; if not, let us transmit to our - descendants, together with our slaves, a pity for their unhappy lot, - and an abhorrence for slavery. If we cannot reduce this wished-for - reformation to practice, let us treat the unhappy victims with - lenity. It is the furthest advance we can make towards justice. It - is a debt we owe to the purity of our religion, to show that it is - at variance with that law which warrants slavery. - - I know not when to stop. I could say many things on the subject, a - serious view of which gives _a gloomy prospect to future times_! - -What a sorrowful thing it is that such men live an inglorious life, -drawn along by the general current of society, when they ought to be its -regenerators! Has God endowed them with such nobleness of soul, such -clearness of perception, for nothing? Should they, to whom he has given -superior powers of insight and feeling, live as all the world live? - -Southern men of this class have often risen up to reprove the men of the -North, when they are drawn in to apologize for the system of slavery. -Thus, on one occasion, a representative from one of the northern states, -a gentleman now occupying the very highest rank of distinction and -official station, used in Congress the following language: - - The great relation of servitude, in some form or other, with greater - or less departure from the theoretic equality of men, is inseparable - from our nature. Domestic slavery is not, in my judgment, to be set - down as an immoral or irreligious relation. The slaves of this - country are better clothed and fed than the peasantry of some of the - most prosperous states of Europe. - -He was answered by Mr. Mitchell, of Tennessee, in these words: - - Sir, I do not go the length of the gentleman from Massachusetts, and - hold that the existence of slavery in this country is almost a - blessing. On the contrary, I am firmly settled in the opinion that - it is a great curse,—one of the greatest that could have been - interwoven in our system. I, Mr. Chairman, am one of those whom - these poor wretches call masters. I do not task them; I feed and - clothe them well; but yet, alas! they are slaves, and slavery is a - curse in any shape. It is no doubt true that there are persons in - Europe far more degraded than our slaves,—worse fed, worse clothed, - &c., but, sir, this is far from proving that negroes ought to be - slaves. - -The celebrated John Randolph, of Roanoke, said in Congress, on one -occasion: - - Sir, I envy neither the heart nor the head of that man from the - North who rises here to defend slavery on principle. - -The following lines from the will of this eccentric man show that this -clear sense of justice, which is a gift of superior natures, at last -produced some appropriate fruits in practice: - - _I give to my slaves their freedom, to which my conscience tells me - they are justly entitled._ It has a long time been a matter of the - deepest regret to me, that the circumstances under which I inherited - them, and the obstacles thrown in the way by the laws of the land, - have prevented my emancipating them in my lifetime, which it is my - full intention to do in case I can accomplish it. - -The influence on such minds as these of that kind of theological -teaching which prevails in the majority of pulpits at the South, and -which justifies slavery directly from the Bible, cannot be sufficiently -regretted. Such men are shocked to find their spiritual teachers less -conscientious than themselves; and if the Biblical argument succeeds in -bewildering them, it produces scepticism with regard to the Bible -itself. Professor Stowe states that, during his residence in Ohio, he -visited at the house of a gentleman who had once been a Virginian -planter, and during the first years of his life was an avowed sceptic. -He stated that his scepticism was entirely referable to this one -cause,—that his minister had constructed a scriptural argument in -defence of slavery which he was unable to answer, and that his moral -sense was so shocked by the idea that the Bible defended such an -atrocious system, that he became an entire unbeliever, and so continued -until he came under the ministration of a clergyman in Ohio, who -succeeded in presenting to him the true scriptural view of the subject. -He immediately threw aside his scepticism, and became a member of a -Christian church. - -So we hear the _Baltimore Sun_, a paper in a slave state, and no way -suspected of leaning towards abolitionism, thus scornfully disposing of -the scriptural argument: - - Messrs. Burgess, Taylor & Co., Sun Iron Building, send us a copy of - a work of imposing exterior, a handsome work of nearly six hundred - pages, from the pen of Rev. Josiah Priest, A.M., and published by - Rev. W. S. Brown, M.D., at Glasgow, Kentucky, the copy before us - conveying the assurance that it is the “fifth edition—stereotyped.” - And we have no doubt it is; and the _fiftieth_ edition may be - published; but it will amount to nothing, for there is nothing in - it. The book comprises the usually quoted facts associated with the - history of slavery as recorded in the Scriptures, accompanied by the - opinions and arguments of _another_ man in relation thereto. And - this sort of thing may go on to the end of time. It can accomplish - nothing towards the perpetuation of slavery. The book is called - “Bible Defence of Slavery; and Origin, Fortunes, and History, of the - Negro Race.” Bible defence of slavery! There is no such thing as a - Bible defence of slavery at the present day. Slavery in the United - States is a social institution, originating in the convenience and - cupidity of our ancestors, existing by state laws and recognized to - a certain extent—for the recovery of slave property—by the - constitution. And nobody would pretend that, if it were inexpedient - and unprofitable for any man or any state to continue to hold - slaves, they would be bound to do so, on the ground of a “Bible - defence” of it. Slavery is recorded in the Bible, and approved, with - many degrading characteristics. War is recorded in the Bible, and - approved, under what seems to us the extreme of cruelty. But are - slavery and war to _endure_ forever, because we find them in the - Bible? Or, are they to _cease_ at once and forever, because the - Bible inculcates peace and brotherhood? - - The book before us exhibits great research, but is obnoxious to - severe criticism, on account of its gratuitous assumptions. The - writer is constantly assuming this, that, and the other. In a work - of this sort, a “doubtless” this, and “no doubt” the other, and - “such is our belief,” with respect to important premises, will not - be acceptable to the intelligent reader. Many of the positions - assumed are ludicrous; and the fancy of the writer runs to - exuberance in putting words and speeches into the mouths of the - ancients, predicated upon the brief record of Scripture history. The - argument from the _curse of Ham_ is not worth the paper it is - written upon. It is just equivalent to that of _Blackwood’s - Magazine_, we remember examining some years since, in reference to - the admission of Rothschild to Parliament. The writer maintained the - religious obligation of the _Christian_ public to perpetuate the - political disabilities of the Jews, because it would be resisting - the Divine will to remove them, in view of the “curse” which the - aforesaid Christian Pharisee understood to be levelled against the - sons of Abraham. Admitting that God has cursed both the Jewish race - and the descendants of Ham, He is able to fulfil His purpose, though - the “rest of mankind” should in all things act up to the benevolent - precepts of the “Divine law.” _Man_ may very safely cultivate the - highest principles of the Christian dispensation, and leave God to - work out the fulfilment of His _curse_. - - According to the same book and the same logic, all mankind being - under a “curse,” none of us ought to work out any alleviation for - ourselves, and we are sinning heinously in harnessing steam to the - performance of manual labor, cutting wheat by McCormick’s - _diablerie_, and laying hold of the lightning to carry our messages - for us, instead of footing it ourselves as our father Adam did. With - a little more common sense, and much less of the uncommon sort, we - should better understand Scripture, the institutions under which we - live, the several rights of our fellow-citizens in all sections of - the country, and the good, sound, practical, social relations, which - ought to contribute infinitely more than they do to the happiness of - mankind. - -If the reader wishes to know what kind of preaching it is that St. Clare -alludes to, when he says he can learn what is quite as much to the -purpose from the _Picayune_, and that such scriptural expositions of -their peculiar relations don’t edify him much, he is referred to the -following extract from a sermon preached in New Orleans, by the Rev. -Theophilus Clapp. Let our reader now imagine that he sees St. Clare -seated in the front slip, waggishly taking notes of the following -specimen of ethics and humanity. - - Let all Christian teachers show our servants the importance of being - submissive, obedient, industrious, honest and faithful to the - interests of their masters. Let their minds be filled with sweet - anticipations of rest eternal beyond the grave. Let them be trained - to direct their views to that fascinating and glorious futurity, - where the sins, sorrows, and troubles of earth, will be contemplated - under the aspect of means indispensable to our everlasting progress - in knowledge, virtue and happiness. I would say to every slave in - the United States, “You should realize that a wise, kind, and - merciful Providence has appointed for you your condition in life; - and, all things considered, you could not be more eligibly situated. - The burden of your care, toils and responsibilities, is much lighter - than that which God has imposed on your master. The most enlightened - philanthropists, with unlimited resources, could not place you in a - situation more favorable to your present and everlasting welfare - than that which you now occupy. You have your troubles. So have all. - Remember how evanescent are the pleasures and joys of human life.” - -But, as Mr. Clapp will not, perhaps, be accepted as a representation of -orthodoxy, let him be supposed to listen to the following declarations -of the Rev. James Smylie, a clergyman of great influence in the -Presbyterian church, in a tract upon slavery, which he states in the -introduction to have been written with particular reference to removing -the conscientious scruples of religious people in Mississippi and -Louisiana, with regard to its propriety. - - If I believed, or was of opinion, that it was the legitimate - tendency of the gospel to abolish slavery, how would I approach a - man, possessing as many slaves as Abraham had, and tell him I wished - to obtain his permission to preach to his slaves? - - Suppose the man to be ignorant of the gospel, and that he would - inquire of me what was my object. I would tell him candidly (and - every minister ought to be candid) that I wished to preach the - gospel, because its legitimate tendency is to make his slaves - honest, trusty and faithful: not serving “with eye service, as men - pleasers,” “not purloining, but showing all good fidelity.” “And is - this,” he would ask, “really the tendency of the gospel?” I would - answer, Yes. Then I might expect that a man who had a thousand - slaves, if he believed me, would not only permit me to preach to his - slaves, but would do more. He would be willing to build me a house, - furnish me a garden, and ample provision for a support. Because, he - would conclude, _verily, that this preacher would be worth more to - him than a dozen overseers_. But, suppose, then, he would tell me - that he had understood that the tendency of the gospel was to - abolish slavery, and inquire of me if that was the fact. Ah! this is - the rub. He has now cornered me. What shall I say? Shall I, like a - dishonest man, twist and dodge, and shift and turn, to evade an - answer? No. I must Kentuckian like, come out, _broad, flat-footed_, - and tell him that _abolition is the tendency of the gospel_. What am - I now to calculate upon? I have told the man that it is the tendency - of the gospel to make him so poor as to oblige him to take hold of - the maul and wedge himself; he must catch, curry, and saddle his own - horse; he must black his own _brogans_ (for he will not be able to - buy boots). His wife must go, herself, to the wash-tub, take hold of - the scrubbing-broom, wash the pots, and cook all that she and her - rail mauler will eat. - - _Query._—Is it to be expected that a master ignorant heretofore of - the tendency of the gospel would fall so desperately in love with - it, from a knowledge of its tendency, that he would encourage the - preaching of it among his slaves? Verily, NO. - - But suppose, when he put the last question to me, as to its - tendency, I _could_ and _would_, without a twist or quibble, tell - him, _plainly_ and _candidly_, that it was a slander on the gospel - to say that emancipation or abolition was its legitimate tendency. I - would tell him that the commandments of _some_ men, and not the - commandments of God, made slavery a sin.—_Smylie on Slavery_, p. 71. - -One can imagine the expression of countenance and tone of voice with -which St. Clare would receive such expositions of the gospel. It is to -be remarked that this tract does not contain the opinions of one man -only, but that it has in its appendix a letter from two ecclesiastical -bodies of the Presbyterian church, substantially endorsing its -sentiments. - -Can any one wonder that a man like St. Clare should put such questions -as these? - -“Is what you hear at church religion? Is that which can bend and turn, -and descend and ascend, to fit every crooked phase of selfish, worldly -society, religion? Is _that_ religion, which is less scrupulous, less -generous, less just, less considerate for man, than even my own ungodly, -worldly, blinded nature? No! When I look for a religion, I must look for -something above me, and not something beneath.” - -The character of St. Clare was drawn by the writer with enthusiasm and -with hope. Will this hope never be realized? Will those men at the -South, to whom God has given the power to perceive and the heart to feel -the unutterable wrong and injustice of slavery, always remain silent and -inactive? What nobler ambition to a Southern man than to deliver his -country from this disgrace? From the South must the deliverer arise. How -long shall he delay? There is a crown brighter than any earthly ambition -has ever worn,—there is a laurel which will not fade: it is prepared and -waiting for that hero who shall rise up for liberty at the South, and -free that noble and beautiful country from the burden and disgrace of -slavery. - - - - - CHAPTER X. - LEGREE. - - -As St. Clare and the Shelbys are the representatives of one class of -masters, so Legree is the representative of another; and, as all good -masters are not as enlightened, as generous, and as considerate, as St. -Clare and Mr. Shelby, or as careful and successful in religious training -as Mrs. Shelby, so all bad masters do not unite the personal ugliness, -the coarseness and profaneness, of Legree. - -Legree is introduced not for the sake of vilifying masters as a class, -but for the sake of bringing to the minds of honorable Southern men, who -are masters, a very important feature in the system of slavery, upon -which, perhaps, they have never reflected. It is this: that _no Southern -law requires any test of_ CHARACTER _from the man to whom the absolute -power of master is granted_. - -In the second part of this book it will be shown that the legal power of -the master amounts to an absolute despotism over body and soul; and that -there is no protection for the slave’s life or limb, his family -relations, his conscience, nay, more, his eternal interests, but the -CHARACTER of the master. - -Rev. Charles C. Jones, of Georgia, in addressing masters, tells them -that they have the power to open the kingdom of heaven or to shut it, to -their slaves (_Religious Instruction of the Negroes_, p. 158), and a -South Carolinian, in a recent article in _Fraser’s Magazine_, apparently -in a very serious spirit, thus acknowledges the fact of this awful -power: “Yes, we would have the whole South to feel that the _soul_ of -the slave is in some sense in the master’s keeping, and to be charged -against him hereafter.” - -Now, it is respectfully submitted to men of this high class, who are the -law-makers, whether this awful power to bind and to loose, to open and -to shut the kingdom of heaven, ought to be intrusted to every man in the -community, without any other qualification than that of property to buy. -Let this gentleman of South Carolina cast his eyes around the world. Let -him travel for one week through any district of country either in the -South or the North, and ask himself how many of the men whom he meets -are fit to be trusted with this power,—how many are fit to be trusted -with their own souls, much less with those of others? - -Now, in all the theory of government as it is managed in our country, -just in proportion to the extent of power is the strictness with which -qualification for the proper exercise of it is demanded. The physician -may not meddle with the body, to prescribe for its ailments, without a -certificate that he is properly qualified. The judge may not decide on -the laws which relate to property, without a long course of training, -and most abundant preparation. It is only this office of MASTER, which -contains the power to bind and to loose, and to open and shut the -kingdom of heaven, and involves responsibility for the soul as well as -the body, that is thrown out to every hand, and committed without -inquiry to any man of any character. A man may have made all his -property by piracy upon the high seas, as we have represented in the -case of Legree, and there is no law whatever to prevent his investing -that property in acquiring this absolute control over the souls and -bodies of his fellow-beings. To the half-maniac drunkard, to the man -notorious for hardness and cruelty, to the man sunk entirely below -public opinion, to the bitter infidel and blasphemer, the law confides -this power, just as freely as to the most honorable and religious man on -earth. And yet, men who make and uphold these laws think they are -guiltless before God, because individually they do not perpetrate the -wrongs which they allow others to perpetrate! - -To the pirate Legree the law gives a power which no man of woman born, -save One, ever was good enough to exercise. - -Are there such men as Legree? Let any one go into the low districts and -dens of New York, let them go into some of the lanes and alleys of -London, and will they not there see many Legrees? Nay, take the purest -district of New England, and let people cast about in their memory and -see if there have not been men there, hard, coarse, unfeeling, brutal, -who, if they had possessed the absolute power of Legree, would have used -it in the same way; and that there should be Legrees in the Southern -States, is only saying that human nature is the same there that it is -everywhere. The only difference is this,—that in free states Legree is -chained and restrained by law; in the slave states, the law makes him an -absolute, irresponsible despot. - -It is a shocking task to confirm by fact this part of the writer’s -story. One may well approach it in fear and trembling. It is so mournful -to think that man, made in the image of God, and by his human birth a -brother of Jesus Christ, can sink so low, can do such things as the very -soul shudders to contemplate,—and to think that the very man who thus -sinks is our brother,—is capable, like us, of the renewal by the Spirit -of grace, by which he might be created in the image of Christ and be -made equal unto the angels. They who uphold the laws which grant this -awful power have another heavy responsibility, of which they little -dream. How many souls of masters have been ruined through it! How has -this absolute authority provoked and developed wickedness which -otherwise might have been suppressed! How many have stumbled into -everlasting perdition over this stumbling-stone of IRRESPONSIBLE POWER! - -What facts do the judicial trials of slaveholding states occasionally -develop! What horrible records defile the pages of the law-book, -describing unheard-of scenes of torture and agony, perpetrated in this -nineteenth century of the Christian era, by the irresponsible despot who -owns the body and soul! Let any one read, if they can, the ninety-third -page of Weld’s _Slavery as It Is_, where the Rev. Mr. Dickey gives an -account of a trial in Kentucky for a deed of butchery and blood too -repulsive to humanity to be here described. The culprit was convicted, -and _sentenced_ to death. Mr. Dickey’s account of the finale is thus: - - The Court sat—Isham was judged to be guilty of a capital crime in - the affair of George. He was to be hanged at Salem. The day was set. - My good old father visited him in the prison—two or three times - talked and prayed with him; I visited him once myself. We fondly - hoped that he was a sincere penitent. Before the day of execution - came, by some means, I never knew what, Isham was _missing_. About - two years after, we learned that he had gone down to Natchez, and - had married a lady of some refinement and piety. I saw her letters - to his sisters, who were worthy members of the church of which I was - pastor. The last letter told of his death. He was in Jackson’s army, - and fell in the famous battle of New Orleans. - - I am, sir, your friend, - WM. DICKEY. - -But the reader will have too much reason to know of the possibility of -the existence of such men as Legree, when he comes to read the records -of the trials and judicial decisions in Part II. - -Let not the Southern country be taunted as the only country in the world -which produces such men;—let us in sorrow and in humility concede that -such men are found everywhere; but let not the Southern country deny the -awful charge that she invests such men with absolute, irresponsible -power over both the body and the soul. - -With regard to that atrocious system of working up the human being in a -given time, on which Legree is represented as conducting his plantation, -there is unfortunately too much reason to know that it has been -practised and is still practised. - -In Mr. Weld’s book, “Slavery as It Is,” under the head of Labor, p. 39, -are given several extracts from various documents, to show that this -system has been pursued on some plantations to such an extent as to -shorten life, and to prevent the increase of the slave population, so -that, unless annually renewed, it would of itself die out. Of these -documents we quote the following: - - The Agricultural Society of Baton Rouge, La., in its report, - published in 1829, furnishes a labored estimate of the amount of - expenditure necessarily incurred in conducting “a well-regulated - sugar estate.” In this estimate, the annual net loss of slaves, over - and above the supply by propagation, is set down at TWO AND A HALF - PER CENT.! The late Hon. Josiah S. Johnson, a member of Congress - from Louisiana, addressed a letter to the Secretary of the United - States’ Treasury, in 1830, containing a similar estimate, apparently - made with great care, and going into minute details. Many items in - this estimate differ from the preceding; but the estimate of the - annual _decrease_ of the slaves on a plantation was the same,—TWO - AND A HALF PER CENT.! - - In September, 1834, the writer of this had an interview with James - G. Birney, Esq., who then resided in Kentucky, having removed, with - his family, from Alabama, the year before. A few hours before that - interview, and on the morning of the same day, Mr. B. had spent a - couple of hours with Hon. Henry Clay, at his residence, near - Lexington. Mr. Birney remarked that Mr. Clay had just told him he - had lately been led to mistrust certain estimates as to the increase - of the slave population in the far South-west,—estimates which he - had presented, I think, in a speech before the Colonization Society. - He now believed that the births among the slaves in that quarter - were _not equal to the deaths_; and that, of course, the slave - population, independent of immigration from the slave-selling - states, was _not sustaining itself_. - - Among other facts stated by Mr. Clay was the following, which we - copy _verbatim_ from the original memorandum made at the time by Mr. - Birney, with which he has kindly furnished us. - - “_Sept. 16, 1834._—Hon. H. Clay, in a conversation at his own house - on the subject of slavery, informed me that Hon. Outerbridge - Horsey—formerly a senator in Congress from the State of Delaware, - and the owner of a sugar plantation in Louisiana—declared to him - that his overseer worked his hands so closely that one of the women - brought forth a child whilst engaged in the labors of the field. - - “Also that, a few years since, he was at a brick-yard in the - environs of New Orleans, in which one hundred hands were employed; - among them were from _twenty to thirty young women_, in the prime of - life. He was told by the proprietor that there had _not been a child - born among them for the last two or three years, although they all - had husbands_.” - - The late Mr. Samuel Blackwell, a highly-respected citizen of Jersey - City, opposite the city of New York, and a member of the - Presbyterian church, visited many of the sugar plantations in - Louisiana a few years since; and having, for many years, been the - owner of an extensive sugar refinery in England, and subsequently in - this country, he had not only every facility afforded him by the - planters for personal inspection of all parts of the process of - sugar-making, but received from them the most unreserved - communications as to their management of their slaves. Mr. B., after - his return, frequently made the following statement to gentlemen of - his acquaintance:—“That the planters generally declared to him that - they were _obliged_ so to over-work their slaves, during the - sugar-making season (from eight to ten weeks), as to _use them up_ - in seven or eight years. For, said they, after the process is - commenced, it must be pushed, without cessation, night and day; and - we cannot afford to keep a sufficient number of slaves to do the - _extra_ work at the time of sugar-making, as we could not profitably - employ them the rest of the year.” - - Dr. Demming, a gentleman of high respectability, residing in - Ashland, Richland County, Ohio, stated to Professor Wright, of New - York city, - - “That, during a recent tour at the South, while ascending the Ohio - river, on the steamboat Fame, he had an opportunity of conversing - with a Mr. Dickinson, a resident of Pittsburg, in company with a - number of cotton-planters and slave-dealers from Louisiana, Alabama - and Mississippi. Mr. Dickinson stated as a fact, that the - sugar-planters upon the sugar-coast in Louisiana had ascertained - that, as it was usually necessary to employ about _twice_ the amount - of labor during the boiling season that was required during the - season of raising, they could, by excessive driving, day and night, - during the boiling season, accomplish the whole labor _with one set - of hands_. By pursuing this plan, they could afford _to sacrifice a - set of hands once in seven years_! He further stated that this - horrible system was now practised to a considerable extent! The - correctness of this statement was substantially admitted by the - slave-holders then on board.” - - The following testimony of Rev. Dr. Channing, of Boston, who resided - some time in Virginia, shows that the over-working of slaves, to - such an extent as to abridge life, and cause a decrease of - population, is not confined to the far South and South-west. - - “I heard of an estate managed by an individual who was considered as - singularly successful, and who was able to govern the slaves without - the use of the whip. I was anxious to see him; and trusted that some - discovery had been made favorable to humanity. I asked him how he - was able to dispense with corporal punishment. He replied to me, - with a very determined look, ‘The slaves know that the work _must_ - be done, and that it is better to do it without punishment than with - it.’ In other words, the certainty and dread of chastisement were so - impressed on them that they never incurred it. - - “I then found that the slaves on this well-managed estate - _decreased_ in number. I asked the cause. He replied, with perfect - frankness and ease, ‘The gang is not large enough for the estate.’ - In other words, they were not equal to the work of the plantation, - and yet were _made to do it_, though with the certainty of abridging - life. - - “On this plantation the huts were uncommonly convenient. There was - an unusual air of neatness. A superficial observer would have called - the slaves happy. Yet they were living under a severe, subduing - discipline, and were _over-worked_ to a degree that _shortened - life_.”—_Channing on Slavery_, page 162, first edition. - -A friend of the writer—the Rev. Mr. Barrows, now officiating as teacher -of Hebrew in Andover Theological Seminary—stated the following, in -conversation with her:—That, while at New Orleans, some time since, he -was invited by a planter to visit his estate, as he considered it to be -a model one. He found good dwellings for the slaves, abundant provision -distributed to them, all cruel punishments superseded by rational and -reasonable ones, and half a day every week allowed to the negroes to -cultivate their own grounds. Provision was also made for their moral and -religious instruction. Mr. Barrows then asked the planter, - -“Do you consider your estate a fair specimen?” The gentleman replied, -“There are two systems pursued among us. One is, to make all we can out -of a negro in a few years, and then supply his place with another; and -the other is, to treat him as I do. My neighbor on the next plantation -pursues the opposite system. His boys are hard worked and scantily fed; -and I have had them come to me, and get down on their knees to beg me to -buy them.” - -Mr. Barrows says he subsequently passed by this plantation, and that the -woe-struck, dejected aspect of its laborers fully confirmed the account. -He also says that the gentleman who managed so benevolently told him, “I -do not make much money out of my slaves.” - -It will be easy to show that such is the nature of slavery, and the -temptations of masters, that such well-regulated plantations are and -must be infinitely in the minority, and exceptional cases. - -The Rev. Charles C. Jones, a man of the finest feelings of humanity, and -for many years an assiduous laborer for the benefit of the slave, -himself the owner of a plantation, and qualified, therefore, to judge, -both by experience and observation, says, after speaking of the great -improvidence of the negroes, engendered by slavery: - - And, indeed, once for all, I will here say that the wastes of the - system are so great, as well as the fluctuation in prices of the - staple articles for market, that it is _difficult, nay, impossible_, - to indulge in large expenditures on plantations, and make them - savingly profitable.—_Religious Instruction_, p. 116. - -If even the religious and benevolent master feels the difficulty of -uniting any great consideration for the comfort of the slave with -prudence and economy, how readily must the moral question be solved by -minds of the coarse style of thought which we have supposed in Legree! - - “I used to, when I first begun, have considerable trouble fussin’ - with ‘em, and trying to make ‘em hold out,—doctorin’ on ‘em up when - they’s sick, and givin’ on ‘em clothes, and blankets, and what not, - trying to keep ‘em all sort o’ decent and comfortable. Law, ‘twant - no sort o’ use; I lost money on ‘em, and ‘twas heaps o’ trouble. - Now, you see, I just put ‘em straight through, sick or well. When - one nigger’s dead, I buy another; and I find it comes cheaper and - easier every way.” - -Added to this, the peculiar mode of labor on the sugar plantation is -such that the master, at a certain season of the year, must over-work -his slaves, unless he is willing to incur great pecuniary loss. In that -very gracefully written apology for slavery, Professor Ingraham’s -“Travels in the South-west,” the following description of sugar-making -is given. We quote from him in preference to any one else, because he -speaks as an apologist, and describes the thing with the grace of a Mr. -Skimpole. - - When the grinding has once commenced, there is no cessation of labor - till it is completed. From beginning to end a busy and cheerful - scene continues. The negroes, - - “—— Whose sore task - Does not divide the Sunday from the week,” - - work from eighteen to twenty hours, - - “And make the night joint laborer with the day;” - - though, to lighten the burden as much as possible, the gang is - divided into two watches, one taking the first and the other the - last part of the night; and, notwithstanding this continued labor, - the negroes improve in appearance, and appear fat and flourishing. - They drink freely of cane-juice, and the sickly among them revive, - and become robust and healthy. - - After the grinding is finished, the negroes have several holidays, - when they are quite at liberty to dance and frolic as much as they - please; and the cane-song—which is improvised by one of the gang, - the rest all joining in a prolonged and unintelligible chorus—now - breaks, night and day, upon the ear, in notes “most musical, most - melancholy.” - -The above is inserted as a specimen of the facility with which the most -horrible facts may be told in the genteelest phrase. In a work entitled -“Travels in Louisiana in 1802” is the following extract (see Weld’s -“Slavery as It Is,” p. 134), from which it appears that this _cheerful_ -process of laboring night and day lasts _three months_! - - “At the rolling of sugars, an interval of from two to three months, - they (the slaves in Louisiana) work _both night and day_. Abridged - of their sleep, they scarcely retire to rest during the whole - period.” - -Now, let any one learn the private history of seven hundred blacks,—men -and women,—compelled to work day and night, under the lash of a driver, -for a period of three months. - -Possibly, if the gentleman who wrote this account were employed, with -his wife and family, in this “cheerful scene” of labor,—if he saw the -woman that he loved, the daughter who was dear to him as his own soul, -forced on in the general gang, in this toil which - - “Does not divide the Sabbath from the week, - And makes the night joint laborer with the day,” - -—possibly, if he saw all this, he might have another opinion of its -cheerfulness; and it might be an eminently salutary thing if every -apologist for slavery were to enjoy some such privilege for a season, -particularly as Mr. Ingraham is careful to tell us that its effect upon -the general health is so excellent that the negroes improve in -appearance, and appear fat and flourishing, and that the sickly among -them revive, and become robust and healthy. One would think it a -surprising fact, if working slaves night and day, and giving them -cane-juice to drink, really produces such salutary results, that the -practice should not be continued the whole year round; though, perhaps, -in this case, the negroes would become so fat as to be unable to labor. -Possibly, it is because this healthful process is not longer continued -that the agricultural societies of Louisiana are obliged to set down an -annual loss of slaves on sugar plantations to the amount of two and a -half per cent. This ought to be looked into by philanthropists. Perhaps -working them all night for six months, instead of three, might remedy -the evil. - -But this periodical pressure is not confined to the making of sugar. -There is also a press in the cotton season, as any one can observe by -reading the Southern newspapers. At a certain season of the year, the -whole interest of the community is engaged in gathering in the cotton -crop. Concerning this Mr. Weld says (“Slavery as It Is,” page 34): - - In the cotton and sugar region there is a fearful amount of - desperate gambling, in which, though money is the ostensible stake - and forfeit, _human life_ is the real one. The length to which this - rivalry is carried at the South and South-west, the multitude of - planters who engage in it, and the recklessness of human life - exhibited in driving the murderous game to its issue, cannot well be - imagined by one who has not lived in the midst of it. Desire of gain - is only one of the motives that stimulates them; the _éclat_ of - having made the largest crop with a given number of hands is also a - powerful stimulant; the Southern newspapers, at the crop season, - chronicle carefully the “cotton brag,” and the “crack - cotton-picking,” and “unparalleled driving,” &c. Even the editors of - professedly religious papers cheer on the _mêlée_, and sing the - triumphs of the victor. Among these we recollect the celebrated Rev. - J. N. Maffit, recently editor of a religious paper at Natchez, - Miss., in which he took care to assign a prominent place and - capitals to “THE COTTON BRAG.” - -As a specimen, of recent date, of this kind of affair, we subjoin the -following from the _Fairfield Herald_, Winsboro’, S. C., Nov. 4, 1852. - - COTTON-PICKING. - - We find in many of our southern and western exchanges notices of the - amount of cotton picked by hands, and the quantity by each hand; - and, as we have received a similar account, which we have not seen - excelled, so far as regards the quantity picked by one hand, we with - pleasure furnish the statement, with the remark that it is from a - citizen of this district, overseeing for Maj. H. W. Parr. - - “_Broad River, Oct. 12, 1852._ - - “MESSRS. EDITORS:—By way of contributing something to your variety - (provided it meets your approbation), I send you the return of a - day’s picking of cotton, not by picked hands, but the fag end of a - set of hands on one plantation, the able-bodied hands having been - drawn out for other purposes. Now for the result of a day’s picking, - from sun-up until sun-down, by twenty-two hands,—women, boys, and - two men:—four thousand eight hundred and eighty pounds of clean - picked cotton, from the stalk. - - “The highest, three hundred and fifty pounds, by several; the - lowest, one hundred and fifteen pounds. One of the number has picked - in the last seven and a half days (Sunday excepted), eleven hours - each day, nineteen hundred pounds clean cotton. When any of my - agricultural friends beat this, in the same time, and during - sunshine, I will try again. - - JAMES STEWARD.” - -It seems that this agriculturist professes to have accomplished all -these extraordinary results with what he very elegantly terms the “fag -end” of a set of hands; and, the more to exalt his glory in the matter, -he distinctly informs the public that there were no “able-bodied” hands -employed; that this whole triumphant result was worked out of women and -children, and two disabled men; in other words, he boasts that out of -women and children, and the feeble and sickly, _he_ has extracted four -thousand eight hundred and eighty pounds of clean picked cotton in a -day; and that one of these same hands has been made to pick nineteen -hundred pounds of clean cotton in a week! and adds, complacently, that, -when any of his agricultural friends beat this, in the same time, and -during sunshine, he “will try again.” - -Will any of our readers now consider the forcing up of the hands on -Legree’s plantation an exaggeration? Yet see how complacently this -account is quoted by the editor, as a most praiseworthy and laudable -thing! - -“BEHOLD THE HIRE OF THE LABORERS WHO HAVE REAPED DOWN YOUR FIELDS, WHICH -IS OF YOU KEPT BACK BY FRAUD, CRIETH! AND THE CRIES OF THEM WHICH HAVE -REAPED ARE ENTERED INTO THE EARS OF THE LORD OF SABAOTH.” - -That the representations of the style of dwelling-house, modes of -housekeeping, and, in short, the features of life generally, as -described on Legree’s plantation, are not wild and fabulous drafts on -the imagination, or exaggerated pictures of exceptional cases, there is -the most abundant testimony before the world, and has been for a long -number of years. Let the reader weigh the following testimony with -regard to the dwellings of the negroes, which has been for some years -before the world, in the work of Mr. Weld. It shows the state of things -in this respect, at least up to the year 1838. - - Mr. Stephen E. Maltby, Inspector of Provisions, Skaneateles, N. Y., - who has lived in Alabama.—“The huts where the slaves slept generally - contained but _one_ apartment, and that _without floor_.” - - Mr. George A. Avery, elder of the 4th Presbyterian Church, - Rochester, N. Y., who lived four years in Virginia.—“Amongst all the - negro cabins which I saw in Virginia, _I cannot call to mind one_ in - which there was any other floor than the _earth_; anything that a - Northern laborer, or mechanic, white or colored, would call a _bed_, - nor a solitary _partition_, to separate the sexes.” - - William Ladd, Esq., Minot, Maine, President of the American Peace - Society, formerly a slave-holder in Florida.—“The dwellings of the - slaves were palmetto huts, built by themselves of stakes and poles, - thatched with the palmetto-leaf. The door, when they had any, was - generally of the same materials, sometimes boards found on the - beach. They had _no floors_, no separate apartments; except the - Guinea negroes had sometimes a small enclosure for their ‘god - houses.’ These huts the slaves built themselves after task and on - Sundays.” - - Rev. Joseph M. Sadd, pastor Presbyterian Church, Castile, Greene - Co., N. Y., who lived in Missouri five years previous to 1837.—“The - slaves live _generally_ in _miserable huts_, which are _without - floors_; and have a single apartment only, where both sexes are - herded promiscuously together.” - - Mr. George W. Westgate, member of the Congregational church in - Quincy, Illinois, who has spent a number of years in slave - states.—“On old plantations the negro quarters are of frame and - clapboards, seldom affording a comfortable shelter from wind or - rain; their size varies from eight by ten to ten by twelve feet, and - six or eight feet high; sometimes there is a hole cut for a window, - but I never saw a sash, or glass, in any. In the new country, and in - the woods, the quarters are generally built of logs, of similar - dimensions.” - - Mr. Cornelius Johnson, a member of a Christian church in Farmington, - Ohio. Mr. J. lived in Mississippi in 1837–8.—“Their houses were - commonly built of logs; sometimes they were framed, often they had - no floor; some of them have two apartments, commonly but one; each - of those apartments contained a family. Sometimes these families - consisted of a man and his wife and children, while in other - instances persons of both sexes were thrown together, without any - regard to family relationship.” - - The _Western Medical Reformer_, in an article on the Cachexia - Africana, by a Kentucky physician, thus speaks of the huts of the - slaves: “They are _crowded_ together in a _small hut_, and sometimes - having an imperfect and sometimes no floor, and seldom raised from - the ground, ill ventilated, and surrounded with filth.” - - Mr. William Leftwich, a native of Virginia, but has resided most of - his life in Madison Co., Alabama.—“The dwellings of the slaves are - log huts, from ten to twelve feet square, often without windows, - doors or floors; they have neither chairs, table, or bedstead.” - - Reuben L. Macy, of Hudson, N. Y., a member of the religious society - of Friends. He lived in South Carolina in 1818–19.—“The houses for - the field-slaves were about fourteen feet square, built in the - coarsest manner, with one room, _without any chimney or flooring, - with a hole in the roof to let the smoke out_.” - - Mr. Lemuel Sapington, of Lancaster, Pa., a native of Maryland, - formerly a slave-holder.—“The descriptions generally given of negro - quarters are correct; the quarters are _without floors, and not - sufficient to keep off the inclemency of the weather_; they are - uncomfortable both in summer and winter.” - - Rev. John Rankin, a native of Tennessee.—“When they return to their - miserable huts at night, they find not there the means of - comfortable rest; but _on the cold ground they must lie without - covering, and shiver while they slumber_.” - - Philemon Bliss, Esq., Elyria, Ohio, who lived in Florida in - 1835.—“The dwellings of the slaves are usually small _open_ log - huts, with but one apartment, and very generally _without floors_.” - - _Slavery as It Is_, p. 43. - -The Rev. C. C. Jones, to whom we have already alluded, when taking a -survey of the condition of the negroes considered as a field for -missionary effort, takes into account all the conditions of their -external life. He speaks of a part of Georgia where as much attention -had been paid to the comfort of the negro as in any part of the United -States. He gives the following picture: - - Their _general mode of living_ is coarse and vulgar. Many negro - houses are small, low to the ground, blackened with smoke, often - with dirt floors, and the furniture of the plainest kind. On some - estates the houses are framed, weather-boarded, neatly white-washed, - and made sufficiently large and comfortable in every respect. The - improvement in the size, material and finish, of negro houses, is - extending. Occasionally they may be found constructed of tabby or - brick. - - _Religious Instruction of the Negroes_, p. 116. - -Now, admitting what Mr. Jones says, to wit, that improvements with -regard to the accommodation of the negroes are continually making among -enlightened and Christian people, still, if we take into account how -many people there are who are neither enlightened nor Christian, how -unproductive of any benefit to the master all these improvements are, -and how entirely, therefore, they must be the result either of native -generosity or of Christian sentiment, the reader may fairly conclude -that such improvements are the exception, rather than the rule. - -A friend of the writer, travelling in Georgia during the last month, -thus writes: - - Upon the long line of rice and cotton plantations extending along - the railroad from Savannah to this city, the negro quarters contain - scarcely a single hut which a Northern farmer would deem fit shelter - for his cattle. They are all built of poles, with the ends so - slightly notched that they are almost as open as children’s - cob-houses (which they very much resemble), without a single glazed - window, and with only one mud chimney to each cluster of from four - to eight cabins. And yet our fellow-travellers were quietly - expatiating upon the negro’s strange inability to endure cold - weather! - -Let this modern picture be compared with the account given by the Rev. -Horace Moulton, who spent five years in Georgia between 1817 and 1824, -and it will be seen, in that state at least, there is some resemblance -between the more remote and more recent - - The huts of the slaves are mostly of the poorest kind. They are not - as good as those temporary shanties which are thrown up beside - railroads. They are erected with posts and crotches, with but little - or no frame-work about them. They have no stoves or chimneys; some - of them have something like a fireplace at one end, and a board or - two off at that side, or on the roof, to let off the smoke. Others - have nothing like a fireplace in them; in these the fire is - sometimes made in the middle of the hut. These buildings have but - one apartment in them; the places where they pass in and out serve - both for doors and windows; the sides and roofs are covered with - coarse, and in many instances with refuse boards. In warm weather, - especially in the spring, the slaves keep up a smoke, or fire and - smoke, all night, to drive away the gnats and mosquitos, which are - very troublesome in all the low country of the South; so much so - that the whites sleep under frames with nets over them, knit so fine - that the mosquitos cannot fly through them. - - _Slavery as It Is_, p. 19. - -The same Mr. Moulton gives the following account of the food of the -slaves, and the mode of procedure on the plantation on which he was -engaged. It may be here mentioned that at the time he was at the South -he was engaged in certain business relations which caused him frequently -to visit different plantations, and to have under his control many of -the slaves. His opportunities for observation, therefore, were quite -intimate. There is a homely matter-of-fact distinctness in the style -that forbids the idea of its being a fancy sketch: - - It was a general custom, wherever I have been, for the master to - give each of his slaves, male and female, _one peck of corn per - week_ for their food. This, at fifty cents per bushel, which was all - that it was worth when I was there, would amount to twelve and a - half cents per week for board per head. - - It cost me, upon an average, when at the South, one dollar per day - for board;—the price of fourteen bushels of corn per week. This - would make my board equal in amount to the board of _forty-six - slaves_! This is all that good or bad masters allow their slaves, - round about Savannah, on the plantations. One peck of gourd-seed - corn is to be measured out to each slave once every week. One man - with whom I labored, however, being desirous to get all the work out - of his hands he could, before I left (about fifty in number), bought - for them every week, or twice a week, a beef’s head from market. - With this they made a soup in a large iron kettle, around which the - hands came at meal-time, and dipping out the soup, would mix it with - their hominy, and eat it as though it were a feast. This man - permitted his slaves to eat twice a day while I was doing a job for - him. He promised me a beaver hat, and as good a suit of clothes as - could be bought in the city, if I would accomplish so much for him - before I returned to the North; giving me the entire control over - his slaves. Thus you may see the temptations overseers sometimes - have, to get all the work they can out of the poor slaves. The above - is an exception to the general rule of feeding. For, in all other - places where I worked and visited, the slaves had _nothing from - their masters but the corn_, or its equivalent in potatoes or rice; - and to this they were not permitted to come but _once a day_. The - custom was to blow the horn early in the morning, as a signal for - the hands to rise and go to work. When commenced, they continue work - until about eleven o’clock A. M., when, at the signal, all hands - left off, and went into their huts, made their fires, made their - corn-meal into hominy or cake, ate it, and went to work again at the - signal of the horn, and worked until night, or until their tasks - were done. Some cooked their breakfast in the field while at work. - Each slave must grind his own corn in a hand-mill after he has done - his work at night. There is generally one hand-mill on every - plantation for the use of the slaves. - - Some of the planters have no corn; others often get out. The - substitute for it is the equivalent of one peck of corn, either in - rice or sweet potatoes, neither of which is as good for the slaves - as corn. They complain more of being faint when fed on rice or - potatoes than when fed on corn. I was with one man a few weeks who - gave me his hands to do a job of work, and, to save time, one cooked - for all the rest. The following course was taken:—Two crotched - sticks were driven down at one end of the yard, and, a small pole - being laid on the crotches, they swung a large iron kettle on the - middle of the pole; then made up a fire under the kettle, and boiled - the hominy; when ready, the hands were called around this kettle - with their wooden plates and spoons. They dipped out and ate - standing around the kettle, or sitting upon the ground, as best - suited their convenience. When they had potatoes, they took them out - with their hands, and ate them. - - _Slavery as It Is_, p. 18. - -Thomas Clay, Esq., a slave-holder of Georgia, and a most benevolent man, -and who interested himself very successfully in endeavoring to promote -the improvement of the negroes, in his address before the Georgia -Presbytery, 1833, says of their food, “The quantity allowed by custom is -a _peck of corn a week_.” - -The _Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser_, May 30, 1788, says, “A -single peck of corn, or the same measure of rice, is the ordinary -provision for a hard-working slave, to which a small quantity of meat is -occasionally, though rarely, added.” - -Captain William Ladd, of Minot, Maine, formerly a slave-holder in -Florida, says, “The usual allowance of food was a quart of corn a day to -a full-task hand, with a modicum of salt; _kind_ masters allowed a peck -of corn a week.” - -The law of North Carolina provides that the master shall give his slave -a quart of corn a day, which is less than a peck a week by one -quart.—_Haywood’s Manual_, 525; _Slavery as It Is_, p. 29. The master, -therefore, who gave a peck a week would feel that he was going beyond -the law, and giving a quart for generosity. - -This condition of things will appear far more probable in the section of -country where the scene of the story is laid. It is in the south-western -states, where no provision is _raised_ on the plantations, but the -supply for the slaves is all purchased from the more northern states. - -Let the reader now imagine the various temptations which might -occur to retrench the allowance of the slaves, under these -circumstances;—scarcity of money, financial embarrassment, high -price of provisions, and various causes of the kind, bring a great -influence upon the master or overseer. - -At the time when it was discussed whether the State of Missouri should -be admitted as a slave state, the measure, like all measures for the -advancement of this horrible system, was advocated on the good old plea -of humanity to the negroes; thus Mr. Alexander Smyth, in his speech on -the slavery question, Jan. 21, 1820, says: - - By confining the slaves to the Southern States, where crops are - raised for exportation, and bread and meat are purchased, you _doom - them to scarcity and hunger_. It is proposed to hem in the blacks - where they are ILL FED. - - _Slavery as It Is_, p. 28. - -This is a simple recognition of the state of things we have adverted to. -To the same purport, Mr. Asa A. Stone, a theological student, who -resided near Natchez, Miss., in 1834–5, says: - - On almost every plantation, the hands suffer more or less from - hunger at some seasons of almost every year. There is always a _good - deal of suffering_ from hunger. On many plantations, and - particularly in Louisiana, the slaves are in a condition of _almost - utter famishment_, during a great portion of the year.—_Ibid._ - -Mr. Tobias Baudinot, St. Albans, Ohio, a member of the Methodist Church, -who for some years was a navigator on the Mississippi, says: - - The slaves down the Mississippi are _half-starved_. The boats, when - they stop at night, are constantly boarded by slaves, begging for - something to eat. - - _Ibid._ - -On the whole, while it is freely and cheerfully admitted that many -individuals have made most commendable advances in regard to the -provision for the physical comfort of the slave, still it is to be -feared that the picture of the accommodations on Legree’s plantation has -as yet too many counterparts. Lest, however, the author should be -suspected of keeping back anything which might serve to throw light on -the subject, she will insert in full the following incidents on the -other side, from the pen of the accomplished Professor Ingraham. How far -these may be regarded as exceptional cases, or as pictures of the -general mode of providing for slaves, may safely be left to the good -sense of the reader. The professor’s anecdotes are as follows: - - “What can you do with so much tobacco?” said a gentleman,—who - related the circumstance to me,—on hearing a planter, whom he was - visiting, give an order to his teamster to bring two hogsheads of - tobacco out to the estate from the “Landing.” - - “I purchase it for my negroes; it is a harmless indulgence, which it - gives me pleasure to afford them.” - - “Why are you at the trouble and expense of having high-post - bedsteads for your negroes?” said a gentleman from the North, while - walking through the handsome “quarters,” or village, for the slaves, - then in progress on a plantation near Natchez—addressing the - proprietor. - - “To suspend their ‘bars’ from, that they may not be troubled with - mosquitos.” - - “Master, me would like, if you please, a little bit gallery front my - house.” - - “For what, Peter?” - - “‘Cause, master, the sun too hot [an odd reason for a negro to give] - that side, and when he rain we no able to keep de door open.” - - “Well, well, when a carpenter gets a little leisure, you shall have - one.” - - A few weeks after, I was at the plantation, and riding past the - quarters one Sabbath morning, beheld Peter, his wife and children, - with his old father, all sunning themselves in the new gallery. - - “Missus, you promise me a Chrismus gif’.” - - “Well, Jane, there is a new calico frock for you.” - - “It werry pretty, Missus,” said Jane, eying it at a distance without - touching it, “but me prefer muslin, if you please: muslin de fashion - dis Chrismus.” - - “Very well, Jane, call to-morrow, and you shall have a muslin.” - -The writer would not think of controverting the truth of these -anecdotes. Any probable amount of high-post bedsteads and mosquito -“bars,” of tobacco distributed as gratuity, and verandas constructed by -leisurely carpenters for the sunning of fastidious negroes, may be -conceded, and they do in no whit impair the truth of the other facts. -When the reader remembers that the “gang” of some opulent owners amounts -to from five to seven hundred working hands, besides children, he can -judge how extensively these accommodations are likely to be provided. -Let them be safely thrown into the account, for what they are worth. - -At all events, it is pleasing to end off so disagreeable a chapter with -some more agreeable images. - - - - - CHAPTER XI. - SELECT INCIDENTS OF LAWFUL TRADE. - - -In this chapter of _Uncle Tom’s Cabin_ were recorded some of the most -highly-wrought and touching incidents of the slave-trade. It will be -well to authenticate a few of them. - -One of the first sketches presented to view is an account of the -separation of a very old, decrepit negro woman from her young son, by a -sheriff’s sale. The writer is sorry to say that not the slightest credit -for invention is due to her in this incident. She found it, almost -exactly as it stands, in the published journal of a young Southerner, -related as a scene to which he was eye-witness. The only circumstance -which she has omitted in the narrative was one of additional inhumanity -and painfulness which he had delineated. He represents the boy as being -bought by a planter, who fettered his hands, and tied a rope round his -neck which he attached to the neck of his horse, thus compelling the -child to trot by his side. This incident alone was suppressed by the -author. - -Another scene of fraud and cruelty, in the same chapter, is described as -perpetrated by a Kentucky slave-master, who sells a woman to a trader, -and induces her to go with him by the deceitful assertion that she is to -be taken down the river a short distance, to work at the same hotel with -her husband. This was an instance which occurred under the writer’s own -observation, some years since, when she was going down the Ohio river. -The woman was very respectable both in appearance and dress. The writer -recalls her image now with distinctness, attired with great neatness in -a white wrapper, her clothing and hair all arranged with evident care, -and having with her a prettily-dressed boy about seven years of age. She -had also a hair trunk of clothing, which showed that she had been -carefully and respectably brought up. It will be seen, in perusing the -account, that the incident is somewhat altered to suit the purpose of -the story, the woman being there represented as carrying with her a -young infant. - -The custom of unceremoniously separating the infant from its mother, -when the latter is about to be taken from a Northern to a Southern -market, is a matter of every-day notoriety in the trade. It is not done -occasionally and sometimes, but always, whenever there is occasion for -it; and the mother’s agonies are no more regarded than those of a cow -when her calf is separated from her. - -The reason of this is, that the care and raising of children is no part -of the intention or provision of a Southern plantation. They are a -trouble; they detract from the value of the mother as a field-hand, and -it is more expensive to raise them than to buy them ready raised; they -are therefore left behind in the making up of a coffle. Not longer ago -than last summer, the writer was conversing with Thomas Strother, a -slave minister of the gospel in St. Louis, for whose emancipation she -was making some effort. He incidentally mentioned to her a scene which -he had witnessed but a short time before, in which a young woman of his -acquaintance came to him almost in a state of distraction, telling him -that she had been sold to go South with a trader, and leave behind her a -nursing infant. - -In Lewis Clark’s narrative he mentions that a master in his neighborhood -sold a woman and child to a trader, with the charge that he should not -sell the child from its mother. The man, however, traded off the child -in the very next town, in payment of his tavern-bill. - -The following testimony is from a gentleman who writes from New Orleans -to the _National Era_. - -This writer says: - - While at Robinson, or Tyree Springs, twenty miles from Nashville, on - the borders of Kentucky and Tennessee, my hostess said to me, one - day, “Yonder comes a gang of slaves, chained.” I went to the - road-side and viewed them. For the better answering my purpose of - observation, I stopped the white man in front, who was at his ease - in a one-horse wagon, and asked him if those slaves were for sale. I - counted them and observed their position. They were divided by three - one-horse wagons, each containing a man-merchant, so arranged as to - command the whole gang. Some were unchained; sixty were chained in - two companies, thirty in each, the right hand of one to the left - hand of the other opposite one, making fifteen each side of a large - ox-chain, to which every hand was fastened, and necessarily - compelled to hold up,—men and women promiscuously, and about in - equal proportions,—all young people. No children here, except a few - in a wagon behind, which were the only children in the four gangs. I - said to a respectable mulatto woman in the house, “Is it true that - the negro-traders take mothers from their babies?” “Massa, it is - true; for here, last week, such a girl [naming her], who lives about - a mile off, was taken after dinner,—knew nothing of it in the - morning,—sold, put into the gang, and her baby given away to a - neighbor. She was a stout young woman, and brought a good price.” - -Nor is the pitiful lie to be regarded which says that these unhappy -mothers and fathers, husbands and wives, do not feel when the most -sacred ties are thus severed. Every day and hour bears living witness of -the falsehood of this slander, the more false because spoken of a race -peculiarly affectionate, and strong, vivacious and vehement, in the -expression of their feelings. - -The case which the writer supposed of the woman’s throwing herself -overboard is not by any means a singular one. Witness the following -recent fact, which appeared under the head of - - ANOTHER INCIDENT FOR “UNCLE TOM’S CABIN.” - - The editorial correspondent of the _Oneida_ (N. Y.) _Telegraph_, - writing from a steamer on the Mississippi river, gives the following - sad story: - - “At Louisville, a gentleman took passage, having with him a family - of blacks,—husband, wife and children. The master was bound for - Memphis, Tenn., at which place he intended to take all except the - man ashore. The latter was handcuffed, and although his master said - nothing of his intention, the negro made up his mind, from - appearances, as well as from the remarks of those around him, that - he was destined for the _Southern market_. We reached Memphis during - the night, and whilst within sight of the town, just before landing, - the negro caused his wife to divide their things, as though resigned - to the intended separation, and then, taking a moment when his - master’s back was turned, ran forward and jumped into the river. Of - course he sank, and his master was several hundred dollars poorer - than a moment before. That was all; at least, scarcely any one - mentioned it the next morning. I was obliged to get my information - from the deck hands, and did not hear a remark concerning it in the - cabin. In justice to the master, I should say, that after the - occurrence he disclaimed any intention to separate them. - Appearances, however, are quite against him, if I have been rightly - informed. This sad affair needs no comment. It is an argument, - however, that I might have used to-day, with some effect, whilst - talking with a highly-intelligent Southerner of the evils of - slavery. He had been reading _Uncle Tom’s Cabin_, and spoke of it as - a _novel_, which, like other romances, was well calculated to excite - the sympathies, by the recital of heart-touching incidents which - _never had an existence_, except in the imagination of the writer.” - -Instances have occurred where mothers, whose children were about to be -sold from them, have, in their desperation, murdered their own -offspring, to save them from this worst kind of orphanage. A case of -this kind has been recently tried in the United States, and was alluded -to, a week or two ago, by Mr. Giddings, in his speech on the floor of -Congress. - -An American gentleman from Italy, complaining of the effect of “Uncle -Tom’s Cabin” on the Italian mind, states that images of fathers dragged -from their families to be sold into slavery, and of babes torn from the -breasts of weeping mothers, are constantly presented before the minds of -the people as scenes of every-day life in America. The author can only -say, sorrowfully, that it is _only the truth_ which is thus presented. - -These things _are_, every day, part and parcel of one of _the most -thriving trades that is carried on in America_. The only difference -between us and foreign nations is, that we have got used to it, and they -have not. The thing has been done, and done again, day after day, and -year after year, reported and lamented over in every variety of way; but -it is _going on this day_ with more briskness than ever before, and such -scenes as we have described are enacted oftener, as the author will -prove when she comes to the chapter on the internal slave-trade. - -The incident in this same chapter which describes the scene where the -wife of the unfortunate article, catalogued as “John aged 30,” rushed on -board the boat and threw her arms around him, with moans and -lamentations, was a real incident. The gentleman who related it was so -stirred in his spirit at the sight, that he addressed the trader in the -exact words which the writer represents the young minister as having -used in her narrative. - - My friend, how can you, how dare you, carry on a trade like this? - Look at those poor creatures! Here I am, rejoicing in my heart that - I am going home to my wife and child; and the same bell which is the - signal to carry me onward towards them will part this poor man and - his wife forever. Depend upon it, God will bring you into judgment - for this. - -If that gentleman has read the work,—as perhaps he has before now,—he -has probably recognized his own words. One affecting incident in the -narrative, as it really occurred, ought to be mentioned. The wife was -passionately bemoaning her husband’s fate, as about to be forever -separated from all that he held dear, to be sold to the hard usage of a -Southern plantation. The husband, in reply, used that very simple but -sublime expression which the writer has placed in the mouth of Uncle -Tom, in similar circumstances: “_There’ll be the same God there that -there is here._” - -One other incident mentioned in “Uncle Tom’s Cabin” may, perhaps, be as -well verified in this place as in any other. - -The case of old Prue was related by a brother and sister of the writer, -as follows: She was the woman who supplied _rusks_ and other articles of -the kind at the house where they boarded. Her manners, appearance and -character, were just as described. One day another servant came in her -place, bringing the rusks. The sister of the writer inquired what had -become of _Prue_. She seemed reluctant to answer for some time, but at -last said that they had taken her into the cellar and beaten her, and -that the flies had got at her, and she was dead! - -It is well known that there are no _cellars_, properly so called, in New -Orleans, the nature of the ground being such as to forbid digging. The -slave who used the word had probably been imported from some state where -cellars were in use, and applied the term to the place which was used -for the ordinary purposes of a cellar. A cook who lived in the writer’s -family, having lived most of her life on a plantation, always applied -the descriptive terms of the plantation to the very limited enclosures -and retinue of a very plain house and yard. - -This same lady, while living in the same place, used frequently to have -her compassion excited by hearing the wailings of a sickly baby in a -house adjoining their own, as also the objurgations and tyrannical abuse -of a ferocious virago upon its mother. She once got an opportunity to -speak to its mother, who appeared heart-broken and dejected, and -inquired what was the matter with her child. Her answer was that she had -had a fever, and that her milk was all dried away; and that her mistress -was set against her child, and would not buy milk for it. She had tried -to feed it on her own coarse food, but it pined and cried continually; -and in witness of this she brought the baby to her. It was emaciated to -a skeleton. The lady took the little thing to a friend of hers in the -house who had been recently confined, and who was suffering from a -redundancy of milk, and begged her to nurse it. The miserable sight of -the little, famished, wasted thing affected the mother so as to overcome -all other considerations, and she placed it to her breast, when it -revived, and took food with an eagerness which showed how much it had -suffered. But the child was so reduced that this proved only a transient -alleviation. It was after this almost impossible to get sight of the -woman, and the violent temper of her mistress was such as to make it -difficult to interfere in the case. The lady secretly afforded what aid -she could, though, as she confessed, with a sort of misgiving that it -was a cruelty to try to hold back the poor little sufferer from the -refuge of the grave; and it was a relief to her when at last its -wailings ceased, and it went where the weary are at rest. This is one of -those cases which go to show that the _interest_ of the owner will not -always insure kind treatment of the slave. - -There is one other incident, which the writer interwove into the history -of the mulatto woman who was bought by Legree for his plantation. The -reader will remember that, in telling her story to Emmeline, she says: - - “My Mas’r was Mr. Ellis,—lived on Levee-street. P’raps you’ve seen - the house.” - - “Was he good to you?” said Emmeline. - - “Mostly, till he tuk sick. He’s lain sick, off and on, more than six - months, and been orful oneasy. ‘Pears like he warn’t willin’ to have - nobody rest, day nor night; and got so cur’ous, there couldn’t - nobody suit him. ‘Pears like he just grew crosser every day; kep me - up nights till I got fairly beat out, and couldn’t keep awake no - longer; and ‘cause I got to sleep one night, Lors! he talk so orful - to me, and he tell me he’d sell me to just the hardest master he - could find; and he’d promised me my freedom, too, when he died.” - -An incident of this sort came under the author’s observation in the -following manner: A quadroon slave family, liberated by the will of the -master, settled on Walnut Hills, near her residence, and their children -were received into her family school, taught in her house. In this -family was a little quadroon boy, four or five years of age, with a sad, -dejected appearance, who excited their interest. - -The history of this child, as narrated by his friends, was simply this: -His mother had been the indefatigable nurse of her master, during a -lingering and painful sickness, which at last terminated his life. She -had borne all the fatigue of the nursing, both by night and by day, -sustained in it by his promise that she should be rewarded for it by her -liberty, at his death. Overcome by exhaustion and fatigue, she one night -fell asleep, and he was unable to rouse her. The next day, after -violently upbraiding her, he altered the directions of his will, and -sold her to a man who was noted in all the region round as a cruel -master, which sale, immediately on his death, which was shortly after, -took effect. The only mitigation of her sentence was that her child was -not to be taken with her into this dreaded lot, but was given to this -quadroon family to be brought into a free state. - -The writer very well remembers hearing this story narrated among a group -of liberated negroes, and their comments on it. A peculiar form of grave -and solemn irony often characterizes the communications of this class of -people. It is a habit engendered in slavery to comment upon proceedings -of this kind in language apparently respectful to the perpetrators, and -which is felt to be irony only by a certain peculiarity of manner, -difficult to describe. After the relation of this story, when the writer -expressed her indignation in no measured terms, one of the oldest of the -sable circle remarked, gravely, - -“The man was a mighty great Christian, anyhow.” - -The writer warmly expressed her dissent from this view, when another of -the same circle added, - -“Went to glory, anyhow.” - -And another continued, - -“Had the greatest kind of a time when he was a-dyin’; said he was goin’ -straight into heaven.” - -And when the writer remarked that many people thought so who never got -there, a singular smile of grim approval passed round the circle, but no -further comments were made. This incident has often recurred to the -writer’s mind, as showing the danger to the welfare of the master’s soul -from the possession of absolute power. A man of justice and humanity -when in health, is often tempted to become unjust, exacting and -exorbitant, in sickness. If, in these circumstances, he is surrounded by -inferiors, from whom law and public opinion have taken away the rights -of common humanity, how is he tempted to the exercise of the most -despotic passions, and, like this unfortunate man, to leave the world -with the weight of these awful words upon his head: “If ye forgive not -men their trespasses, neither will your Father forgive your trespasses.” - - - - - CHAPTER XII. - TOPSY. - - -Topsy stands as the representative of a large class of the children who -are growing up under the institution of slavery,—quick, active, subtle -and ingenious, apparently utterly devoid of principle and conscience, -keenly penetrating, by an instinct which exists in the childish mind, -the degradation of their condition, and the utter hopelessness of rising -above it; feeling the black skin on them, like the mark of Cain, to be a -sign of reprobation and infamy, and urged on by a kind of secret -desperation to make their “calling and election” in sin “sure.” - -Christian people have often been perfectly astonished and discouraged, -as Miss Ophelia was, in the attempt to bring up such children decently -and Christianly, under a state of things which takes away every -stimulant which God meant should operate healthfully on the human mind. - -We are not now speaking of the Southern States merely, but of the New -England States; for, startling as it may appear, _slavery is not yet -wholly abolished in the free states of the North_. The most unchristian -part of it, that which gives to it all the bitterness and all the sting, -is yet, in a great measure, unrepealed; it is the practical denial to -the negro of the rights of human brotherhood. In consequence of this, -Topsy is a character which may be found at the North as well as at the -South. - -In conducting the education of negro, mulatto and quadroon children, the -writer has often observed this fact:—that, for a certain time, and up to -a certain age, they kept equal pace with, and were often superior to, -the white children with whom they were associated; but that there came a -time when they became indifferent to learning, and made no further -progress. This was invariably at the age when they were old enough to -reflect upon life, and to perceive that society had no place to offer -them for which anything more would be requisite than the rudest and most -elementary knowledge. - -Let us consider how it is with our own children; how few of them would -ever acquire an education from the mere love of learning. - -In the process necessary to acquire a handsome style of hand-writing, to -master the intricacies of any language, or to conquer the difficulties -of mathematical study, how often does the perseverance of the child -flag, and need to be stimulated by his parents and teachers by such -considerations as these: “It will be necessary for you, in such or such -a position in life, to possess this or that acquirement or -accomplishment. How could you ever become a merchant, without -understanding accounts? How could you enter the learned professions, -without understanding languages? If you are ignorant and uninformed, you -cannot take rank as a gentleman in society.” - -Does not every one know that, without the stimulus which teachers and -parents thus continually present, multitudes of children would never -gain a tolerable education? And is it not the absence of all such -stimulus which has prevented the negro child from an equal advance? - -It is often objected to the negro race that they are frivolous and vain, -passionately fond of show, and are interested only in trifles. And who -is to blame for all this? Take away all high aims, all noble ambition, -from any class, and what is left for them to be interested in _but_ -trifles? - -The present attorney-general of Liberia, Mr. Lewis, is a man who -commands the highest respect, for talent and ability in his position; -yet, while he was in America, it is said that, like many other young -colored men, he was distinguished only for foppery and frivolity. What -made the change in Lewis after he went to Liberia? Who does not see the -answer? Does any one wish to know what is inscribed on the seal which -keeps the great stone over the sepulchre of African mind? It is -this;—which was so truly said by poor Topsy,—“NOTHING BUT A NIGGER!” - -It is this, burnt into the soul by the branding-iron of cruel and -unchristian scorn, that is a sorer and deeper wound than all the -physical evils of slavery together. - -There never was a slave who did not feel it. Deep, deep down in the -dark, still waters of his soul is the conviction, heavier, bitterer than -all others, that he is _not regarded as a man_. On this point may be -introduced the testimony of one who has known the wormwood and the gall -of slavery by bitter experience. The following letter has been received -from Dr. Pennington, in relation to some inquiries of the author: - - { _50 Laurens-street,_ - { _New York, Nov. 30, 1852._ - - MRS H. B. STOWE. - - ESTEEMED MADAM: I have duly received your kind letter in answer to - mine of the 15th instant, in which you state that you “have an - intense curiosity to know how far you have rightly divined the heart - of the slave.” You give me your idea in these words: “There lies - buried down in the heart of the most seemingly careless and stupid - slave a _bleeding spot_, that bleeds and aches, though he could - scarcely tell why; and that this sore spot is the _degradation_ of - his position.” - - After escaping from the plantation of Dr. Tilghman, in Washington - County, Md., where I was held as a slave, and worked as a - blacksmith, I came to the State of Pennsylvania, and, after - experiencing there some of the vicissitudes referred to in my little - published narrative, I came into New York State, bringing in my mind - a certain indescribable feeling of wretchedness. They used to say of - me at Dr. Tilghman’s, “That blacksmith Jemmy is a ‘cute fellow; - still water runs deep.” But I confess that “blacksmith Jemmy” was - not ‘cute enough to understand the cause of his own wretchedness. - The current of the still water may have run deep, but it did not - reach down to that awful bed of lava. - - At times I thought it occasioned by the lurking fear of betrayal. - There was no Vigilance Committee at the time,—there were but - anti-slavery men. I came North with my counsels in my own cautious - breast. I married a wife, and did not tell her I was a fugitive. - None of my friends knew it. I knew not the means of safety, and - hence I was constantly in fear of meeting with some one who would - betray me. - - It was fully two years before I could hold up my head; but still - that feeling was in my mind. In 1846, after opening my bosom as a - fugitive to John Hooker, Esq., I felt this much relief,—“Thank God - there is one brother-man in hard old Connecticut that knows my - troubles.” - - Soon after this, when I sailed to the island of Jamaica, and on - landing there saw colored men in all the stations of civil, social, - commercial life, where I had seen white men in this country, that - feeling of wretchedness experienced a sensible relief, as if some - feverish sore had been just reached by just the right kind of balm. - There was before my eye evidence that a colored man is more than “a - nigger.” I went into the House of Assembly at Spanishtown, where - fifteen out of forty-five members were colored men. I went into the - courts, where I saw in the jury-box colored and white men together, - colored and white lawyers at the bar. I went into the Common Council - of Kingston; there I found men of different colors. So in all the - counting-rooms, &c. &c. - - But still there was this drawback. Somebody says, “This is nothing - but a nigger island.” Now, then, my old trouble came back again; “a - nigger among niggers is but a nigger still.” - - In 1849, when I undertook my second visit to Great Britain, I - resolved to prolong and extend my travel and intercourse with the - best class of men, with a view to see if I could banish that - troublesome old ghost entirely out of my mind. In England, Scotland, - Wales, France, Germany, Belgium and Prussia, my whole power has been - concentrated on this object. “I’ll be a man, and I’ll kill off this - enemy which has haunted me these twenty years and more.” I believe I - have succeeded in some good degree; at least, I have now no more - trouble on the score of equal manhood with the whites. My European - tour was certainly useful, because there the trial was fair and - honorable. I had nothing to complain of. I got what was due to man, - and I was expected to do what was due from man to man. I sought not - to be treated as a pet. I put myself into the harness, and wrought - manfully in the first pulpits, and the platforms in peace - congresses, conventions, anniversaries, commencements, &c.; and in - these exercises that rusty old iron came out of my soul, and went - “clean away.” - - You say again you have never seen a slave how ever careless and - merry-hearted, who had not this sore place, and that did not shrink - or get angry if a finger was laid on it. I see that you have been a - close observer of negro nature. - - So far as I understand your idea, I think you are perfectly correct - in the impression you have received, as explained in your note. - - O, Mrs. Stowe, slavery is an awful system! It takes man as God made - him; it demolishes him, and then mis-creates him, or perhaps I - should say mal-creates him! - - Wishing you good health and good success in your arduous work, - - I am yours, respectfully, - J. W. C. PENNINGTON. - -People of intelligence, who have had the care of slaves, have often made -this remark to the writer: “They are a singular whimsical people; you -can do a great deal more with them by humoring some of their prejudices, -than by bestowing on them the most substantial favors.” On inquiring -what these prejudices were, the reply would be, “They like to have their -weddings elegantly celebrated, and to have a good deal of notice taken -of their funerals, and to give and go to parties dressed and appearing -like white people; and they will often put up with material -inconveniences, and suffer themselves to be worked very hard, if they -are humored in these respects.” - -Can any one think of this without compassion? Poor souls! willing to -bear with so much for simply this slight acknowledgment of their common -humanity. To honor their weddings and funerals is, in some sort, -acknowledging that they are human, and therefore they prize it. Hence we -see the reason of the passionate attachment which often exists in a -faithful slave to a good master. It is, in fact, a transfer of his -identity to his master. A stern law and an unchristian public sentiment -has taken away his birthright of humanity, erased his name from the -catalogue of men, and made him an anomalous creature—neither man nor -brute. When a kind master recognizes his humanity, and treats him as a -humble companion and a friend, there is no end to the devotion and -gratitude which he thus excites. He is to the slave a deliverer and a -saviour from the curse which lies on his hapless race. Deprived of all -legal rights and privileges, all opportunity or hope of personal -advancement or honor, he transfers, as it were, his whole existence into -his master’s, and appropriates his rights, his position, his honor, as -his own; and thus enjoys a kind of reflected sense of what it might be -to be a man himself. Hence it is that the appeal to the more generous -part of the negro character is seldom made in vain. - -An acquaintance of the writer was married to a gentleman in Louisiana, -who was the proprietor of some eight hundred slaves. He, of course, had -a large train of servants in his domestic establishment. When about to -enter upon her duties, she was warned that the servants were all so -thievish that she would be under the necessity, in common with all other -housekeepers, of keeping everything under lock and key. She, however, -announced her intention of training her servants in such a manner as to -make this unnecessary. Her ideas were ridiculed as chimerical, but she -resolved to carry them into practice. The course she pursued was as -follows: She called all the family servants together; told them that it -would be a great burden and restraint upon her to be obliged to keep -everything locked from them; that she had heard that they were not at -all to be trusted, but that she could not help hoping that they were -much better than they had been represented. She told them that she -should provide abundantly for all their wants, and then that she should -leave her stores unlocked, and trust to their honor. - -The idea that they were supposed capable of having any honor struck a -new chord at once in every heart. The servants appeared most grateful -for the trust, and there was much public spirit excited, the older and -graver ones exerting themselves to watch over the children, that nothing -might be done to destroy this new-found treasure of honor. - -At last, however, the lady discovered that some depredations had been -made on her cake by some of the juvenile part of the establishment; she, -therefore, convened all the servants and stated the fact to them. She -remarked that it was not on account of the value of the cake that she -felt annoyed, but that they must be sensible that it would not be -pleasant for her to have it indiscriminately fingered and handled, and -that, therefore, she should set some cake out upon a table, or some -convenient place, and beg that all those who were disposed to take it -would go there and help themselves, and allow the rest to remain -undisturbed in the closet. She states that the cake stood upon the table -and dried, without a morsel of it being touched, and that she never -afterwards had any trouble in this respect. - -A little time after, a new carriage was bought, and one night the -leather boot of it was found to be missing. Before her husband had time -to take any steps on the subject, the servants of the family called a -convention among themselves, and instituted an inquiry into the offence. -The boot was found and promptly restored, though they would not reveal -to their master and mistress the name of the offender. - -One other anecdote which this lady related illustrates that peculiar -devotion of a slave to a good master, to which allusion has been made. -Her husband met with his death by a sudden and melancholy accident. He -had a personal attendant and confidential servant who had grown up with -him from childhood. This servant was so overwhelmed with grief as to be -almost stupefied. On the day of the funeral a brother of his deceased -master inquired of him if he had performed a certain commission for his -mistress. The servant said that he had forgotten it. Not perceiving his -feelings at the moment, the gentleman replied, “I am surprised that you -should neglect any command of your mistress, when she is in such -affliction.” - -This remark was the last drop in the full cup. The poor fellow fell to -the ground entirely insensible, and the family were obliged to spend -nearly two hours employing various means to restore his vitality. The -physician accounted for his situation by saying that there had been such -a rush of all the blood in the body towards the heart, that there was -actual danger of a rupture of that organ,—a literal death by a broken -heart. - -Some thoughts may be suggested by Miss Ophelia’s conscientious but -unsuccessful efforts in the education of Topsy. - -Society has yet need of a great deal of enlightening as to the means of -restoring the vicious and degraded to virtue. - -It has been erroneously supposed that with brutal and degraded natures -only coarse and brutal measures could avail; and yet it has been found, -by those who have most experience, that their success with this class of -society has been just in proportion to the delicacy and kindliness with -which they have treated them. - -Lord Shaftsbury, who has won so honorable a fame by his benevolent -interest in the efforts made for the degraded lower classes of his own -land, says, in a recent letter to the author: - - You are right about Topsy: our ragged schools will afford you many - instances of poor children, hardened by kicks, insults and neglect, - moved to tears and docility by the first word of kindness. It opens - new feelings, develops, as it were, a new nature, and brings the - wretched outcast into the family of man. - -Recent efforts which have been made among unfortunate females in some of -the worst districts of New York show the same thing. What is it that -rankles deepest in the breast of fallen woman, that makes her so -hopeless and irreclaimable? It is that burning consciousness of -degradation which stings worse than cold or hunger, and makes her shrink -from the face of the missionary and the philanthropist. They who have -visited these haunts of despair and wretchedness have learned that they -must touch gently the shattered harp of the human soul, if they would -string it again to divine music; that they must encourage self-respect, -and hope, and sense of character, or the bonds of death can never be -broken. - -Let us examine the gospel of Christ, and see on what principles its -appeals are constructed. Of what nature are those motives which have -melted _our_ hearts and renewed _our_ wills? Are they not appeals to the -most generous and noble instincts of our nature? Are we not told of One -fairer than the sons of men,—One reigning in immortal glory, who loved -us so that he could bear pain, and want, and shame, and death itself, -for our sake? - -When Christ speaks to the soul, does he crush one of its nobler -faculties? Does he taunt us with our degradation, our selfishness, our -narrowness of view, and feebleness of intellect, compared with his own? -Is it not true that he not only saves us from our sins, but saves us in -a way most considerate, most tender, most regardful of our feelings and -sufferings? Does not the Bible tell us that, in order to fulfil his -office of Redeemer the more perfectly, he took upon him the condition of -humanity, and endured the pains, and wants, and temptations of a mortal -existence, that he might be to us a sympathizing, appreciating friend, -“touched with the feeling of our infirmities,” and cheering us gently on -in the hard path of returning virtue? - -O, when shall we, who have received so much of Jesus Christ, learn to -repay it in acts of kindness to our poor brethren? When shall we be -Christ-like, and not man-like, in our efforts to reclaim the fallen and -wandering? - - - - - CHAPTER XIII. - THE QUAKERS. - - -The writer’s sketch of the character of this people has been drawn from -personal observation. There are several settlements of these people in -Ohio, and the manner of living, the tone of sentiment, and the habits of -life, as represented in her book, are not at all exaggerated. - -These settlements have always been refuges for the oppressed and -outlawed slave. The character of Rachel Halliday was a real one, but she -has passed away to her reward. Simeon Halliday, calmly risking fine and -imprisonment for his love to God and man, has had in this country many -counterparts among the sect. - -The writer had in mind, at the time of writing, the scenes in the trial -of Thomas Garret, of Wilmington, Delaware, for the crime of hiring a -hack to convey a mother and four children from Newcastle jail to -Wilmington, a distance of _five miles_. - -The writer has received the facts in this case in a letter from John -Garret himself, from which some extracts will be made: - - { _Wilmington, Delaware,_ - { _1st month 18th, 1853._ - - MY DEAR FRIEND, - - HARRIET BEECHER STOWE: I have this day received a request from - Charles K. Whipple, of Boston, to furnish thee with a statement, - authentic and circumstantial, of the trouble and losses which have - been brought upon myself and others of my friends from the aid we - had rendered to fugitive slaves, in order, if thought of sufficient - importance, to be published in a work thee is now preparing for the - press. - - I will now endeavor to give thee a statement of what John Hunn and - myself suffered by aiding a family of slaves, a few years since. I - will give the facts as they occurred, and thee may condense and - publish so much as thee may think useful in thy work, and no more: - - “In the 12th month, year 1846, a family, consisting of Samuel - Hawkins, a freeman, his wife Emeline, and six children, who were - afterwards _proved slaves_, stopped at the house of a friend named - John Hunn, near Middletown, in this state, in the evening about - sunset, to procure food and lodging for the night. They were seen by - some of Hunn’s pro-slavery neighbors, who soon came with a - constable, and had them taken before a magistrate. Hunn had left the - slaves in his kitchen when he went to the village of Middletown, - half a mile distant. When the officer came with a warrant for them, - he met Hunn at the kitchen door, and asked for the blacks; Hunn, - with truth, said he did not know where they were. Hunn’s wife, - thinking they would be safer, had sent them up stairs during his - absence, where they were found. Hunn made no resistance, and they - were taken before the magistrate, and from his office direct to - Newcastle jail, where they arrived about one o’clock on 7th day - morning. - - The sheriff and his daughter, being kind, humane people, inquired of - Hawkins and wife the facts of their case; and his daughter wrote to - a lady here, to request me to go to Newcastle and inquire into the - case, as her father and self really believed they were most of them, - if not all, entitled to their _freedom_. Next morning I went to - Newcastle: had the family of colored people brought into the parlor, - and the sheriff and myself came to the conclusion that the parents - and four youngest children were by law entitled to their freedom. I - prevailed on the sheriff to show me the commitment of the - magistrate, which I found was defective, and not in due form - according to law. I procured a copy and handed it to a lawyer. He - pronounced the commitment irregular, and agreed to go next morning - to Newcastle and have the whole family taken before Judge Booth, - Chief Justice of the state, by _habeas corpus_, when the following - admission was made by Samuel Hawkins and wife: They admitted that - the two eldest boys were held by one Charles Glaudin, of Queen Anne - County, Maryland, as slaves; that after the birth of these two - children, Elizabeth Turner, also of Queen Anne, the mistress of - their mother, had set her free, and permitted her to go and live - with her husband, near twenty miles from her residence, after which - the four youngest children were born; that her mistress during all - that time, eleven or twelve years, had never contributed one dollar - to their support, or come to see them. After examining the - commitment in their case, and consulting with my attorney, the judge - set the whole family at liberty. The day was wet and cold; one of - the children, three years old, was a cripple from white swelling, - and could not walk a step; another, eleven months old, at the - breast; and the parents being desirous of getting to Wilmington, - five miles distant, I asked the judge if there would be any risk or - impropriety in my hiring a conveyance for the mother and four young - children to Wilmington. His reply, in the presence of the sheriff - and my attorney, was there would not be any. I then requested the - sheriff to procure a hack to take them over to Wilmington.” - -The whole family escaped. John Hunn and John Garret were brought up to -trial for having practically fulfilled these words of Christ which read, -“I was a stranger and ye took me in, I was sick and in prison and ye -came unto me.” For John Hunn’s part of this crime, he was fined two -thousand five hundred dollars, and John Garret was fined five thousand -four hundred. Three thousand five hundred of this was the fine for -hiring a hack for them, and one thousand nine hundred was assessed on -him as the value of the slaves! Our European friends will infer from -this that it costs something to obey Christ in America, as well as in -Europe. - -After John Garret’s trial was over, and this heavy judgment had been -given against him, he calmly rose in the court-room, and requested leave -to address a few words to the court and audience. - -Leave being granted, he spoke as follows: - - I have a few words which I wish to address to the court, jury and - prosecutors, in the several suits that have been brought against me - during the sittings of this court, in order to determine the amount - of penalty I must pay for doing what my feelings prompted me to do - as a lawful and meritorious act; a simple act of humanity and - justice, as I believed, to eight of that oppressed race, the people - of color, whom I found in the Newcastle jail, in the 12th month, - 1845. I will now endeavor to state the facts of those cases, for - your consideration and reflection after you return home to your - families and friends. You will then have time to ponder on what has - transpired here since the sitting of this court, and I believe that - your verdict will then be unanimous, that the law of the United - States, as explained by our venerable judge, when compared with the - act committed by me, was cruel and oppressive, and needs - remodelling. - -Here follows a very brief and clear statement of the facts in the case, -of which the reader is already apprized. - -After showing conclusively that he had no reason to suppose the family -to be slaves, and that they had all been discharged by the judge, he -nobly adds the following words: - - _Had I believed every one of them to be slaves, I should have done - the same thing._ I should have done violence to my convictions of - duty, had I not made use of all the lawful means in my power to - liberate those people, and assist them to become men and women, - rather than leave them in the condition of chattels personal. - - I am called an Abolitionist; once a name of reproach, but one I have - ever been proud to be considered worthy of being called. For the - last twenty-five years I have been engaged in the cause of this - despised and much-injured race, and consider their cause worth - suffering for; but, owing to a multiplicity of other engagements, I - could not devote so much of my time and mind to their cause as I - otherwise should have done. - - The impositions and persecutions practised on those unoffending and - innocent brethren are extreme beyond endurance. I am now placed in a - situation in which I have not so much to claim my attention as - formerly; and I now pledge myself, in the presence of this assembly, - to use all lawful and honorable means to lessen the burdens of this - oppressed people, and endeavor, according to ability furnished, to - burst their chains asunder, and set them free; not relaxing my - efforts on their behalf while blessed with health, and a slave - remains to tread the soil of the state of my adoption,—Delaware. - - After mature reflection, I can assure this assembly it is my opinion - at this time that the verdicts you have given the prosecutors - against John Hunn and myself, within the past few days, will have a - tendency to raise a spirit of inquiry throughout the length and - breadth of the land, respecting this monster evil (slavery), in many - minds that have not heretofore investigated the subject. The reports - of those trials will be published by editors from Maine to Texas and - the far West; and what must be the effect produced? It will, no - doubt, add hundreds, perhaps thousands, to the present large and - rapidly increasing army of abolitionists. The injury is great to us - who are the immediate sufferers by your verdict; but I believe the - verdicts you have given against us within the last few days will - have a powerful effect in bringing about the abolition of slavery in - this country, this land of boasted freedom, where not only the slave - is fettered at the South by his lordly master, but the white man at - the North is bound as in chains to do the bidding of his Southern - masters. - -In his letter to the writer John Garret adds, that after this speech a -young man who had served as juryman came across the room, and taking him -by the hand, said: - -“Old gentleman, I believe every statement that you have made. I came -from home prejudiced against you, and I now acknowledge that I have -helped to do you injustice.” - -Thus calmly and simply did this Quaker confess Christ before men, -according as it is written of them of old,—“He esteemed the reproach of -Christ greater riches than all the treasures of Egypt.” - -Christ has said, “Whosoever shall be ashamed of me and my words, of him -shall the Son of Man be ashamed.” In our days it is not customary to be -ashamed of Christ personally, but of _his words_ many are ashamed. But -when they meet Him in judgment they will have cause to remember them; -for heaven and earth shall pass away, but His word shall not pass away. - - * * * * * - -Another case of the same kind is of a more affecting character. - -_Richard Dillingham_ was the son of a respectable Quaker family in -Morrow County, Ohio. His pious mother brought him up in the full belief -of the doctrine of St. John, that the love of God and the love of man -are inseparable. He was diligently taught in such theological notions as -are implied in such passages as these: “Hereby perceive we the love of -God, because he laid down his life for us; and we ought also to lay down -our lives for the brethren.—But whoso hath this world’s goods and seeth -his brother have need and shutteth up his bowels of compassion from him, -how dwelleth the love of God in him?—My little children, let us not love -in word and in tongue, but in deed and in truth.” - -In accordance with these precepts, Richard Dillingham, in early manhood, -was found in Cincinnati teaching the colored people, and visiting in the -prisons and doing what in him lay to “love in deed and in truth.” - -Some unfortunate families among the colored people had dear friends who -were slaves in Nashville, Tennessee. Richard was so interested in their -story, that when he went into Tennessee he was actually taken up and -caught in the very fact of helping certain poor people to escape to -their friends. - -He was seized and thrown into prison. In the language of this world he -was imprisoned as a “negro-stealer.” His own account is given in the -following letter to his parents: - - _Nashville Jail, 12th mo. 15th, 1849._ - - DEAR PARENTS: I presume you have heard of my arrest and imprisonment - in the Nashville jail, under a charge of aiding in an attempted - escape of slaves from the city of Nashville, on the 5th inst. I was - arrested by M. D. Maddox (district constable), aided by Frederick - Marshal, watchman at the Nashville Inn, and the bridge-keeper, at - the bridge across the Cumberland river. When they arrested me, I had - rode up to the bridge on horseback and paid the toll for myself and - for the hack to pass over, in which three colored persons, who were - said to be slaves, were found by the men who arrested me. The driver - of the hack (who is a free colored man of this city), and the - persons in the hack, were also arrested; and after being taken to - the Nashville Inn and searched, we were all taken to jail. My arrest - took place about eleven o’clock at night. - -In another letter he says: - - At the bridge, Maddox said to me, “You are just the man we wanted. - We will make an example of you.” As soon as we were safe in the - bar-room of the inn, Maddox took a candle and looked me in the face, - to see if he could recognize my countenance; and looking intently at - me a few moments, he said, “Well, you are too good-looking a young - man to be engaged in such an affair as this.” The bystanders asked - me several questions, to which I replied that under the present - circumstances I would rather be excused from answering any questions - relating to my case; upon which they desisted from further inquiry. - Some threats and malicious wishes were uttered against me by the - ruffian part of the assembly, being about twenty-five persons. I was - put in a cell which had six persons in it, and I can assure thee - that they were very far from being agreeable companions to me, - although they were kind. But thou knows that I do not relish cursing - and swearing, and worst of all loathsome and obscene blasphemy; and - of such was most of the conversation of my prison mates when I was - first put in here. The jailers are kind enough to me, but the jail - is so constructed that it cannot be warmed, and we have to either - warm ourselves by walking in our cell, which is twelve by fifteen - feet, or by lying in bed. I went out to my trial on the 16th of last - month, and put it off till the next term of the court, which will be - commenced on the second of next 4th month. I put it off on the - ground of excitement. - - Dear brother, I have no hopes of getting clear of being convicted - and sentenced to the penitentiary; but do not think that I am - without comfort in my afflictions, for I assure thee that I have - many reflections that give me sweet consolation in the midst of my - grief. I have a clear conscience before my God, which is my greatest - comfort and support through all my troubles and afflictions. An - approving conscience none can know but those who enjoy it. It nerves - us in the hour of trial to bear our sufferings with fortitude, and - even with cheerfulness. The greatest affliction I have is the - reflection of the sorrow and anxiety my friends will have to endure - on my account. But I can assure thee, brother, that with the - exception of this reflection, I am far, very far, from being one of - the most miserable of men. Nay, to the contrary, I am not terrified - at the prospect before me, though I am grieved about it; but all - have enough to grieve about in this unfriendly wilderness of sin and - woe. My hopes are not fixed in this world, and therefore I have a - source of consolation that will never fail me, so long as I slight - not the offers of mercy, comfort and peace, which my blessed Saviour - constantly privileges me with. - - One source of almost constant annoyance to my feelings is the - profanity and vulgarity, and the bad, disagreeable temper, of two or - three fellow-prisoners of my cell. They show me considerable - kindness and respect; but they cannot do otherwise, when treated - with the civility and kindness with which I treat them. If it be my - fate to go to the penitentiary for eight or ten years, I can, I - believe, meet my doom without shedding a tear. I have not yet shed a - tear, though there may be many in store. My bail-bonds were set at - seven thousand dollars. If I should be bailed out, I should return - to my trial, unless my security were rich, and did not wish me to - return; for _I am Richard yet_, although I am in the prison of my - enemy, and will not flinch from what I believe to be right and - honorable. These are the principles which, in carrying out, have - lodged me here; for there was a time, at my arrest, that I might - have, in all probability, escaped the police, but it would have - subjected those who were arrested with me to punishment, perhaps - even to death, in order to find out who I was, and if they had not - told more than they could have done in truth, they would probably - have been punished without mercy; and I am determined no one shall - suffer for me. I am now a prisoner, but those who were arrested with - me are all at liberty, and I believe without whipping. I now stand - alone before the Commonwealth of Tennessee to answer for the affair. - Tell my friends I am in the midst of consolation here. - -Richard was engaged to a young lady of amiable disposition and fine -mental endowments. - -To her he thus writes: - - O, dearest! Canst thou upbraid me? canst thou call it crime? wouldst - thou call it crime, or couldst thou upbraid me, for rescuing, or - attempting to rescue, _thy_ father, mother, or brother and sister, - or even friends, from a captivity among a cruel race of oppressors? - O, couldst thou only see what I have seen, and hear what I have - heard, of the sad, vexatious, degrading, and soul-trying situation - of as noble minds as ever the Anglo-Saxon race were possessed of, - mourning in vain for that universal heaven-born boon of freedom, - which an all-wise and beneficent Creator has designed for all, thou - couldst not censure, but wouldst deeply sympathize with me! Take all - these things into consideration, and the thousands of poor mortals - who are dragging out far more miserable lives than mine will be, - even at ten years in the penitentiary, and thou wilt not look upon - my fate with so much horror as thou would at first thought. - -In another letter he adds: - - I have happy hours here, and I should not be miserable if I could - only know you were not sorrowing for me at home. It would give me - more satisfaction to hear that you were not grieving about me than - anything else. - - The nearer I live to the principle of the commandment, “Love thy - neighbor as thyself,” the more enjoyment I have of this life. None - can know the enjoyments that flow from feelings of good will towards - our fellow-beings, both friends and enemies, but those who cultivate - them. Even in my prison-cell I may be happy, if I will. For the - Christian’s consolation cannot be shut out from him by enemies or - iron gates. - -In another letter to the lady before alluded to he says: - - By what I am able to learn, I believe thy “Richard” has not fallen - altogether unlamented; and the satisfaction it gives me is - sufficient to make my prison life more pleasant and desirable than - even a life of liberty without the esteem and respect of my friends. - But it gives bitterness to the cup of my afflictions to think that - my dear friends and relatives have to suffer such grief and sorrow - for me. - - * * * * * - - Though persecution ever so severe be my lot, yet I will not allow my - indignation ever to ripen into revenge even against my bitterest - enemies; for there will be a time when all things must be revealed - before Him who has said “Vengeance is mine, I will repay.” Yes, my - heart shall ever glow with love for my poor fellow-mortals, who are - hastening rapidly on to their final destination—the awful tomb and - the solemn judgment. - - Perhaps it will give thee some consolation for me to tell thee that - I believe there is a considerable sympathy existing in the minds of - some of the better portion of the citizens here, which may be of - some benefit to me. But all that can be done in my behalf will still - leave my case a sad one. Think not, however, that it is all loss to - me, for by my calamity I have learned many good and useful lessons, - which I hope may yet prove both temporal and spiritual blessings to - me. - - “Behind a frowning providence - He hides a smiling face.” - - Therefore I hope thou and my dear distressed parents will be - somewhat comforted about me, for I know you regard my spiritual - welfare far more than anything else. - -In his next letter to the same friend he says: - - Since I wrote my last, I have had a severe moral conflict, in which - I believe the right conquered, and has completely gained the - ascendency. The matter was this: A man with whom I have become - acquainted since my imprisonment offered to bail me out and let me - stay away from my trial, and pay the bail-bonds for me, and was very - anxious to do it. [Here he mentions that the funds held by this - individual had been placed in his hands by a person who obtained - them by dishonest means.] But having learned the above facts, which - he in confidence made known to me, I declined accepting his offer, - giving him my reasons in full. The matter rests with him, my - attorneys and myself. My attorneys do not know who he is, but, with - his permission, I in confidence informed them of the nature of the - case, after I came to a conclusion upon the subject, and had - determined not to accept the offer; which was approved by them. I - also had an offer of iron saws and files and other tools by which I - could break jail; but I refused them also, as I do not wish to - pursue any such underhanded course to extricate myself from my - present difficulties; for when I leave Tennessee—if I ever do—I am - determined to leave it a free man. Thou need not fear that I shall - ever stoop to dishonorable means to avoid my severe impending fate. - When I meet thee again I want to meet thee with a clear conscience, - and a character unspotted by disgrace. - -In another place he says, in view of his nearly approaching trial: - - O dear parents! The principles of love for my fellow-beings which - you have instilled into my mind are some of the greatest - consolations I have in my imprisonment, and they give me resignation - to bear whatever may be inflicted upon me without feeling any malice - or bitterness toward my vigilant prosecutors. If they show me mercy, - it will be accepted by me with gratitude; but if they do not, I will - endeavor to bear whatever they may inflict with Christian fortitude - and resignation, and try not to murmur at my lot; but it is hard to - obey the commandment, “Love your enemies.” - -The day of his trial at length came. - -His youth, his engaging manners, frank address, and invariable -gentleness to all who approached him, had won many friends, and the -trial excited much interest. - - His mother and her brother, Asa Williams, went a distance of seven - hundred and fifty miles to attend his trial. They carried with them - a certificate of his character, drawn up by Dr. Brisbane, and - numerously signed by his friends and acquaintances, and officially - countersigned by civil officers. This was done at the suggestion of - his counsel, and exhibited by them in court. When brought to the bar - it is said that “his demeanor was calm, dignified and manly.” His - mother sat by his side. The prosecuting attorney waived his plea, - and left the ground clear for Richard’s counsel. Their defence was - eloquent and pathetic. After they closed, Richard rose, and in a - calm and dignified manner spoke extemporaneously as follows: - - “By the kind permission of the Court, for which I am sincerely - thankful, I avail myself of the privilege of adding a few words to - the remarks already made by my counsel. And although I stand, by my - own confession, as a criminal in the eyes of your violated laws, yet - I feel confident that I am addressing those who have hearts to feel; - and in meting out the punishment that I am about to suffer I hope - you will be lenient, for it is a new situation in which I am placed. - Never before, in the whole course of my life, have I been charged - with a dishonest act. And from my childhood kind parents, whose - names I deeply reverence, have instilled into my mind a desire to be - virtuous and honorable; and it has ever been my aim so to conduct - myself as to merit the confidence and esteem of my fellow-men. But, - gentlemen, I have violated your laws. This offence I did commit; and - I now stand before you, to my sorrow and regret, as a criminal. But - I was prompted to it by feelings of humanity. It has been suspected, - as I was informed, that I am leagued with a fraternity who are - combined for the purpose of committing such offences as the one with - which I am charged. But, gentlemen, the impression is false. I alone - am guilty, I alone committed the offence, and I alone must suffer - the penalty. My parents, my friends, my relatives, are as innocent - of any participation in or knowledge of my offence as the babe - unborn. My parents are still living,[2] though advanced in years, - and, in the course of nature, a few more years will terminate their - earthly existence. In their old age and infirmity they will need a - stay and protection; and if you can, consistently with your ideas of - justice, make my term of imprisonment a short one, you will receive - the lasting gratitude of a son who reverences his parents, and the - prayers and blessings of an aged father and mother who love their - child.” - - A great deal of sensation now appeared in the court-room, and most - of the jury are said to have wept. They retired for a few moments, - and returned a verdict for three years imprisonment in the - penitentiary. - - The _Nashville Daily Gazette_ of April 13, 1849, contains the - following notice: - - “THE KIDNAPPING CASE. - - “Richard Dillingham, who was arrested on the 5th day of December - last, having in his possession three slaves whom he intended to - convey with him to a free state, was arraigned yesterday and tried - in the Criminal Court. The prisoner confessed his guilt, and made a - short speech in palliation of his offence. He avowed that the act - was undertaken by himself without instigation from any source, and - he alone was responsible for the error into which his education had - led him. He had, he said, no other motive than the good of the - slaves, and did not expect to claim any advantage by freeing them. - He was sentenced to three years imprisonment in the penitentiary, - the least time the law allows for the offence committed. Mr. - Dillingham is a Quaker from Ohio, and has been a teacher in that - state. He belongs to a respectable family, and he is not without the - sympathy of those who attended the trial. It was a foolhardy - enterprise in which he embarked, and dearly has he paid for his - rashness.” - - His mother, before leaving Nashville, visited the governor, and had - an interview with him in regard to pardoning her son. He gave her - some encouragement, but thought she had better postpone her petition - for the present. After the lapse of several months, she wrote to him - about it; but he seemed to have changed his mind, as the following - letter will show: - - “_Nashville, August 29, 1849._ - - “DEAR MADAM: Your letter of the 6th of the 7th mo. was received, and - would have been noticed earlier but for my absence from home. Your - solicitude for your son is natural, and it would be gratifying to be - able to reward it by releasing him, if it were in my power. But the - offence for which he is suffering was clearly made out, and its - tendency here is very hurtful to our rights, and our peace as a - people. He is doomed to the shortest period known to our statute. - And, at all events, I could not interfere with his case for some - time to come; and, to be frank with you, I do not see how his time - can be lessened at all. But my term of office will expire soon, and - the governor elect, Gen. William Tronsdale, will take my place. To - him you will make any future appeal. - - “Yours, &c. N. L. BROWN.” - - The warden of the penitentiary, John McIntosh, was much prejudiced - against him. He thought the sentence was too light, and, being of a - stern bearing, Richard had not much to expect from his kindness. But - the same sterling integrity and ingenuousness which had ever, under - all circumstances, marked his conduct, soon wrought a change in the - minds of his keepers, and of his enemies generally. He became a - favorite with McIntosh, and some of the guard. According to the - rules of the prison, he was not allowed to write oftener than once - in three months, and what he wrote had, of course, to be inspected - by the warden. - -He was at first put to sawing and scrubbing rock; but, as the delicacy -of his frame unfitted him for such labors, and the spotless sanctity of -his life won the reverence of his jailers, he was soon promoted to be -steward of the prison hospital. In a letter to a friend he thus -announces this change in his situation: - - I suppose thou art, ere this time, informed of the change in my - situation, having been placed in the hospital of the penitentiary as - steward.... I feel but poorly qualified to fill the situation they - have assigned me, but will try to do the best I can.... I enjoy the - comforts of a good fire and a warm room, and am allowed to sit up - evenings and read, which I prize as a great privilege.... I have now - been here nearly nine months, and have twenty-seven more to stay. It - seems to me a long time in prospect. I try to be as patient as I - can, but sometimes I get low-spirited. I throw off the thoughts of - home and friends as much as possible; for, when indulged in, they - only increase my melancholy feelings. And what wounds my feelings - most is the reflection of what you all suffer of grief and anxiety - for me. Cease to grieve for me, for I am unworthy of it; and it only - causes pain for you, without availing aught for me.... As ever, - thine in the bonds of affection, - - R. D. - -He had been in prison little more than a year when the cholera invaded -Nashville, and broke out among the inmates; Richard was up day and night -in attendance on the sick, his disinterested and sympathetic nature -leading him to labors to which his delicate constitution, impaired by -confinement, was altogether inadequate. - - “Beside the bed where parting life was laid, - And sorrow, grief and pain, by turns dismayed, - The youthful champion stood: at his control - Despair and anguish fled the trembling soul, - Comfort came down the dying wretch to raise, - And his last faltering accents whispered praise.” - -Worn with these labors, the gentle, patient lover of God and of his -brother, sank at last overwearied, and passed peacefully away to a world -where all are lovely and loving. - -Though his correspondence with her he most loved was interrupted, from -his unwillingness to subject his letters to the surveillance of the -warden, yet a note reached her, conveyed through the hands of a prisoner -whose time was out. In this letter, the last which any earthly friend -ever received, he says: - - I ofttimes, yea, _all_ times, think of thee;—if I did not, I should - cease to exist. - -What must that system be which makes it necessary to imprison with -convicted felons a man like this, because he loves his brother man “not -wisely but too well”? - -On his death Whittier wrote the following: - - “Si crucem libenter portes, te portabit.”—_Imit. Christ._ - - “The Cross, if freely borne, shall be - No burthen, but support, to thee.” - So, moved of old time for our sake, - The holy man of Kempen spake. - - Thou brave and true one, upon whom - Was laid the Cross of Martyrdom, - How didst thou, in thy faithful youth, - Bear witness to this blessed truth! - - Thy cross of suffering and of shame - A staff within thy hands became;— - In paths, where Faith alone could see - The Master’s steps, upholding thee. - - Thine was the seed-time: God alone - Beholds the end of what is sown; - Beyond our vision, weak and dim, - The harvest-time is hid with Him. - - Yet, unforgotten where it lies, - That seed of generous sacrifice, - Though teeming on the desert cast, - Shall rise with bloom and fruit at last. - - J. G. WHITTIER. - - _Amesbury, Second. mo. 18th, 1852._ - ------ - -Footnote 2: - - R. D.’s father survived him only a few months. - - - - - CHAPTER XIV. - THE SPIRIT OF ST. CLARE. - - -The general tone of the press and of the community in the slave states, -so far as it has been made known at the North, has been loudly -condemnatory of the representations of “Uncle Tom’s Cabin.” Still, it -would be unjust to the character of the South to refuse to acknowledge -that she has many sons with candor enough to perceive, and courage -enough to avow, the evils of her “peculiar institutions.” The manly -independence exhibited by these men, in communities where popular -sentiment rules despotically, either by law or in spite of law, should -be duly honored. The sympathy of such minds as these is a high -encouragement to philanthropic effort. - -The author inserts a few testimonials from Southern men, not without -some pride in being thus kindly judged by those who might have been -naturally expected to read her book with prejudice against it. - -The _Jefferson Inquirer_, published at Jefferson City, Missouri, Oct. -23, 1852, contains the following communication: - - UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. - - I have lately read this celebrated book, which, perhaps, has gone - through more editions, and been sold in greater numbers, than any - work from the American press, in the same length of time. It is a - work of high literary finish, and its several characters are drawn - with great power and truthfulness, although, like the characters in - most novels and works of fiction, in some instances too highly - colored. There is no attack on slave-holders as such, but, on the - contrary, many of them are represented as highly noble, generous, - humane and benevolent. Nor is there any attack upon them as a class. - It sets forth many of the evils of slavery, as _an institution - established by law_, but without charging these evils on those who - hold the slaves, and seems fully to appreciate the difficulties in - finding a remedy. Its effect upon the slave-holder is to make him a - kinder and better master; to which none can object. This is said - without any intention to endorse everything contained in the book, - or, indeed, in any novel, or work of fiction. But, if I mistake not, - there are few, excepting those who are greatly prejudiced, that will - rise from a perusal of the book without being a truer and better - Christian, and a more humane and benevolent man. As a slave-holder, - I do not feel the least aggrieved. How Mrs. Stowe, the authoress, - has obtained her extremely accurate knowledge of the negroes, their - character, dialect, habits, &c., is beyond my comprehension, as she - never resided—as appears from the preface—in a slave state, or among - slaves or negroes. But they are certainly admirably delineated. The - book is highly interesting and amusing, and will afford a rich treat - to its reader. - - THOMAS JEFFERSON. - -The opinion of the editor himself is given in these words: - - UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. - - Well, like a good portion of “the world and the rest of mankind,” we - have read the book of Mrs. Stowe bearing the above title. - - From numerous statements, newspaper paragraphs and rumors, we - supposed the book was all that fanaticism and heresy could invent, - and were therefore greatly prejudiced against it. But, on reading - it, we cannot refrain from saying that it is a work of more than - ordinary moral worth, and is entitled to consideration. We do not - regard it as “a corruption of moral sentiment,” and a gross “libel - on a portion of our people.” The authoress seems disposed to treat - the subject fairly, though, in some particulars, the scenes are too - highly colored, and too strongly drawn from the imagination. The - book, however, may lead its readers at a distance to misapprehend - some of the general and better features of “Southern life as it is” - (which, by the way, we, as an individual, prefer to Northern life); - yet it is a perfect mirror of several classes of people “we have in - our mind’s eye, who are not free from all the ills flesh is heir - to.” It has been feared that the book would result in injury to the - slave-holding interests of the country; but we apprehend no such - thing, and hesitate not to recommend it to the perusal of our - friends and the public generally. - - Mrs. Stowe has exhibited a knowledge of many peculiarities of - Southern society which is really wonderful, when we consider that - she is a Northern lady by birth and residence. - - We hope, then, before our friends form any harsh opinions of the - merits of “Uncle Tom’s Cabin,” and make up any judgment against us - for pronouncing in its favor (barring some objections to it), that - they will give it a careful perusal; and, in so speaking, we may say - that we yield to no man in his devotion to Southern rights and - interests. - -The editor of the _St. Louis_ (Missouri) _Battery_ pronounces the -following judgment: - - We took up this work, a few evenings since, with just such - prejudices against it as we presume many others have commenced - reading it. We have been so much in contact with ultra - abolitionists,—have had so much evidence that their benevolence was - much more hatred for the master than love for the slave, accompanied - with a profound ignorance of the circumstances surrounding both, and - a most consummate, supreme disgust for the whole negro race,—that we - had about concluded that anything but rant and nonsense was out of - the question from a Northern writer upon the subject of slavery. - - Mrs. Stowe, in these delineations of life among the lowly, has - convinced us to the contrary. - - She brings to the discussion of her subject a perfectly cool, - calculating judgment, a wide, all-comprehending intellectual vision, - and a deep, warm, sea-like woman’s soul, over all of which is flung - a perfect iris-like imagination, which makes the light of her - pictures stronger and more beautiful, as their shades are darker and - terror-striking. - - We do not wonder that the copy before us is of the seventieth - thousand. And seventy thousand more will not supply the demand, or - we mistake the appreciation of the American people of the real - merits of literary productions. Mrs. Stowe has, in “Uncle Tom’s - Cabin,” set up for herself a monument more enduring than marble. It - will stand amid the wastes of slavery as the Memnon stands amid the - sands of the African desert, telling both the white man and the - negro of the approach of morning. The book is not an abolitionist - work, in the offensive sense of the word. It is, as we have - intimated, free from everything like fanaticism, no matter what - amount of enthusiasm vivifies every page, and runs like electricity - along every thread of the story. It presents at one view the - excellences and the evils of the system of slavery, and breathes the - true spirit of Christian benevolence for the slave, and charity for - the master. - -The next witness gives his testimony in a letter to the _New York -Evening Post_: - - LIGHT IN THE SOUTH. - - The subjoined communication comes to us postmarked New Orleans, June - 19, 1852: - - “I have just been reading ‘Uncle Tom’s Cabin, or, Scenes in Lowly - Life,’ by Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe. It found its way to me through - the channel of a young student, who purchased it at the North, to - read on his homeward passage to New Orleans. He was entirely - unacquainted with its character; he was attracted by its title, - supposing it might amuse him while travelling. Through his family it - was shown to me, as something that I would probably like. I looked - at the author’s name, and said, ‘O, yes; anything from that lady I - will read;’ otherwise I should have disregarded a work of fiction - without such a title. - - “The remarks from persons present were, that it was a most amusing - work, and the scenes most admirably drawn to life. I accepted the - offer of a perusal of it, and brought it home with me. Although I - have not read every sentence, I have looked over the whole of it, - and I now wish to bear my testimony to its just delineation of the - position that the slave occupies. Colorings in the work there are, - but no colorings of the actual and real position of the slave worse - than really exist. Whippings to death do occur; I know it to be so. - Painful separations of master and slave, under circumstances - creditable to the master’s feelings of humanity, do also occur. I - know that, too. Many families, after having brought up their - children in entire dependence on slaves to do everything for them, - and after having been indulged in elegances and luxuries, have - exhausted all their means; and the black people only being left, - whom they must sell, for further support. Running away, everybody - knows, is the worst crime a slave can commit, in the eyes of his - master, except it be a humane master; and from such few slaves care - to run away. - - “I am a slave-holder myself. I have long been dissatisfied with the - system; particularly since I have made the Bible my criterion for - judging of it. I am convinced, from what I read there, slavery is - not in accordance with what God delights to honor in his creatures. - I am altogether opposed to the system; and I intend always to use - whatever influence I may have against it. I feel very bold in - speaking against it, though living in the midst of it, because I am - backed by a powerful arm, that can overturn and overrule the - strongest efforts that the determined friends of slavery are now - making for its continuance. - - “I sincerely hope that more of Mrs. Stowes may be found, to show up - the reality of slavery. It needs master minds to show it as it is, - that it may rest upon its own merits. - - “Like Mrs. Stowe, I feel that, since so many and good people, too, - at the North, have quietly consented to leave the slave to his fate, - by acquiescing in and approving the late measures of government, - those who do feel differently should bestir themselves. Christian - effort must do the work; and soon it would be done, if Christians - would unite, not to destroy the Union states, but honestly to speak - out, and speak freely, against that they know is wrong. They are not - aware what countenance they give to slave-holders to hold on to - their prey. Troubled consciences can be easily quieted by the - sympathies of pious people, particularly when interest and - inclination come in as aids. - - “I am told there is to be a reply made to ‘Uncle Tom’s Cabin,’ - entitled ‘Uncle Tom’s Cabin as It Is.’ I am glad of it. - Investigation is what is wanted. - - “You will wonder why this communication is made to you by an - unknown. It is simply made to encourage your heart, and strengthen - your determination to persevere, and do all you can to put the - emancipation of the slave in progress. Who I am you will never know; - nor do I wish you to know, nor any one else. I am a - - “REPUBLICAN.” - -The following facts make the fiction of “Uncle Tom’s Cabin” appear tame -in the comparison. They are from the _New York Evangelist_. - - UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. - - MR. EDITOR: I see in your paper that some persons deny the - statements of Mrs. Stowe. I have read her book, _every word of it_. - I was born in East Tennessee, near Knoxville, and, _we thought_, in - an enlightened part of the Union, much favored in our social, - political and religious privileges, &c. &c. Well, I think about the - year 1829, or, perhaps, ‘28, a good old German Methodist owned a - black man named Robin, a Methodist preacher, and the manager of - farm, distillery, &c., salesman and financier. This good old German - Methodist had a son named Willey, a schoolmate of mine, and, as - times were, a first-rate fellow. The old man also owned a keen, - bright-eyed mulatto girl; and Willey—the naughty boy!—became - enamored of the poor girl. The result was soon discovered; and our - good German Methodist told his brother Robin to flog the girl for - her wickedness. Brother Robin said he could not and would not - perform such an act of cruelty as to flog the girl for what she - could not help; and for that act of disobedience old Robin was - flogged by the good old German brother, until he could not stand. He - was carried to bed; and, some three weeks thereafter, when my father - left the state, he was still confined to his bed from the effects of - that flogging. - - Again: in the fall of 1836 I went South, for my health, stopped at a - village in Mississippi, and obtained employment in the largest house - in the county, as a book-keeper, with a firm from Louisville, Ky. A - man residing near the village—a bachelor, thirty years of age—became - embarrassed, and executed a mortgage to my employer on a fine, - likely boy, weighing about two hundred pounds,—quick-witted, active, - obedient, and remarkably faithful, trusty and honest; so much so, - that he was held up as an example. He had a wife that he loved. His - owner cast his eyes upon her, and she became his paramour. His boy - remonstrated with his master; told him that he tried faithfully to - perform his every duly; that he was a good and faithful “nigger” to - him; and it was hard, after he had toiled hard all day, and till ten - o’clock at night, for him to have his domestic relations broken up - and interfered with. The white man denied the charge, and the wife - also denied it. One night, about the first of September, the boy - came home earlier than usual, say about nine o’clock. It was a wet, - dismal night; he made a fire in his cabin, went to get his supper, - and found ocular demonstration of the guilt of his master. He became - enraged, as I suppose any man would, seized a butcher-knife, and cut - his master’s throat, stabbed his wife in twenty-seven places, came - to the village, and knocked at the office-door. I told him to come - in. He did so, and asked for my employer. I called him. The boy then - told him that he had killed his master and his wife, and what for. - My employer locked him up, and he, a doctor and myself, went out to - the house of the old bachelor, and found him dead, and the boy’s - wife nearly so. She, however, lived. We (my employer and myself) - returned to the village, watched the boy until about sunrise, left - him locked up, and went to get our breakfasts, intending to take the - boy to jail (as it was my employer’s interest, if possible, to save - the boy, having one thousand dollars at stake in him). But, whilst - we were eating, some persons who had heard of the murder broke open - the door, took the poor fellow, put a log chain round his neck, and - started him for the woods, at the point of the bayonet, marching by - where we were eating, with a great deal of noise. My employer, - hearing it, ran out, and rescued the boy. The mob again broke in and - took the boy, and marched him, as before stated, out of town. - - My employer then begged them not to disgrace their town in such a - manner; but to appoint a jury of twelve sober men, to decide what - should be done. And twelve as _sober_ men as could be found (I was - not sober) said he must be hanged. They then tied a rope round his - neck, and set him on an old horse. He made a speech to the mob, - which I, at the time, thought if it had come from some senator, - would have been received with rounds of applause; and, withal, he - was more calm than I am now, in writing this. And, after he had told - all about the deed, and its cause, he then kicked the horse out from - under him, and was launched into eternity. My employer has often - remarked that he never saw anything more noble, in his whole life, - than the conduct of that boy. - - Now, Mr. Editor, I have given you facts, and can give you names and - dates. You can do what you think is best for the cause of humanity. - I hope I have seen the evil of my former practices, and will - endeavor to reform. - - Very respectfully, - JAMES L. HILL. - - _Springfield, Ill., Sept. 17th, 1852._ - -“The Opinion of a Southerner,” given below, appeared in the _National -Era_, published at Washington. This is an anti-slavery journal, but by -its generous tone and eminent ability it commands the respect and -patronage of many readers in the slave states: - - The following communication comes enclosed in an envelope from - Louisiana.—_Ed. Era._ - - THE OPINION OF A SOUTHERNER. - - _To the Editor of the National Era_: - - I have just been reading, in the _New York Observer_ of the 12th of - August, an article from the _Southern Free Press_, headed by an - editorial one from the _Observer_, that has for its caption, - “_Progress in the Right Quarter_.” - - The editor of the _New York Observer_ says that the _Southern Free - Press_ has been an able and earnest defender of Southern - institutions; but that he now advocates the passage of a law to - prohibit the separation of families, and recommends instruction to a - portion of slaves that are most honest and faithful. The _Observer_ - further adds: “It was such language as this that was becoming - common, before Northern fanaticism ruined the prospects of - emancipation.” It is not so! Northern fanaticism, as he calls it, - has done everything that has been done for bettering the condition - of the slave. Every one who knows anything of slavery for the last - thirty years will recollect that about that time since, the - condition of the slave in Louisiana—for about Louisiana only do I - speak, because about Louisiana only do I know—was as depressed and - miserable as any of the accounts of the abolitionists that ever I - have seen have made it. I say abolitionists; I mean friends and - advocates of freedom, in a fair and honorable way. If any doubt my - assertion, let them seek for information. Let them get the black - laws of Louisiana, and read them. Let them get facts from - individuals of veracity, on whose statements they would rely. - - This wretched condition of slaves roused the friends of humanity, - who, like men, and Christian men, came fearlessly forward, and told - truths, indignantly expressing their abhorrence of their oppressors. - Such measures, of course, brought forth strife, which caused the - cries of humanity to sound louder and louder throughout the land. - The friends of freedom gained the ascendency in the hearts of the - people, and the slave-holders were brought to a stand. Some, through - fear of consequences, lessened their cruelties, while others were - made to think, that, perhaps, were not unwilling to do so when it - was urged upon them. Cruelties were not only refrained from, but the - slave’s comforts were increased. A retrograde treatment now was not - practicable. Fears of rebellion kept them to it. The slave had found - friends, and they were watchful. It was, however, soon discovered - that too many privileges, too much leniency, and giving knowledge, - would destroy the power to keep down the slave, and tend to weaken, - if not destroy, the system. Accordingly, stringent laws had to be - passed, and a penalty attached to them. No one must teach, or cause - to be taught, a slave, without incurring the penalty. The law is now - in force. These necessary laws, as they are called, are all put down - to the account of the friends of freedom—to their interference. I do - suppose that they do justly belong to their interference; for who - that studies the history of the world’s transactions does not know - that in all contests with power the weak, until successful, will be - dealt with more rigorously? Lose not sight, however, of their former - condition. Law after law has since been passed to draw the cord - tighter around the poor slave, and all attributed to the - abolitionists. Well, anyhow, progress is being made. Here comes out - the _Southern Press_, and makes some honorable concessions. He says: - “The assaults upon slavery, made for the last twenty years by the - North, have increased the evils of it. The treatment of slaves has - undoubtedly become a delicate and difficult question. The South has - a great and moral conflict to wage; and it is for her to put on _the - most invulnerable moral panoply_.” He then thinks the availability - of slave property would not be injured by passing a law to prohibit - the separation of slave families; for he says, “Although cases - sometimes occur which we observe are seized by these Northern - fanatics as characteristic of the system,” &c. Nonsense! there are - no “cases sometimes” occurring—no such thing! They are every day’s - occurrences, though there are families that form the exception, and - many, I would hope, that would not do it. While I am writing I can - call before me three men that were brought here by negro traders - from Virginia, each having left six or seven children, with their - wives, from whom they have never heard. One other died here, a short - time since, who left the same number in Carolina, from whom he had - never heard. - - I spent the summer of 1845 in Nashville. During the month of - September, six hundred slaves passed through that place, in four - different gangs, for New Orleans—final destination, probably, Texas. - A goodly proportion were women; young women, of course; many mothers - must have left not only their children, but their babies. One gang - only had a few children. I made some excursions to the different - watering places around Nashville; and while at Robinson, or Tyree - Springs, twenty miles from Nashville, on the borders of Kentucky and - Tennessee, my hostess said to me, one day, “Yonder comes a gang of - slaves, chained.” I went to the road-side, and viewed them. For the - better answering my purpose of observation, I stopped the white man - in front, who was at his ease in a one-horse wagon, and asked him if - those slaves were for sale. I counted them and observed their - position. They were divided by three one-horse wagons, each - containing a man-merchant, so arranged as to command the whole gang. - Some were unchained; sixty were chained, in two companies, thirty in - each, the right hand of one to the left hand of the other opposite - one, making fifteen each side of a large ox-chain, to which every - hand was fastened, and necessarily compelled to hold up,—men and - women promiscuously, and about in equal proportions,—all young - people. No children here, except a few in a wagon behind, which were - the only children in the four gangs. I said to a respectable mulatto - woman in the house, “Is it true that the negro traders take mothers - from their babies?” “Missis, it is true; for here, last week, such a - girl [naming her], who lives about a mile off, was taken after - dinner,—knew nothing of it in the morning,—sold, put into the gang, - and her baby was given away to a neighbor. She was a stout young - woman, and brought a good price.” - - The annexation of Texas induced the spirited traffic that summer. - Coming down home in a small boat, water low, a negro trader on board - had forty-five men and women crammed into a little spot, some - handcuffed. One respectable-looking man had left a wife and seven - children in Nashville. Near Memphis the boat stopped at a plantation - by previous arrangement, to take in thirty more. An hour’s delay was - the stipulated time with the captain of the boat. Thirty young men - and women came down the bank of the Mississippi, looking - wretchedness personified—just from the field; in appearance dirty, - disconsolate and oppressed; some with an old shawl under their arm, - a few had blankets; some had nothing at all—looked as though they - cared for nothing. I calculated, while looking at them coming down - the bank, that I could hold in a bundle all that the whole of them - had. The short notice that was given them, when about to leave, was - in consequence of the fears entertained that they would slip one - side. They all looked distressed,—leaving all that was dear to them - behind, to be put under the hammer, for the property of the highest - bidder. No children here! The whole seventy-five were crammed into a - little space on the boat, men and women all together. - - I am happy to see that morality is rearing its head with advocates - for slavery, and that a “most invulnerable moral panoply” is thought - to be necessary. I hope it may not prove to be like Mr. Clay’s - compromises. The _Southern Press_ says: “As for caricatures of - slavery in ‘Uncle Tom’s Cabin’ and the ‘White Slave,’ all founded in - imaginary circumstances, &c., we consider them highly incendiary. He - who undertakes to stir up strife between two individual neighbors, - by detraction, is justly regarded, by all men and all moral codes, - as a criminal.” Then he quotes the ninth commandment, and adds: “But - to bear false witness against whole states, and millions of people, - &c., would seem to be a crime as much deeper in turpitude as the - mischief is greater and the provocation less.” In the first place, I - will put the _Southern Press_ upon proof that Mrs. Harriet Beecher - Stowe has told one falsehood. If she has told truth, it is, indeed, - a powerful engine of “assault on slavery,” such as these Northern - fanatics have made for the “last twenty years.” The number against - whom she offends, in the editor’s opinion, seems to increase the - turpitude of her crime. That is good reasoning! I hope the editor - will be brought to feel that wholesale wickedness is worse than - single-handed, and is infinitely harder to reach, particularly if of - long standing. It gathers boldness and strength when it is - sanctioned by the authority of time, and aided by numbers that are - interested in supporting it. Such is slavery; and Mrs. Harriet - Beecher Stowe deserves the gratitude of “states and millions of - people” for her talented work, in showing it up in its true light. - She has advocated truth, justice and humanity, and they will back - her efforts. Her work will be read by “states and millions of - people;” and when the _Southern Press_ attempts to malign her, by - bringing forward her own avowal, “that the subject of slavery had - been so painful to her, that she had abstained from conversing on it - for several years,” and that, in his opinion, “it accounts for the - intensity of the venom of her book,” his _really_ envenomed shafts - will fall harmless at her feet; for readers will judge for - themselves, and be very apt to conclude that more venom comes from - the _Southern Press_ than from her. She advocates what is right, and - has a straight road, which “few get lost on;” he advocates what is - wrong, and has, consequently, to tack, concede, deny, slander, and - all sorts of things. - - With all due deference to whatever of just principles the _Southern - Press_ may have advanced in favor of the slave, I am a poor judge of - human nature if I mistake in saying that Mrs. Stowe has done much to - draw from him those concessions; and the putting forth of this - “_most invulnerable moral panoply_,” that has just come into his - head as a bulwark of safety for slavery, owes its impetus to her, - and other like efforts. I hope the _Southern Press_ will not imitate - the spoiled child, who refused to eat his pie for spite. - - The “White Slave” I have not seen. I guess its character, for I made - a passage to New York, some fourteen or fifteen years since, in a - packet-ship, with a young woman whose face was enveloped in a - profusion of light brown curls, and who sat at the table with the - passengers all the way as a white woman. When at the quarantine, - Staten Island, the captain received a letter, sent by express mail, - from a person in New Orleans, claiming her as his slave, and - threatening the captain with the penalty of the existing law if she - was not immediately returned. The streaming eyes of the poor, - unfortunate girl told the truth, when the captain reluctantly broke - it to her. She unhesitatingly confessed that she had run away, and - that a friend had paid her passage. Proper measures were taken, and - she was conveyed to a packet-ship that was at Sandy Hook, bound for - New Orleans. - - “Uncle Tom’s Cabin,” I think, is a just delineation of slavery. The - incidents are colored, but the position that the slave is made to - hold is just. I did not read every page of it, my object being to - ascertain what position the slave occupied. I could state a case of - whipping to death that would equal Uncle Tom’s; still, such cases - are not very frequent. - - The stirring up of strife between neighbors, that the _Southern - Press_ complains of, deserves notice. Who are neighbors? The most - explicit answer to this question will be found in the reply Christ - made to the lawyer, when he asked it of him. Another question will - arise, Whether, in Christ’s judgment, Mrs. Stowe would be considered - a neighbor or an incendiary? As the Almighty Ruler of the universe - and the Maker of man has said that He has made all the nations of - the earth of one blood, and man in His own image, the black man, - irrespective of his color, would seem to be a neighbor who has - fallen among his enemies, that have deprived him of the fruits of - his labor, his liberty, his right to his wife and children, his - right to obtain the knowledge to read, or to anything that earth - holds dear, except such portions of food and raiment as will fit him - for his despoiler’s purposes. Let not the apologists for slavery - bring up the isolated cases of leniency, giving instruction, and - affectionate attachment, that are found among some masters, as - specimens of slavery! It is unfair! They form exceptions, and much - do I respect them; but they are not the rules of slavery. The strife - that is being stirred up is not to take away anything that belongs - to another,—neither their silver or gold, their fine linen or - purple, their houses or land, their horses or cattle, or anything - that is their property; but to rescue a neighbor from their unmanly - cupidity. - - A REPUBLICAN. - -No introduction is necessary to explain the following correspondence, -and no commendation will be required to secure for it a respectful -attention from thinking readers: - - { _Washington City, D. C.,_ - { _Dec. 6, 1852._ - - D. R. GOODLOE, ESQ. - - DEAR SIR: I understand that you are a North Carolinian, and have - always resided in the South, you must, consequently, be acquainted - with the workings of the institution of slavery. You have doubtless - also read that world-renowned book, “Uncle Tom’s Cabin,” by Mrs. - Stowe. The apologists for slavery deny that this book is a truthful - picture of slavery. They say that its representations are - exaggerated, its scenes and incidents unfounded, and, in a word, - that the whole book is a _caricature_. They also deny that families - are separated,—that children are sold from their parents, wives from - their husbands, &c. Under these circumstances, I am induced to ask - your opinion of Mrs. Stowe’s book, and whether or not, in your - opinion, her statements are entitled to credit. - - I have the honor to be, - Yours, truly, - A. M. GANGEWER. - - * * * * * - - _Washington, Dec. 8, 1852._ - - DEAR SIR: Your letter of the 6th inst., asking my opinion of “Uncle - Tom’s Cabin,” has been received; and there being no reason why I - should withhold it, unless it be the fear of public opinion (your - object being, as I understand, the publication of my reply), I - proceed to give it in some detail. - - A book of fiction, to be worth reading, must necessarily be filled - with rare and striking incidents, and the leading characters must be - remarkable, some for great virtues, others, perhaps, for great vices - or follies. A narrative of the ordinary events in the lives of - commonplace people would be insufferably dull and insipid; and a - book made up of such materials would be, to the elegant and graphic - pictures of life and manners which we have in the writings of Sir - Walter Scott and Dickens, what a surveyor’s plot of a ten-acre field - is to a painted landscape, in which the eye is charmed by a thousand - varieties of hill and dale, of green shrubbery and transparent - water, of light and shade, at a glance. In order to determine - whether a novel is a fair picture of society, it is not necessary to - ask if its chief personages are to be met with every day; but - whether they are characteristic of the times and country,—whether - they embody the prevalent sentiments, virtues, vices, follies, and - peculiarities,—and whether the events, tragic or otherwise, are such - as may and do occasionally occur. - - Judging “Uncle Tom’s Cabin” by these principles, I have no - hesitation in saying that it is a faithful portraiture of Southern - life and institutions. There is nothing in the book inconsistent - with the laws and usages of the slave-holding states; the virtues, - vices, and peculiar hues of character and manners, are all Southern, - and must be recognized at once by every one who reads the book. I - may never have seen such depravity in one man as that exhibited in - the character of Legree, though I have ten thousand times witnessed - the various shades of it in different individuals. On the other - hand, I have never seen so many perfections concentrated in one - human being as Mrs. Stowe has conferred upon the daughter of a - slave-holder. Evangeline is an image of beauty and goodness which - can never be effaced from the mind, whatever may be its prejudices. - Yet her whole character is fragrant of the South; her generous - sympathy, her beauty and delicacy, her sensibility are all Southern. - They are “to the manor born,” and embodying as they do the Southern - ideal of beauty and loveliness, cannot be ostracized from Southern - hearts, even by the power of the vigilance committees. - - The character of St. Clare cannot fail to inspire love - and admiration. He is the _beau idéal_ of a Southern - gentleman,—honorable, generous and humane, of accomplished manners, - liberal education, and easy fortune. In his treatment of his slaves, - he errs on the side of lenity, rather than vigor; and is always - their kind protector, from a natural impulse of goodness, without - much reflection upon what may befall them when death or misfortune - shall deprive them of his friendship. - - Mr. Shelby, the original owner of Uncle Tom, and who sells him to a - trader, from the pressure of a sort of pecuniary necessity, is by no - means a bad character; his wife and son are whatever honor and - humanity could wish; and, in a word, the only white persons who make - any considerable figure in the book to a disadvantage are the - villain Legree, who is a Vermonter by birth, and the oily-tongued - slave-trader Haley, who has the accent of a Northerner. It is, - therefore, evident that Mrs. Stowe’s object in writing “Uncle Tom’s - Cabin” has not been to disparage Southern character. A careful - analysis of the book would authorize the opposite inference,—that - she has studied to shield the Southern people from opprobrium, and - even to convey an elevated idea of Southern society, at the moment - of exposing the evils of the system of slavery. She directs her - batteries against the institution, not against individuals; and - generously makes a renegade Vermonter stand for her most hideous - picture of a brutal tyrant. - - Invidious as the duty may be, I cannot withhold my testimony to the - fact that families of slaves are often separated. I know not how any - man can have the hardihood to deny it. The thing is notorious, and - is often the subject of painful remark in the Southern States. I - have often heard the practice of separating husband and wife, parent - and child, defended, apologized for, palliated in a thousand ways, - but have never heard it denied. How could it be denied, in fact, - when probably the very circumstance which elicited the conversation - was a case of cruel separation then transpiring? No, sir! the denial - of this fact by mercenary scribblers may deceive persons at a - distance, but it can impose upon no one at the South. - - In all the slave-holding states the relation of matrimony between - slaves, or between a slave and free person, is merely voluntary. - There is no law sanctioning it, or recognizing it in any shape, - directly or indirectly. In a word, it is illicit, and binds no - one,—neither the slaves themselves nor their masters. In separating - husband and wife, or parent and child, the trader or owner violates - no law of the state—neither statute nor common law. He buys or sells - at auction or privately that which the majesty of the law has - declared to be property. The victims may writhe in agony, and the - tender-hearted spectator may look on with gloomy sorrow and - indignation, but it is to no purpose. The promptings of mercy and - justice in the heart are only in rebellion against the law of the - land. - - The law itself not unfrequently performs the most cruel separations - of families, almost without the intervention of individual agency. - This happens in the case of persons who die insolvent, or who become - so during lifetime. The estate, real and personal, must be disposed - of at auction to the highest bidder, and the executor, - administrator, sheriff, trustee, or other person whose duty it is to - dispose of the property, although he may possess the most humane - intentions in the world, cannot prevent the final severance of the - most endearing ties of kindred. The illustration given by Mrs. - Stowe, in the sale of Uncle Tom by Mr. Shelby, is a very common - case. Pecuniary embarrassment is a most fruitful source of - misfortune to the slave as well as the master; and instances of - family ties broken from this cause are of daily occurrence. - - It often happens that great abuses exist in violation of law, and in - spite of the efforts of the authorities to suppress them; such is - the case with drunkenness, gambling, and other vices. But here is a - law common to all the slave-holding states, which upholds and gives - countenance to the wrong-doer, while its blackest terrors are - reserved for those who would interpose to protect the innocent. - Statesmen of elevated and honorable characters, from a vague notion - of state necessity, have defended this law in the abstract, while - they would, without hesitation, condemn every instance of its - application as unjust. - - In one respect I am glad to see it publicly denied that the families - of slaves are separated; for while it argues a disreputable want of - candor, it at the same time evinces a commendable sense of shame, - and induces the hope that the public opinion at the South will not - much longer tolerate this most odious, though not essential, part of - the system of slavery. - - In this connection I will call to your recollection a remark of the - editor of the _Southern Press_, in one of the last numbers of that - paper, which acknowledges the existence of the abuse in question, - and recommends its correction. He says: - - “The South has a great moral conflict to wage; and it is for her to - put on the most invulnerable moral panoply. Hence it is her duty, as - well as interest, to mitigate or remove whatever of evil that - results incidentally from the institution. The separation of husband - and wife, parent and child, is one of these evils, which we know is - generally avoided and repudiated there—although cases sometimes - occur which we observe are seized by these Northern fanatics as - characteristic illustrations of the system. Now we can see no great - evil or inconvenience, but much good, in the prohibition by law of - such occurrences. Let the husband and wife be sold together, and the - parents and minor children. Such a law would affect but slightly the - general value or availability of slave property, and would prevent - in some cases the violence done to the feelings of such connections - by sales either compulsory or voluntary. We are satisfied that it - would be beneficial to the master and slave to promote marriage, and - the observance of all its duties and relations.” - - Much as I have differed with the editor of the _Southern Press_ in - his general views of public policy, I am disposed to forgive him - past errors in consideration of his public acknowledgment of this - “incidental evil,” and his frank recommendation of its removal. A - Southern newspaper less devoted than the _Southern Press_ to the - maintenance of slavery would be seriously compromised by such a - suggestion, and its advice would be far less likely to be heeded. I - think, therefore, that Mr. Fisher deserves the thanks of every good - man, North and South, for thus boldly pointing out the necessity of - reform. - - The picture which Mrs. Stowe has drawn of slavery as an institution - is anything but favorable. She has illustrated the frightful cruelty - and oppression that must result from a law which gives to one class - of society almost absolute and irresponsible power over another. Yet - the very machinery she has employed for this purpose shows that all - who are parties to the system are not necessarily culpable. It is a - high virtue in St. Clare to purchase Uncle Tom. He is actuated by no - selfish or improper motive. Moved by a desire to gratify his - daughter, and prompted by his own humane feelings, he purchases a - slave, in order to rescue him from a hard fate on the plantations. - If he had not been a slave-holder before, it was now his duty to - become one. This, I think, is the moral to be drawn from the story - of St. Clare, and the South have a right to claim the authority of - Mrs. Stowe in defence of slave-holding, to this extent. - - It may be said that it was the duty of St. Clare to emancipate Uncle - Tom; but the wealth of the Rothschilds would not enable a man to act - out his benevolent instincts at such a price. And if such was his - duty, is it not equally the duty of every monied man in the free - states to attend the New Orleans slave-mart with the same benevolent - purpose in view? It seems to me that to purchase a slave with the - purpose of saving him from a hard and cruel fate, and without any - view to emancipation, is itself a good action. If the slave should - subsequently become able to redeem himself, it would doubtless be - the duty of the owner to emancipate him; and it would be but - even-handed justice to set down every dollar of the slave’s - earnings, above the expense of his maintenance, to his credit, until - the price paid for him should be fully restored. This is all that - justice could exact of the slave-holder. - - Those who have railed against “Uncle Tom’s Cabin” as an incendiary - publication have singularly (supposing that they have read the book) - overlooked the moral of the hero’s life. Uncle Tom is the most - faithful of servants. He literally “obeyed in all things” his - “masters according to the flesh; not with eye-service, as - men-pleasers, but in singleness of heart, fearing God.” If his - conduct exhibits the slightest departure from a literal fulfilment - of this injunction of Scripture, it is in a case which must command - the approbation of the most rigid casuist; for the injunction of - obedience extends, of course, only to lawful commands. It is only - when the monster Legree commands him to inflict undeserved - chastisement upon his fellow-servants, that Uncle Tom refuses - obedience. He would not listen to a proposition of escaping into - Ohio with the young woman Eliza, on the night after they were sold - by Mr. Shelby to the trader Haley. He thought it would be bad faith - to his late master, whom he had nursed in his arms, and might be the - means of bringing him into difficulty. He offered no resistance to - Haley, and obeyed even Legree in every legitimate command. But when - he was required to be the instrument of his master’s cruelty, he - chose rather to die, with the courage and resolution of a Christian - martyr, than to save his life by a guilty compliance. Such was Uncle - Tom—not a bad example for the imitation of man or master. - - I am, sir, very respectfully, - Your ob’t serv’t, - DANIEL R. GOODLOE. - - A. M. GANGEWER, Esq., - Washington, D. C. - -The writer has received permission to publish the following extract from -a letter received by a lady at the North from the editor of a Southern -paper. The mind and character of the author will speak for themselves, -in the reading of it: - - _Charleston, Sunday, 25th July, 1852._ - - * * * The books, I infer, are Mrs. Beecher Stowe’s “_Uncle Tom’s - Cabin_.” The book was furnished me by —— ——, about a fortnight ago, - and you may be assured I read it with an attentive interest. “Now, - what is your opinion of it?” you will ask; and, knowing my - preconceived opinions upon the question of slavery, and the - embodiment of my principles, which I have so long supported, in - regard to that _peculiar_ institution, you may be prepared to meet - an indirect answer. This my own consciousness of truth would not - allow, in the present instance. The book is a truthful picture of - life, with the dark outlines beautifully portrayed. The life—the - characteristics, incidents, and the dialogues—is life itself reduced - to paper. In her appendix she rather evades the question whether it - was taken from actual scones, but says there are many counterparts. - In this she is correct, beyond doubt. Had she changed the picture of - Legree, on Red river, for —— ——, on —— Island, South Carolina, she - could not have drawn a more admirable portrait. I am led to question - whether she had not some knowledge of this beast, as he is known to - be, and made the transposition for effect. - - My position in connection with the extreme party, both in Georgia - and South Carolina, would constitute a restraint to the full - expression of my feelings upon several of the governing principles - of the institution. I have studied slavery, in all its different - phases,—have been thrown in contact with the negro in different - parts of the world, and made it my aim to study his nature, so far - as my limited abilities would give me light,—and, whatever my - opinions have been, they were based upon what I supposed to be - honest convictions. - - During the last three years you well know what my opportunities have - been to examine all the sectional bearings of an institution which - now holds the great and most momentous question of our federal - well-being. These opportunities I have not let pass, but have given - myself, body and soul, to a knowledge of its vast intricacies,—to - its constitutional compact, and its individual hardships. Its wrongs - are in the constituted rights of the master, and the _blank letter_ - of those laws which pretend to govern the bondman’s rights. What - legislative act, based upon the construction of self-protection for - the very men who contemplate the laws,—even though their intention - was amelioration,—could be enforced, when the legislated object is - held as the _bond property_ of the legislator? The very fact of - constituting a law for the amelioration of property becomes an - absurdity, so far as carrying it out is concerned. A law which is - intended to govern, and gives the governed no means of seeking its - protection, is like the clustering together of so many useless words - for vain show. But why talk of law? That which is considered the - popular rights of a people, and every tenacious prejudice set forth - to protect its property interest, creates its own power, against - every weaker vessel. Laws which interfere with this become - unpopular,—repugnant to a forceable will, and a dead letter in - effect. So long as the voice of the governed cannot be heard, and - his wrongs are felt beyond the jurisdiction or domain of the law, as - nine-tenths are, where is the hope of redress? The master is the - powerful vessel; the negro feels his dependence, and, fearing the - consequences of an appeal for his rights, submits to the cruelty of - his master, in preference to the dread of something more cruel. It - is in those disputed cases of cruelty we find the wrongs of slavery, - and in those governing laws which give power to bad Northern men to - become the most cruel taskmasters. Do not judge, from my - observations, that I am seeking consolation for the abolitionists. - Such is not my intention; but truth to a course which calls loudly - for reformation constrains me to say that humanity calls for some - law to govern the force and absolute will of the master, and to - reform no part is more requisite than that which regards the slave’s - food and raiment. A person must live years at the South before he - can become fully acquainted with the many workings of slavery. A - Northern man not prominently interested in the political and social - weal of the South may live for years in it, and pass from town to - town in his every-day pursuits, and yet see but the polished side of - slavery. With me it has been different. Its effect upon the negro - himself, and its effect upon the social and commercial well-being of - Southern society, has been laid broadly open to me, and I have seen - more of its workings within the past year than was disclosed to me - all the time before. It is with these feelings that I am constrained - to do credit to Mrs. Stowe’s book, which I consider must have been - written by one who derived the materials from a thorough - acquaintance with the subject. The character of the slave-dealer, - the bankrupt owner in Kentucky, and the New Orleans merchant, are - simple every-day occurrences in these parts. Editors may speak of - the dramatic effect as they please; the tale is not told them, and - the occurrences of common reality would form a picture more glaring. - I could write a work, with date and incontrovertible facts, of - abuses which stand recorded in the knowledge of the community in - which they were transacted, that would need no dramatic effect, and - would stand out ten-fold more horrible than anything Mrs. Stowe has - described. - - I have read two columns in the _Southern Press_ of Mrs. Eastman’s - “_Aunt Phillis’ Cabin_, or Southern Life as It Is,” with the remarks - of the editor. I have no comments to make upon it, that being done - by itself. The editor might have saved himself being writ down an - ass by the public, if he had withheld his nonsense. If the two - columns are a specimen of Mrs. Eastman’s book, I pity her attempt - and her name as an author. - - - - - PART II. - - - - - CHAPTER I. - - -The New York _Courier and Enquirer_ of November 5th contained an article -which has been quite valuable to the author, as summing up, in a clear, -concise and intelligible form, the principal objections which may be -urged to _Uncle Tom’s Cabin_. It is here quoted in full, as the -foundation of the remarks in the following pages. - -The author of “Uncle Tom’s Cabin,” that writer states, has committed -false-witness against thousands and millions of her fellow-men. - - She has done it [he says] by attaching to them as slaveholders, in - the eyes of the world, the guilt of the abuses of an institution of - which they are absolutely guiltless. Her story is so devised as to - present slavery in three dark aspects: first, the _cruel treatment_ - of the slaves; second, _the separation of families_; and, third, - their _want of religious instruction_. - - To show the first, she causes a reward to be offered for the - recovery of a runaway slave, “dead or alive,” when no reward with - such an alternative was ever heard of, or dreamed of, south of Mason - and Dixon’s line, and it has been decided over and over again in - Southern courts that “a slave who is merely flying away cannot be - killed.” She puts such language as this into the mouth of one of her - speakers:—“The master who goes furthest and does the worst only uses - within limits the power that the law gives him;” when, in fact, the - civil code of the very state where it is represented the language - was uttered—Louisiana—declares that - - “The slave is entirely subject to the will of his master, who may - correct and chastise him, _though not with unusual rigor, nor so as - to maim or mutilate him, or to expose him to the danger of loss of - life, or to cause his death_.” - - And provides for a compulsory sale - - “When the master shall be convicted of cruel treatment of his - slaves, and the judge shall deem proper to pronounce, besides the - penalty established for such cases, that the slave be sold at public - auction, _in order to place him out of the reach of the power which - the master has abused_.” - - “If any person whatsoever shall wilfully kill his slave, or the - slave of another person, the said person, being convicted thereof, - shall be tried and condemned agreeably to the laws.” - - In the General Court of Virginia, last year, in the case of Souther - _v._ the Commonwealth, it was held that the killing of a slave by - his master and owner, by wilful and excessive whipping, is murder in - the first degree, _though it may not have been the purpose of the - master and owner to kill the slave_! And it is not six months since - Governor Johnston, of Virginia, pardoned a slave who killed his - master, who was beating him with brutal severity. - - And yet, in the face of such laws and decisions as these, Mrs. Stowe - winds up a long series of cruelties upon her other black personages, - by causing her faultless hero, Tom, to be literally whipped to death - in Louisiana, by his master, Legree; and these acts, which the laws - make criminal, and punish as such, she sets forth in the most - repulsive colors, to illustrate the institution of slavery! - - So, too, in reference to the separation of children from their - parents. A considerable part of the plot is made to hinge upon the - selling, in Louisiana, of the child Eliza, “eight or nine years - old,” away from her mother; when, had its inventor looked in the - statute-book of Louisiana, she would have found the following - language: - - “Every person is expressly prohibited from selling separately from - their mothers _the children who shall not have attained the full age - of ten years_.” - - “_Be it further enacted_, That if any person or persons shall sell - the mother of any slave child or children _under the age of ten - years, separate from said child or children, or shall, the mother - living, sell any slave child or children of ten years of age, or - under, separate from said mother_, said person or persons shall be - fined not less than one thousand nor more than two thousand dollars, - and be imprisoned in the public jail for a period of not less than - six months nor more than one year.” - - The privation of religious instruction, as represented by Mrs. - Stowe, is utterly unfounded in fact. The largest churches in the - Union consist entirely of slaves. The first African church in - Louisville, which numbers fifteen hundred persons, and the first - African church in Augusta, which numbers thirteen hundred, are - specimens. On multitudes of the large plantations in the different - parts of the South the ordinances of the gospel are as regularly - maintained, by competent ministers, as in any other communities, - north or south. A larger proportion of the slave population are in - communion with some Christian church, than of the white population - in any part of the country. A very considerable portion of every - southern congregation, either in city or country, is sure to consist - of blacks; whereas, of our northern churches, not a colored person - is to be seen in one out of fifty. - - The peculiar falsity of this whole book consists in making - exceptional or impossible cases the representatives of the system. - By the same process which she has used, it would not be difficult to - frame a fatal argument against the relation of husband and wife, or - parent and child, or of guardian and ward; for thousands of wives - and children and wards have been maltreated, and even murdered. It - is wrong, unpardonably wrong, to impute to any relation of life - those enormities which spring only out of the worst depravity of - human nature. A ridiculously extravagant spirit of generalization - pervades this fiction from beginning to end. The Uncle Tom of the - authoress is a perfect angel, and her blacks generally are half - angels; her Simon Legree is a perfect demon, and her whites - generally are half demons. She has quite a peculiar spite against - the clergy; and, of the many she introduces at different times into - the scenes, all, save an insignificant exception, are Pharisees or - hypocrites. One who could know nothing of the United States and its - people, except by what he might gather from this book, would judge - that it was some region just on the confines of the infernal world. - We do not say that Mrs. Stowe was actuated by wrong motives in the - preparation of this work, but we do say that she has done a wrong - which no ignorance can excuse and no penance can expiate. - -A much-valued correspondent of the author, writing from Richmond, -Virginia, also uses the following language: - - I will venture this morning to make a few suggestions which have - occurred to me in regard to future editions of your work, “Uncle - Tom’s Cabin,” which I desire should have all the influence of which - your genius renders it capable, not only abroad, but in the local - sphere of slavery, where it has been hitherto repudiated. Possessing - already the great requisites of artistic beauty and of sympathetic - affection, it may yet be improved in regard to accuracy of statement - without being at all enfeebled. For example, you do less than - justice to the formalized laws of the Southern States, while you - give more credit than is due to the virtue of public or private - sentiment in restricting the evil which the laws permit. - - I enclose the following extracts from a southern paper: - - “‘I’ll manage that ar; they’s young in the business, and must - spect to work cheap,’ said Marks, as he continued to read. - ‘Thar’s three on ‘em easy cases, ‘cause all you’ve got to do is - to shoot ‘em, or swear they is shot; they couldn’t, of course, - charge much for that.’” - - “The reader will observe that two charges against the South are - involved in this precious discourse;—one that it is the habit of - Southern masters to offer a reward, with the alternative of ‘dead or - alive,’ for their fugitive slaves; and the other, that it is usual - for pursuers to shoot them. Indeed, we are led to infer that, as the - shooting is the easier mode of obtaining the reward, it is the more - frequently employed in such cases. Now, when a Southern master - offers a reward for his runaway slave, it is because he has lost a - certain amount of property, represented by the negro which he wishes - to recover. What man of Vermont, having an ox or an ass that had - gone astray, would forthwith offer half the full value of the - animal, not for the carcass, which might be turned to some useful - purpose, but for the unavailing satisfaction of its head? Yet are - the two cases exactly parallel? With regard to the assumption that - men are permitted to go about, at the South, with double-barrelled - guns, shooting down runaway negroes, in preference to apprehending - them, we can only say that it is as wicked and wilful as it is - ridiculous. Such Thugs there may have been as Marks and Loker, who - have killed negroes in this unprovoked manner; but, if they have - escaped the gallows, they are probably to be found within the walls - of our state penitentiaries, where they are comfortably provided for - at public expense. The laws of the Southern States, which are - designed, as in all good governments, for the protection of persons - and property, have not been so loosely framed as to fail of their - object where person and property are one. - - “The law with regard to the killing of runaways is laid down with so - much clearness and precision by a South Carolina judge, that we - cannot forbear quoting his dictum, as directly in point. In the case - of Witsell _v._ Earnest and Parker, Colcock J. delivered the opinion - of the court: - -[Sidenote: Jan. term, 1818 1 Nott & McCord’s S. C. Rep. 182.] - - “‘By the statute of 1740, any white man may apprehend, and - moderately correct, any slave who may be found out of the plantation - at which he is employed; and if the slave assaults the white person, - he may be killed; but a slave who is merely flying away cannot be - killed. Nor can the defendants be justified by the common law, if we - consider the negro as a person; for they were not clothed with the - authority of the law to apprehend him as a felon, and without such - authority he could not be killed.’ - - “‘It’s commonly supposed that the _property_ interest is a - sufficient guard in these cases. If people choose to ruin their - possessions, I don’t know what’s to be done. It seems the poor - creature was a thief and a drunkard; and so there won’t be much - hope to get up sympathy for her.’ - - “‘It is perfectly outrageous,—it is horrid, Augustine! It will - certainly bring down vengeance upon you.’ - - “‘My dear cousin, I didn’t do it, and I can’t help it; I would, - if I could. If low-minded, brutal people will act like - themselves, what am I to do? _They have absolute control; they - are irresponsible despots._ There would be no use in - interfering; _there is no law, that amounts to anything - practically, for such a case_. The best we can do is to shut our - eyes and ears, and let it alone. It’s the only resource left - us.’ - - “In a subsequent part of the same conversation, St. Clare says: - - “‘For pity’s sake, for shame’s sake, because we are men born of - women, and not savage beasts, many of us do not, and dare - not,—we would _scorn_ to use the full power which our savage - laws put into our hands. _And he who goes furthest and does the - worst only uses within limits the power that the law gives - him._’ - - “Mrs. Stowe tells us, through St. Clare, that ‘there is no law that - amounts to anything’ in such cases, and that he who goes furthest in - severity towards his slave,—that is, to the deprivation of an eye or - a limb, or even the destruction of life,—‘only uses within limits - the power that the law gives him.’ This is an awful and tremendous - charge, which, lightly and unwarrantably made, must subject the - maker to a fearful accountability. Let us see how the matter stands - upon the statute-book of Louisiana. By referring to the civil code - of that state, chapter 3d, article 173, the reader will find this - general declaration: - - “‘The slave is entirely subject to the will of his master, who may - correct and chastise him, _though not with unusual rigor, nor so as - to maim or mutilate him, or to expose him to the danger of loss of - life, or to cause his death_.’ - - “On a subsequent page of the same volume and chapter, article 192, - we find provision made for the slave’s protection against his - master’s cruelty, in the statement that one of two cases, in which a - master can be compelled to sell his slave, is - - “‘When the master shall be convicted of cruel treatment of his - slave, and the judge shall deem proper to pronounce, _besides the - penalty established for such cases_, that the slave shall be sold at - public auction, _in order to place him out of the reach of the power - which the master has abused_.’ - - “A code thus watchful of the negro’s safety in life and limb - confines not its guardianship to inhibitory clauses, but proscribes - extreme penalties in case of their infraction. In the Code Noir - (Black Code) of Louisiana, under head of Crimes and Offences, No. - 55, § xvi., it is laid down, that - - “‘If any person whatsoever shall wilfully kill his slave, or the - slave of another person, the said person, being convicted thereof, - shall be tried and condemned agreeably to the laws.’ - - “And because negro testimony is inadmissible in the courts of the - state, and therefore the evidence of such crimes might be with - difficulty supplied, it is further provided that, - -[Sidenote: Code Noir. Crimes and Offences, 56, xvii.] - - “‘If any slave be mutilated, beaten or ill-treated, contrary to the - true intent and meaning of this act, when no one shall be present, - in such case the owner, or other person having the management of - said slave thus mutilated, shall be deemed responsible and guilty of - the said offence, and shall be prosecuted without further evidence, - unless the said owner, or other person so as aforesaid, can prove - the contrary by means of good and sufficient evidence, or can clear - himself by his own oath, which said oath every court, under the - cognizance of which such offence shall have been examined and tried, - is by this act authorized to administer.’ - - “Enough has been quoted to establish the utter falsity of the - statement, made by our authoress through St. Clare, that brutal - masters are ‘irresponsible despots,’—at least in Louisiana. It would - extend our review to a most unreasonable length, should we undertake - to give the law, with regard to the murder of slaves, as it stands - in each of the Southern States. The crime is a rare one, and - therefore the reporters have had few cases to record. We may refer, - however, to two. In _Fields v. the State of Tennessee_, the - plaintiff in error was indicted in the circuit court of Maury county - for the murder of a negro slave. He pleaded not guilty; and at the - trial was found guilty of wilful and felonious slaying of the slave. - From this sentence he prosecuted his writ of error, which was - disallowed, the court affirming the original judgment. The opinion - of the court, as given by Peck J., overflows with the spirit of - enlightened humanity. He concludes thus: - -[Sidenote: 1 Yerger’s Tenn. Rep. 156.] - - “‘It is well said by one of the judges of North Carolina, that the - master has a right to exact the labor of his slave; that far, the - rights of the slave are suspended; but this gives the master no - right over the life of his slave. I add to the saying of the judge, - that law which says thou shalt not kill, protects the slave; and he - is within its very letter. Law, reason, Christianity, and common - humanity, all point but one way.’ - -[Sidenote: 7 Grattan’s Rep. 673.] - - “In the General Court of Virginia, June term, 1851, in _Souther v. - the Commonwealth_, it was held that ‘the killing of a slave by his - master and owner, by wilful and excessive whipping, is murder in the - first degree; _though it may not have been the purpose of the master - and owner to kill the slave_.’ The writer shows, also, an ignorance - of the law of contracts, as it affects slavery in the South, in - making George’s master take him from the factory against the - proprietor’s consent. George, by virtue of the contract of hiring, - had become the property of the proprietor for the time being, and - his master could no more have taken him away forcibly than the owner - of a house in Massachusetts can dispossess his lessee, at any - moment, from mere whim or caprice. There is no court in Kentucky - where the hirer’s rights, in this regard, would not be enforced. - - “‘No. Father bought her once, in one of his trips to New - Orleans, and brought her up as a present to mother. She was - about eight or nine years old, then. Father would never tell - mother what he gave for her; but, the other day, in looking over - his old papers, we came across the bill of sale. He paid an - extravagant sum for her, to be sure. I suppose, on account of - her extraordinary beauty.’ - - “George sat with his back to Cassy, and did not see the absorbed - expression of her countenance, as he was giving these details. - - “At this point in the story, she touched his arm, and, with a - face perfectly white with interest, said, ‘Do you know the names - of the people he bought her of?’ - - “‘A man of the name of Simmons, I think, was the principal in - the transaction. At least, I think that was the name in the bill - of sale.’ - - “‘O, my God!’ said Cassy, and fell insensible on the floor of - the cabin.” - - “Of course Eliza turns out to be Cassy’s child, and we are soon - entertained with the family meeting in Montreal, where George Harris - is living, five or six years after the opening of the story, in - great comfort. - - “Now, the reader will perhaps be surprised to know that such an - incident as the sale of Cassy apart from Eliza, upon which the whole - interest of the foregoing narrative hinges, never could have taken - place in Louisiana, and that the bill of sale for Eliza would not - have been worth the paper it was written on. Observe. George Shelby - states that Eliza was _eight or nine years old_ at the time his - father purchased her in New Orleans. Let us again look at the - statute-book of Louisiana. - - “In the _Code Noir_ we find it set down that - - “‘Every person is expressly prohibited from selling separately from - their mothers _the children who shall not have attained the full age - of ten years_.’ - - “And this humane provision is strengthened by a statute, one clause - of which runs as follows: - - “‘Be it further enacted, That if any person or persons shall sell - the mother of any slave child or children _under the age of ten - years, separate from said child or children, or shall, the mother - living, sell any slave child or children of ten years of age, or - under, separate from said mother_, such person or persons shall - incur the penalty of the sixth section of this act.’ - - “This penalty is a fine of not less than one thousand nor more than - two thousand dollars, and imprisonment in the public jail for a - period of not less than six months nor more than one year.—_Vide - Acts of Louisiana, 1 Session, 9th Legislature_, 1828, 1829, No. 24, - Section 16.” - -The author makes here a remark. Scattered through all the Southern -States are slaveholders who are such only in name. They have no pleasure -in the system, they consider it one of wrong altogether, and they hold -the legal relation still, only because not yet clear with regard to the -best way of changing it, so as to better the condition of those held. -Such are most earnest advocates for state emancipation, and are friends -of anything, written in a right spirit, which tends in that direction. -From such the author ever receives criticisms with pleasure. - -She has endeavored to lay before the world, in the fullest manner, all -that can be objected to her work, that both sides may have an -opportunity of impartial hearing. - -When writing “Uncle Tom’s Cabin,” though entirely unaware and -unexpectant of the importance which would be attached to its statements -and opinions, the author of that work was anxious, from love of -consistency, to have some understanding of the laws of the slave system. -She had on hand for reference, while writing, the Code Noir of -Louisiana, and a sketch of the laws relating to slavery in the different -states, by Judge Stroud, of Philadelphia. This work, professing to have -been compiled with great care from the latest editions of the -statute-books of the several states, the author supposed to be a -sufficient guide for the writing of a work of fiction.[3] As the -accuracy of those statements which relate to the slave-laws has been -particularly contested, a more especial inquiry has been made in this -direction. Under the guidance and with the assistance of legal gentlemen -of high standing, the writer has proceeded to examine the statements of -Judge Stroud with regard to statute-law, and to follow them up with some -inquiry into the decisions of courts. The result has been an increasing -conviction on her part that the impressions first derived from Judge -Stroud’s work were correct; and the author now can only give the words -of St. Clare, as the best possible expression of the sentiments and -opinion which this course of reading has awakened in her mind. - - This cursed business, accursed of God and man,—what is it? Strip it - of all its ornament, run it down to the root and nucleus of the - whole, and what is it? Why, because my brother Quashy is ignorant - and weak, and I am intelligent and strong,—because I know how, and - _can_ do it,—therefore I may steal all he has, keep it, and give him - only such and so much as suits my fancy! Whatever is too hard, too - dirty, too disagreeable for me, I may set Quashy to doing. Because I - don’t like work, Quashy shall work. Because the sun burns me, Quashy - shall stay in the sun. Quashy shall earn the money, and I will spend - it. Quashy shall lie down in every puddle, that I may walk over dry - shod. Quashy shall do my will, and not his, all the days of his - mortal life, and have such a chance of getting to heaven at last as - I find convenient. This I take to be about what slavery is. I defy - anybody on earth to read our slave-code, as it stands in our - law-books, and make anything else of it. Talk of the _abuses_ of - slavery! Humbug! The _thing itself_ is the essence of all abuse. And - the only reason why the land don’t sink under it, like Sodom and - Gomorrah, is because it is _used_ in a way infinitely better than it - is. For pity’s sake, for shame’s sake, because we are men born of - women, and not savage beasts, many of us do not, and dare not,—we - would _scorn_ to use the full power which our savage laws put into - our hands. And he who goes the furthest, and does the worst, only - uses within limits the power that the law gives him! - -The author still holds to the opinion that slavery in itself, as legally -defined in law-books and expressed in the records of courts, _is_ the -SUM AND ESSENCE OF ALL ABUSE; and she still clings to the hope that -there are _many_ men at the South _infinitely_ better than their laws; -and after the reader has read all the extracts which she has to make, -for the sake of a common humanity they will hope the same. The author -must state, with regard to some passages which she must quote, that the -language of certain enactments was so incredible that she would not take -it on the authority of any compilation whatever, but copied it with her -own hand from the latest edition of the statute-book where it stood and -still stands. - ------ - -Footnote 3: - - In this connection it may be well to state that the work of Judge - Stroud is now out of print, but that a work of the same character is - in course of preparation by William I. Bowditch, Esq., of Boston, - which will bring the subject out, by the assistance of the latest - editions of statutes, and the most recent decisions of courts. - - - - - CHAPTER II. - WHAT IS SLAVERY? - - -The author will now enter into a consideration of slavery as it stands -revealed in slave law. - -[Sidenote: Civil Code, Art. 35.] - -[Sidenote: 2 Brev. Dig. 229. Prince’s Digest, 446.] - -What is it, according to the definition of law-books and of legal -interpreters? “A slave,” says the law of Louisiana, “is one who is in -the power of a master, to whom he belongs. The master may sell him, -dispose of his person, his industry and his labor; he can do nothing, -possess nothing, nor acquire anything, but what must belong to his -master.” South Carolina says “slaves shall be deemed, sold, taken, -reputed and adjudged in law, to be chattels personal in the hands of -their owners and possessors, and their executors, administrators, and -assigns, TO ALL INTENTS, CONSTRUCTIONS AND PURPOSES WHATSOEVER.” The law -of Georgia is similar. - -[Sidenote: Wheeler’s Law of Slavery, 246. State _v._ Mann.] - -Let the reader reflect on the extent of the meaning in this last clause. -Judge Ruffin, pronouncing the opinion of the Supreme Court of North -Carolina, says, a slave is “one doomed in his own person, and his -posterity, to live without knowledge, and without the capacity to make -anything his own, and to toil that another may reap the fruits.” - -This is what slavery _is_,—this is what it is to be a slave! The -slave-code, then, of the Southern States, is designed to keep millions -of human beings in the condition of chattels personal; to keep them in a -condition in which the master may sell them, dispose of their time, -person and labor; in which they can do nothing, possess nothing, and -acquire nothing, except for the benefit of the master; in which they are -doomed in themselves and in their posterity to live without knowledge, -without the power to make anything their own,—to toil that another may -reap. The laws of the slave-code are designed to work out this problem, -consistently with the peace of the community, and the safety of that -superior race which is constantly to perpetrate this outrage. - -From this simple statement of what the laws of slavery are designed to -do,—from a consideration that the class thus to be reduced, and -oppressed, and made the subjects of a perpetual robbery, are _men_ of -like passions with our own, men originally made in the image of God as -much as ourselves, men partakers of that same humanity of which Jesus -Christ is the highest ideal and expression,—when we consider that the -material thus to be acted upon is that fearfully explosive element, the -soul of man; that soul elastic, upspringing, immortal, whose free will -even the Omnipotence of God refuses to coerce,—we may form some idea of -the tremendous force which is necessary to keep this mightiest of -elements in the state of repression which is contemplated in the -definition of slavery. - -Of course, the system necessary to consummate and perpetuate such a -work, from age to age, must be a fearfully stringent one; and our -readers will find that it is so. Men who make the laws, and men who -interpret them, may be fully sensible of their terrible severity and -inhumanity; but, if they are going to preserve the THING, they have no -resource but to make the laws, and to execute them faithfully after they -are made. They may say, with the honorable Judge Ruffin, of North -Carolina, when solemnly from the bench announcing this great foundation -principle of slavery, that “THE POWER OF THE MASTER MUST BE ABSOLUTE, TO -RENDER THE SUBMISSION OF THE SLAVE PERFECT,”—they may say, with him, “I -most freely confess my sense of the harshness of this proposition; I -feel it as deeply as any man can; and, as a principle of moral right, -every person in his retirement must repudiate it;”—but they will also be -obliged to add, with him, “But, in the _actual condition_ of things, it -MUST BE SO. * * This discipline belongs to the state of slavery. * * * -It is INHERENT in the relation of master and slave.” - -And, like Judge Ruffin, men of honor, men of humanity, men of kindest -and gentlest feelings, are _obliged_ to interpret these severe laws with -inflexible severity. In the perpetual reaction of that awful force of -human passion and human will, which necessarily meets the compressive -power of slavery,—in that seething, boiling tide, never wholly -repressed, which rolls its volcanic stream underneath the whole -frame-work of society so constituted, ready to find vent at the least -rent or fissure or unguarded aperture,—there is a constant necessity -which urges to severity of law and inflexibility of execution. So Judge -Ruffin says, “We cannot allow the _right_ of the matter to be brought -into discussion in the courts of justice. The slave, to remain a slave, -must be made sensible that there is NO APPEAL FROM HIS MASTER.” -Accordingly, we find in the more southern states, where the slave -population is most accumulated, and slave property most necessary and -valuable, and, of course, the determination to abide by the system the -most decided, _there_ the enactments are most severe, and the -interpretation of courts the most inflexible.[4] And, when legal -decisions of a contrary character begin to be made, it would appear that -it is a symptom of leaning towards emancipation. So abhorrent is the -slave-code to every feeling of humanity, that just as soon as there is -any hesitancy in the community about perpetuating the institution of -slavery, judges begin to listen to the voice of their more honorable -nature, and by favorable interpretations to soften its necessary -severities. - -Such decisions do not commend themselves to the professional admiration -of legal gentlemen. But in the workings of the slave system, when the -irresponsible power which it guarantees comes to be used by men of the -most brutal nature, cases sometimes arise for trial where the consistent -exposition of the law involves results so loathsome and frightful, that -the judge prefers to be illogical, rather than inhuman. Like a spring -outgushing in the desert, some noble man, now and then, from the fulness -of his own better nature, throws out a legal decision, generously -inconsistent with every principle and precedent of slave jurisprudence, -and we bless God for it. All we wish is that there were more of them, -for then should we hope that the day of redemption was drawing nigh. - -The reader is now prepared to enter with us on the proof of this -proposition: That the slave-code is designed _only for the security of -the master, and not with regard to the welfare of the slave_. - -This is implied in the whole current of law-making and -law-administration, and is often asserted in distinct form, with a -precision and clearness of legal accuracy which, in a literary point of -view, are quite admirable. Thus, Judge Ruffin, after stating that -considerations restricting the power of the master had often been drawn -from a comparison of slavery with the relation of parent and child, -master and apprentice, tutor and pupil, says distinctly: - - The court does not recognize their application. There is no likeness - between the cases. They are in opposition to each other, and there - is an impassable gulf between them. * * * * - -[Sidenote: Wheeler’s Law of Slavery, page 246.] - - In the one [case], the end in view is the _happiness of the youth_, - born to equal rights with that governor, on whom the duty devolves - of training the young to usefulness, in a station which he is - afterwards to assume among freemen. * * * * With slavery it is far - otherwise. The _end is the profit of the master_, his security and - the public safety. - -[Sidenote: Wheeler’s Law of Slavery, p. 239.] - -Not only is this principle distinctly asserted in so many words, but it -is more distinctly implied in multitudes of the arguings and reasonings -which are given as grounds of legal decisions. Even such provisions as -seem to be for the benefit of the slave we often find carefully -interpreted so as to show that it is only on account of his property -value to his master that he is thus protected, and not from any -consideration of humanity towards himself. Thus it has been decided that -a master can bring no action for assault and battery on his slave, -_unless the injury be such as to produce a loss of service_. - -The spirit in which this question is discussed is worthy of remark. We -give a brief statement of the case, as presented in Wheeler, p. 239. - -[Sidenote: Cornfute _v._ Dale, April Term, 1800. 1 Har. & Johns. Rep. 4] - -[Sidenote: 2 Lutw. 1481; 20 Viner’s Abr. 454.] - -It was an action for assault and battery committed by Dale on one -Cornfute’s slave. It was contended by Cornfute’s counsel that it was not -necessary to _prove loss of service_, in order that the action should be -sustained; that an action might be supported for beating plaintiff’s -_horse_; and that the lord might have an action for the battery of his -villein, which is founded on this principle, that, as the villein could -not support the action, _the injury would be without redress, unless the -lord could_. On the other side it was said that Lord Chief Justice -Raymond had decided that an assault on a horse was no cause of action, -unless accompanied with _a special damage of the animal_, which would -impair his value. - -Chief Justice Chase decided that no redress could be obtained in the -case, because the value of the slave had not been impaired, and _without -injury or wrong to the master_ no action could be sustained; and -assigned this among other reasons for it, that there was no reciprocity -in the case, as the master was not liable for assault and battery -committed by his slave, neither could he gain redress for one committed -upon his slave. - -Let any reader now imagine what an amount of wanton cruelty and -indignity may be heaped upon a slave man or woman or child without -actually impairing their power to do service to the master, and he will -have a full sense of the cruelty of this decision. - -[Sidenote: Tate _v._ O’Neal, 1 Hawks, 418. U. S. Dig. Sup. 2, p. 797, § - 121.] - -In the same spirit it has been held in North Carolina that patrols -(night watchmen) are not liable to the master for inflicting punishment -on the slave, unless their conduct clearly demonstrates _malice against -the master_. - -[Sidenote: State _v._ Maner, 2 Hill’s Rep. 453. Wheeler’s Law of - Slavery, page 243.] - -The cool-bloodedness of some of these legal discussions is forcibly -shown by two decisions in Wheeler’s Law of Slavery, p. 243. On the -question whether the criminal offence of assault and battery can be -committed on a slave, there are two decisions of the two States of South -and North Carolina; and it is difficult to say which of these decisions -has the preëminence for cool legal inhumanity. That of South Carolina -reads thus. - -Judge O’Neill says: - - The criminal offence of assault and battery can not, at common law, - be committed upon the person of a slave. For notwithstanding (for - some purposes) a slave is regarded by law as a _person_, yet - generally he is a mere chattel personal, and his right of personal - protection belongs to his master, who can maintain an action of - trespass for the battery of his slave. There can be therefore no - offence against the state for a _mere beating of a slave - unaccompanied with any circumstances of cruelty_ (!!), or an attempt - to kill and murder. The peace of the state _is not thereby broken_; - for a slave is not generally regarded as legally capable of being - within the peace of the state. He is not a citizen, and is not in - that character entitled to her protection. - -[Sidenote: See State _v._ Hale. Wheeler, p. 239. 2 Hawk. N. C. Rep. - 582.] - -What declaration of the utter indifference of the state to the -sufferings of the slave could be more elegantly cool and clear? But in -North Carolina it appears that the case is argued still more -elaborately. - -Chief Justice Taylor thus shows that, after all, there are reasons why -an assault and battery upon the slave may, on the whole, have some such -general connection with the comfort and security of the community, that -it may be construed into a breach of the peace, and should be treated as -an indictable offence. - -[Sidenote: 1 Rev. Code 448.] - - The instinct of a slave may be, and generally is, tamed into - subservience to his master’s will, and from him he receives - chastisement, whether it be merited or not, with perfect submission; - for he knows the extent of the dominion assumed over him, and that - the law ratifies the claim. But when the same authority is wantonly - usurped by a stranger, nature is disposed to assert her rights, and - to prompt the slave to a resistance, often momentarily successful, - sometimes fatally so. The public peace is thus broken, as much as if - a free man had been beaten; for the party of the aggressor is always - the strongest, and such contests usually terminate by overpowering - the slave, and inflicting on him a severe chastisement, without - regard to the original cause of the conflict. There is, - consequently, as much reason for making such offences indictable as - if a white man had been the victim. A wanton injury committed on a - slave _is a great provocation to the owner, awakens his resentment, - and has a direct tendency to a breach of the peace, by inciting him - to seek immediate vengeance_. If resented in the heat of blood, it - would probably extenuate a homicide to manslaughter, upon the same - principle with the case stated by Lord Hale, that if A riding on the - road, B had whipped his horse out of the track, and then A had - alighted and killed B. These offences are usually committed by men - of dissolute habits, hanging loose upon society, _who, being - repelled from association with well-disposed citizens, take refuge - in the company of colored persons and slaves, whom they deprave by - their example, embolden by their familiarity, and then beat, under - the expectation that a slave dare not resent a blow from a white - man_. If such offences may be committed with impunity, the public - peace will not only be rendered extremely insecure, but _the value - of slave property must be much impaired_, for the offenders can - seldom make any reparation in damages. Nor is it necessary, in any - case, that a person who has received an injury, real or imaginary, - from a slave, should carve out his own justice; _for the law has - made ample and summary provision for the punishment of all trivial - offences committed by slaves, by carrying them before a justice, who - is authorized to pass sentence for their being publicly whipped_. - This provision, while it excludes the necessity of private - vengeance, would seem to forbid its legality, since it effectually - protects all persons from the insolence of slaves, even where their - masters are unwilling to correct them upon complaint being made. The - common law has often been called into efficient operation, for the - punishment of public cruelty inflicted _upon animals_, for needless - and wanton barbarity exercised even by masters upon their slaves, - and for various violations of _decency, morals, and comfort_. Reason - and analogy seem to require that a human being, _although the - subject of property_, should be _so far protected as the public - might be injured through him_. - - For all purposes necessary to enforce the obedience of the slave, - and to render him useful as property, the law secures to the master - a complete authority over him, and it will not lightly interfere - with the relation thus established. _It is a more effectual - guarantee of his right of property, when the slave is protected from - wanton abuse from those who have no power over him_; for it cannot - be disputed that a slave is rendered less capable of performing his - master’s service when he finds himself exposed by the law to the - capricious violence of every turbulent man in the community. - -If this is not a scrupulous disclaimer of all humane intention in the -decision, as far as the slave is concerned, and an explicit declaration -that he is protected only out of regard to the comfort of the community, -and his property value to his master, it is difficult to see how such a -declaration could be made. After all this cool-blooded course of remark, -it is somewhat curious to come upon the following certainly most -unexpected declaration, which occurs in the very next paragraph: - - Mitigated as slavery is by the _humanity of our laws_, the - refinement of manners, and by _public opinion, which revolts at - every instance of cruelty towards_ them, it would be an anomaly in - the system of police which affects them, if the offence stated in - the verdict were not indictable. - -The reader will please to notice that this remarkable declaration is -made of the State of North Carolina. We shall have occasion again to -refer to it by and by, when we extract from the statute-book of North -Carolina some specimens of these humane laws. - -[Sidenote: Jourdain _v._ Patton, July term, 1818. 5 Martin’s Louis Rep. - 615.] - -In the same spirit it is decided, under the law of Louisiana, that if an -individual injures another’s slave so as to make him _entirely useless_, -and the owner recovers from him the full value of the slave, the slave -by that act becomes thenceforth the property of the person who injured -him. A decision to this effect is given in Wheeler’s Law of Slavery, p. -249. A woman sued for an injury done to her slave by the slave of the -defendant. The injury was such as to render him entirely useless, his -_only_ eye being put out. The parish court decreed that she should -recover twelve hundred dollars, that the defendant should pay a further -sum of twenty-five dollars a month from the time of the injury; also the -physician’s bill, and two hundred dollars for the sustenance of the -slave during his life, and that he should remain forever in the -possession of his mistress. - -The case was appealed. The judge reversed the decision, and delivered -the slave into the possession of the man whose slave had committed the -outrage. In the course of the decision, the judge remarks, with that -calm legal explicitness for which many decisions of this kind are -remarkable, that - - The principle of humanity, which would lead us to suppose that the - mistress, whom he had long served, would treat her miserable blind - slave with more kindness than the defendant, to whom the judgment - ought to transfer him, cannot be taken into consideration in - deciding this case. - -[Sidenote: Jan. term, 1828. 9 Martin La. Rep. 350.] - -Another case, reported in Wheeler’s Law, page 198, the author thus -summarily abridges. It is Dorothee _v._ Coquillon _et al._ A young girl, -by will of her mistress, was to have her freedom at twenty-one; and it -was required by the will that in the mean time she should be educated in -such a manner as to enable her to earn her living when free, her -services in the mean time being bequeathed to the daughter of the -defendant. Her mother (a free woman) entered complaint that no care was -taken of the child’s education, and that she was cruelly treated. The -prayer of the petition was that the child be declared free at -twenty-one, and in the mean time hired out by the sheriff. The suit was -decided against the mother, on this ground,—that she could not sue _for_ -her daughter in a case where the daughter could not sue for herself were -she of age,—the object of the suit being _relief from ill-treatment -during the time of her slavery, which a slave cannot sue for_. - -[Sidenote: Jan. term, 1827. 4 M’Cord’s Rep. 161. Wheeler’s Law of - Slavery, p. 201.] - -Observe, now, the following case of Jennings _v._ Fundeberg. It seems -Jennings brings an action of trespass against Fundeberg for killing his -slave. The case was thus: Fundeberg with others, being out hunting -runaway negroes, surprised them in their camp, and, as the report says, -“_fired his gun towards them_ as they were running away, _to induce them -to stop_.” One of them, being shot through the head, was thus _induced -to stop_,—and the master of the boy brought action for trespass against -the firer for killing his slave. - -The decision of the inferior court was as follows: - -The court “thought the killing accidental, and that the defendant ought -not to be made answerable as a trespasser.” * * * * - -“When one is lawfully interfering with the property of another, and -accidentally destroys it, he is no trespasser, and ought not to be -answerable for the value of the property. In this case, the defendant -was engaged in a lawful and _meritorious_ service, and if he really -fired his gun in the manner stated it was an allowable act.” - -The superior judge reversed the decision, on the ground that in dealing -with another person’s property one is responsible for any injury which -he could have avoided by any degree of circumspection. “The firing ... -was _rash_ and _incautious_.” - -Does not the whole spirit of this discussion speak for itself? - -[Sidenote: Jan. T. 1827. 4 M’Cord’s Rep. 156.] - -See also the very next case in Wheeler’s Law. Richardson _v._ Dukes, p. -202. - - Trespass for killing the plaintiff’s slave. It appeared the slave - was stealing potatoes from a bank near the defendant’s house. The - defendant fired upon him with a gun loaded with buckshot, and killed - him. The jury found a verdict for plaintiff for one dollar. Motion - for a new trial. - - _The Court._ _Nott_ J. held, there must be a new trial; that the - jury ought to have given the plaintiff the value of the slave. That - if the jury were of opinion the slave was of bad character, some - deduction from the usual price ought to be made, but the plaintiff - was certainly entitled to his actual damage for killing his slave. - Where property is in question, the value of the article, as nearly - as it can be ascertained, furnishes a rule from which they are not - at liberty to depart. - -[Sidenote: Wheeler’s Law of Slavery, 220.] - -It seems that the value of this unfortunate piece of property was -somewhat reduced from the circumstance of his “stealing potatoes.” -Doubtless he had his own best reasons for this; so, at least, we should -infer from the following remark, which occurs in one of the reasonings -of Judge Taylor, of N. Carolina. - - “The act of 1786 (Iredell’s Revisal, p. 588) does, in the preamble, - recognize the fact, that many persons, _by cruel treatment to their - slaves, cause_ them to commit crimes for which they are executed. - * * The cruel treatment here alluded to must consist in _withholding - from them the necessaries of life_; and the crimes thus resulting - are such as are calculated to _furnish them with food and raiment_.” - -Perhaps “stealing potatoes” in this case was one of the class of crimes -alluded to. - -[Sidenote: Witsell _v._ Earnest & Parker. Wheeler, p. 202.] - -Again we have the following case: - - The defendants went to the plantation of Mrs. Witsell for the - purpose of hunting for runaway negroes; there being many in the - neighborhood, and the place in considerable alarm. As they - approached the house with loaded guns, a negro ran from the house, - or near the house, towards a swamp, when they fired and killed him. - - The judge charged the jury, that such circumstances might exist, by - the excitement and alarm of the neighborhood, as to authorize the - killing of a negro without the sanction of a magistrate. - -This decision was reversed in the Superior Court, in the following -language: - - By the statute of 1740, any white man may apprehend and moderately - correct any slave who may be found out of the plantation at which he - is employed, and if the slave assaults the white person, _he may be - killed_; but a slave who is merely flying away cannot be killed. Nor - can the defendants be justified by common law, IF _we consider the - negro as a person_; for they were not clothed with the authority of - the law to apprehend him as a felon, and without such authority he - could not be killed. - -[Sidenote: Wheeler, p. 252. June T., 1820. Walker’s Rep. 83.] - -IF _we consider the negro a person_, says the judge; and, from his -decision in the case, he evidently intimates that he has a strong -leaning to this opinion, though it has been contested by so many eminent -legal authorities that he puts forth his sentiment modestly, and in an -hypothetical form. The reader, perhaps, will need to be informed that -the question whether the slave is to be considered a person or a human -being in any respect has been extensively and ably argued on both sides -in legal courts, and it may be a comfort to know that the balance of -legal opinion inclines in favor of the slave. Judge Clarke, of -Mississippi, is quite clear on the point, and argues very ably and -earnestly, though, as he confesses, against very respectable legal -authorities, that the slave _is_ a person,—that he _is_ a reasonable -creature. The reasoning occurs in the case State of Mississippi _v._ -Jones, and is worthy of attention as a literary curiosity. - -It seems that a case of murder of a slave had been clearly made out and -proved in the lower court, and that judgment was arrested and the case -appealed on the ground whether, in that state, murder could be committed -on a slave. Judge Clarke thus ably and earnestly argues: - - The question in this case is, whether murder can be committed on a - slave. Because individuals may have been deprived of many of their - rights by society, it does not follow, that they have been deprived - of all their rights. In some respects, slaves may be considered as - chattels; but in others, they are regarded as men. The law views - them as capable of committing crimes. This can only be upon the - principle, that they are _men_ and rational beings. The Roman law - has been much relied on by the counsel of the defendant. That law - was confined to the Roman empire, giving the power of life and death - over captives in war, as slaves; but it no more extended here, than - the similar power given to parents over the lives of their children. - Much stress has also been laid by the defendant’s counsel on the - case cited from Taylor’s Reports, decided in North Carolina; yet, in - that case, two judges against one were of opinion, that killing a - slave was murder. Judge Hall, who delivered the dissenting opinion - in the above case based his conclusions, as we conceive, upon - erroneous principles, by considering the laws of Rome applicable - here. His inference, also, that a person cannot be condemned - capitally, because he may be liable in a civil action, is not - sustained by reason or authority, but appears to us to be in direct - opposition to both. At a very early period in Virginia, the power of - life over slaves was given by statute; but Tucker observes, that as - soon as these statutes were repealed, it was at once considered by - their courts that the killing of a slave might be murder. - Commonwealth _v._ Dolly Chapman: indictment for maliciously stabbing - a slave, under a statute. It has been determined in Virginia that - slaves are persons. In the constitution of the United States, slaves - are expressly designated as “persons.” In this state the legislature - have considered slaves as reasonable and accountable beings; and it - would be a stigma upon the character of the state, and a reproach to - the administration of justice, if the life of a slave could be taken - with impunity, or if he could be murdered in cold blood, without - subjecting the offender to the highest penalty known to the criminal - jurisprudence of the country. Has the slave no rights, because he is - deprived of his freedom? He is still a human being, and possesses - all those rights of which he is not _deprived by the positive - provisions of the law_; but in vain shall we look for any law passed - by the enlightened and philanthropic legislature of this state, - giving even to the master, much less to a stranger, power over the - life of a slave. Such a statute would be worthy the age of Draco or - Caligula, and would be condemned by the unanimous voice of the - people of this state, where even cruelty to slaves, much [more] the - taking away of life, meets with universal reprobation. By the - provisions of our law, a slave may commit murder, and be punished - with death; why, then, is it not murder to kill a slave? Can a mere - chattel commit murder, and be subject to punishment? - - * * * * * - - _The right of the master exists not by force of the law of nature or - nations, but by virtue only of the positive law of the state_; and - although that gives to the master the right to command the services - of the slave, requiring the master to feed and clothe the slave from - infancy till death, yet it gives the master no right to take the - life of the slave; and, if the offence be not murder, it is not a - crime, and subjects the offender to no punishment. - - The taking away the life of a reasonable creature, under the king’s - peace, with malice aforethought, express or implied, is murder at - common law. Is not a slave a reasonable creature?—is he not a human - being? And the meaning of this phrase, _reasonable creature_, is, a - human being. For the killing a lunatic, an idiot, or even a child - unborn, is murder, as much as the killing a philosopher; and has not - the slave as much reason as a lunatic, an idiot, or an unborn child? - -Thus triumphantly, in this nineteenth century of the Christian era and -in the State of Mississippi, has it been made to appear that the slave -is a reasonable creature,—a human being! - -What sort of system, what sort of a public sentiment, was that which -made this argument _necessary_? - -And let us look at some of the admissions of this argument with regard -to the _nature_ of slavery. According to the judge, it is depriving -human beings of _many of their rights_. Thus he says: “Because -individuals may have been deprived of many of their rights by society, -it does not follow that they have been deprived of _all_ their rights.” -Again, he says of the slave: “He is still a human being, and possesses -all those _rights_ of which he is not deprived by the _positive -provisions of the law_.” Here he admits that the provisions of law -deprive the slave of natural _rights_. Again he says: “The right of the -master exists not by force of the law of nature or of nations, but by -virtue only of the positive law of the state.” According to the decision -of this judge, therefore, slavery exists by the same right that robbery -or oppression of any kind does,—the right of _ability_. A gang of -robbers associated into a society have rights over all the neighboring -property that they can acquire, of precisely the same kind. - -With the same unconscious serenity does the law apply that principle of -force and robbery which is the essence of slavery, and show how far the -master may proceed in appropriating another human being as his property. - -[Sidenote: Wheeler, p. 28. Banks, Adm’r, _v._ Marksbury. Spring T. 1823. - 3 Little’s Rep. 275.] - -The question arises, May a master give a woman to one person, and her -_unborn children_ to another one? Let us hear the case argued. The -unfortunate mother selected as the test point of this interesting legal -principle comes to our view in the will of one Samuel Marksbury, under -the style and denomination of “my negro wench Pen.” Said Samuel states -in his will that, for the good will and love he bears to his _own_ -children, he gives said negro wench Pen to son Samuel, and all her -future increase to daughter Rachael. When daughter Rachael, therefore, -marries, her husband sets up a claim for this increase,—as it is stated, -quite off-hand, that the “wench had several children.” Here comes a -beautifully interesting case, quite stimulating to legal acumen. -Inferior court decides that Samuel Marksbury could not have given away -unborn children on the strength of the legal maxim, “_Nemo dat quod non -habet_,”—i. e., “Nobody can give what he has not got,”—which certainly -one should think sensible and satisfactory enough. The case, however, is -appealed, and reversed in the superior court; and now let us hear the -reasoning. - -The judge acknowledges the force of the maxim above quoted,—says, as one -would think any man might say, that it is quite a correct maxim,—the -only difficulty being that it does not at all apply to the present case. -Let us hear him: - - He who is the absolute owner of a _thing_ owns all its faculties for - profit or increase; and he may, no doubt, grant the profits or - increase, as well as the _thing_ itself. Thus, it is every day’s - practice to grant the future rents or profits of real estate; and it - is held that a man may grant the wool of a flock of sheep for years. - -See also p. 33, Fanny _v._ Bryant, 4 J. J. Marshall’s Rep., 368. In this -almost precisely the same language is used. If the reader will proceed, -he will find also this principle applied with equal clearness to the -hiring, selling, mortgaging of unborn children; and the perfect legal -nonchalance of these discussions is only comparable to running a -dissecting-knife through the course of all the heart-strings of a living -subject, for the purpose of demonstrating the laws of nervous -contraction. - -Judge Stroud, in his sketch of the slave-laws, page 99, lays down for -proof the following assertion: That the penal codes of the slave states -bear much more severely on slaves than on white persons. He introduces -his consideration of this proposition by the following humane and -sensible remarks: - - A being, ignorant of letters, unenlightened by religion, and - deriving but little instruction from good example, cannot be - supposed to have right conceptions as to the nature and extent of - moral or political obligations. This remark, with but a slight - qualification, is applicable to the condition of the slave. It has - been just shown that the benefits of education are not conferred - upon him, while his _chance_ of acquiring a knowledge of the - precepts of the gospel is so remote as scarcely to be appreciated. - He may be regarded, therefore as almost without the capacity to - comprehend the force of laws; and, on this account, such as are - designed for his government should be recommended by their - simplicity and mildness. - - His condition suggests another motive for tenderness on his behalf - in these particulars. _He is unable to read_, and holding little or - no communication with those who are better informed than himself; - how is he to become acquainted with the fact that a law for his - observance has been made? To exact obedience to a law which has not - been promulgated,—which is unknown to the subject of it,—has ever - been deemed most unjust and tyrannical. The reign of Caligula, were - it obnoxious to no other reproach than this, would never cease to be - remembered with abhorrence. - - The lawgivers of the slaveholding states seem, in the formation of - their penal codes, to have been uninfluenced by these claims of the - slave upon their compassionate consideration. The _hardened convict_ - moves their sympathy, and is to be _taught_ the laws _before_ he is - expected to obey them; yet the _guiltless slave_ is subjected to an - extensive system of cruel enactments, of no part of which, probably, - has he ever heard. - - Parts of this system apply to the slave exclusively, and for every - infraction a large retribution is demanded; while, with respect to - offences for which whites as well as slaves are amenable, - _punishments of much greater severity are inflicted upon the latter_ - than upon the former. - -This heavy charge of Judge Stroud is sustained by twenty pages of proof, -showing the very great disproportion between the number of offences made -capital for slaves, and those that are so for whites. Concerning this, -we find the following cool remark in Wheeler’s Law of Slavery, page 222, -note. - - Much has been said of the disparity of punishment between the white - inhabitants and the slaves and negroes of the same state; that - slaves are punished with much more severity, for the commission of - similar crimes, by white persons, than the latter. The charge is - undoubtedly true to a considerable extent. It must be remembered - that the primary object of the enactment of penal laws, is the - protection and security of those who make them. The slave has no - agency in making them. He is indeed one cause of the apprehended - evils to the other class, which those laws are expected to remedy. - That he should be held amenable for a violation of those rules - established for the security of the other, is the natural result of - the state in which he is placed. And the severity of those rules - will always bear a relation to that danger, real or ideal, of the - other class. - - It has been so among all nations, and will ever continue to be so, - while the disparity between bond and free remains. - -[Sidenote: The State _v._ Mann. Dec. Term, 1829. 2 Devereaux’s North - Carolina Rep. 265.] - -A striking example of a legal decision to this purport is given in -Wheeler’s Law of Slavery, page 224. The case, apart from legal -technicalities, may be thus briefly stated: - -The defendant, Mann, had hired a slave-woman for a year. During this -time the slave committed some slight offence, for which the defendant -undertook to chastise her. While in the act of doing so the slave ran -off, whereat he shot at and wounded her. The judge in the inferior court -charged the jury that if they believed the punishment was cruel and -unwarrantable, and disproportioned to the offence, in law the defendant -was guilty, _as he had only a special property in the slave_. The jury -finding evidence that the punishment _had_ been cruel, unwarrantable and -_disproportioned to the offence_, found verdict against the defendant. -But on what ground?—Because, according to the law of North Carolina, -cruel, unwarrantable, disproportionate punishment of a slave from a -master, is an indictable offence? No. They decided against the -defendant, not because the punishment was cruel and unwarrantable, but -because _he_ was not the person who had the right to inflict it, “as he -had only a SPECIAL _right of property in the slave_.” - -The defendant appealed to a higher court, and the decision was reversed, -on the ground that the hirer has for the time being all the rights of -the master. The remarks of Judge Ruffin are so characteristic, and so -strongly express the conflict between the feelings of the humane judge -and the logical necessity of a strict interpreter of slave-law, that we -shall quote largely from it. One cannot but admire the unflinching -calmness with which a man, evidently possessed of honorable and humane -feelings, walks through the most extreme and terrible results and -conclusions, in obedience to the laws of legal truth. Thus he says: - - A judge cannot but lament, when such cases as the present are - brought into judgment. It is impossible that the reasons on which - they go can be appreciated, but where institutions similar to our - own exist, and are _thoroughly understood_. The struggle, too, in - the judge’s own breast, between the feelings of the man and the duty - of the magistrate, is a severe one, presenting strong temptation to - put aside such questions, if it be possible. It is useless, however, - to complain of things inherent in our political state. And it is - criminal in a court to avoid any responsibility which the laws - impose. With whatever reluctance, therefore, it is done, the court - is compelled to express an opinion upon the extent of the dominion - of the master over the slave in North Carolina. The indictment - charges a battery on Lydia, a slave of Elizabeth Jones.... The - inquiry here is, whether a cruel and unreasonable battery on a slave - by the hirer is indictable. The judge below instructed the jury that - it is. He seems to have put it on the ground, that the defendant had - but a special property. Our laws uniformly treat the master, or - other person having the possession and command of the slave, as - entitled to the same extent of authority. _The object is the same, - the service of the slave_; and the same powers must be confided. In - a criminal proceeding, and, indeed, in reference to all other - persons but the general owner, the hirer and possessor of the slave, - in relation to both rights and duties, is, for the time being, the - owner.... But, upon the general question, whether the owner is - answerable _criminaliter_, for a battery upon his own slave, or - other exercise of authority of force, not forbidden by statute, the - court entertains but little doubt. That he is so liable, has never - been decided; nor, as far as is known, been hitherto contended. - There has been no prosecution of the sort. The established habits - and uniform practice of the country, in this respect, is the best - evidence of the portion of power deemed by the whole community - requisite to the preservation of the master’s dominion. If we - thought differently, we could not set our notions in array against - the judgment of everybody else, and say that this or that authority - may be safely lopped off. This has indeed been assimilated at the - bar to the other domestic relations; and arguments drawn from the - well-established principles, which _confer_ and _restrain_ the - authority of the parent over the child, the tutor over the pupil, - the master over the apprentice, have been pressed on us. - - The court does not recognize their application. There is no likeness - between the cases. They are in opposition to each other, and there - is an impassable gulf between them. The difference is that which - exists between freedom and slavery; and a greater cannot be - imagined. In the one, the end in view is the happiness of the youth - born to equal rights with that governor on whom the duty devolves of - training the young to usefulness, in a station which he is - afterwards to assume among freemen. To such an end, and with such a - subject, moral and intellectual instruction seem the natural means; - and, for the most part, they are found to suffice. Moderate force is - superadded only to make the others effectual. If that fail, it is - better to leave the party to his own headstrong passions, and the - ultimate correction of the law, than to allow it to be immoderately - inflicted by a private person. With slavery it is far otherwise. The - end is the profit of the master, his security and the public safety; - the subject, one doomed, in his own person and his posterity, to - live without knowledge, and without the capacity to make anything - his own, and to toil that another may reap the fruits. What moral - considerations shall be addressed to such a being, to convince him - what it is impossible but that the most stupid must feel and know - can never be true,—that he is thus to labor upon a principle of - natural duty, or for the sake of his own personal happiness? Such - services can only be expected from one who has no will of his own; - who surrenders his will in implicit obedience to that of another. - Such obedience is the consequence only of uncontrolled authority - over the body. There is nothing else which can operate to produce - the effect. THE POWER OF THE MASTER MUST BE ABSOLUTE, TO RENDER THE - SUBMISSION OF THE SLAVE PERFECT. I most freely confess my sense of - the harshness of this proposition. I feel it as deeply as any man - can. And, as a principle of moral right, every person in his - retirement must repudiate it. But, in the actual condition of - things, it must be so. There is no remedy. This discipline belongs - to the state of slavery. They cannot be disunited without abrogating - at once the rights of the master, and absolving the slave from his - subjection. It constitutes the curse of slavery to both the bond and - the free portions of our population. But it is _inherent in the - relation_ of master and slave. That there may be particular - instances of cruelty and deliberate barbarity, where in conscience - the law might properly interfere, is most probable. The difficulty - is to determine where _a court_ may properly begin. Merely in the - abstract, it may well be asked which power of the master accords - with right. The answer will probably sweep away all of them. But we - cannot look at the matter in that light. The truth is that we are - forbidden to enter upon a train of general reasoning on the subject. - We cannot allow the right of the master to be brought into - discussion in the courts of justice. The slave, to remain a slave, - must be made sensible that there is no appeal from his master; that - his power is, in no instance, usurped, but is conferred by the laws - of man, at least, if not by the law of God. The danger would be - great, indeed, if the tribunals of justice should be called on to - graduate the punishment appropriate to every temper and every - dereliction of menial duty. - - No man can anticipate the many and aggravated provocations of the - master which the slave would be constantly stimulated by his own - passions, or the instigation of others, to give; or the consequent - wrath of the master, prompting him to bloody vengeance upon the - turbulent traitor; a vengeance _generally practised with impunity, - by reason of its privacy_. The court, therefore, disclaims the power - of changing the relation in which these parts of our people stand to - each other. - - * * * * * - - I repeat, that I would gladly have avoided this ungrateful question. - But, being brought to it, the court is compelled to declare that - while slavery exists amongst us in its present state, or until it - shall seem fit to the legislature to interpose express enactments to - the contrary, it will be the imperative _duty_ of the judges _to - recognize the full dominion of the owner over the slave_, except - where the exercise of it is forbidden by statute. - - And this we do upon the ground that _this dominion is essential to - the value of slaves as property, to the security of the master and - the public tranquility, greatly dependent upon their subordination_; - and, in fine, as most effectually securing the general protection - and comfort of the slaves themselves. Judgment below reversed; and - judgment entered for the defendant. - -No one can read this decision, so fine and clear in expression, so -dignified and solemn in its earnestness, and so dreadful in its results, -without feeling at once deep respect for the man and horror for the -system. The man, judging him from this short specimen, which is all the -author knows,[5] has one of that high order of minds, which looks -straight through all verbiage and sophistry to the heart of every -subject which it encounters. He has, too, that noble scorn of -dissimulation, that straight-forward determination not to call a bad -thing by a good name, even when most popular and reputable and legal, -which it is to be wished could be more frequently seen, both in our -Northern and Southern States. There is but one sole regret; and that is -that such a man, with such a mind, should have been merely an -_expositor_, and not a _reformer_ of law. - ------ - -Footnote 4: - - We except the State of Louisiana. Owing to the influence of the French - code in that state, more really humane provisions prevail there. How - much these provisions avail in point of fact, will be shown when we - come to that part of the subject. - -Footnote 5: - - More recently the author has met with a passage in a North Carolina - newspaper, containing some further particulars of the life of Judge - Ruffin, which have proved interesting to her, and may also to the - reader. - - _From the Raleigh_ (_N. C._) _Register._ - - RESIGNATION OF THE CHIEF JUSTICE OF THE STATE OF NORTH CAROLINA. - - We publish below the letter of Chief Justice Ruffin, of the Supreme - Court, resigning his seat on the bench. - - This act takes us, and no less will it take the state, by surprise. - The public are not prepared for it; and we doubt not there will - scarcely be an exception to the deep and general regret which will be - felt throughout the state. Judge Ruffin’s great and unsurpassed legal - learning, his untiring industry, the ease with which he mastered the - details and comprehended the whole of the most complicated cases, were - the admiration of the bar; and it has been a common saying of the - ablest lawyers of the state, for a long time past, that his place on - the bench could be supplied by no other than himself. - - He is now, as we learn, in the sixty-fifth year of his age, in full - possession of his usual excellent health, unaffected, so far as we can - discover, in his natural vigor and strength, and certainly without any - symptom of mental decay. Forty-five years ago he commenced the - practice of the law. He has been on the bench twenty-eight years, of - which time he has been one of the Supreme Court twenty-three years. - During this long public career he has, in a pecuniary point of view, - sacrificed many thousands; for there has been no time of it in which - he might not, with perfect ease, have doubled, by practice, the amount - of his salary as judge. - - “_To the Honorable the General Assembly of North Carolina, now in - session._ - - “Gentlemen: I desire to retire to the walks of private life, and - therefore pray your honorable body to accept the resignation of my - place on the bench of the Supreme Court. In surrendering this trust, I - would wish to express my grateful sense of the confidence and honors - so often and so long bestowed on me by the General Assembly. But I - have no language to do it suitably. I am very sensible that they were - far beyond my deserts, and that I have made an insufficient return of - the service. Yet I can truly aver that, to the best of my ability, I - have administered the law as I understood it, and to the ends of - suppressing crime and wrong, and upholding virtue, truth and right; - aiming to give confidence to honest men, and to confirm in all good - citizens love for our country, and a pure trust in her law and - magistrates. - - “In my place I hope I have contributed to these ends; and I firmly - believe that our laws will, as heretofore, be executed, and our people - happy in the administration of justice, honest and contented, as long - as they keep, and only so long as they keep, the independent and sound - judiciary now established in the constitution; which, with all other - blessings, I earnestly pray may be perpetuated to the people of North - Carolina. - - “I have the honor to be, gentlemen, your most obliged and obedient - servant, - - THOMAS RUFFIN. - - “_Raleigh, November 10, 1852._” - - - - - CHAPTER III. - SOUTHER _v._ THE COMMONWEALTH—THE NE PLUS ULTRA OF LEGAL HUMANITY. - -“Yet in the face of _such_ laws and decisions as _these_! Mrs. Stowe, -&c.”—_Courier & Enquirer_. - - -The case of Souther _v._ the Commonwealth has been cited by the _Courier -& Enquirer_ as a particularly favorable specimen of judicial proceedings -under the slave-code, with the following remark: - - And yet, in the face of such laws and decisions as these, Mrs. Stowe - winds up a long series of cruelties upon her other black personages, - by causing her faultless hero, Tom, to be literally whipped to death - in Louisiana, by his master, Legree; and these acts, which the laws - make criminal, and punish as such, she sets forth in the most - repulsive colors, to illustrate the institution of slavery! - -By the above language the author was led into the supposition that this -case had been conducted in a manner so creditable to the feelings of our -common humanity as to present a fairer side of criminal jurisprudence in -this respect. She accordingly took the pains to procure a report of the -case, designing to publish it as an offset to the many barbarities which -research into this branch of the subject obliges one to unfold. A legal -gentleman has copied the case from Grattan’s Reports, and it is here -given. If the reader is astounded at it, he cannot be more so than was -the writer. - - _Souther v. The Commonwealth. 7 Grattan, 673, 1851._ - - The killing of a slave by his master and owner, by wilful and - excessive whipping, is murder in the first degree: though it - may not have been the purpose and intention of the master and - owner to kill the slave. - - Simeon Souther was indicted at the October Term, 1850, of the - Circuit Court for the County of Hanover, for the murder of his own - slave. The indictment contained fifteen counts, in which the various - modes of punishment and torture by which the homicide was charged to - have been committed were stated singly, and in various combinations. - The fifteenth count unites them all: and, as the court certifies - that the _indictment was sustained by the evidence_, the giving the - facts stated in that count will show what was the charge against the - prisoner, and what was the proof to sustain it. - - The count charged that on the 1st day of September, 1849, the - prisoner tied his negro slave, Sam, with ropes about his wrists, - neck, body, legs and ankles, to a tree. That whilst so tied, the - prisoner first whipped the slave with switches. That he next beat - and cobbed the slave with a shingle, and compelled two of his - slaves, a man and a woman, also to cob the deceased with the - shingle. That whilst the deceased was so tied to the tree, the - prisoner did strike, knock, kick, stamp and beat him upon various - parts of his head, face and body; that he applied fire to his body; - * * * * that he then washed his body with warm water, in which pods - of red pepper had been put and steeped; and he compelled his two - slaves aforesaid also to wash him with this same preparation of warm - water and red pepper. That after the tying, whipping, cobbing, - striking, beating, knocking, kicking, stamping, wounding, bruising, - lacerating, burning, washing and torturing, as aforesaid, the - prisoner untied the deceased from the tree in such way as to throw - him with violence to the ground; and he then and there did knock, - kick, stamp and beat the deceased upon his head, temples, and - various parts of his body. That the prisoner then had the deceased - carried into a shed-room of his house, and there he compelled one of - his slaves, in his presence, to confine the deceased’s feet in - stocks, by making his legs fast to a piece of timber, and to tie a - rope about the neck of the deceased, and fasten it to a bed-post in - the room, thereby strangling, choking and suffocating the deceased. - And that whilst the deceased was thus made fast in stocks as - aforesaid, the prisoner did kick, knock, stamp and beat him upon his - head, face, breast, belly, sides, back and body; and he again - compelled his two slaves to apply fire to the body of the deceased, - whilst he was so made fast as aforesaid. And the count charged that - from these various modes of punishment and torture the slave Sam - then and there died. It appeared that the prisoner commenced the - punishment of the deceased in the morning, and that it was continued - throughout the day: and that the deceased died in the presence of - the prisoner, and one of his slaves, and one of the witnesses, - whilst the punishment was still progressing. - - Field J. delivered the opinion of the court. - - The prisoner was indicted and convicted of _murder in the second - degree_, in the Circuit Court of Hanover, at its April term last - past, and was sentenced to the _penitentiary for five years_, the - period of time ascertained by the jury. The murder consisted in the - killing of a negro man-slave by the name of Sam, the property of the - prisoner, by cruel and excessive whipping and torture, inflicted by - Souther, aided by two of his other slaves, on the 1st day of - September, 1849. The prisoner moved for a new trial, upon the ground - that the offence, _if any_, amounted only to manslaughter. The - motion for a new trial was overruled, and a bill of exceptions taken - to the opinion of the court, setting forth the facts proved, or as - many of them as were deemed material for the consideration of the - application for a new trial. The bill of exception states: That the - slave Sam, in the indictment mentioned, was the slave and property - of the prisoner. That for the purpose of chastising the slave for - the offence of getting drunk, and dealing as the slave confessed and - alleged with Henry and Stone, two of the witnesses for the - Commonwealth, he caused him to be tied and punished in the presence - of the said witnesses, with the exception of slight whipping with - peach or apple-tree switches, before the said witnesses arrived at - the scene after they were sent for by the prisoner (who were present - by request from the defendant), and of several slaves of the - prisoner, in the manner and by the means charged in the indictment; - and the said slave died under and from the infliction of the said - punishment, in the presence of the prisoner, one of his slaves, and - of one of the witnesses for the Commonwealth. But it did not appear - that it was the design of the prisoner to kill the said slave, - unless such design be properly inferable from the manner, means and - duration of the punishment. And, on the contrary, it did appear that - the prisoner frequently declared, while the said slave was - undergoing the punishment, that he believed the said slave was - feigning, and pretending to be suffering and injured when he was - not. The judge certifies that the slave was punished in the _manner - and by the means charged in the indictment_. The indictment contains - fifteen counts, and sets forth a case of the most cruel and - excessive whipping and torture.[6] - - * * * * * - - It is believed that the records of criminal jurisprudence do not - contain a case of more atrocious and wicked cruelty than was - presented upon the trial of Souther; and yet it has been gravely and - earnestly contended here by his counsel that his offence amounts to - manslaughter only. - - It has been contended by the counsel of the prisoner that a man - cannot be indicted and prosecuted for the cruel and excessive - whipping of his own slave. That it is lawful for the master to - chastise his slave, and that if death ensues from such chastisement, - unless it was intended to produce death, it is like the case of - homicide which is committed by a man in the performance of a lawful - act, which is manslaughter only. It has been decided by this court - in Turner’s case, 5 Rand, that the owner of a slave, for the - malicious, cruel and excessive beating of his own slave, cannot be - indicted; yet it by no means follows, when such malicious, cruel and - excessive beating results in death, though not intended and - premeditated, that the beating is to be regarded as lawful for the - purpose of reducing the crime to manslaughter, when the whipping is - inflicted for the sole purpose of chastisement. _It is the policy of - the law, in respect to the relation of master and slave, and for the - sake of securing proper subordination and obedience on the part of - the slave, to protect the master from prosecution in all such cases, - even if the whipping and punishment be malicious, cruel and - excessive._ But in so inflicting punishment for the sake of - punishment, the owner of the slave acts at his peril; and if death - ensues in consequence of such punishment, the relation of master and - slave affords no ground of excuse or palliation. The principles of - the common law, in relation to homicide, apply to his case without - qualification or exception; and according to those principles, the - act of the prisoner, in the case under consideration, amounted to - murder. * * * The crime of the prisoner is not manslaughter, but - murder in the first degree. - -On the case now presented there are some remarks to be made. - -This scene of torture, it seems, occupied about twelve hours. It -occurred in the State of Virginia, in the County of Hanover. Two white -men were witnesses to nearly the whole proceeding, and, so far as we can -see, made no effort to arouse the neighborhood, and bring in help to -stop the outrage. What sort of an education, what habits of thought, -does this presuppose in these men? - -The case was brought to trial. It requires no ordinary nerve to read -over the counts of this indictment. Nobody, one would suppose, could -willingly read them twice. One would think that it would have laid a -cold hand of horror on every heart;—that the community would have risen, -by an universal sentiment, to shake out the man, as Paul shook the viper -from his hand. It seems, however, that they were quite self-possessed; -that lawyers calmly sat, and examined, and cross-examined, on -particulars known before only in the records of the Inquisition; that it -was “ably and earnestly argued” by educated, intelligent, American men, -that this catalogue of horrors did not amount to a murder! and, in the -cool language of legal precision, that “the offence, IF ANY, amounted to -manslaughter;” and that an American jury found that the offence was -murder _in the second degree_. Any one who reads the indictment will -certainly think that, if this be murder in the _second degree_, in -Virginia, one might earnestly pray to be murdered in the first degree, -to begin with. Had Souther walked up to the man, and shot him through -the head with a pistol, before white witnesses, _that_ would have been -murder in the _first_ degree. As he preferred to spend _twelve hours_ in -killing him by torture, under the name of “_chastisement_,” that, says -the verdict, is murder in the second degree; “_because_,” says the bill -of exceptions, with admirable coolness, “_it did not appear that it was -the design of the prisoner to kill the slave_, UNLESS SUCH DESIGN BE -PROPERLY INFERABLE FROM THE MANNER, MEANS AND DURATION, OF THE -PUNISHMENT.” - -The bill evidently seems to have a leaning to the idea that twelve hours -spent in beating, stamping, scalding, burning and mutilating a human -being, might possibly be considered as presumption of something beyond -the limits of lawful chastisement. So startling an opinion, however, is -expressed cautiously, and with a becoming diffidence, and is balanced by -the very striking fact, which is also quoted in this remarkable paper, -that the prisoner frequently declared, while the slave was undergoing -the punishment, that he believed the slave was feigning and pretending -to be suffering, when he was not. This view appears to have struck the -court as eminently probable,—as going a long way to prove the propriety -of Souther’s intentions, making it at least extremely probable that only -_correction_ was intended. - -It seems, also, that Souther, so far from being crushed by the united -opinion of the community, found those to back him who considered five -years in the penitentiary an unjust severity for his crime, and hence -the bill of exceptions from which we have quoted, and the appeal to the -Superior Court; and hence the form in which the case stands in -law-books, “_Souther v. the Commonwealth_.” Souther evidently considers -himself an ill-used man, and it is in this character that he appears -before the Superior Court. - -As yet there has been no particular overflow of humanity in the -treatment of the case. The manner in which it has been discussed so far -reminds one of nothing so much as of some discussions which the reader -may have seen quoted from the records of the Inquisition, with regard to -the propriety of roasting the feet of children who have not arrived at -the age of thirteen years, with a view to eliciting evidence. - -Let us now come to the decision of the Superior Court, which the editor -of the _Courier & Enquirer_ thinks so particularly enlightened and -humane. Judge Field thinks that the case is a very atrocious one, and in -this respect he seems to differ materially from judge, jury and lawyers, -of the court below. Furthermore, he doubts whether the annals of -jurisprudence furnish a case of equal atrocity, wherein certainly he -appears to be not far wrong; and he also states unequivocally the -principle that killing a slave by torture under the name of correction -is murder in the first degree; and here too, certainly, everybody will -think that he is also right: the only wonder being that any man could -ever have been called to express such an opinion, judicially. But he -states, quite as unequivocally as Judge Ruffin, that awful principle of -slave-laws, that the law cannot interfere with the master for any amount -of torture inflicted on his slave which does not result in death. The -decision, if it establishes anything, establishes this principle quite -as strongly as it does the other. Let us hear the words of the decision: - - It has been decided by this court, in Turner’s case, that _the owner - of a slave, for the malicious, cruel and excessive beating of his - own slave, cannot be indicted. * * * * * * It is the policy of the - law, in respect to the relation of master and slave, and for the - sake of securing proper subordination and obedience on the part of - the slave, to protect the master from prosecution in all such cases, - even if the whipping and punishment be malicious, cruel and - excessive._ - -What follows as a corollary from this remarkable declaration is -this,—that if the victim of this twelve hours’ torture had only -possessed a little stronger constitution, and had not actually died -under it, there is no law in Virginia by which Souther could even have -been indicted for misdemeanor. - -If this is not filling out the measure of the language of St. Clare, -that “he who goes the furthest and does the worst only uses within -limits the power which the law gives him,” how could this language be -verified? Which is “_the worst_,” death outright, or torture -indefinitely prolonged? This decision, in so many words, gives every -master the power of indefinite torture, and takes from him only the -power of terminating the agony by merciful death. And this is the -judicial decision which the _Courier & Enquirer_ cites as a perfectly -convincing specimen of legal humanity. It must be hoped that the editor -never read the decision, else he never would have cited it. Of all who -knock at the charnel-house of legal precedents, with the hope of -disinterring any evidence of humanity in the slave system, it may be -said, in the awful words of the Hebrew poet: - - “He knoweth not that the dead are there, - And that her guests are in the depths of hell.” - -The upshot of this case was, that Souther, instead of getting off from -his five years’ imprisonment, got simply a judicial _opinion_ from the -Superior Court that he ought to be hung; but he could not be tried over -again, and, as we may infer from all the facts in the case that he was a -man of tolerably resolute nerves and not very exquisite sensibility, it -is not likely that the _opinion_ gave him any very serious uneasiness. -He has probably made up his mind to get over his five years with what -grace he may. When he comes out, there is no law in Virginia to prevent -his buying as many more negroes as he chooses, and going over the same -scene with any one of them at a future time, if only he profit by the -information which has been so explicitly conveyed to him in this -decision, that he must take care and stop his tortures short of the -point of death,—a matter about which, as the history of the Inquisition -shows, men, by careful practice, can be able to judge with considerable -precision. Probably, also, the next time, he will not be so foolish as -to send out and request the attendance of two white witnesses, even -though they may be so complacently interested in the proceedings as to -spend the whole day in witnessing them without effort at prevention. - -Slavery, as defined in American law, is no more capable of being -regulated in its administration by principles of humanity, than the -torture system of the Inquisition. Every act of humanity of every -individual owner is an illogical result from the legal definition; and -the reason why the slave-code of America is more atrocious than any ever -before exhibited under the sun, is that the Anglo-Saxon race are a more -coldly and strictly logical race, and have an unflinching courage to -meet the consequences of every premise which they lay down, and to work -out an accursed principle, with mathematical accuracy, to its most -accursed results. The decisions in American law-books show nothing so -much as this severe, unflinching accuracy of logic. It is often and -evidently, not because judges are inhuman or partial, but because they -are logical and truthful, that they announce from the bench, in the -calmest manner, decisions which one would think might make the earth -shudder, and the sun turn pale. - -The French and the Spanish nations are, by constitution, more impulsive, -passionate and poetic, than logical; hence it will be found that while -there may be more instances of individual barbarity, as might be -expected among impulsive and passionate people, there is in their -slave-code more exhibition of humanity. The code of the State of -Louisiana contains more really humane provisions, were there any means -of enforcing them, than that of any other state in the Union. - -It is believed that there is no code of laws in the world which contains -such a perfect cabinet crystallization of every tear and every drop of -blood which can be wrung from humanity, so accurately, elegantly and -scientifically arranged, as the slave-code of America. It is a case of -elegant surgical instruments for the work of dissecting the living human -heart;—every instrument wrought with exactest temper and polish, and -adapted with exquisite care, and labelled with the name of the nerve or -artery or muscle which it is designed to sever. The instruments of the -anatomist are instruments of earthly steel and wood, designed to operate -at most on perishable and corruptible matter; but these are instruments -of keener temper, and more ethereal workmanship, designed in the most -precise and scientific manner to DESTROY THE IMMORTAL SOUL, and -carefully and gradually to reduce man from the high position of a free -agent, a social, religious, accountable being, down to the condition of -the brute, or of inanimate matter. - ------ - -Footnote 6: - - The following is Judge Field’s statement of the punishment: - - The negro was tied to a tree and whipped with switches. When Souther - became fatigued with the labor of whipping, he called upon a negro man - of his, and made him cob Sam with a shingle. He also made a negro - woman of his help to cob him. And, after cobbing and whipping, he - applied fire to the body of the slave. * * * * He then caused him to - be washed down with hot water, in which pods of red pepper had been - steeped. The negro was also tied to a log and to the bed-post with - ropes, which choked him, and he was kicked and stamped by Souther. - This sort of punishment was continued and repeated until the negro - died under its infliction. - - - - - CHAPTER IV. - PROTECTIVE STATUTES. - - Apprentices protected.—Outlawry.—Melodrama of Prue in the - Swamp.—Harry the Carpenter, a Romance of Real Life. - - -But the question now occurs, Are there not protective statutes, the -avowed object of which is the protection of the life and limb of the -slave? We answer, there are; and these protective statutes are some of -the most remarkable pieces of legislation extant. - -That they were dictated by a spirit of humanity, charity, which hopeth -_all_ things, would lead us to hope; but no newspaper stories of bloody -murders and shocking outrages convey to the mind so dreadful a picture -of the numbness of public sentiment caused by slavery as these so-called -protective statutes. The author copies the following from the statutes -of North Carolina. Section 3d of the act passed in 1798 runs thus: - - Whereas by another Act of the Assembly, passed in 1774, the killing - of a slave, however wanton, cruel and deliberate, is only punishable - in the first instance by imprisonment and paying the value thereof - to the owner, which _distinction of criminality between the murder - of a white person and one who is equally a human creature, but - merely of a different complexion, is_ DISGRACEFUL TO HUMANITY, AND - DEGRADING IN THE HIGHEST DEGREE TO THE LAWS AND PRINCIPLES OF A - FREE, CHRISTIAN AND ENLIGHTENED COUNTRY, Be it enacted, &c., That if - any person shall hereafter be guilty of wilfully and maliciously - killing a slave, such offender shall, upon the first conviction - thereof, be adjudged guilty of murder, and shall suffer the same - punishment as if he had killed a free man: “_Provided always, this - act shall not extend to the person killing a slave_ OUTLAWED BY - VIRTUE OF ANY ACT OF ASSEMBLY OF THIS STATE, _or to any slave in the - act of resistance to his lawful owner or master, or to any slave - dying under moderate correction_.” - -A law with a like proviso, except the outlawry clause, exists in -Tennessee. _See Caruthers and Nicholson’s Compilation_, 1836, p. 676. - -The language of the constitution of Georgia, art. iv., sec. 12, is as -follows: - - Any person who shall maliciously dismember or deprive a slave of - life shall suffer such punishment as would be inflicted in case the - like offence had been committed on a free white person, and on the - like proof, except in case of insurrection by such slave, and - _unless such death should_ happen _by accident in giving such slave - moderate correction_.—_Cobb’s Dig._ 1851, p. 1125. - -Let now any Englishman or New Englander imagine that such laws with -regard to apprentices had ever been proposed in Parliament or State -Legislature under the head of _protective acts_;—laws which in so many -words permit the killing of the subject in three cases, and those -comprising all the acts which would generally occur under the law; -namely, if the slave resist, if he be outlawed, or if he die under -_moderate_ correction. - -What rule in the world will ever prove correction immoderate, if the -fact that the subject _dies_ under it is not held as proof? How many -such “accidents” would have to happen in Old England or New England, -before Parliament or Legislature would hear from such a protective law. - -“But,” some one may ask, “what is the _outlawry_ spoken of in this act?” -The question is pertinent, and must be answered. The author has copied -the following from the Revised Statutes of North Carolina, chap. cxi, -sec. 22. It may be remarked in passing that the preamble to this law -presents rather a new view of slavery to those who have formed their -ideas from certain pictures of blissful contentment and Arcadian repose, -which have been much in vogue of late. - - Whereas, MANY TIMES _slaves run away and be out, hid and lurking in - swamps, woods, and other obscure places_, killing cattle and hogs, - and committing other injuries to the inhabitants of this state; in - all such cases, upon intelligence of any slave or slaves lying out - as aforesaid, any two justices of the peace for the county wherein - such slave or slaves is or are supposed to lurk or do mischief, - shall, and they are hereby empowered and required to issue - proclamation against such slave or slaves (reciting his or their - names, and the name or names of the owner or owners, if known), - thereby requiring him or them, and every of them, forthwith to - surrender him or themselves; and also to empower and require the - sheriff of the said county to take such power with him as he shall - think fit and necessary for going in search and pursuit of, and - effectually apprehending, such outlying slave or slaves; which - proclamation shall be published at the door of the court-house, and - at such other places as said justices shall direct. And if any slave - or slaves against whom proclamation hath been thus issued stay out, - and do not immediately return home, it shall be lawful for any - person or persons whatsoever to kill and destroy such slave or - slaves by _such ways and means as he shall think fit_, without - accusation or impeachment of any crime for the same. - -What ways and means _have been_ thought fit, in actual experience, for -the destruction of the slave? What was done with the negro McIntosh, in -the streets of St. Louis in open daylight, and endorsed at the next -sitting of the Supreme Court of the state, as transcending the sphere of -law, because it was “an act of the majority of her most respectable -citizens”?[7] If these things are done in the green tree, what will be -done in the dry? If these things have once been done in the open streets -of St. Louis, by “a majority of her most respectable citizens,” what -will be done in the lonely swamps of North Carolina, by men of the stamp -of Souther and Legree? - -This passage of the Revised Statutes of North Carolina is more terribly -suggestive to the imagination than any particulars into which the author -of Uncle Tom’s Cabin has thought fit to enter. Let us suppose a little -melodrama quite possible to have occurred under this act of the -legislature. Suppose some luckless Prue or Peg, as in the case we have -just quoted, in State _v._ Mann, getting tired of the discipline of -whipping, breaks from the overseer, clears the dogs, and gets into the -swamp, and there “lies out,” as the act above graphically says. The act -which we are considering says that _many_ slaves do this, and doubtless -they have their own best reasons for it. We all know what fascinating -places to “lie out” in these Southern swamps are. What with alligators -and moccasin snakes, mud and water, and poisonous vines, one would be -apt to think the situation not particularly eligible; but still, Prue -“lies out” there. Perhaps in the night some husband or brother goes to -see her, taking a hog, or some animal of the plantation stock, which he -has ventured his life in killing, that she may not perish with hunger. -Master overseer walks up to master proprietor, and reports the accident; -master proprietor mounts his horse, and assembles to his aid two -justices of the peace. - -In the intervals between drinking brandy and smoking cigars a -proclamation is duly drawn up, summoning the contumacious Prue to -surrender, and requiring sheriff of said county to take such power as he -shall think fit to go in search and pursuit of said slave; which -proclamation, for Prue’s further enlightenment, is solemnly published at -the door of the court-house, and “at such other places as said justices -shall direct.”[8] Let us suppose, now, that Prue, given over to hardness -of heart and blindness of mind, pays no attention to all these means of -grace, put forth to draw her to the protective shadow of the patriarchal -roof. Suppose, further, as a final effort of long-suffering, and to -leave her utterly without excuse, the worthy magistrate rides forth in -full force,—man, horse, dog and gun,—to the very verge of the swamp, and -there proclaims aloud the merciful mandate. Suppose that, hearing the -yelping of the dogs and the proclamation of the sheriff mingled -together, and the shouts of Loker, Marks, Sambo and Quimbo, and other -such posse, black and white, as a sheriff can generally summon on such a -hunt, this very ignorant and contumacious Prue only runs deeper into the -swamp, and continues obstinately “lying out,” as aforesaid;—now she is -by act of the assembly _outlawed_, and, in the astounding words of the -act, “it shall be lawful for any person or persons whatsoever to kill -and destroy her, by such ways and means as he shall think fit, without -accusation or impeachment of any crime for the same.” What awful -possibilities rise to the imagination under the fearfully suggestive -clause “_by such ways and means as he shall think fit_!” Such ways and -means as ANY man shall think fit, of _any_ character, of _any_ degree of -fiendish barbarity!! Such a permission to kill even a dog, by “any ways -and means which anybody should think fit,” never ought to stand on the -law-books of a Christian nation; and yet this stands against one bearing -that same humanity which Jesus Christ bore,—against one, perhaps, who, -though blinded, darkened and ignorant, he will not be ashamed to own, -when he shall come in the glory of his Father, and all his holy angels -with him! - -That this law has not been a dead letter there is sufficient proof. In -1836 the following proclamation and advertisement appeared in the -“Newbern (N. C.) Spectator:” - - STATE OF NORTH CAROLINA, LENOIR COUNTY.—Whereas complaint hath been - this day made to us, two of the justices of the peace for the said - county, by William D. Cobb, of Jones County, that two negro-slaves - belonging to him, named Ben (commonly known by the name of Ben Fox) - and Rigdon, have absented themselves from their said master’s - service, and are lurking about in the Counties of Lenoir and Jones, - committing acts of felony; these are, in the name of the state, to - command the said slaves forthwith to surrender themselves, and turn - home to their said master. And we do hereby also require the sheriff - of said County of Lenoir to make diligent search and pursuit after - the above-mentioned slaves.... And we do hereby, by virtue of an act - of assembly of this state concerning servants and slaves, intimate - and declare, if the said slaves do not surrender themselves and - return home to their master immediately after the publication of - these presents, that any person may kill or destroy said slaves by - such means as he or they think fit, without accusation or - impeachment of any crime or offence for so doing, or without - incurring any penalty or forfeiture thereby. - - Given under our hands and seals, this 12th of November, 1836. - - B. COLEMAN, J. P. [Seal.] - JAS. JONES, J. P. [Seal.] - - * * * * * - - $200 REWARD.—Ran away from the subscriber, about three years ago, a - certain negro-man, named Ben, commonly known by the name of Ben Fox; - also one other negro, by the name of Rigdon, who ran away on the 8th - of this month. - - I will give the reward of $100 for each of the above negroes, to be - delivered to me, or confined in the jail of Lenoir or Jones County, - _or for the killing of them, so that I can see them_. - - _Nov. 12, 1836._ - - W. D. COBB. - -That this act was _not_ a dead letter, also, was plainly implied in the -protective act first quoted. If slaves were not, as a matter of fact, -ever outlawed, why does the act formally recognize such a -class?—“provided that this act shall not extend to the killing of any -slave _outlawed_ by any act of the assembly.” This language sufficiently -indicates the existence of the custom. - -Further than this, the statute-book of 1821 contained two acts: the -first of which provides that all masters in certain counties, who have -had slaves killed in consequence of outlawry, shall have a claim on the -treasury of the state for their value, unless cruel treatment of the -slave be proved on the part of the master: the second act extends the -benefits of the latter provision to all the counties in the state.[9] - -Finally, there is evidence that this act of outlawry was executed so -recently as the year 1850,—the year in which “Uncle Tom’s Cabin” was -written. See the following from the Wilmington Journal of December 13, -1850: - - STATE OF NORTH CAROLINA, NEW HANOVER COUNTY.—Whereas complaint upon - oath hath this day been made to us, two of the justices of the peace - for the said state and county aforesaid, by Guilford Horn, of - Edgecombe County, that a certain male slave belonging to him, named - Harry, a carpenter by trade, about forty years old, five feet five - inches high, or thereabouts; yellow complexion; stout built; with a - scar on his left leg (from the cut of an axe); has very thick lips; - eyes deep sunk in his head; forehead very square; tolerably loud - voice; has lost one or two of his upper teeth; and has a very dark - spot on his jaw, supposed to be a mark,—hath absented himself from - his master’s service, and is supposed to be lurking about in this - county, committing acts of felony or other misdeeds; these are, - therefore, in the name of the state aforesaid, to command the said - slave forthwith to surrender himself and return home to his said - master; and we do hereby, by virtue of the act of assembly in such - cases made and provided, intimate and declare that if the said slave - Harry doth not surrender himself and return home immediately after - the publication of these presents, that any person or persons may - KILL and DESTROY the said slave by such means as he or they may - think fit, without accusation or impeachment of any crime or offence - for so doing, and without incurring any penalty or forfeiture - thereby. - - Given under our hands and seals, this 29th day of June, 1850. - - JAMES T. MILLER, J. P. [Seal.] - W. C. BETTENCOURT, J. P. [Seal.] - - * * * * * - - ONE HUNDRED AND TWENTY-FIVE DOLLARS REWARD will be paid for the - delivery of the said Harry to me at Tosnott Depot, Edgecombe County, - or for his confinement in any jail in the state, so that I can get - him; or _One Hundred and Fifty Dollars will be given for his head_. - - He was lately heard from in Newbern, where he called himself Henry - Barnes (or Burns), and will be likely to continue the same name, or - assume that of Copage or Farmer. He has a free mulatto woman for a - wife, by the name of Sally Bozeman, who has lately removed to - Wilmington, and lives in that part of the town called Texas, where - he will likely be lurking. - - Masters of vessels are particularly cautioned against harboring or - concealing the said negro on board their vessels, as the full - penalty of the law will be rigorously enforced. - - _June 29th, 1850._ - - GUILFORD HORN. - -There is an inkling of history and romance about the description of this -same Harry, who is thus publicly set up to be killed in any way that any -of the negro-hunters of the swamps may think the most piquant and -enlivening. It seems he is a carpenter,—a powerfully made man, whose -thews and sinews might be a profitable acquisition to himself. It -appears also that he has a wife, and the advertiser intimates that -possibly he may be caught prowling about somewhere in her vicinity. This -indicates sagacity in the writer, certainly. Married men generally have -a way of liking the society of their wives; and it strikes us, from what -we know of the nature of carpenters here in New England, that Harry was -not peculiar in this respect. Let us further notice the portrait of -Harry: “_Eyes deep sunk in his head;—forehead very square_.” This -picture reminds us of what a persecuting old ecclesiastic once said, in -the days of the Port-Royalists, of a certain truculent abbess, who stood -obstinately to a certain course, in the face of the whole power, -temporal and spiritual, of the Romish church, in spite of fining, -imprisoning, starving, whipping, beating, and other enlightening -argumentative processes, not wholly peculiar, it seems, to that age. -“You will never subdue that woman,” said the ecclesiastic, who was a -phrenologist before his age; “she’s got a _square head_, and I have -always noticed that people with _square heads_ never can be turned out -of their course.” We think it very probable that Harry, with his “square -head,” is just one of this sort. He is probably one of those articles -which would be extremely valuable, if the owner could only get the use -of him. His head is well enough, but he will use it for himself. It is -of no use to any one but the wearer; and the master seems to symbolize -this state of things, by offering twenty-five dollars more for the head -without the body, than he is willing to give for head, man and all. Poor -Harry! We wonder whether they have caught him yet; or whether the -impenetrable thickets, the poisonous miasma, the deadly snakes, and the -unwieldy alligators of the swamps, more humane than the slave-hunter, -have interposed their uncouth and loathsome forms to guard the only -fastness in Carolina where a slave can live in freedom. - -It is not, then, in mere poetic fiction that the humane and graceful pen -of Longfellow has drawn the following picture: - - “In the dark fens of the Dismal Swamp - The hunted negro lay; - He saw the fire of the midnight camp, - And heard at times the horse’s tramp, - And a bloodhound’s distant bay. - - “Where will-o’the-wisps and glow-worms shine, - In bulrush and in brake; - Where waving mosses shroud the pine, - And the cedar grows, and the poisonous vine - Is spotted like the snake; - - “Where hardly a human foot could pass, - Or a human heart would dare,— - On the quaking turf of the green morass - He crouched in the rank and tangled grass, - Like a wild beast in his lair. - - “A poor old slave! infirm and lame, - Great scars deformed his face; - On his forehead he bore the brand of shame, - And the rags that hid his mangled frame - Were the livery of disgrace. - - “All things above were bright and fair, - All things were glad and free; - Lithe squirrels darted here and there, - And wild birds filled the echoing air - With songs of liberty! - - “On him alone was the doom of pain, - From the morning of his birth; - On him alone the curse of Cain[10] - Fell like the flail on the garnered grain, - And struck him to the earth.” - -The civilized world may and will ask, in what state this law has been -drawn, and passed, and revised, and allowed to appear at the present day -on the revised statute-book, and to be executed in the year of our Lord -1850, as the above-cited extracts from its most respectable journals -show. Is it some heathen, Kurdish tribe, some nest of pirates, some -horde of barbarians, where destructive gods are worshipped, and -libations to their honor poured from human skulls? The civilized world -will not believe it,—but it is actually a fact, that this law has been -made, and is still kept in force, by men in every other respect than -what relates to their slave-code as high-minded, as enlightened, as -humane, as any men in Christendom;—by citizens of a state which glories -in the blood and hereditary Christian institutions of Scotland. -Curiosity to know what sort of men the legislators of North Carolina -might be, led the writer to examine with some attention the proceedings -and debates of the convention of that state, called to amend its -constitution, which assembled at Raleigh, June 4th, 1835. It is but -justice to say that in these proceedings, in which all the different and -perhaps conflicting interests of the various parts of the state were -discussed, there was an exhibition of candor, fairness and moderation, -of gentlemanly honor and courtesy in the treatment of opposing claims, -and of an overruling sense of the obligations of law and religion, which -certainly have not always been equally conspicuous in the proceedings of -deliberative bodies in such cases. It simply goes to show that one can -judge nothing of the religion or of the humanity of individuals from -what seems to us objectionable practice, where they have been educated -under a system entirely incompatible with both. Such is the very -equivocal character of what we call virtue. - -It could not be for a moment supposed that such men as Judge Ruffin, or -many of the gentlemen who figure in the debates alluded to, would ever -think of availing themselves of the savage permissions of such a law. -But what then? It follows that the law is a direct permission, letting -loose upon the defenceless slave that class of men who exist in every -community, who have no conscience, no honor, no shame,—who are too far -below public opinion to be restrained by that, and from whom accordingly -this provision of the law takes away the only available restraint of -their fiendish natures. Such men are not peculiar to the South. It is -unhappily too notorious that they exist everywhere,—in England, in New -England, and the world over; but they can only arrive at full maturity -in wickedness under a system where the law clothes them with absolute -and irresponsible power. - ------ - -Footnote 7: - - This man was burned alive. - -Footnote 8: - - The old statute of 1741 had some features still more edifying. That - provides that said “proclamation shall be published on a Sabbath day, - at the door of every church or chapel, or, for want of such, at the - place where divine service shall be performed in the said county, by - the parish clerk or reader, _immediately_ after divine service.” - _Potter’s Revisal_, i. 166. What a peculiar appropriateness there must - have been in this proclamation, particularly after a sermon on the - love of Christ, or an exposition of the text “thou shalt love thy - neighbor as thyself!” - -Footnote 9: - -[Sidenote: Potter’s Revisal, ch. 467, § 2.] - - _Be it further enacted_, That when any slave shall be legally outlawed - in any of the counties within mentioned, the owner of which shall - reside in one of the said counties, and the said slave shall be killed - in consequence of such outlawry, the value of such slave shall be - ascertained by a jury which shall be empanelled at the succeeding - court of the county where the said slave was killed, and a certificate - of such valuation shall be given by the clerk of the court to the - owner of said slave, who shall be entitled to receive two-thirds of - such valuation from the sheriff of the county wherein the slave was - killed. [Extended to other counties in 1797.—Potter, ch. 480, § 1.] - _now obsolete_. - -Footnote 10: - - Gen. 4:14.—“And it shall come to pass that every one that findeth me - shall slay me.” - - - - - CHAPTER V. - PROTECTIVE ACTS OF SOUTH CAROLINA AND LOUISIANA.—THE IRON COLLAR OF - LOUISIANA AND NORTH CAROLINA. - - -Thus far by way of considering the protective acts of North Carolina, -Georgia and Tennessee. - -Certain miscellaneous protective acts of various other states will now -be cited, merely as specimens of the spirit of legislation. - -[Sidenote: Stroud, p. 39. 2 Brevard’s Digest, p. 241.] - -In South Carolina, the act of 1740 punished the wilful, deliberate -murder of a slave by disfranchisement, and by a fine of seven hundred -pounds current money, or, in default of payment, imprisonment for seven -years. But the wilful murder of a slave, in the sense contemplated in -this law, is a crime which would not often occur. The kind of murder -which was most frequent among masters or overseers was guarded against -by another section of the same act,—_how adequately_ the reader will -judge for himself, from the following quotation: - -[Sidenote: Stroud’s Sketch, p. 40. 2 Brevard’s Digest, 241. James’ - Digest, 392.] - - If any person shall, on a sudden heat or passion, or by _undue - correction_, kill his own slave, or the slave of any other person, - he shall forfeit the sum of _three hundred and fifty pounds_ current - money. - -In 1821 the act punishing the wilful murder of the slave only with fine -or imprisonment was mainly repealed, and it was enacted that such crime -should be punished by death; but the latter section, which relates to -killing the slave in sudden heat or passion, or by undue correction, has -been altered only by _diminishing_ the pecuniary penalty to a fine of -five hundred dollars, authorizing also imprisonment for six months. - -The next protective statute to be noticed is the following from the act -of 1740, South Carolina. - -[Sidenote: Stroud, p. 40. 2 Brevard’s Digest, 241.] - - In case any person shall wilfully cut out the tongue, put out the - eye, * * * or cruelly scald, burn, or deprive any slave of any limb, - or member, or shall inflict any other cruel punishment, _other than_ - by whipping or beating with a horse-whip, cowskin, switch or small - stick, or by putting irons on, or confining or imprisoning such - slave, every such person shall, for every such offence, forfeit the - sum of one hundred pounds, current money. - -The language of this law, like many other of these protective -enactments, is exceedingly suggestive; the first suggestion that occurs -is, What sort of an institution, and what sort of a state of society is -it, that called out a law worded like this? Laws are generally not made -against practices that do not exist, and exist with some degree of -frequency. - -The advocates of slavery are very fond of comparing it to the apprentice -system of England and America. Let us suppose that in the British -Parliament, or in a New England Legislature, the following law is -proposed, under the title of An Act for the Protection of Apprentices, -&c. &c. - - In case any person shall wilfully cut out the tongue, put out the - eye, or cruelly scald, burn, or deprive any apprentice of any limb - or member, or shall inflict any other cruel punishment, other than - by whipping or beating with a horse-whip, cowskin, switch or small - stick, or by putting irons on or confining or imprisoning such - apprentice, every such person shall, for every such offence, forfeit - the sum of one hundred pounds, current money. - -What a sensation such a proposed law would make in England may be best -left for Englishmen to say; but in New England it would simply -constitute the proposer a candidate for Bedlam. Yet that such a statute -is necessary in South Carolina is evident enough, if we reflect that, -because there is no such statute in Virginia, it has been decided that a -wretch who perpetrates all these enormities on a slave cannot even be -indicted for it, unless the slave dies. - -But let us look further:—What is to be the penalty when any of these -fiendish things are done? - -Why, the man forfeits a hundred pounds, current money. Surely he ought -to pay as much as that for doing so very unnecessary an act, when the -Legislature bountifully allows him to inflict any torture which -revengeful ingenuity could devise, by means of horse-whip, cowskin, -switch or small stick, or putting irons on, or confining and -imprisoning. One would surely think that here was sufficient scope and -variety of legalized means of torture to satisfy any ordinary appetite -for vengeance. It would appear decidedly that any more piquant varieties -of agony ought to be an extra charge. The advocates of slavery are fond -of comparing the situation of the slave with that of the English -laborer. We are not aware that the English laborer has been so -unfortunate as to be protected by any enactment like this, since the -days of villeinage. - -[Sidenote: Stroud’s Sketch, p. 41. 1 Mar. Digest, 654.] - -Judge Stroud says, that the same law, substantially, has been adopted in -Louisiana. It is true that the civil code of Louisiana thus expresses -its humane intentions. - - The slave is entirely subject to the will of his master, who may - correct and chastise him, though not with unusual rigor, nor so as - to maim or mutilate him, or to expose him to the danger of loss of - life, or to cause his death.—_Civil Code of Louisiana, Article 173._ - -The expression “unusual rigor” is suggestive, again. It will afford -large latitude for a jury, in states where slaves are in the habit of -_dying_ under _moderate_ correction; where outlawed slaves may be killed -by any means which any person thinks fit; and where laws have to be -specifically made against scalding, burning, cutting out the tongue, -putting out the eye, &c. What will be thought unusual rigor? This is a -question, certainly, upon which persons in states not so constituted can -have no means of forming an opinion. - -In one of the newspaper extracts with which we prefaced our account, the -following protective act of Louisiana is alluded to, as being -particularly satisfactory and efficient. We give it, as quoted by Judge -Stroud in his Sketch, page 58, giving his reference. - - No master shall be compelled to sell his slave, but in one of two - cases, to wit: the first, when, being only co-proprietor of the - slave, his co-proprietor demands the sale, in order to make - partition of the property; _second_, when the master shall be - CONVICTED of cruel treatment of his slave, AND THE JUDGE SHALL DEEM - IT PROPER TO PRONOUNCE, besides the penalty established for such - cases, that the slave shall be sold at public auction, in order to - place him out of the reach of the power which his master has - abused.—_Civil Code, Art. 192._ - -The question for a jury to determine in this case is, What is cruel -treatment of a slave? Now, if all these barbarities which have been -sanctioned by the legislative acts which we have quoted are not held to -be cruel treatment, the question is, What _is_ cruel treatment of a -slave? - -Everything that fiendish barbarity could desire can be effected under -the protection of the law of South Carolina, which, as we have just -shown, exists also in Louisiana. It is true the law restrains from some -particular forms of cruelty. If any person has a mind to scald or burn -his slave,—and it seems, by the statute, that there have been such -people,—these statutes merely provide that he shall do it in decent -privacy; for, as the very keystone of Southern jurisprudence is the -rejection of colored testimony, such an outrage, if perpetrated most -deliberately in the presence of hundreds of slaves, could not be proved -upon the master. - -It is to be supposed that the fiendish people whom such statutes have in -view will generally have enough of common sense not to perform it in the -presence of white witnesses, since this simple act of prudence will -render them entirely safe in doing whatever they have a mind to. We are -told, it is true, as we have been reminded by our friend in the -newspaper before quoted, that in Louisiana the deficiency caused by the -rejection of negro testimony is supplied by the following most -remarkable provision of the Code Noir: - - If any slave be mutilated, beaten, or ill treated, contrary to the - true intent and meaning of this section, when no one shall be - present, in such case the owner, or other person having the charge - or management of said slave thus mutilated, shall be deemed - responsible and guilty of the said offence, and shall be - prosecuted without further evidence, unless the said owner, or - other person so as aforesaid, can prove the contrary by means of - good and sufficient evidence, or can clear himself by his own - oath, which said oath every court under the cognizance of which - such offence shall have been examined and tried is by this act - authorized to administer.—_Code Noir. Crimes and Offences_, 56. - xvii. _Rev. Stat._ 1852, p. 550, § 141. - -Would one have supposed that sensible people could ever publish as a law -such a specimen of utter legislative nonsense—so ridiculous on the very -face of it! - -The object is to bring to justice those fiendish people who burn, scald, -mutilate, &c. How is this done? Why, it is enacted that the fact of -finding the slave in this condition shall be held presumption against -the owner or overseer, unless—unless what? Why, unless he will prove to -the contrary,—or swear to the contrary, it is no matter which—either -will answer the purpose. The question is, If a man is bad enough to do -these things, will he not be bad enough to swear falsely? As if men who -are the incarnation of cruelty, as supposed by the deeds in question, -would not have sufficient intrepidity of conscience to compass a false -oath! - -What was this law ever made for? Can any one imagine? - -Upon this whole subject, we may quote the language of Judge Stroud, who -thus sums up the whole amount of the protective laws for the slave, in -the United States of America: - - Upon a fair review of what has been written on the subject of this - proposition, the result is found to be—that the master’s power to - inflict corporal punishment to any extent, short of life and limb, - is fully sanctioned by law, in _all_ the slave-holding states; that - the master, in at least two states, is _expressly_ protected in - using the horse-whip and cowskin as instruments for _beating_ his - slave; that he may with entire impunity, in the same states, load - his slave with irons, or subject him to perpetual imprisonment, - whenever he may so choose; that, for cruelly scalding, wilfully - cutting out the tongue, putting out an eye, and for any other - dismemberment, if proved, a fine of one hundred pounds currency only - is incurred in South Carolina; that, though in all the states the - wilful, deliberate and malicious murder of the slave is now - _directed_ to be punished with death, yet, as in the case of a - _white_ offender none except whites can give evidence, a conviction - can seldom, if ever, take place.—_Stroud’s Sketch_, p. 43. - -One very singular antithesis of two laws of Louisiana will still further -show that deadness of public sentiment on cruelty to the slave which is -an inseparable attendant on the system. It will be recollected that the -remarkable _protective_ law of South Carolina, with respect to scalding, -burning, cutting out the tongue, and putting out the eye of the slave, -has been substantially enacted in Louisiana; and that the penalty for a -man’s doing these things there, if he has not sense enough to do it -privately, is not more than five hundred dollars. - -Now, compare this other statute of Louisiana, (Rev. Stat. 1852, p. 552, -§ 151): - -[Sidenote: Stroud, p. 41.] - - If any person or persons, &c., shall cut or break any iron chain or - collar, which any master of slaves should have used, in order to - prevent the running away or escape of any such slave or slaves, such - person or persons so offending shall, on conviction, &c., be fined - not less than two hundred dollars, nor exceeding one thousand - dollars; and suffer imprisonment for a term not exceeding two years, - nor less than six months.—_Act of Assembly of March 6, 1819. - Pamphlet, page 64._ - -Some Englishmen may naturally ask, “What is this iron collar which the -Legislature have thought worthy of being protected by a special act?” On -this subject will be presented the testimony of an unimpeachable -witness, Miss Sarah M. Grimké, a personal friend of the author. “Miss -Grimké is a daughter of the late Judge Grimké, of the Supreme Court of -South Carolina, and sister of the late Hon. Thomas S. Grimké.” She is -now a member of the Society of Friends, and resides in Bellville, New -Jersey. The statement given is of a kind that its author did not mean to -give, nor wish to give, and never would have given, had it not been made -necessary to illustrate this passage in the slave-law. The account -occurs in a statement which Miss Grimké furnished to her brother-in-law, -Mr. Weld, and has been before the public ever since 1839, in his work -entitled _Slavery as It Is_, p. 22. - - A handsome mulatto woman, about eighteen or twenty years of age, - whose independent spirit could not brook the degradation of slavery, - was in the habit of running away: for this offence she had been - repeatedly sent by her master and mistress to be whipped by the - keeper of the Charleston workhouse. This had been done with such - inhuman severity as to lacerate her back in a most shocking manner; - a finger could not be laid between the cuts. But the love of liberty - was too strong to be annihilated by torture; and, as a last resort, - she was whipped at several different times, and kept a close - prisoner. A heavy iron collar, with three long prongs projecting - from it, was placed round her neck, and a strong and sound front - tooth was extracted, to serve as a mark to describe her, in case of - escape. Her sufferings at this time were agonizing; she could lie in - no position but on her back, which was sore from scourgings, as I - can testify from personal inspection; and her only place of rest was - the floor, on a blanket. These outrages were committed in a family - where the mistress daily read the Scriptures, and assembled her - children for family worship. She was accounted, and was really, so - far as almsgiving was concerned, a charitable woman, and - tender-hearted to the poor; and yet this suffering slave, who was - the seamstress of the family, was continually in her presence, - sitting in her chamber to sew, or engaged in her other household - work, with her lacerated and bleeding back, her mutilated mouth, and - heavy iron collar, without, so far as appeared, exciting any - feelings of compassion. - -This iron collar the author has often heard of from sources equally -authentic.[11] That one will meet with it every day in walking the -streets, is not probable; but that it must have been used with some -great degree of frequency, is evident from the fact of a law being -thought necessary to protect it. But look at the penalty of the two -_protective_ laws! The fiendish cruelties described in the act of South -Carolina cost the perpetrator not more than five hundred dollars, if he -does them before white people. The act of humanity costs from two -hundred to one thousand dollars, and imprisonment from six months to two -years, according to discretion of court! What public sentiment was it -which made these laws? - ------ - -Footnote 11: - - The iron collar was also in vogue in North Carolina, as the following - extract from the statute-book will show. The wearers of this article - of apparel certainly have some reason to complain of the “tyranny of - fashion.” - - “When the keeper of the said public jail shall, by direction of such - court as aforesaid, let out any negro or runaway to hire, to any - person or persons whomsoever, the said keeper shall, at the time of - his delivery, cause an iron collar to be put on the neck of such negro - or runaway, with the letters P. G. stamped thereon; and thereafter the - said keeper shall not be answerable for any escape of the said negro - or runaway.”—_Potter’s Revisal_, i. 162. - - - - - CHAPTER VI. - PROTECTIVE ACTS WITH REGARD TO FOOD AND RAIMENT, LABOR, ETC. - - Illustrative Drama of Tom _v._ Legree, under the Law of South - Carolina.—Separation of Parent and Child. - - -[Sidenote: Wheeler, p. 220. State _v._ Sue, Cameron & Norwood’s C. Rep. - 54.] - -Having finished the consideration of the laws which protect the life and -limb of the slave, the reader may feel a curiosity to know something of -the provisions by which he is protected in regard to food and clothing, -and from the exactions of excessive labor. It is true, there are -multitudes of men in the Northern States who would say, at once, that -such enactments, on the very face of them, must be superfluous and -absurd. “What!” they say, “are not the slaves property? and is it likely -that any man will impair the market value of his own property by not -giving them sufficient food or clothing, or by over-working them?” This -process of reasoning appears to have been less convincing to the -legislators of Southern States than to gentlemen generally at the North; -since, as Judge Taylor says, “the act of 1786 (Iredell’s Revisal, p. -588) does, in the preamble, recognize the fact, that _many_ persons, by -cruel treatment of their slaves, cause them to commit crimes for which -they are executed;” and the judge further explains this language, by -saying, “The cruel treatment here alluded to must consist in withholding -from them the necessaries of life; and the crimes thus resulting are -such as are necessary to furnish them with food and raiment.” - -The State of South Carolina, in the act of 1740 (see Stroud’s Sketch, p. -28), had a section with the following language in its preamble: - -[Sidenote: Stroud, p. 29.] - - Whereas _many_ owners of slaves, and _others_ who have the care, - management, and overseeing of slaves, _do confine them so closely to - hard labor that they have not sufficient time for natural rest_;— - -And the law goes on to enact that the slave shall not work more than -fifteen hours a day in summer, and fourteen in winter. Judge Stroud -makes it appear that in three of the slave states the time allotted for -work to convicts in prison, whose punishment is to consist in hard -labor, cannot exceed _ten_ hours, even in the summer months. - -This was the protective act of South Carolina, designed to reform the -abusive practices of masters who confined their slaves so closely that -they had not time for natural rest! What sort of habits of thought do -these humane provisions show, in the makers of them? In order to protect -the slave from what they consider undue exaction, they humanely provide -that he shall be obliged to work only four or five hours longer than the -convicts in the prison of the neighboring state! In the Island of -Jamaica, besides many holidays which were accorded by law to the slave, -ten hours a day was the extent to which he was compelled by law -ordinarily to work.—See _Stroud_, p. 29. - -With regard to protective acts concerning food and clothing, Judge -Stroud gives the following example from the legislation of South -Carolina. The author gives it as quoted by _Stroud_, p. 32. - - In case any person, &c., who shall be the owner, or who shall have - the care, government or charge, of any slave or slaves, shall deny, - neglect or refuse to allow, such slave or slaves, &c., sufficient - clothing, covering or food, it shall and may be lawful for any - person or persons, on behalf of such slave or slaves, to make - complaint to the next neighboring justice in the parish where such - slave or slaves live, or are usually employed, * * * and the said - justice shall summons the party against whom such complaint shall be - made, and shall inquire of, hear and determine, the same; and, if - the said justice shall find the said complaint to be true, or that - such person will not exculpate or clear himself from the charge, by - his or her own oath, which _such person shall be at liberty to do in - all cases_ where positive proof is not given of the offence, such - justice shall and may make such orders upon the same, for the relief - of such slave or slaves, as he in his discretion shall think fit; - and shall and may set and impose a fine or penalty on any person who - shall offend in the premises, in any sum not exceeding twenty pounds - current money, for each offence.—_2 Brevard’s, Dig. 241._ Also - _Cobb’s Dig. 827_. - -A similar law obtains in Louisiana.—_Rev. Stat._ 1852, p. 557, § 166. - -Now, would not anybody think, from the virtuous solemnity and gravity of -this act, that it was intended in some way to amount to something? Let -us give a little sketch, to show how much it does amount to. Angelina -Grimké Weld, sister to Sarah Grimké, before quoted, gives the following -account of the situation of slaves on plantations:[12] - - And here let me say, that the treatment of _plantation_ slaves - cannot be fully known, except by the poor sufferers themselves, and - their drivers and overseers. In a multitude of instances, even the - master can know very little of the actual condition of his own - field-slaves, and his wife and daughters far less. A few facts - concerning my own family will show this. Our permanent residence was - in Charleston; our country-seat (Bellemont) was two hundred miles - distant, in the north western part of the state, where, for some - years, our family spent a few months annually. Our _plantation_ was - three miles from this family mansion. There all the field-slaves - lived and worked. Occasionally,—once a month, perhaps,—some of the - family would ride over to the plantation; but I never visited the - _fields where the slaves were at work_, and knew almost nothing of - their condition; but this I do know, that the overseers who had - charge of them were generally unprincipled and intemperate men. But - I rejoice to know that the general treatment of slaves in that - region of country was far milder than on the plantations in the - lower country. - - Throughout all the eastern and middle portions of the state, the - planters very rarely reside permanently on their plantations. They - have almost invariably _two_ residences, and spend less than half - the year on their estates. Even while spending a few months on them, - politics, field-sports, races, speculations, journeys, visits, - company, literary pursuits, &c., absorb so much of their time, that - they must, to a considerable extent, take the condition of their - slaves on _trust_, from the reports of their overseers. I make this - statement, because these slaveholders (the wealthier class) are, I - believe, almost the only ones who visit the North with their - families; and Northern opinions of slavery are based chiefly on - their testimony. - -With regard to overseers, Miss Grimké’s testimony is further borne out -by the universal acknowledgment of Southern owners. A description of -this class of beings is furnished by Mr. Wirt, in his Life of Patrick -Henry, page 34. “Last and lowest,” he says, [of different classes in -society] “a _feculum_ of beings called overseers,—a most abject, -degraded, unprincipled race.” Now, suppose, while the master is in -Charleston, enjoying literary leisure, the slaves on some Bellemont or -other plantation, getting tired of being hungry and cold, form -themselves into a committee of the whole, to see what is to be done. A -broad-shouldered, courageous fellow, whom we will call Tom, declares it -is too bad, and he won’t stand it any longer; and, having by some means -become acquainted with this benevolent protective act, resolves to make -an appeal to the horns of this legislative altar. Tom talks stoutly, -having just been bought on to the place, and been used to better -quarters elsewhere. The women and children perhaps admire, but the -venerable elders of the plantation,—Sambo, Cudge, Pomp and old Aunt -Dinah,—tell him he better mind himself, and keep clar o’ dat ar. Tom, -being young and progressive, does not regard these conservative maxims; -he is determined that, if there is such a thing as justice to be got, he -will have it. After considerable research, he finds some white man in -the neighborhood verdant enough to enter the complaint for him. Master -Legree finds himself, one sunshiny, pleasant morning, walked off to some -Justice Dogberry’s, to answer to the charge of not giving his niggers -enough to eat and wear. We will call the infatuated white man who has -undertaken this fool’s errand Master Shallow. Let us imagine a -scene:—Legree, standing carelessly with his hands in his pockets, -rolling a quid of tobacco in his mouth; Justice Dogberry, seated in all -the majesty of law, reinforced by a decanter of whiskey and some -tumblers, intended to assist in illuminating the intellect in such -obscure cases. - -_Justice Dogberry._ Come, gentlemen, take a little something, to begin -with. Mr. Legree, sit down; sit down, Mr.—a’ what’s-your-name?—Mr. -Shallow. - -Mr. Legree and Mr. Shallow each sit down, and take their tumbler of -whiskey and water. After some little conversation, the justice -introduces the business as follows: - -“Now, about this nigger business. Gentlemen, you know the act -of——um—um,—where the deuce _is_ that act? [Fumbling an old law-book.] -How plagued did you ever hear of that act, Shallow? I’m sure I’m forgot -all about it;—O! here ‘tis. Well, Mr. Shallow, the act says you must -make proof, you observe.” - -_Mr. Shallow._ [Stuttering and hesitating.] Good land! why, don’t -everybody see that them ar niggers are most starved? Only see how ragged -they are! - -_Justice._ I can’t say as I’ve observed it particular. Seem to be very -well contented. - -_Shallow._ [Eagerly.] But just ask Pomp, or Sambo, or Dinah, or Tom! - -_Justice Dogberry._ [With dignity.] I’m astonished at you, Mr. Shallow! -You think of producing negro testimony? I hope I know the law better -than that! We must have direct proof, you know. - -Shallow is posed; Legree significantly takes another tumbler of whiskey -and water, and Justice Dogberry gives a long ahe-a-um. After a few -moments the justice speaks: - -“Well, after all, I suppose, Mr. Legree, you wouldn’t have any -objections to swarin’ off; that settles it all, you know.” - -As swearing is what Mr. Legree is rather more accustomed to do than -anything else that could be named, a more appropriate termination of the -affair could not be suggested; and he swears, accordingly, to any -extent, and with any fulness and variety of oath that could be desired; -and thus the little affair terminates. But it does not terminate thus -for Tom or Sambo, Dinah, or any others who have been alluded to for -authority. What will happen to them, when Mr. Legree comes home, had -better be left to conjecture. - -It is claimed, by the author of certain paragraphs quoted at the -commencement of Part II., that there exist in Louisiana ample protective -acts to prevent the separation of young children from their mothers. -This writer appears to be in the enjoyment of an amiable ignorance and -unsophisticated innocence with regard to the workings of human society -generally, which is, on the whole, rather refreshing. For, on a certain -incident in “Uncle Tom’s Cabin,” which represented Cassy’s little -daughter as having been sold from her, he makes the following _naïf_ -remark: - - Now, the reader will perhaps be surprised to know that such an - incident as the sale of Cassy apart from Eliza, upon which the whole - interest of the foregoing narrative hinges, never could have taken - place in Louisiana, and that the bill of sale for Eliza would not - have been worth the paper it was written on.—Observe. George Shelby - states that Eliza was _eight or nine years old_ at the time his - father purchased her in New Orleans. Let us again look at the - statute-book of Louisiana. - - In the _Code Noir_ we find it set down that - - “Every person is expressly prohibited from selling separately from - their mothers _the children who shall not have attained the full age - of ten years_.” - - And this humane provision is strengthened by a statute, one clause - of which runs as follows: - - “Be it further enacted, that if any person or persons shall sell the - mother of any slave child or children _under the age of ten years, - separate from said child or children, or shall, the mother living, - sell any slave child or children of ten years of age or under, - separate from said mother_, such person or persons shall incur the - penalty of the sixth section of this act.” - - This penalty is a fine of not less than one thousand nor more than - two thousand dollars, and imprisonment in the public jail for a - period of not less than six months nor more than one year.—_Vide - Acts of Louisiana, 1 Session, 9th Legislature_, 1828–9, No. 24, - Section 16. (_Rev. Stat._ 1852, p. 550, § 143.) - -What a charming freshness of nature is suggested by this assertion! A -thing could not have happened in a certain state, because there is a law -against it! - -Has there not been for two years a law forbidding to succor fugitives, -or to hinder their arrest?—and has not this thing been done thousands of -times in all the Northern States, and is not it more and more likely to -be done every year? What is a law, against the whole public sentiment of -society?—and will anybody venture to say that the public sentiment of -Louisiana _practically_ goes against separation of families? - -But let us examine a case more minutely, remembering the bearing on it -of two great foundation principles of slave jurisprudence: namely, that -a slave cannot bring a suit in any case, except in a suit for personal -freedom, and this in some states must be brought by a guardian; and that -a slave cannot bear testimony in any case in which whites are -implicated. - -Suppose Butler wants to sell Cassy’s child of nine years. There is a -statute forbidding to sell under ten years;—what is Cassy to do? She -cannot bring suit. Will the state prosecute? Suppose it does,—what then? -Butler says the child is ten years old; if he pleases, he will say she -is ten and a half, or eleven. What is Cassy to do? She cannot testify; -besides, she is utterly in Butler’s power. He may tell her that if she -offers to stir in the affair, he will whip the child within an inch of -its life; and she knows he can do it, and that there is no help for -it;—he may lock her up in a dungeon, sell her on to a distant -plantation, or do any other despotic thing he chooses, and there is -nobody to say Nay. - -How much does the protective statute amount to for Cassy? It may be very -well as a piece of advice to the public, or as a decorous expression of -opinion; but one might as well try to stop the current of the -Mississippi with a bulrush as the tide of trade in human beings with -such a regulation. - -We think that, by this time, the reader will agree with us, that the -less the defenders of slavery say about protective statutes, the better. - ------ - -Footnote 12: - - Slavery as It Is; Testimony of a Thousand Witnesses. New York, 1839, - pp. 52, 53. - - - - - CHAPTER VII. - THE EXECUTION OF JUSTICE. - - State _v._ Eliza Rowand.—The “Ægis of Protection” to the Slave’s Life. - - “We cannot but regard the fact of this trial as a salutary - occurrence.”—_Charleston Courier._ - - -Having given some account of what sort of statutes are to be found on -the law-books of slavery, the reader will hardly be satisfied without -knowing what sort of trials are held under them. We will quote one -specimen of a trial, reported in the _Charleston Courier_ of May 6th, -1847. The _Charleston Courier_ is one of the leading papers of South -Carolina, and the case is reported with the utmost apparent innocence -that there was anything about the trial that could reflect in the least -on the character of the state for the utmost legal impartiality. In -fact, the _Charleston Courier_ ushers it into public view with the -following flourish of trumpets, as something which is forever to -confound those who say that South Carolina does not protect the life of -the slave: - - THE TRIAL FOR MURDER. - - Our community was deeply interested and excited, yesterday, by a - case of great importance, and also of entire novelty in our - jurisprudence. It was the trial of a lady of respectable family, and - the mother of a large family, charged with the murder of her own or - her husband’s slave. The court-house was thronged with spectators of - the exciting drama, who remained, with unabated interest and - undiminished numbers, until the verdict was rendered acquitting the - prisoner. We cannot but regard the fact of this trial as a salutary, - although in itself lamentable occurrence, as it will show to the - world that, however panoplied in station and wealth, and although - challenging those sympathies which are the right and inheritance of - the female sex, no one will be suffered, in this community, to - escape the most sifting scrutiny, at the risk of even an ignominious - death, who stands charged with the suspicion of murdering a - slave,—to whose life our law now extends the ægis of protection, in - the same manner as it does to that of the white man, _save only in - the character of the evidence necessary for conviction or defence_. - While evil-disposed persons at home are thus taught that they may - expect rigorous trial and condign punishment, when, actuated by - malignant passions, they invade the life of the humble slave, the - enemies of our domestic institution abroad will find, their - calumnies to the contrary notwithstanding, that we are resolved, in - this particular, to do the full measure of our duty to the laws of - humanity. We subjoin a report of the case. - -The proceedings of the trial are thus given: - - TRIAL FOR THE MURDER OF A SLAVE. - - _State_ v. _Eliza Rowand_.—_Spring Term, May 5, 1847._ - - Tried before his Honor Judge O’Neall. - - The prisoner was brought to the bar and arraigned, attended by her - husband and mother, and humanely supported, during the trying scene, - by the sheriff, J. B. Irving, Esq. On her arraignment, she pleaded - “Not Guilty,” and for her trial, placed herself upon “God and her - country.” After challenging John M. Deas, James Bancroft, H. F. - Harbers, C. J. Beckman, E. R. Cowperthwaite, Parker J. Holland, - Moses D. Hyams, Thomas Glaze, John Lawrence, B. Archer, J. S. - Addison, B. P. Colburn, B. M. Jenkins, Carl Houseman, Geo. Jackson, - and Joseph Coppenberg, the prisoner accepted the subjoined panel, - who were duly sworn, and charged with the case: 1. John L. Nowell, - foreman. 2. Elias Whilden. 3. Jesse Coward. 4. Effington Wagner. 5. - Wm. Whaley. 6. James Culbert. 7. R. L. Baker. 8. S. Wiley. 9. W. S. - Chisolm. 10. T. M. Howard. 11. John Bickley. 12. John Y. Stock. - -The following is the indictment on which the prisoner was arraigned for -trial: - - _The State_ v. _Eliza Rowand_—_Indictment for murder of a slave_. - - STATE OF SOUTH CAROLINA, } to wit: - _Charleston District_, } - - At a Court of General Sessions, begun and holden in and for the - district of Charleston, in the State of South Carolina, at - Charleston, in the district and state aforesaid, on Monday, the - third day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred - and forty-seven: - - The jurors of and for the district of Charleston, aforesaid, in the - State of South Carolina, aforesaid, upon their oaths present, that - Eliza Rowand, the wife of Robert Rowand, Esq., not having the fear - of God before her eyes, but being moved and seduced by the - instigation of the devil, on the 6th day of January, in the year of - our Lord one thousand eight hundred and forty-seven, with force and - arms, at Charleston, in the district of Charleston, and state - aforesaid, in and upon a certain female slave of the said Robert - Rowand, named Maria, in the peace of God, and of the said state, - then and there being, feloniously, maliciously, wilfully, - deliberately, and of her malice aforethought, did make an assault; - and that a certain other slave of the said Robert Rowand, named - Richard, then and there, being then and there in the presence and by - the command of the said Eliza Rowand, with a certain piece of wood, - which he the said Richard in both his hands then and there had and - held, the said Maria did beat and strike, in and upon the head of - her the said Maria, then and there giving to her the said Maria, by - such striking and beating, as aforesaid, with the piece of wood - aforesaid, divers mortal bruises on the top, back, and sides of the - head of her the said Maria, of which several mortal bruises she, the - said Maria, then and there instantly died; and that the said Eliza - Rowand was then and there present, and then and there feloniously, - maliciously, wilfully, deliberately, and of her malice aforethought, - did order, command, and require, the said slave named Richard the - murder and felony aforesaid, in manner and form aforesaid, to do and - commit. And as the jurors aforesaid, upon their oaths aforesaid, do - say, that the said Eliza Rowand her the said slave named Maria, in - the manner and by the means, aforesaid, feloniously, maliciously, - wilfully, deliberately, and of her malice aforethought, did kill and - murder, against the form of the act of the General Assembly of the - said state in such case made and provided, and against the peace and - dignity of the same state aforesaid. - - And the jurors aforesaid, upon their oaths aforesaid, do further - present, that the said Eliza Rowand, not having the fear of God - before her eyes, but being moved and seduced by the instigation of - the devil, on the sixth day of January, in the year of our Lord one - thousand eight hundred and forty-seven, with force and arms, at - Charleston, in the district of Charleston, and state aforesaid, in - and upon a certain other female slave of Robert Rowand, named Maria, - in the peace of God, and of the said state, then and there being, - feloniously, maliciously, wilfully, deliberately, and of her malice - aforethought, did make an assault; and that the said Eliza Rowand, - with a certain piece of wood, which she, the said Eliza Rowand, in - both her hands then and there had and held, her the said - last-mentioned slave named Maria did then and there strike, and - beat, in and upon the head of her the said Maria, then and there - giving to her the said Maria, by such striking and beating - aforesaid, with the piece of wood aforesaid, divers mortal bruises, - on the top, back, and side of the head, of her the said Maria, of - which said several mortal bruises she the said Maria then and there - instantly died. And so the jurors aforesaid, upon their oaths - aforesaid, do say, that the said Eliza Rowand her the said - last-mentioned slave named Maria, in the manner and by the means - last mentioned, feloniously, maliciously, wilfully, deliberately, - and of her malice aforethought, did kill and murder, against the - form of the act of the General Assembly of the said state in such - case made and provided, and against the peace and dignity of the - same state aforesaid. - - H. BAILEY, _Attorney-general_. - -As some of our readers may not have been in the habit of endeavoring to -extract anything like common sense or information from documents so very -concisely and luminously worded, the author will just state her own -opinion that the above document is intended to charge Mrs. Eliza Rowand -with having killed her slave Maria, in one of two ways: either with -beating her on the head with her own hands, or having the same deed -performed by proxy, by her slave-man Richard. The whole case is now -presented. In order to make the reader clearly understand the arguments, -it is necessary that he bear in mind that the law of 1740, as we have -before shown, punished the murder of the slave only with fine and -disfranchisement, while the law of 1821 punishes it with death. - - On motion of Mr. Petigru, the prisoner was allowed to remove from - the bar, and take her place by her counsel; the judge saying he - granted the motion only because the prisoner was a woman, but that - no such privilege would have been extended by him to any man. - - The Attorney-general, Henry Bailey, Esq., then rose and opened the - case for the state, in substance, as follows: He said that, after - months of anxiety and expectation, the curtain had at length risen, - and he and the jury were about to bear their part in the sad drama - of real life, which had so long engrossed the public mind. He and - they were called to the discharge of an important, painful, and - solemn duty. They were to pass between the prisoner and the state—to - take an inquisition of blood; on their decision hung the life or - death, the honor or ignominy, of the prisoner; yet he trusted he and - they would have strength and ability to perform their duty - faithfully; and, whatever might be the result, their consciences - would be consoled and quieted by that reflection. He bade the jury - pause and reflect on the great sanctions and solemn responsibilities - under which they were acting. The constitution of the state invested - them with power over all that affected the life and was dear to the - family of the unfortunate lady on trial before them. They were - charged, too, with the sacred care of the law of the land; and to - their solution was submitted one of the most solemn questions ever - intrusted to the arbitrament of man. They should pursue a direct and - straight-forward course, turning neither to the right hand nor to - the left—influenced neither by prejudice against the prisoner, nor - by a morbid sensibility in her behalf. Some of them might - practically and personally be strangers to their present duty; but - they were all familiar with the laws, and must be aware of the - responsibilities of jurymen. It was scarcely necessary to tell them - that, if evidence fixed guilt on this prisoner, they should not - hesitate to record a verdict of guilty, although they should write - that verdict in tears of blood. They should let no sickly - sentimentality, or morbid feeling on the subject of capital - punishments, deter them from the discharge of their plain and - obvious duty. They were to administer, not to make, the law; they - were called on to enforce the law, by sanctioning the highest duty - to God and to their country. If any of them were disturbed with - doubts or scruples on this point, he scarcely supposed they would - have gone into the jury-box. The law had awarded capital punishment - as the meet retribution for the crime under investigation, and they - were sworn to administer that law. It had, too, the full sanction of - Holy Writ; we were there told that “the land cannot be cleansed of - the blood shed therein, except by the blood of him that shed it.” He - felt assured, then, that they would be swayed only by a firm resolve - to act on this occasion in obedience to the dictates of sound - judgments and enlightened consciences. The prisoner, however, had - claims on them, as well as the community; she was entitled to a fair - and impartial trial. By the wise and humane principles of our law, - they were bound to hold the prisoner _innocent_, and she stood - _guiltless_ before them, until proved guilty, by legal, competent, - and satisfactory evidence. Deaf alike to the voice of sickly - humanity and heated prejudice, they should proceed to their task - with minds perfectly equipoised and impartial; they should weigh the - circumstances of the case with a nice and careful hand; and if, by - legal evidence, circumstantial and satisfactory, although not - positive, guilt be established, they should unhesitatingly, - fearlessly and faithfully, record the result of their convictions. - He would next call their attention to certain legal distinctions, - but would not say a word of the facts; he would leave _them_ to the - lips of the witnesses, unaffected by any previous comments of his - own. The prisoner stood indicted for the murder of a slave. This was - supposed not to be murder at common law. At least, it was not murder - by our former statute; but the act of 1821 had placed the killing of - the white man and the black man on the same footing. He here read - the act of 1821, declaring that “any person who shall wilfully, - deliberately, and maliciously murder a slave, shall, on conviction - thereof, suffer death without benefit of clergy.” The rules - applicable to murder at common law were generally applicable, - however, to the present case. The inquiries to be made may be - reduced to two: 1. Is the party charged guilty of the fact of - killing? This must be clearly made out by proof. If she be not - guilty of killing, there is an end of the case. 2. The character of - that killing, or of the offence. Was it done with malice - aforethought? Malice is the essential ingredient of the crime. Where - killing takes place, malice is presumed, unless the contrary appear; - and this must be gathered from the attending circumstances. Malice - is a technical term, importing a different meaning from that - conveyed by the same word in common parlance. According to the - learned Michael Foster, it consists not in “malevolence to - particulars,” it does not mean hatred to any particular individual, - but is general in its import and application. But even killing, with - intention to kill, is not always murder; there may be justifiable - and excusable homicide, and killing in sudden heat and passion is so - modified to manslaughter. Yet there may be murder when there is no - ill-feeling,—nay, perfect indifference to the slain,—as in the case - of the robber who slays to conceal his crime. Malice aforethought is - that depraved feeling of the heart, which makes one regardless of - social duty, and fatally bent on mischief. It is fulfilled by that - recklessness of law and human life which is indicated by shooting - into a crowd, and thus doing murder on even an unknown object. Such - a feeling the law regards as hateful, and visits, in its practical - exhibition, with condign punishment, because opposed to the very - existence of law and society. One may do fatal mischief without this - recklessness; but when the act is done, regardless of consequences, - and death ensues, it is murder in the eye of the law. If the facts - to be proved in this case should not come up to these requisitions, - he implored the jury to acquit the accused, as at once due to law - and justice. They should note every fact with scrutinizing eye, and - ascertain whether the fatal result proceeded from passing accident - or from brooding revenge, which the law stamped with the odious name - of malice. He would make no further preliminary remarks, but proceed - at once to lay the facts before them, from the mouths of the - witnesses. - - _Evidence._ - - _J. Porteous Deveaux_ sworn.—He is the coroner of Charleston - district; held the inquest, on the seventh of January last, on the - body of the deceased slave, _Maria_, the slave of Robert Rowand, at - the residence of Mrs. T. C. Bee (the mother of the prisoner), in - Logan-street. The body was found in an outbuilding—a kitchen; it was - the body of an old and emaciated person, between fifty and sixty - years of age; it was not examined in his presence by physicians; saw - some few scratches about the face; adjourned to the City Hall. Mrs. - Rowand was examined; her examination was in writing; it was here - produced, and read, as follows: - - “Mrs. _Eliza Rowand_ sworn.—Says _Maria_ is her nurse, and had - misbehaved on yesterday morning; deponent sent Maria to Mr. Rowand’s - house, to be corrected by Simon; deponent sent Maria from the house - about seven o’clock, A. M.; she returned to her about nine o’clock; - came into her chamber; Simon did not come into the chamber at any - time previous to the death of Maria; deponent says Maria fell down - in the chamber; deponent had her seated up by Richard, who was then - in the chamber, and deponent gave Maria some asafœtida; deponent - then left the room; Richard came down and said Maria was dead; - deponent says Richard did not strike Maria, nor did any one else - strike her, in deponent’s chamber. Richard left the chamber - immediately with deponent; Maria was about fifty-two years of age; - deponent sent Maria by Richard to Simon, to Mr Rowand’s house, to be - corrected; Mr. Rowand was absent from the city; Maria died about - twelve o’clock; Richard and Maria were on good terms; deponent was - in the chamber all the while that Richard and Maria were there - together. - - “ELIZA ROWAND. - - “Sworn to before me this seventh January, 1847. - - “J. P. DEVEAUX, _Coroner, D. C._” - - Witness went to the chamber of prisoner, where the death occurred; - saw nothing particular; some pieces of wood in a box, set in the - chimney; his attention was called to one piece, in particular, - eighteen inches long, three indies wide, and about one and a half - inch thick; did not measure it; the jury of inquest did; it was not - a light-wood knot; thinks it was of oak; there was some pine wood - and some split oak. Dr. Peter Porcher was called to examine the body - professionally, who did so out of witness’ presence. - - Before this witness left the stand, B. F. Hunt, Esq., one of the - counsel for the prisoner, rose and opened the defence before the - jury, in substance as follows: - - He said that the scene before them was a very novel one; and whether - for good or evil, he would not pretend to prophesy. It was the first - time, in the history of this state, that a lady of good character - and respectable connections stood arraigned at the bar, and had been - put on trial for her life, on facts arising out of her domestic - relations to her own slave. It was a spectacle consoling, and - cheering, perhaps, to those who owed no good will to the - institutions of our country; but calculated only to excite pain and - regret among ourselves. He would not state a proposition so - revolting to humanity as that crime should go unpunished; but - judicial interference between the slave and the owner was a matter - at once of delicacy and danger. It was the first time he had ever - stood between a slave-owner and the public prosecutor, and his - sensations were anything but pleasant. _This is an entirely - different case from homicide between equals in society._ - Subordination is indispensable where slavery exists; and in this - there is no new principle involved. The same principle prevails in - every country; on shipboard and in the army a large discretion is - always left to the superior. Charges by inferiors against their - superiors were always to be viewed with great circumspection at - least, and especially when the latter are charged with cruelty or - crime against subordinates. In the relation of owner and slave there - is an absence of the usual motives for murder, and strong - inducements against it on the part of the former. Life is usually - taken from avarice or passion. The master gains nothing, but loses - much, by the death of his slave; and when he takes the life of the - latter deliberately, there must be more than ordinary malice to - instigate the deed. The policy of altering the old law of 1740, - which punished the killing of a slave with fine and political - disfranchisement, was more than doubtful. It was the law of our - colonial ancestors; it conformed to their policy and was approved by - their wisdom, and it continued undisturbed by their posterity until - the year 1821. It was engrafted on our policy in counteraction of - the schemes and machinations, or in deference to the clamors, of - those who formed plans for our improvement, although not interested - in nor understanding our institutions, and whose interference led to - the tragedy of 1822. He here adverted to the views of Chancellor - Harper on this subject, who, in his able and philosophical memoir on - slavery, said: “It is a somewhat singular fact, that when there - existed in our state no law for punishing the murder of a slave, - other than a pecuniary fine, there were, I will venture to say, at - least ten murders of freemen for one murder of a slave. Yet it is - supposed that they are less protected than their masters.” “The - change was made in subserviency to the opinions and clamor of - others, who were utterly incompetent to form an opinion on the - subject; and a wise act is seldom the result of legislation in this - spirit. From the fact I have stated, it is plain they need less - protection. Juries are, therefore, less willing to convict, and it - may sometimes happen that the guilty will escape all punishment. - _Security_ is one of the compensations of their humble position. We - challenge the comparison, that with us there have been fewer murders - of slaves than of parents, children, apprentices, and other murders, - cruel and unnatural, in society where slavery does not exist.” - - Such was the opinion of Chancellor Harper on this subject, who had - profoundly studied it, and whose views had been extensively read on - this continent and in Europe. Fortunately, the jury, he said, were - of the country, acquainted with our policy and practice; composed of - men too independent and honorable to be led astray by the noise and - clamor out of doors. All was now as it should be;—at least, a court - of justice had assembled, to which his client had fled for refuge - and safety; its threshold was sacred; no profane clamors entered - there; but legal investigation was had of facts, derived from the - testimony of sworn witnesses; and this should teach the community to - shut their bosoms against sickly humanity, and their ears to - imaginary tales of blood and horror, the food of a depraved - appetite. _He warned the jury that they were to listen to no - testimony but that of free white persons, given on oath in open - court._ They were to _imagine_ none that came not from them. It was - for this that they were selected,—their intelligence putting them - beyond the influence of unfounded accusations, unsustained by legal - proof; of legends of aggravated cruelty, founded on the evidence of - negroes, and arising from weak and wicked falsehoods. Were slaves - permitted to testify against their owner, it would cut the cord that - unites them in peace and harmony, and enable them to sacrifice their - masters to their ill will or revenge. Whole crews had been often - leagued to charge captains of vessels with foulest murder, but - judicial trial had exposed the falsehood. Truth has been distorted - in this case, and murder manufactured out of what was nothing more - than _ordinary domestic discipline_. Chastisement must be inflicted - until subordination is produced; and the extent of the punishment is - not to be judged of by one’s neighbors, but by himself. The event in - this case has been unfortunate and sad; but there was no motive for - the taking of life. There is no pecuniary interest in the owner to - destroy his slave; the murder of his slave can only happen from - ferocious passions of the master, filling his own bosom with anguish - and contrition. This case has no other basis but unfounded rumor, - commonly believed, _on evidence that will not venture here_, the - offspring of that passion and depravity which make up falsehood. The - hope of freedom, of change of owners, revenge, are all motives with - slave witnesses to malign their owners; and to credit such testimony - would be to dissolve human society. Where deliberate, wilful, and - malicious murder is done, whether by male or female, the retribution - of the law is a debt to God and man; but the jury should beware lest - it fall upon the innocent. The offence charged was not strictly - murder at common law. The act of 1740 was founded on the practical - good sense of our old planters, and its spirit still prevails. The - act of 1821 is, by its terms, an act only to increase the punishment - of persons convicted of murdering a slave,—_and this is a refinement - in humanity of doubtful policy_. But, by the act of 1821, the murder - must be wilful, deliberate and malicious; and, when punishment is - due to the slave, the master must not be held to strict account for - going _an inch beyond the mark_; whether for doing so he shall be a - felon, is a question for the jury to solve. The master must conquer - a refractory slave; and deliberation, so as to render clear the - existence of malice, is necessary to bring the master within the - provision of the act. He bade the jury remember the words of Him who - spake as never man spake,—“_Let him that has never sinned throw the - first stone_.” _They, as masters, might regret excesses to which - they have themselves carried punishment._ He was not at all - surprised at the course of the attorney-general; it was his wont to - treat every case with perfect fairness. He (Colonel H.) agreed that - the inquiry should be— - - 1. Into the fact of the death. - - 2. The character or motive of the act. - - The examination of the prisoner showed conclusively that the slave - died a natural death, and not from personal violence. She was - chastised with a lawful weapon,—was in weak health, nervous, made - angry by her punishment,—excited. The story was then a plain one; - the community had been misled by the creations of imagination, or - the statements of interested slaves. The negro came into her - mistress’ chamber; fell on the floor; medicine was given her; it was - supposed she was asleep, but she slept the sleep of death. To show - the wisdom and policy of the old act of 1740 (this indictment is - under both acts,—the punishment only altered by that of 1821), he - urged that a case like this was not murder at common law; nor is the - same evidence applicable at common law. There, murder was presumed - from killing; not so in the case of a slave. The act of 1740 permits - a master, when his slave is killed in his presence, there being no - other white person present, to exculpate himself by his own oath; - and this exculpation is complete, unless clearly contravened by the - evidence of two white witnesses. This is exactly what the prisoner - has done; she has, as the law permits, by calling on God, exculpated - herself. And her oath is good, at least against the slander of her - own slaves. Which, then, should prevail, the clamors of others, or - the policy of the law established by our colonial ancestors? There - would not be a tittle of positive evidence against the prisoner, - nothing but circumstantial evidence; and ingenious combination might - be made to lead to any conclusion. Justice was all that his client - asked. She appealed to liberal and high-minded men,—and she rejoiced - in the privilege of doing so,—to accord her that justice they would - demand for themselves. - - Mr. Deveaux was not cross-examined. - - _Evidence resumed._ - - _Dr. E. W. North_ sworn.—(Cautioned by attorney-general to avoid - hearsay evidence.) Was the family physician of Mrs. Rowand. Went on - the 6th January, at Mrs. Rowand’s request, to see her at her - mother’s, in Logan-street; found her down stairs, in sitting-room. - She was in a nervous and excited state; had been so for a month - before; he had attended her; she said nothing to witness of slave - Maria; found Maria in a chamber, up stairs, about one o’clock, P. - M.; she was dead; she appeared to have been dead about an hour and a - half; his attention was attracted to a piece of pine wood on a trunk - or table in the room; it had a large knot on one end; had it been - used on Maria, it must have caused considerable contusion; other - pieces of wood were in a box, and much smaller ones; the corpse was - lying one side in the chamber; it was not laid out; presumed she - died there; the marks on the body were, to witness’ view, very - slight; some scratches about the face; he purposely avoided making - an examination; observed no injuries about the head; had no - conversation with Mrs. Rowand about Maria; left the house; it was on - the 6th January last,—the day before the inquest; knew the slave - before, but had never attended her. - - _Cross-examined._—Mrs. Rowand was in feeble health, and nervous; the - slave Maria was weak and emaciated in appearance; sudden death of - such a person, in such a state, from apoplexy or action of nervous - system, not unlikely; her sudden death would not imply violence; had - prescribed asafœtida for Mrs. Rowand on a former visit; it is an - appropriate remedy for nervous disorders. Mrs. Rowand was not of - bodily strength to handle the pine knot so as to give a severe blow; - Mrs. Rowand has five or six children, the elder of them large enough - to have carried pieces of the wood about the room; there must have - been a severe contusion, and much extravasation of blood, to infer - death from violence in this case; apoplexy is frequently attended - with extravasation of blood; there were two Marias in the family. - - _In reply._—Mrs. Rowand could have raised the pine knot, but could - not have struck a blow with it; such a piece of wood could have - produced death, but it would have left its mark; saw the fellow - Richard; he was quite capable of giving such a blow. - - _Dr. Peter Porcher._—Was called in by the Coroner’s jury to examine - Maria’s body; found it in the wash-kitchen; it was the corpse of one - feeble and emaciated; partly prepared for burial; had the clothes - removed; the body was lacerated with stripes; abrasions about face - and knuckles; skin knocked off; passed his hand over the head; no - bone broken; on request, opened her thorax, and examined the - viscera; found them healthy; heart unusually so for one of her age; - no particular odor; some undigested food; no inflammation; removed - the scalp, and found considerable extravasation between scalp and - skull; scalp bloodshot; just under the scalp, found the effects of a - single blow, just over the right ear; after removing the scalp, - lifted the bone; no rupture of any blood-vessel; some softening of - the brain in the upper hemisphere; there was considerable - extravasation under the scalp, the result of a succession of blows - on the top of the head; this extravasation was general, but that - over the ear was a single spot; the butt-end of a cowhide would have - sufficed for this purpose; an ordinary stick, a heavy one, would - have done it; a succession of blows on the head, in a feeble woman, - would lead to death, when, in a stronger one, it would not; saw no - other appearance about her person, to account for her death, except - those blows. - - _Cross-examined._—To a patient in this woman’s condition, the blows - would probably cause death; they were not such as were calculated to - kill an ordinary person; witness saw the body twenty-four hours - after her death; it was winter, and bitter cold; no disorganization, - and the examination was therefore to be relied on; the blow behind - the ear might have resulted from a fall, but not the blow on the top - of the head, unless she fell head foremost; came to the conclusion - of a succession of blows, from the extent of the extravasation; a - single blow would have shown a distinct spot, with a gradual - spreading or diffusion; one large blow could not account for it, as - the head was spherical; no blood on the brain; the softening of the - brain did not amount to much; in an ordinary dissection would have - passed it over; anger sometimes produces apoplexy, which results in - death; blood between the scalp and the bone of the skull; it was - evidently a fresh extravasation; twenty-four hours would scarcely - have made any change; knew nothing of this negro before; even after - examination, the cause of death is sometimes inscrutable,—not usual, - however. - - _In reply._—Does not attribute the softening of the brain to the - blows; it was slight, and might have been the result of age; it was - some evidence of impairment of vital powers by advancing age. - - _Dr. A. P. Hayne._—At request of the coroner, acted with Dr. - Porcher; was shown into an outhouse; saw on the back of the corpse - evidences of contusion; arms swollen and enlarged; laceration of - body; contusions on head and neck; between scalp and skull - extravasation of blood, on the top of head, and behind the right - ear; a burn on the hand; the brain presented healthy appearance; - opened the body, and no evidences of disease in the chest or - viscera; attributed the extravasation of blood to external injury - from blows,—blows from a large and broad and blunt instrument; - attributes the death to those blows; supposes they were adequate to - cause death, as she was old, weak and emaciated. - - _Cross-examined._—Would not have caused death in a young and robust - person. - - * * * * * - - The evidence for the prosecution here closed, and no witnesses were - called for the defence. - - The jury were then successively addressed, ably and eloquently, by - J. L. Petigru and James S. Rhett, Esqrs., on behalf of the prisoner, - and H. Bailey, Esq., on behalf of the state, and by B. F. Hunt, - Esq., in reply. Of those speeches, and also of the judge’s charge, - we have taken full notes, but have neither time nor space to insert - them here. - - His Honor, Judge O’Neall, then charged the jury eloquently and ably - on the facts, vindicating the existing law, making death the penalty - for the murder of a slave; but, on the law, intimated to the jury - that he held the act of 1740 so far still in force as to admit of - the prisoner’s exculpation by her own oath, unless clearly disproved - by the oaths of two witnesses; and that they were, therefore, in his - opinion, bound to acquit,—although he left it to them, wholly, to - say whether the prisoner was guilty of murder, killing in sudden - heat and passion, or not guilty. - - The jury then retired, and, in about twenty or thirty minutes, - returned with a verdict of “Not Guilty.” - -There are some points which appear in this statement of the trial, -especially in the plea for the defence. Particular attention is called -to the following passage: - - “Fortunately,” said the lawyer, “the jury were of the - country;—acquainted with our policy and practice; composed of men - too honorable to be led astray by the _noise and clamor out of - doors_. All was now as it should be; at least, a court of justice - had assembled to which his client had fled for refuge and safety; - its threshold was sacred; _no profane clamors entered there_; but - legal investigation was had of facts.” - -From this it plainly appears that the case was a notorious one; so -notorious and atrocious as to break through all the apathy which -slave-holding institutions tend to produce, and to surround the -court-house with noise and clamor. - -From another intimation in the same speech, it would appear that there -was abundant testimony of slaves to the direct fact,—testimony which -left no kind of doubt on the popular mind. Why else does he thus -earnestly warn the jury? - - He warned the jury that they were to listen to no evidence but that - of free white persons, given on oath in open court; they were to - imagine none that came not from them. It was for this that they were - selected;—their intelligence putting them beyond the influence of - unfounded accusations, unsustained by legal proof; of legends of - aggravated cruelty, founded on the evidence of negroes, and arising - from weak and wicked falsehoods. - -See also this remarkable admission:—“Truth had been distorted in this -case, and murder manufactured out of what was nothing more than ORDINARY -DOMESTIC DISCIPLINE.” If the reader refers to the testimony, he will -find it testified that the woman appeared to be about sixty years old; -that she was much emaciated; that there had been a succession of blows -on the top of her head, and one violent one over the ear; and that, in -the opinion of a surgeon, these blows were sufficient to cause death. -Yet the lawyer for the defence coolly remarks that “murder had been -_manufactured_ out of what was _ordinary domestic discipline_.” Are we -to understand that beating feeble old women on the head, in this manner, -is a specimen of _ordinary domestic discipline_ in Charleston? What -would have been said if any anti-slavery newspaper at the North had made -such an assertion as this? Yet the _Charleston Courier_ reports this -statement without comment or denial. But let us hear the lady’s lawyer -go still further in vindication of this ordinary domestic discipline: -“Chastisement must be inflicted until subordination is produced; and the -extent of the punishment is not to be judged by one’s neighbors, but by -himself. The event, IN THIS CASE, has been unfortunate and sad.” The -lawyer admits that the result of thumping a feeble old woman on the head -has, _in this case_, been “unfortunate and sad.” The old thing had not -strength to bear it, and had no greater regard for the convenience of -the family, and the reputation of “the institution,” than to die, and so -get the family and the community generally into trouble. It will appear -from this that in most cases where old women are thumped on the head -they have stronger constitutions—or more consideration. - -Again he says, “When punishment is due to the slave, the master must not -be held to strict account _for going an inch beyond the mark_.” And -finally, and most astounding of all, comes this: “_He bade the jury -remember the words of him who spake as never man spake_,—‘LET HIM THAT -HATH NEVER SINNED THROW THE FIRST STONE.’ They, as masters, might regret -excesses to which they themselves might have carried punishment.” - -What sort of an insinuation is this? Did he mean to say that almost all -the jurymen had probably done things of the same sort, and therefore -could have nothing to say in this case? and did no member of the jury -get up and resent such a charge? From all that appears, the jury -acquiesced in it as quite a matter of course; and the _Charleston -Courier_ quotes it without comment, in the record of a trial which it -says “will show to the world HOW the law extends the ægis of her -protection alike over the white man and the humblest slave.” - -Lastly, notice the decision of the judge, which has become law in South -Carolina. What point does it establish? That the simple oath of the -master, in face of all circumstantial evidence to the contrary, may -clear him, when the murder of a slave is the question. And this trial is -paraded as a triumphant specimen of legal impartiality and equity! “If -the _light_ that is in thee be darkness, how great is that darkness!” - - - - - CHAPTER VIII. - THE GOOD OLD TIMES. - - “A refinement in humanity of doubtful policy.” - - B. F. HUNT. - - -The author takes no pleasure in presenting to her readers the shocking -details of the following case. But it seems necessary to exhibit what -were the actual workings of the ancient law of South Carolina, which has -been characterized as one “conformed to the policy, and approved by the -wisdom,” of the fathers of that state, and the reform of which has been -called “a refinement in humanity of doubtful policy.” - -It is well, also, to add the charge of Judge Wilds, partly for its -intrinsic literary merit, and the nobleness of its sentiments, but -principally because it exhibits such a contrast as could scarcely be -found elsewhere, between the judge’s high and indignant sense of -justice, and the shameful impotence and imbecility of the laws under -which he acted. - -The case was brought to the author’s knowledge by a letter from a -gentleman of Pennsylvania, from which the following is an extract: - - Some time between the years 1807 and 1810, there was lying in the - harbor of Charleston a ship commanded by a man named Slater. His - crew were slaves: one of them committed some offence, not specified - in the narrative. The captain ordered him to be bound and laid upon - the deck; and there, in the harbor of Charleston, in the broad - daylight, compelled another slave-sailor to chop off his head. The - affair was public—notorious. A prosecution was commenced against - him; the offence was proved beyond all doubt,—perhaps, indeed, it - was not denied,—and the judge, in a most eloquent charge or rebuke - of the defendant, expressed his sincere regret that he could inflict - no punishment, under the laws of the state. - - I was studying law when the case was published in “Hall’s American - Law Journal, vol. I.” I have not seen the book for twenty-five or - thirty years. I may be in error as to names, &c., but while I have - life and my senses the facts of the case cannot be forgotten. - -The following is the “charge” alluded to in the above letter. It was -pronounced by the Honorable Judge Wilds, of South Carolina, and is -copied from Hall’s Law Journal, I. 67. - - John Slater! You have been convicted by a jury of your country of - the wilful murder of your own slave; and I am sorry to say, the - short, impressive, uncontradicted testimony, on which that - conviction was founded, leaves but too little room to doubt its - propriety. - - The annals of human depravity might be safely challenged for a - parallel to this unfeeling, bloody and diabolical transaction. - - You caused your unoffending, unresisting slave to be bound hand and - foot, and, by a refinement in cruelty, compelled his companion, - perhaps the friend of his heart, to chop his head with an axe, and - to cast his body, yet convulsing with the agonies of death, into the - water! And this deed you dared to perpetrate in the very harbor of - Charleston, within a few yards of the shore, unblushingly, in the - face of open day. Had your murderous arm been raised against your - equals, whom the laws of self-defence and the more efficacious law - of the land unite to protect, your crimes would not have been - without precedent, and would have seemed less horrid. Your personal - risk would at least have proved, that though a murderer, you were - not a coward. But you too well knew that this unfortunate man, whom - chance had subjected to your caprice, had not, like yourself, - chartered to him by the laws of the land the sacred rights of - nature; and that a stern, but necessary policy, had disarmed him of - the rights of self-defence. Too well you knew that to you alone he - could look for protection; and that your arm alone could shield him - from oppression, or avenge his wrongs; yet, that arm you cruelly - stretched out for his destruction. - - The counsel, who generously volunteered his services in your behalf, - shocked at the enormity of your offence, endeavored to find a - refuge, as well for his own feelings as for those of all who heard - your trial, in a derangement of your intellect. Several witnesses - were examined to establish this fact; but the result of their - testimony, it is apprehended, was as little satisfactory to his - mind, as to those of the jury to whom it was addressed. I sincerely - wish this defence had proved successful, not from any desire to save - you from the punishment which awaits you, and which you so richly - merit, but from the desire of saving my country from the foul - reproach of having in its bosom so great a monster. - - From the peculiar situation of this country, our fathers felt - themselves justified in subjecting to a very slight punishment him - who murders a slave. Whether the present state of society require a - continuation of this policy, so opposite to the apparent rights of - humanity, it remains for a subsequent legislature to decide. Their - attention would ere this have been directed to this subject, but, - for the honor of human nature, such hardened sinners as yourself are - rarely found, to disturb the repose of society. The grand jury of - this district, deeply impressed with your daring outrage against the - laws both of God and man, have made a very strong expression of - their feelings on the subject to the legislature; and, from the - wisdom and justice of that body, the friends of humanity may - confidently hope soon to see this blackest in the catalogue of human - crimes pursued by appropriate punishment. - - In proceeding to pass the sentence which the law provides for your - offence, I confess I never felt more forcibly the want of power to - make respected the laws of my country, whose minister I am. You have - already violated the majesty of those laws. You have profanely - pleaded the law under which you stand convicted, as a justification - of your crime. You have held that law in one hand, and brandished - your bloody axe in the other, impiously contending that the _one_ - gave a license to the unrestrained use of the _other_. - - But, though you will go off unhurt in person, by the present - sentence, expect not to escape with impunity. Your bloody deed has - set a mark upon you, which I fear the good actions of your future - life will not efface. You will be held in abhorrence by an impartial - world, and shunned as a monster by every honest man. Your - unoffending posterity will be visited, for your iniquity, by the - stigma of deriving their origin from an unfeeling murderer. Your - days, which will be but few, will be spent in wretchedness; and, if - your conscience be not steeled against every virtuous emotion, if - you be not entirely abandoned to hardness of heart, the mangled, - mutilated corpse of your murdered slave will ever be present in your - imagination, obtrude itself into all your amusements, and haunt you - in the hours of silence and repose. - - But, should you disregard the reproaches of an offended world, - should you hear with callous insensibility the gnawings of a guilty - conscience, yet remember, I charge you, remember, that an awful - period is fast approaching, and with you is close at hand, when you - must appear before a tribunal whose want of power can afford you no - prospect of impunity; when you must raise your bloody hands at the - bar of an impartial omniscient Judge! Remember, I pray you, - remember, whilst yet you have time, that God is just, and that his - vengeance will not sleep forever! - -The penalty that followed this solemn denunciation was a fine of _seven -hundred pounds_, current money, or, in default of payment, imprisonment -for seven years. - -And yet it seems that there have not been wanting those who consider the -reform of this law “_a refinement in humanity of doubtful policy_”! To -this sentiment, so high an authority as that of Chancellor Harper is -quoted, as the reader will see by referring to the speech of Mr. Hunt, -in the last chapter. And, as is very common in such cases, the old law -is vindicated, as being, on the whole, a surer protection to the life of -the slave than the new one. From the results of the last two trials, -there would seem to be a fair show of plausibility in the argument. For -under the old law it seems that Slater had at least to pay seven hundred -pounds, while under the new Eliza Rowand comes off with only the penalty -of “a most sifting scrutiny.” - -Thus, it appears, the penalty of the law goes with the murderer of the -slave. - -How is it executed in the cases which concern the life of the master? -Look at this short notice of a recent trial of this kind, which is given -in the _Alexandria_ (Va.) _Gazette_, of Oct. 23, 1852, as an extract -from the _Charlestown_ (Va.) _Free Press_. - - TRIAL OF NEGRO HENRY. - - The trial of this slave for an attack, with intent to kill, on the - person of Mr. Harrison Anderson, was commenced on Monday and - concluded on Tuesday evening. His Honor, Braxton Davenport, Esq., - chief justice of the county, with four associate gentlemen justices, - composed the court. - - The commonwealth was represented by its attorney, Charles B. - Harding, Esq., and the accused ably and eloquently defended by Wm. - C. Worthington and John A. Thompson, Esqs. The evidence of the - prisoner’s guilt was conclusive. A majority of the court thought - that he ought to suffer the extreme penalty of the law; but, as this - required a unanimous agreement, he was sentenced to receive five - hundred lashes, not more than thirty-nine at one time. The physician - of the jail was instructed to see that they should not be - administered too frequently, and only when, in his opinion, he could - bear them. - -In another paper we are told that the _Free Press_ says: - - A majority of the court thought that he ought to suffer the extreme - penalty of the law; but, as this required a unanimous agreement, he - was sentenced to receive five hundred lashes, not more than - thirty-nine at any one time. The physician of the jail was - instructed to see that they should not be administered too - frequently, and _only_ when, in his opinion, he could bear them. - This _may seem_ to be a harsh and inhuman punishment; but, when we - take into consideration that it is in accordance with the _law of - the land_, and the further fact that the insubordination among the - slaves of that state has become truly alarming, we cannot question - the righteousness of the judgment. - -Will anybody say that the master’s life is in more danger from the slave -than the slave’s from the master, that this disproportionate retribution -is meted out? Those who countenance such legislation will do well to -ponder the solemn words of an ancient book, inspired by One who is no -respecter of persons: - - “If I have refused justice to my man-servant or maid-servant, - When they had a cause with me, - What shall I do when God riseth up? - And when he visiteth, what shall I answer him? - Did not he that made me in the womb make him? - Did not the same God fashion us in the womb?” - - JOB 31:13–15. - - - - - CHAPTER IX. - MODERATE CORRECTION AND ACCIDENTAL DEATH—STATE _v._ CASTLEMAN. - - -The author remarks that the record of the following trial was read by -her a little time before writing the account of the death of Uncle Tom. -The shocking particulars haunted her mind and were in her thoughts when -the following sentence was written: - - What man has nerve to do, man has not nerve to hear. What brother - man and brother Christian must suffer, cannot be told us, even in - our secret chamber, it so harrows up the soul. And yet, O my - country, these things are done under the shadow of thy laws! O - Christ, thy church sees them almost in silence! - -It is given precisely as prepared by Dr. G. Bailey, the very liberal and -fair-minded editor of the National Era. - - _From the National Era, Washington, November 6, 1851._ - - HOMICIDE CASE IN CLARKE COUNTY, VIRGINIA. - - Some time since, the newspapers of Virginia contained an account of - a horrible tragedy, enacted in Clarke County, of that state. A slave - of Colonel James Castleman, it was stated, had been chained by the - neck, and whipped to death by his master, on the charge of stealing. - The whole neighborhood in which the transaction occurred was - incensed; the Virginia papers abounded in denunciations of the cruel - act; and the people of the North were called upon to bear witness to - the justice which would surely be meted out in a slave state to the - master of a slave. We did not publish the account. The case was - horrible; it was, we were confident, exceptional; it should not be - taken as evidence of the general treatment of slaves; we chose to - delay any notice of it till the courts should pronounce their - judgment, and we could announce at once the crime and its - punishment, so that the state might stand acquitted of the foul - deed. - - Those who were so shocked at the transaction will be surprised and - mortified to hear that the actors in it have been tried and - _acquitted_; and when they read the following account of the trial - and verdict, published at the instance of the friends of the - accused, their mortification will deepen into bitter indignation: - - _From the “Spirit of Jefferson.”_ - - “COLONEL JAMES CASTLEMAN.—The following statement, understood to - have been drawn up by counsel, since the trial, has been placed by - the friends of this gentleman in our hands for publication: - - “At the Circuit Superior Court of Clarke County, commencing on the - 13th of October, Judge Samuels presiding, James Castleman and his - son Stephen D. Castleman were indicted jointly for the murder of - negro Lewis, property of the latter. By advice of their counsel, the - parties elected to be tried separately, and the attorney for the - commonwealth directed that James Castleman should be tried first. - - “It was proved, on this trial, that for many months previous to the - occurrence the money-drawer of the tavern kept by Stephen D. - Castleman, and the liquors kept in large quantities in his cellar, - had been pillaged from time to time, until the thefts had attained - to a considerable amount. Suspicion had, from various causes, been - directed to Lewis, and another negro, named Reuben (a blacksmith), - the property of James Castleman; but by the aid of two of the - house-servants they had eluded the most vigilant watch. - - “On the 20th of August last, in the afternoon, S. D. Castleman - accidentally discovered a clue, by means of which, and through one - of the house-servants implicated, he was enabled fully to detect the - depredators, and to ascertain the manner in which the theft had been - committed. He immediately sent for his father, living near him, and - after communicating what he had discovered, it was determined that - the offenders should be punished at once, and before they should - know of the discovery that had been made. - - “Lewis was punished first; and in a manner, as was fully shown, to - preclude all risk of injury to his person, by stripes with a broad - leathern strap. He was punished severely, but to an extent by no - means disproportionate to his offence; nor was it pretended, in any - quarter, that this punishment implicated either his life or health. - He confessed the offence, and admitted that it had been effected by - false keys, furnished by the blacksmith, Reuben. - - “The latter servant was punished immediately afterwards. It was - believed that he was the principal offender, and he was found to be - more obdurate and contumacious than Lewis had been in reference to - the offence. Thus it was proved, both by the prosecution and the - defence, that he was punished with greater severity than his - accomplice. It resulted in a like confession on his part, and he - produced the false key, one fashioned by himself, by which the theft - had been effected. - - “It was further shown, on the trial, that Lewis was whipped in the - upper room of a warehouse, connected with Stephen Castleman’s store, - and near the public road, where he was at work at the time; that - after he had been flogged, to secure his person, whilst they went - after Reuben, he was confined by a chain around his neck, which was - attached to a joist above his head. The length of this chain, the - breadth and thickness of the joist, its height from the floor, and - the circlet of chain on the neck, were accurately measured; and it - was thus shown that the chain unoccupied by the circlet and the - joist was a foot and a half longer than the space between the - shoulders of the man and the joist above, or to that extent the - chain hung loose above him; that the circlet (which was fastened so - as to prevent its contraction) rested on the shoulders and breast, - the chain being sufficiently drawn only to prevent being slipped - over his head, and that there was no other place in the room to - which he could be fastened, except to one of the joists above. His - hands were tied in front; a white man, who had been at work with - Lewis during the day, was left with him by the Messrs. Castleman, - the better to insure his detention, whilst they were absent after - Reuben. It was proved by this man (who was a witness for the - prosecution) that Lewis asked for a box to stand on, or for - something that he could jump off from; that after the Castlemans had - left him he expressed a fear that when they came back he would be - whipped again; and said, if he had a knife, and could get one hand - loose, he would cut his throat. The witness stated that the negro - ‘stood firm on his feet,’ that he could turn freely in whatever - direction he wished, and that he made no complaint of the mode of - his confinement. This man stated that he remained with Lewis about - half an hour, and then left there to go home. - - “After punishing Reuben, the Castlemans returned to the warehouse, - bringing him with them; their object being to confront the two men, - in the hope that by further examination of them jointly all their - accomplices might be detected. - - “They were not absent more than half an hour. When they entered the - room above, Lewis was found hanging by the neck, his feet thrown - behind him, his knees a few inches from the floor, and his head - thrown forward—the body warm and supple (or relaxed), but life was - extinct. - - “It was proved by the surgeons who made a post-mortem examination - before the coroner’s inquest that the death was caused by - strangulation by hanging; and other eminent surgeons were examined - to show, from the appearance of the brain and its blood-vessels - after death (as exhibited at the post-mortem examination), that the - subject could not have fainted before strangulation. - - “After the evidence was finished on both sides, the jury from their - box, and of their own motion, without a word from counsel on either - side, informed the court that they had agreed upon their verdict. - The counsel assented to its being thus received, and a verdict of - “_not guilty_” was immediately rendered. The attorney for the - commonwealth then informed the court that all the evidence for the - prosecution had been laid before the jury; and as no new evidence - could be offered on the trial of Stephen D. Castleman, he submitted - to the court the propriety of entering a _nolle prosequi_. The judge - replied that the case had been fully and fairly laid before the jury - upon the evidence; that the court was not only satisfied with the - verdict, but, if any other had been rendered, it must have been set - aside; and that if no further evidence was to be adduced on the - trial of Stephen, the attorney for the commonwealth would exercise a - proper discretion in entering a _nolle prosequi_ as to him, and the - court would approve its being done. A _nolle prosequi_ was entered - accordingly, and both gentlemen discharged. - - “It may be added that two days were consumed in exhibiting the - evidence, and that the trial was by a jury of Clarke County. Both - the parties had been on bail from the time of their arrest, and were - continued on bail whilst the trial was depending.” - - * * * * * - - Let us admit that the evidence does not prove the legal crime of - homicide: what candid man can doubt, after reading this _ex parte_ - version of it, that the slave died in consequence of the punishment - inflicted upon him? - - In criminal prosecutions the federal constitution guarantees to the - accused the right to a public trial by an impartial jury; the right - to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be - confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory - process for obtaining witness in his favor; and to have the - assistance of counsel; guarantees necessary to secure innocence - against hasty or vindictive judgment,—absolutely necessary to - prevent injustice. Grant that they were not intended for slaves; - every master of a slave must feel that they are still morally - binding upon him. He is the sole judge; he alone determines the - offence, the proof requisite to establish it, and the amount of the - punishment. The slave then has a peculiar claim upon him for - justice. When charged with a crime, common humanity requires that he - should be informed of it, that he should be confronted with the - witnesses against him, that he should be permitted to show evidence - in favor of his innocence. - - But how was poor Lewis treated? The son of Castleman said he had - discovered who stole the money; and it was forthwith “determined - that the offenders should be punished at once, and _before they - should know of the discovery that had been made_.” Punished without - a hearing! Punished on the testimony of a house-servant, the nature - of which does not appear to have been inquired into by the court! - Not a word is said which authorizes the belief that any careful - examination was made, as it respects their guilt. Lewis and Reuben - were assumed, on loose evidence, without deliberate investigation, - to be guilty; and then, without allowing them to attempt to show - their evidence, they were whipped, until a confession of guilt was - extorted by bodily pain. - - Is this Virginia justice? - - Lewis was punished with “a _broad leathern strap_,”—he was “punished - severely:” this we do not need to be told. A “broad leathern strap” - is well adapted to severity of punishment. “Nor was it pretended,” - the account says, “in any quarter, that this punishment implicated - either his life or his health.” This is false; it was expressly - stated in the newspaper accounts at the time, and such was the - general impression in the neighborhood, that the punishment did very - severely implicate his life. But more of this anon. - - Lewis was left. A chain was fastened around his neck, so as not to - choke him, and secured to the joist above, leaving a slack of about - a foot and a half. Remaining in an upright position, he was secure - against strangulation, but he could neither sit nor kneel; and - should he faint, he would be choked to death. The account says that - they fastened him thus for the purpose of securing him. If this had - been the sole object, it could have been accomplished by safer and - less cruel methods, as every reader must know. This mode of securing - him was intended probably to intimidate him, and, at the same time, - afforded some gratification to the vindictive feeling which - controlled the actors in this foul transaction. The man whom they - left to watch Lewis said that, after remaining there about half an - hour, he went home; and Lewis was then alive. The Castlemans say - that, after punishing Reuben, they returned, having been absent not - more than half an hour, and they found him hanging by the neck, - dead. We direct attention to this part of the testimony, to show how - loose the statements were which went to make up the evidence. - - Why was Lewis chained at all, and a man left to watch him? “To - secure him,” say the Castlemans. Is it customary to chain slaves in - this manner, and set a watch over them, after severe punishment, to - prevent their running away? If the punishment of Lewis had not been - unusual, and if he had not been threatened with another infliction - on their return, there would have been no necessity for chaining - him. - - The testimony of the man left to watch represents him as desperate, - apparently, with pain and fright. “Lewis asked for a box to stand - on:” why? Was he not suffering from pain and exhaustion, and did he - not wish to rest himself, without danger of slow strangulation? - Again: he asked for “something he could jump off from;” “after the - Castlemans left, he expressed a fear when they came back that he - would be whipped again; and said, if he had a knife, and could get - one hand loose, he would cut his throat.” - - The punishment that could drive him to such desperation must have - been horrible. - - How long they were absent we know not, for the testimony on this - point is contradictory. They found him hanging by the neck, dead, - “his feet thrown behind him, his knees a few inches from the floor, - and his head thrown forward,”—just the position he would naturally - fall into, had he sunk from exhaustion. They wish it to appear that - he hung himself. Could this be proved (we need hardly say that it is - not), it would relieve but slightly the dark picture of their guilt. - The probability is that he sank, exhausted by suffering, fatigue and - fear. As to the testimony of “surgeons,” founded upon a post-mortem - examination of the brain and blood-vessels, “that the subject could - not have fainted before strangulation,” it is not worthy of - consideration. We know something of the fallacies and fooleries of - such examinations. - - From all we can learn, the only evidence relied on by the - prosecution was that white man employed by the Castlemans. He was - dependent upon them for work. Other evidence might have been - obtained; why it was not is for the prosecuting attorney to explain. - To prove what we say, and to show that justice has not been done in - this horrible affair, we publish the following communication from an - old and highly-respectable citizen of this place, and who is very - far from being an Abolitionist. The slave-holders whom he mentions - are well known here, and would have promptly appeared in the case, - had the prosecution, which was aware of their readiness, summoned - them. - - * * * * * - - “_To the Editor of the Era_: - - “I see that Castleman, who lately had a trial for whipping a slave - to death, in Virginia, was ‘_triumphantly acquitted_,’—as many - expected. There are three persons in this city, with whom I am - acquainted, who staid at Castleman’s the same night in which this - awful tragedy was enacted. They heard the dreadful lashing and the - heart-rending screams and entreaties of the sufferer. They implored - the only white man they could find on the premises, not engaged in - the bloody work, to interpose; but for a long time he refused, on - the ground that he was a dependent, and was afraid to give offence; - and that, moreover, they had been drinking, and he was in fear for - his own life, should he say a word that would be displeasing to - them. He did, however, venture, and returned and reported the cruel - manner in which the slaves were chained, and lashed, and secured in - a blacksmith’s vice. In the morning, when they ascertained that one - of the slaves was dead, they were so shocked and indignant that they - refused to eat in the house, and reproached Castleman with his - cruelty. He expressed his regret that the slave had died, and - especially as he had ascertained that he _was innocent_ of the - accusation for which he had suffered. The idea was that he had - fainted from exhaustion; and, the chain being round his neck, he was - strangled. The persons I refer to are themselves slave-holders,—but - their feelings were so harrowed and lacerated that they could not - sleep (two of them are ladies); and for many nights afterwards their - rest was disturbed, and their dreams made frightful, by the - appalling recollection. - - “These persons would have been material witnesses, and would have - willingly attended on the part of the prosecution. The knowledge - they had of the case was communicated to the proper authorities, yet - their attendance was not required. The only witness was that - dependent who considered his own life in danger. - - “Yours, &c., J. F.” - - The account, as published by the friends of the accused parties, - shows a case of extreme cruelty. The statements made by our - correspondent prove that the truth has not been fully revealed, and - that justice has been baffled. The result of the trial shows how - irresponsible is the power of a master over his slave; and that - whatever security the latter has is to be sought in the humanity of - the former, not in the guarantees of law. Against the cruelty of an - inhuman master he has really no safeguard. - - Our conduct in relation to this case, deferring all notice of it in - our columns till a legal investigation could be had, shows that we - are not disposed to be captious towards our slave-holding - countrymen. In no unkind spirit have we examined this lamentable - case; but we must expose the utter repugnance of the slave system to - the proper administration of justice. The newspapers of Virginia - generally publish the account from the _Spirit of Jefferson_, - without comment. They are evidently not satisfied that justice was - done; they doubtless will deny that the accused were guilty of - homicide, legally; but they will not deny that they were guilty of - an atrocity which should brand them forever, in a Christian country. - - - - - CHAPTER X. - PRINCIPLES ESTABLISHED.—STATE _v._ LEGREE; A CASE NOT IN THE BOOKS. - - -From a review of all the legal cases which have hitherto been presented, -and of the principles established in the judicial decisions upon them, -the following facts must be apparent to the reader: - -_First_, That masters do, now and then, kill slaves by the torture. - -_Second_, That the fact of so killing a slave is not of itself held -presumption of murder, in slave jurisprudence. - -_Third_, That the slave in the act of resistance to his master may -always be killed. - -From these things it will be seen to follow, that, if the facts of the -death of Tom had been fully proved by two white witnesses, in open -court, Legree could not have been held by any _consistent_ interpreter -of slave-law to be a murderer; for Tom was in the act of resistance to -the will of his master. His master had laid a command on him, in the -presence of other slaves. Tom had deliberately refused to obey the -command. The master commenced chastisement, to reduce him to obedience. -And it is evident, at the first glance, to every one, that, if the law -does not sustain him in enforcing obedience in such a case, there is an -end of the whole slave power. No Southern court would dare to decide -that Legree did wrong to continue the punishment, as long as Tom -continued the insubordination. Legree stood by him every moment of the -time, pressing him to yield, and offering to let him go as soon as he -did yield. Tom’s resistance was _insurrection_. It was an example which -could not be allowed, for a moment, on any Southern plantation. By the -express words of the constitution of Georgia, and by the understanding -and usage of all slave-law, the power of life and death is always left -in the hands of the master, in exigences like this. This is not a case -like that of Souther v. The Commonwealth. The victim of Souther was not -in a state of resistance or insurrection. The punishment, in his case, -was a simple vengeance for a past offence, and not an attempt to reduce -him to subordination. - -There is no principle of slave jurisprudence by which a man could be -pronounced a murderer, for acting as Legree did, in his circumstances. -Everybody must see that such an admission would strike at the -foundations of the slave system. To be sure, Tom was in a state of -insurrection for conscience’ sake. But the law does not, and cannot, -contemplate that the negro shall have a conscience independent of his -master’s. To allow that the negro may refuse to obey his master whenever -he thinks that obedience would be wrong, would be to produce universal -anarchy. If Tom had been allowed to disobey his master in this case, for -conscience’ sake, the next day Sambo would have had a case of -conscience, and Quimbo the next. Several of them might very justly have -thought that it was a sin to work as they did. The mulatto woman would -have remembered that the command of God forbade her to take another -husband. Mothers might have considered that it was more their duty to -stay at home and take care of their children, when they were young and -feeble, than to work for Mr. Legree in the cotton-field. There would be -no end to the havoc made upon cotton-growing operations, were the negro -allowed the right of maintaining his own conscience on moral subjects. -If the slave system is a right system, and ought to be maintained, Mr. -Legree ought not to be blamed for his conduct in this case; for he did -only what was absolutely essential to maintain the system; and Tom died -in fanatical and foolhardy resistance to “the powers that be, which are -ordained of God.” He followed a sentimental impulse of his desperately -depraved heart, and neglected those “solid teachings of the written -word,” which, as recently elucidated, have proved so refreshing to -eminent political men. - - - - - CHAPTER XI. - THE TRIUMPH OF JUSTICE OVER LAW. - - -Having been obliged to record so many trials in which justice has been -turned away backward by the hand of law, and equity and common humanity -have been kept out by the bolt and bar of logic, it is a relief to the -mind to find one recent trial recorded, in North Carolina, in which the -nobler feelings of the human heart have burst over formalized limits, -and where the prosecution appears to have been conducted by _men_, who -were not ashamed of possessing in their bosoms that very dangerous and -most illogical agitator, a human heart. It is true that, in giving this -trial, very sorrowful, but inevitable, inferences will force themselves -upon the mind, as to that state of public feeling which allowed such -outrages to be perpetrated in open daylight, in the capital of North -Carolina, upon a hapless woman. It would seem that the public were too -truly instructed in the awful doctrine pronounced by Judge Ruffin, that -“THE POWER OF THE MASTER MUST BE ABSOLUTE,” to think of interfering -while the poor creature was dragged, barefoot and bleeding, at a horse’s -neck, at the rate of five miles an hour, through the streets of Raleigh. -It seems, also, that the most horrible brutalities and enormities that -could be conceived of were _witnessed_, without any efficient -interference, by a number of the citizens, among whom we see the name of -the Hon. W. H. Haywood, of Raleigh. It is a comfort to find the -attorney-general, in this case, speaking as a man ought to speak. -Certainly there can be no occasion to wish to pervert or overstate the -dread workings of the slave system, or to leave out the few comforting -and encouraging features, however small the encouragement of them may -be. - -The case is now presented, as narrated from the published reports, by -Dr. Bailey, editor of the _National Era_; a man whose candor and -fairness need no indorsing, as every line that he writes speaks for -itself. - -The reader may at first be surprised to find slave testimony in the -court, till he recollects that it is a slave that is on trial, the -testimony of slaves being only null when it concerns whites. - - AN INTERESTING TRIAL. - - We find in one of the Raleigh (North Carolina) papers, of June 5, - 1851, a report of an interesting trial, at the spring term of the - Superior Court. Mima, a slave, was indicted for the murder of her - master, William Smith, of Johnston County, on the night of the 29th - of November, 1850. The evidence for the prosecution was Sidney, a - slave-boy, twelve years old, who testified that, in the night, he - and a slave-girl, named Jane, were roused from sleep by the call of - their master, Smith, who had returned home. They went out, and found - Mima tied to his horse’s neck, with two ropes, one round her neck, - the other round her hands. Deceased carried her into the house, - jerking the rope fastened to her neck, and tied her to a post. He - called for something to eat, threw her a piece of bread, and, after - he had done, beat her on her naked back with a large piece of - light-wood, giving her many hard blows. In a short time, deceased - went out of the house, for a special purpose, witness accompanying - him with a torchlight, and hearing him say that he intended “to use - the prisoner up.” The light was extinguished, and he reëntered the - house for the purpose of lighting it. Jane was there; but the - prisoner had been untied, and was not there. While lighting his - torch, he heard blows outside, and heard the deceased cry out, two - or three times, “O, Leah! O, Leah!” Witness and Jane went out, saw - the deceased bloody and struggling, were frightened, ran back, and - shut themselves up. Leah, it seems, was mother of the prisoner, and - had run off two years, on account of cruel treatment by the - deceased. - - Smith was speechless and unconscious till he died, the following - morning, of the wounds inflicted on him. - - It was proved on the trial that Carroll, a white man, living about a - mile from the house of the deceased, and whose wife was said to be - the illegitimate daughter of Smith, had in his possession, the - morning of the murder, the receipt given the deceased by sheriff - High, the day before, for jail fees, and a note for thirty-five - dollars, due deceased from one Wiley Price, which Carroll collected - a short time thereafter; also the chest-keys of the deceased; and no - proof was offered to show how Carroll came into possession of these - articles. - - The following portion of the testimony discloses facts so horrible, - and so disgraceful to the people who tolerated, in broad daylight, - conduct which would have shamed the devil, that we copy it just as - we find it in the Raleigh paper. The scene, remember, is the city of - Raleigh. - - “The defence was then opened. James Harris, C. W. D. Hutchings, and - Hon. W. H. Haywood, of Raleigh; John Cooper, of Wake; Joseph Hane - and others, of Johnston, were examined for the prisoner. The - substance of their testimony was as follows: On the forenoon of - Friday, 29th of November last, deceased took prisoner from Raleigh - jail, tied her round the neck and wrist; ropes were then latched to - the horse’s neck; he cursed the prisoner several times, got on his - horse, and started off; when he got opposite the Telegraph office, - on Fayetteville-street, he pulled her shoes and stockings off, - cursed her again, went off in a swift trot, the prisoner running - after him, doing apparently all she could to keep up; passed round - by Peck’s store; prisoner seemed very humble and submissive; took - down the street east of the capitol, going at the rate of five miles - an hour; continued this gait until he passed O. Rork’s corner, about - half or three-quarters of a mile from the capitol; that he reached - Cooper’s (one of the witnesses), thirteen miles from Raleigh, about - four o’clock, P. M.; that it was raining very hard; deceased got off - his horse, turned it loose with prisoner tied to its neck; witness - went to take deceased’s horse to stable; heard great lamentations at - the house; hurried back; saw his little daughter running through the - rain from the house, much frightened; got there; deceased was - gouging prisoner in the eyes, and she making outcries; made him - stop; became vexed, and insisted upon leaving; did leave in a short - time, in the rain, sun about an hour high; when he left, prisoner - was tied as she was before; her arms and fingers were very much - swollen; the rope around her wrist was small, and had sunk deep into - the flesh, almost covered with it; that around the neck was large, - and tied in a slipknot; deceased would jerk it every now and then; - when jerked, it would choke prisoner; she was barefoot and bleeding; - deceased was met some time after dark, in about six miles of home, - being twenty-four or twenty-five from Raleigh.” - - Why did they not strike the monster to the earth, and punish him for - his infernal brutality? - - The attorney-general conducted the prosecution with evident - loathing. The defence argued, first, that the evidence was - insufficient to fasten the crime upon the prisoner; secondly, that, - should the jury be satisfied beyond a rational doubt that the - prisoner committed the act charged, it would yet be only - manslaughter. - - “A single blow between equals would mitigate a killing instanter - from murder to manslaughter. It could not, in law, be anything more, - if done under the _furor brevis_ of passion. But the rule was - different as between master and slave. It was necessary that this - should be, to preserve the subordination of the slave. The - prisoner’s counsel then examined the authorities at length, and - contended that the prisoner’s case came within the rule laid down in - The State _v._ Will (1 Dev. and Bat. 121). The rule there given by - Judge Gaston is this: ‘If a slave, in defence of his life, and under - circumstances strongly calculated to excite his passions of terror - and resentment, kill his overseer or master, the homicide is, by - such circumstances, mitigated to manslaughter.’ The cruelties of the - deceased to the prisoner were grievous and long-continued. They - would have shocked a barbarian. The savage loves and thirsts for - blood; but the acts of civilized life have not afforded him such - refinement of torture as was here exhibited.” - - The attorney-general, after discussing the law, appealed to the jury - “not to suffer the prejudice which the counsel for the defence had - attempted to create against the deceased (_whose conduct, he - admitted, was disgraceful to human nature_) to influence their - judgments in deciding whether the act of the prisoner was criminal - or not, and what degree of criminality attached to it. He desired - the prisoner _to have a fair and impartial trial_. He wished her to - receive _the benefit of every rational doubt_. It _was her right, - however humble her condition; he hoped he had not that heart, as he - certainly had not the right by virtue of his office, to ask in her - case for anything more than he would ask from the highest and - proudest of the land on trial_, that the jury should decide - according to the evidence, and vindicate the violated law.” - - These were honorable sentiments. - - After an able charge by Judge Ellis, the jury retired, and, after - having remained out several hours, returned with a verdict of NOT - GUILTY. Of course, we see not how they could hesitate to come to - this verdict at once. - - The correspondent who furnishes the _Register_ with a report of the - case says: - - “It excited an intense interest in the community in which it - occurred, and, although it develops a series of cruelties shocking - to human nature, the result of the trial, nevertheless, vindicates - the benignity and justice of our laws towards that class of our - population whose condition Northern fanaticism has so carefully and - grossly misrepresented, for their own purposes of selfishness, - agitation, and crime.” - - We have no disposition to misrepresent the condition of the slaves, - or to disparage the laws of North Carolina; but we ask, with a - sincere desire to know the truth, Do the _laws_ of North Carolina - allow a master to practise such horrible cruelties upon his slaves - as Smith was guilty of, and would the _public sentiment_ of the city - of Raleigh permit a repetition of such enormities as were - perpetrated in its streets, in the light of day, by that miscreant? - -In conclusion, as the accounts of these various trials contain so many -shocking incidents and particulars the author desires to enter a caution -against certain mistaken uses which may be made of them, by -well-intending persons. The crimes themselves, which form the foundation -of the trials, are not to be considered and spoken of as specimens of -the _common_ working of the slave system. They are, it is true, the -logical and legitimate fruits of a system which makes every individual -owner an irresponsible despot. But the actual number of them, compared -with the whole number of masters, we take pleasure in saying, is small. -It is an injury to the cause of freedom to ground the argument against -slavery upon the _frequency_ with which such scenes as these occur. It -misleads the popular mind as to the real issue of the subject. To hear -many men talk, one would think that they supposed that unless negroes -actually were whipped or burned alive at the rate of two or three dozen -a week, there was no harm in slavery. They seem to see nothing in the -system but its gross bodily abuses. If these are absent, they think -there is no harm in it. They do not consider that the twelve hours’ -torture of some poor victim, bleeding away his life, drop by drop, under -the hands of a SOUTHER, is only a symbol of that more atrocious process -by which the divine, immortal soul is mangled, burned, lacerated, thrown -down, stamped upon, and suffocated, by the fiend-like force of the -tyrant Slavery. And as, when the torturing work was done, and the poor -soul flew up to the judgment-seat, to stand there in awful witness, -there was not a vestige of humanity left in that dishonored body, nor -anything by which it could be said, “See, this was a man!”—so, when -Slavery has finished her legitimate work upon the soul, and trodden out -every spark of manliness, and honor, and self-respect, and natural -affection, and conscience, and religious sentiment, then there is -nothing left _in the soul_, by which to say, “This was a man!” and it -becomes necessary for judges to construct grave legal arguments to prove -that the slave is a human being. - -Such _extreme_ cases of bodily abuse from the despotic power of slavery -are comparatively rare. Perhaps they may be paralleled by cases brought -to light in the criminal jurisprudence of other countries. They might, -perhaps, have happened anywhere; at any rate, we will concede that they -might. But where under the sun did _such_ TRIALS, of such cases, ever -take place, in any nation professing to be free and Christian? The -reader of English history will perhaps recur to the trials under Judge -Jeffries, as a parallel. A moment’s reflection will convince him that -there is no parallel between the cases. The decisions of Jeffries were -the decisions of a monster, who violently wrested law from its -legitimate course, to gratify his own fiendish nature. The decisions of -American slave-law have been, for the most part, the decisions of -honorable and humane men, who have wrested from their natural course the -most humane feelings, to fulfil the mandates of a cruel law. - -In the case of Jeffries, the sacred forms of the administration of -justice were violated. In the case of the American decisions, every form -has been maintained. Revolting to humanity as these decisions appear, -they are strictly logical and legal. - -Therefore, again, we say, Where, ever, in any nation professing to be -civilized and Christian, did _such_ TRIALS, of _such cases_, take place? -When were ever _such_ legal arguments made? When, ever, such legal -principles judicially affirmed? Was ever such a trial held in England as -that in Virginia, of SOUTHER _v._ THE COMMONWEALTH? Was it ever -necessary in England for a judge to declare on the bench, contrary to -the opinion of a lower court, that the death of an apprentice, by twelve -hours’ torture from his master, _did_ amount to murder in the first -degree? Was such a decision, if given, accompanied by the affirmation of -the principle, that any amount of torture inflicted by the master, -_short of the point of death_, was not indictable? Not being read in -English law, the writer cannot say; but there is strong impression from -within that such a decision as this would have shaken the whole island -of Great Britain; and that such a case as _Souther_ v. _The -Commonwealth_ would never have been forgotten under the sun. Yet it is -probable that very few persons in the United States ever heard of the -case, or ever would have heard of it, had it not been quoted by the New -York _Courier and Enquirer_ as an overwhelming example of legal -humanity. - -The horror of the whole matter is, that more than one such case should -ever need to happen in a country, in order to make the whole community -feel, as one man, that such power ought not to be left in the hands of a -master. How many such cases do people _wish_ to have happen?—how many -_must_ happen, before they will learn that utter despotic power is not -to be trusted in any hands? If one white man’s son or brother had been -treated in this way, under the law of _apprenticeship_, the whole -country would have trembled, from Louisiana to Maine, till that law had -been altered. They forget that the black man has also a father. It is -“He that sitteth upon the circle of the heavens, who bringeth the -princes to nothing, and maketh the judges of the earth as vanity.” He -hath said that “When he maketh inquisition for blood, he FORGETTETH NOT -the cry of the humble.” That blood which has fallen so despised to the -earth,—that blood which lawyers have quibbled over, in the quiet of -legal nonchalance, discussing in great ease whether it fell by murder in -the first or second degree,—HE will one day reckon for as the blood of -his own child. He “is not slack concerning his promises, as some men -count slackness, but is long-suffering to usward;” but the day of -vengeance is surely coming, and the year of his redeemed is in his -heart. - -Another court will sit upon these trials, when the Son of Man shall come -in his glory. It will be not alone Souther, and such as he, that will be -arraigned there; but all those in this nation, north and south, who have -abetted the system, and made the laws which MADE Souther what he was. In -_that_ court negro testimony will be received, if never before; and the -judges and the counsellors, and the chief men, and the mighty men, -marshalled to that awful bar, will say to the mountains and the rocks, -“Fall on us and hide us from the face of Him that sitteth on the throne, -and from the wrath of the Lamb.” - -The wrath of the Lamb! Think of it! Think that Jesus Christ has been -present, a witness,—a silent witness through every such scene of torture -and anguish,—a silent witness in every such court, calmly hearing the -evidence given in, the lawyers pleading, the bills filed, and cases -appealed! And think what a heart Jesus Christ has, and with what -age-long patience he has suffered! What awful depths are there in that -word, LONG-SUFFERING! and what must be that wrath, when, after ages of -endurance, this dread accumulation of wrong and anguish comes up at last -to judgment! - - - - - CHAPTER XII. - A COMPARISON OF THE ROMAN LAW OF SLAVERY WITH THE AMERICAN. - - -The writer has expressed the opinion that the American law of slavery, -taken throughout, is a more severe one than that of any other civilized -nation, ancient or modern, if we except, perhaps, that of the Spartans. -She has not at hand the means of comparing French and Spanish -slave-codes; but, as it is a common remark that Roman slavery was much -more severe than any that has ever existed in America, it will be well -to compare the Roman with the American law. We therefore present a -description of the Roman slave-law, as quoted by William Jay, Esq., from -Blair’s “_Inquiry into the State of Slavery among the Romans_,” giving -such references to _American authorities_ as will enable the reader to -make his own comparison, and to draw his own inferences. - - I. _The slave had no protection against the avarice, rage, or lust - of the master, whose authority was founded in absolute property; and - the bondman was viewed less as a human being subject to arbitrary - dominion, than as an inferior animal, dependent wholly on the will - of his owner._ - -See law of South Carolina, in Stroud’s “_Sketch of the Laws of -Slavery_,” p. 23. - -[Sidenote: 2 Brev. Dig. 229. Prince’s Dig. 446. Cobb’s Dig. 971.] - - Slaves shall be deemed, sold, taken, reputed and adjudged in law to - be _chattels personal_ in the hands of their owners and possessors, - and their executors, administrators and assigns, to all intents, - constructions, and purposes whatever. - -[Sidenote: Lou. Civil Code, art. 35. Stroud’s Sketch, p. 22.] - - A slave is one who is in the power of a master to whom he belongs. - -[Sidenote: Judge Ruffin’s Decision in the case of The State _v._ Mann. - Wheeler’s Law of Slavery, 246.] - - ——Such obedience is the consequence only of uncontrolled authority - over the body. There is nothing else which can operate to produce - the effect. The power of the master must be _absolute_, to render - the submission of the slave perfect. - - II. _At first, the master possessed the uncontrolled power of life - and death._ - -[Sidenote: Judge Clarke, in case of State of Miss. _v._ Jones. - Wheeler, 252.] - - At a very early period in Virginia, the power of life over slaves - was _given by statute_. - - III. _He might kill, mutilate or torture his slaves, for any or no - offence; he might force them to become gladiators or prostitutes_. - -The privilege of killing is now somewhat abridged; as to mutilation and -torture, see the case of _Souther_ v. _The Commonwealth_, 7 _Grattan_, -673, quoted in Chapter III., above. Also _State_ v. _Mann_, in the same -chapter, from _Wheeler_, p. 244. - - IV. _The temporary unions of male with female slaves were formed and - dissolved at his command; families and friends were separated when - he pleased._ - -See the decision of Judge Mathews in the case of _Girod_ v. _Lewis_, -Wheeler, 199: - - It is clear, that slaves have no legal capacity to assent to any - contract. With the consent of their master, they may marry, and - their moral power to agree to such a contract or connection as that - of marriage cannot be doubted; but whilst in a state of slavery it - cannot produce any civil effect, because slaves are deprived of all - civil rights. - -See also the chapter below on “the separation of families,” and the -files of _any_ southern newspaper, _passim_. - - V. _The laws recognized no obligation upon the owners of slaves, to - furnish them with food and clothing, or to take care of them in - sickness._ - -The extent to which this deficiency in the Roman law has been supplied -in the American, by “_protective acts_,” has been exhibited above.[13] - - VI. _Slaves could have no property but by the sufferance of their - master, for whom they acquired everything, and with whom they could - form no engagements which could be binding on him._ - -The following chapter will show how far American legislation is in -advance of that of the Romans, in that it makes it a penal offence on -the part of the master to permit his slave to hold property, and a crime -on the part of the slave to be so permitted. For the present purpose, we -give an extract from the Civil code of Louisiana, as quoted by Judge -Stroud: - -[Sidenote: Civil Code, Article 35. Stroud, p. 22.] - - A slave is one who is in the power of a master to whom he belongs. - The master may sell him, dispose of his person, his industry, and - his labor; he can do nothing, possess nothing, nor acquire anything - but what must belong to his master. - -[Sidenote: Wh’ler’s Law of Slavery, p. 246. State _v._ Mann.] - -According to Judge Ruffin, a slave is “one doomed in his own person, and -his posterity, to live without knowledge, and without the capacity to -make anything his own, and to toil that another may reap the fruits.” - -With reference to the binding power of engagements between master and -slave, the following decisions from the United States Digest are in -point (7, p. 449): - -[Sidenote: Gist _v._ Toohey, 2 Rich. 424.] - - All the acquisitions of the slave in possession are the property of - his master, notwithstanding the promise of his master that the slave - shall have certain of them. - -[Sidenote: Ibid.] - - A slave paid money which he had earned over and above his wages, for - the purchase of his children into the hands of B, and B purchased - such children with the money. Held that the master of such slave was - entitled to recover the money of B. - - VII. _The master might transfer his rights by either sale or gift, - or might bequeath them by will._ - -[Sidenote: Law of S. Carolina. Cobb’s Digest, 971.] - - Slaves shall be deemed, sold, taken, reputed and adjudged in law, to - be chattels personal in the hands of their owners and possessors, - and their executors, administrators, and assigns, to all intents, - constructions, and purposes whatsoever. - - VIII. _A master selling, giving, or bequeathing a slave, sometimes - made it a provision that he should never be carried abroad, or that - he should be manumitted on a fixed day; or that, on the other hand, - he should never be emancipated, or that he should be kept in chains - for life._ - -[Sidenote: Williams _v._ Ash, 1 How. U. S. Rep. 1. 5 U. S. Dig. 792, § - 5.] - -We hardly think that a provision that a slave should never be -emancipated, or that he should be kept in chains for life, would be -sustained. A provision that the slave should not be carried out of the -state, or sold, and that on the happening of either event he should be -free, has been sustained. - -The remainder of Blair’s account of Roman slavery is devoted rather to -the practices of masters than the state of the law itself. Surely, the -writer is not called upon to exhibit in the society of enlightened, -republican and Christian America, in the nineteenth century, a parallel -to the atrocities committed in pagan Rome, under the sceptre of the -persecuting Cæsars, when the amphitheatre was the favorite resort of the -most refined of her citizens, as well as the great “school of morals” -for the multitude. A few references only will show, as far as we desire -to show, how much safer it is now to trust man with absolute power over -his fellow, than it was then. - - IX. _While slaves turned the hand-mill they were generally chained, - and had a broad wooden collar, to prevent them from eating the - grain. The_ FURCA, _which in later language means a gibbet, was, in - older dialect, used to denote a wooden fork or collar, which was - made to bear upon their shoulders, or around their necks, as a mark - of disgrace, as much as an uneasy burden._ - -The reader has already seen, in Chapter V., that this instrument of -degradation has been in use, in our own day, in certain of the slave -states, under the express sanction and protection of statute laws; -although the material is different, and the construction doubtless -improved by modern ingenuity. - - X. _Fetters and chains were much used for punishment or restraint, - and were, in some instances, worn by slaves during life, through the - sole authority of the master. Porters at the gates of the rich were - generally chained. Field laborers worked for the most part in irons - posterior to the first ages of the republic._ - -The Legislature of South Carolina specially sanctions the same -practices, by excepting them in the “_protective enactment_,” which -inflicts the penalty of _one hundred pounds_ “in case any person shall -wilfully cut out the tongue,” &c., of a slave, “or shall inflict _any -other cruel_ punishment, _other than_ by whipping or beating with a -horse-whip, cowskin, switch, or small stick, _or by putting irons on, or -confining or imprisoning such slave_.” - - XI. _Some persons made it their business to catch runaway slaves._ - -That such a profession, constituted by the highest legislative authority -in the nation, and rendered respectable by the commendation expressed or -implied of statesmen and divines, and of newspapers political and -religious, exists in our midst, _especially in the free states_, is a -fact which is, day by day, making itself too apparent to need testimony. -The matter seems, however, to be managed in a more perfectly open and -business-like manner in the State of Alabama than elsewhere. Mr. Jay -cites the following advertisement from the _Sumpter County_ (Ala.) -_Whig_: - - NEGRO DOGS. - - The undersigned having bought the entire pack of Negro Dogs (of the - Hay and Allen stock), he now proposes to catch runaway negroes. His - charges will be Three Dollars per day for hunting, and Fifteen - Dollars for catching a runaway. He resides three and one half miles - north of Livingston, near the lower Jones’ Bluff road. - - WILLIAM GAMBEL. - - _Nov. 6, 1845._—6m. - -The following is copied, _verbatim et literatim_, and with the pictorial -embellishments, from _The Dadeville_ (Ala.) _Banner_, of November 10th, -1852. _The Dadeville Banner_ is “_devoted to politics, literature, -education, agriculture, &c._” - - NOTICE. - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration] - - The undersigned having an excellent pack of HOUNDS, for trailing and - catching runaway slaves, informs the public that his prices in - future will be as follows for such services: - - For each day employed in hunting or trailing, $2.50 - For catching each slave, 10.00 - For going over ten miles and catching slaves, 20.00 - - If sent for, the above prices will be exacted in cash. The - subscriber resides one mile and a half south of Dadeville, Ala. - - B. BLACK. - - _Dadeville, Sept. 1, 1852._ 1tf - - XII. _The runaway, when taken, was severely punished by authority of - the master, or by the judge, at his desire; sometimes with - crucifixion, amputation of a foot, or by being sent to fight as a - gladiator with wild beasts; but most frequently by being branded on - the brow with letters indicative of his crime._ - -That severe punishment would be the lot of the recaptured runaway, every -one would suppose, from the “_absolute power_” of the master to inflict -it. That it _is_ inflicted in many cases, it is equally easy and -needless to prove. The peculiar forms of punishment mentioned above are -now very much out of vogue, but the following advertisement by Mr. -Micajah Ricks, in the _Raleigh_ (N. C.) _Standard_ of July 18th, 1838, -shows that something of classic taste in torture still lingers in our -degenerate days. - - Ran away, a negro woman and two children; a few days before she went - off, I burnt her with a hot iron, on the left side of her face. I - tried to make the letter M. - -It is charming to notice the _naïf_ betrayal of literary pride on the -part of Mr. Ricks. He did not wish that letter M to be taken as a -specimen of what he could do in the way of writing. The creature would -not hold still, and he fears the M may be illegible. - -The above is only one of a long list of advertisements of maimed, -cropped and branded negroes, in the book of Mr. Weld, entitled _American -Slavery as It Is_, p. 77. - - XIII. _Cruel masters sometimes hired torturers by profession, or had - such persons in their establishments, to assist them in punishing - their slaves. The noses and ears and teeth of slaves were often in - danger from an enraged owner; and sometimes the eyes of a great - offender were put out. Crucifixion was very frequently made the fate - of a wretched slave for a trifling misconduct, or from mere - caprice._ - -For justification of such practices as these, we refer again to that -horrible list of maimed and mutilated men, advertised by slaveholders -themselves, in Weld’s _American Slavery as It Is_, p. 77. We recall the -reader’s attention to the evidence of the monster Kephart, given in Part -I. As to crucifixion, we presume that there are wretches whose religious -scruples would deter them from this particular form of torture, who -would not hesitate to inflict equal cruelties by other means; as the -Greek pirate, during a massacre in the season of Lent, was -conscience-stricken at having tasted a drop of blood. We presume?—Let -any one but read again, if he can, the sickening details of that twelve -hours’ torture of Souther’s slave, and say how much more merciful is -American slavery than Roman. - -The last item in Blair’s description of Roman slavery is the following: - - _By a decree passed by the Senate, if a master was murdered when his - slaves might possibly have aided him, all his household within reach - were held as implicated, and deserving of death; and Tacitus relates - an instance in which a family of four hundred were all executed._ - -To this alone, of all the atrocities of the slavery of old heathen Rome, -do we fail to find a parallel in the slavery of the United States of -America. - -There are other respects, in which American legislation has reached a -refinement in tyranny of which the despots of those early days never -conceived. The following is the language of Gibbon: - - Hope, the best comfort of our imperfect condition, was not denied to - the Roman slave; and if he had any opportunity of rendering himself - either useful or agreeable, he might very naturally expect that the - diligence and fidelity of a few years would be rewarded with the - inestimable gift of freedom. * * * Without destroying the - distinction of ranks, a distant prospect of freedom and honors was - presented even to those whom pride and prejudice almost disdained to - number among the human species.[14] - - The youths of promising genius were instructed in the arts and - sciences, and their price was ascertained by the degree of their - skill and talents. Almost every profession, either liberal or - mechanical, might be found in the household of an opulent - senator.[15] - -The following chapter will show how “the best comfort” which Gibbon knew -for human adversity is taken away from the American slave; how he is -denied the commonest privileges of education and mental improvement, and -how the whole tendency of the unhappy system, under which he is in -bondage, is to take from him the consolations of religion itself, and to -degrade him from our common humanity, and common brotherhood with the -Son of God. - ------ - -Footnote 13: - - See also the case of _State_ v. _Abram, 10 Ala. 928. 7 U. S. Dig._ p. - 449. “The master or overseer, and not the slave, is the proper judge - whether the slave is too sick to be able to labor. The latter cannot, - therefore, resist the order of the former to go to work.” - -Footnote 14: - - Gibbon’s “Decline and Fall,” Chap. II. - -Footnote 15: - - Ibid. - - - - - CHAPTER XIII. - THE MEN BETTER THAN THEIR LAWS. - - Judgment is turned away backward, - And Justice standeth afar off; - For Truth is fallen in the street, - And Equity cannot enter. - Yea, Truth faileth; - And HE THAT DEPARTETH FROM EVIL MAKETH HIMSELF A PREY. - - ISAIAH 59: 14, 15. - - -There is one very remarkable class of laws yet to be considered. - -So full of cruelty and of unmerciful severity is the slave-code,—such an -atrocity is the institution of which it is the legal definition,—that -there are multitudes of individuals too generous and too just to be -willing to go to the full extent of its restrictions and deprivations. - -A generous man, instead of regarding the poor slave as a piece of -property, dead, and void of rights, is tempted to regard him rather as a -helpless younger brother, or as a defenceless child, and to extend to -him, by his own good right arm, that protection and those rights which -the law denies him. A religious man, who, by the theory of his belief, -regards all men as brothers, and considers his Christian slave, with -himself, as a member of Jesus Christ,—as of one body, one spirit, and -called in one hope of his calling,—cannot willingly see him “doomed to -live without knowledge,” without the power of reading the written Word, -and to raise up his children after him in the same darkness. - -Hence, if left to itself, individual humanity would, in many cases, -practically abrogate the slave-code. Individual humanity would teach the -slave to read and write,—would build school-houses for his children, and -would, in very, very many cases, enfranchise him. - -The result of all this has been foreseen. It has been foreseen that the -result of education would be general intelligence; that the result of -intelligence would be a knowledge of personal rights; and that an -inquiry into the doctrine of personal rights would be fatal to the -system. It has been foreseen, also, that the example of -disinterestedness and generosity, in emancipation, might carry with it a -generous contagion, until it should become universal; that the example -of educated and emancipated slaves would prove a dangerous excitement to -those still in bondage. - -For this reason, the American slave-code, which, as we have already -seen, embraces, substantially, all the barbarities of that of ancient -Rome, has had added to it a set of laws more cruel than any which -ancient and heathen Rome ever knew,—laws designed to shut against the -slave his last refuge,—the humanity of his master. The master, in -ancient Rome, might give his slave whatever advantages of education he -chose, or at any time emancipate him, and the state did not interfere to -prevent.[16] - -But in America the laws, throughout all the slave states, most -rigorously forbid, in the first place, the _education_ of the slave. We -do not profess to give all these laws, but a few striking specimens may -be presented. Our authority is Judge Stroud’s “Sketch of the Laws of -Slavery.” - -[Sidenote: Stroud’s Sketch, p. 88.] - -The legislature of South Carolina, in 1740, enounced the following -preamble:—“Whereas, the having of slaves taught to write, or suffering -them to be employed in writing, may be attended with _great -inconveniences_;” and enacted that the crime of teaching a slave to -write, or of employing a slave as a scribe, should be punished by a fine -of _one hundred pounds_, current money. If the reader will turn now to -the infamous “protective” statute, enacted by the same legislature, in -the same year, he will find that the _same penalty_ has been appointed -for the cutting out of the tongue, putting out of the eye, cruel -scalding, &c., of any slave, as for the offence of teaching him to -write! That is to say, that to teach him to write, and to put out his -eyes, are to be regarded as equally reprehensible. - -[Sidenote: Stroud’s Sketch, p. 89. 2 Brevard’s Digest, pp. 254–5.] - -That there might be no doubt of the “great and fundamental policy” of -the state, and that there might be full security against the “_great -inconveniences_” of “having of slaves taught to write,” it was enacted, -in 1800, “That assemblies of slaves, free negroes, &c., * * * * for the -purpose of _mental instruction_, in a confined or secret place, &c. &c., -is [are] declared to be an unlawful meeting;” and the officers are -required to enter such confined places, and disperse the “unlawful -assemblage,” inflicting, at their discretion, “_such corporal -punishment_, not exceeding twenty lashes, upon such slaves, free -negroes, &c., as they may judge _necessary for deterring them from the -like unlawful assemblage in future_.” - -[Sidenote: Stroud, pp. 88, 89.] - -The statute-book of Virginia is adorned with a law similar to the one -last quoted. - -[Sidenote: Stroud’s Sketch, pp. 89, 90.] - -The offence of teaching a slave to write was early punished, in Georgia, -as in South Carolina, by a pecuniary fine. But the city of Savannah -seems to have found this penalty insufficient to protect it from “_great -inconveniences_,” and we learn, by a quotation in the work of Judge -Stroud from a number of “The Portfolio,” that “the city has passed an -ordinance, by which any person that teaches any person of color, _slave -or free_, to _read or write_, or causes such person to be so taught, is -subjected to a fine of thirty dollars for _each_ offence; and every -person of color who shall keep a school, to teach reading or writing, is -subject to a fine of thirty dollars, or to be imprisoned ten days, and -whipped thirty-nine lashes.” - -_Secondly._ In regard to religious privileges: - -The State of Georgia has enacted a law, “To _protect_ religious -societies in the exercise of their religious duties.” This law, after -appointing rigorous penalties for the offence of interrupting or -disturbing a congregation of _white persons_, concludes in the following -words: - -[Sidenote: Stroud, p. 92. Prince’s Digest, p. 342.] - - No congregation, or company of _negroes_, shall, under _pretence of - divine worship_, assemble themselves, contrary to the act regulating - patrols. - -[Sidenote: Stroud, p. 93. Prince’s Digest, p. 447.] - -“The act regulating patrols,” as quoted by the editor of Prince’s -Digest, empowers _every justice of the peace to disperse_ ANY _assembly -or meeting of slaves_ which _may_ disturb the peace, &c., of his -majesty’s subjects, and permits that every slave found at such a meeting -shall “_immediately_ be corrected, WITHOUT TRIAL, _by receiving on the -bare back twenty-five stripes with a whip, switch, or cowskin_.” - -The history of legislation in South Carolina is significant. An act was -passed in 1800, containing the following section: - -[Sidenote: Stroud, p. 93. 2 Brevard’s Dig. 254, 255.] - - It shall not be lawful for any number of slaves, free negroes, - mulattoes or mestizoes, even in company with white persons, to meet - together and assemble for the purpose of mental instruction _or - religious worship_, either before the rising of the sun, or after - the going down of the same. And all magistrates, sheriffs, militia - officers, &c. &c., are hereby vested with power, &c., for dispersing - such assemblies, &c. - -The law just quoted seems somehow to have had a prejudicial effect upon -the religious interests of the “slaves, free negroes,” &c., specified in -it; for, three years afterwards, on the petition of certain religious -societies, a “_protective act_” was passed, which should secure them -this _great religious privilege_; to wit, that it should be unlawful, -before nine o’clock, “to break into a place of meeting, wherein shall be -assembled the members of any religious society of this state, _provided -a majority of them shall be white persons_, or otherwise to disturb -their devotion, _unless_ such person shall have first obtained * * * * a -warrant, &c.” - -_Thirdly._ It appears that many masters, who are disposed to treat their -slaves generously, have allowed them to accumulate property, to raise -domestic animals for their own use, and, in the case of intelligent -servants, to go at large, to hire their own time, and to trade upon -their own account. Upon all these practices the law comes down, with -unmerciful severity. A penalty is inflicted on the owner, but, with a -rigor quite accordant with the tenor of slave-law the offence is -considered, in law, as that of the slave, rather than that of the -master; so that, if the master is generous enough not to regard the -penalty which is imposed upon himself, he may be restrained by the fear -of bringing a greater evil upon his dependent. These laws are, in some -cases, so constructed as to make it for the interest of the lowest and -most brutal part of society that they be enforced, by offering half the -profits to the informer. We give the following, as specimens of slave -legislation on this subject: - -The law of South Carolina: - -[Sidenote: Stroud, pp. 46, 47. James’ Digest, 385, 386. Act of 1740.] - - It shall not be lawful for any slave to buy, sell, trade, &c., for - any goods, &c., without a license from the owner, &c.; nor shall any - slave be permitted to keep any boat, periauger,[17] or canoe, or - raise and breed, for the benefit of such slave, any horses, mares, - cattle, sheep, or hogs, under pain of forfeiting all the goods, &c., - and all the boats, periaugers, or canoes, horses, mares, cattle, - sheep or hogs. And it shall be lawful for any person whatsoever to - seize and take away from any slave all such goods, &c., boats, &c. - &c., and to deliver the same into the hands of any justice of the - peace, nearest to the place where the seizure shall be made; and - such justice shall take the oath of the person making such seizure, - concerning the manner thereof; and if the said justice shall be - satisfied that such seizure has been made according to law, he shall - pronounce and declare the goods so seized to be forfeited, and order - the same to be sold at public outcry, one half of the moneys arising - from such sale to go to the state, and the other half to him or them - that sue for the same. - -[Sidenote: 2 Cobb’s Dig. 284.] - -The laws in many other states are similar to the above; but the State of -Georgia has an additional provision, against permitting the slave to -hire himself to another for his own benefit; a penalty of thirty dollars -is imposed for every weekly offence, on the part of the master, unless -the labor be done on his own premises. Savannah, Augusta, and Sunbury, -are places excepted. - -[Sidenote: Stroud, p. 47] - -In Virginia, “if the master shall permit his slave to hire himself out,” -the _slave_ is to be apprehended, &c., and the _master_ to be fined. - -In an early act of the legislature of the orthodox and Presbyterian -State of North Carolina, it is gratifying to see how the judicious -course of public policy is made to subserve the interests of Christian -charity,—how, in a single ingenious sentence, provision is made for -punishing the offender against society, rewarding the patriotic -informer, and feeding the poor and destitute: - -[Sidenote: Stroud’s Sketch, p. 47.] - - All horses, cattle, hogs or sheep, that, one month after the passing - of this act, shall belong to any slave, or be of any slave’s mark, - in this state, shall be seized and sold by the county wardens, and - by them applied, the one-half to the support of the poor of the - county, and the other half to the informer. - -[Sidenote: Stroud, p. 48.] - -In Mississippi a fine of fifty dollars is imposed upon the master who -permits his slave to cultivate cotton for his own use; or who licenses -his slave to go at large and trade as a freeman; or who is _convicted_ -of permitting his slave to keep “_stock of any description_.” - -To show how the above law has been interpreted by the highest judicial -tribunal of the sovereign State of Mississippi, we repeat here a portion -of a decision of Chief Justice Sharkey, which we have elsewhere given -more in full. - - Independent of the principles laid down in adjudicated cases, our - statute-law prohibits slaves from owning certain kinds of property; - and it may be inferred that the legislature supposed they were - extending the act as far as it could be necessary to exclude them - from owning _any_ property, as the prohibition includes that kind of - property which they would most likely be permitted to own without - interruption, to wit: hogs, horses, cattle, &c. They cannot be - prohibited from holding such property in consequence of its being of - a dangerous or offensive character, but because _it was deemed - impolitic for them to hold property of any description_. - -It was asserted, at the beginning of this head, that the permission of -the master to a slave to hire his own time is, by law, considered the -offence of the slave; the slave being subject to prosecution therefor, -not the master. This is evident from the tenor of some of the laws -quoted and alluded to above. It will be still further illustrated by the -following decisions of the courts of North Carolina. They are copied -from the Supplement to the U. S. Digest, vol. II. p. 798: - -[Sidenote: The State _v._ Clarissa. 5 Iredell, 221.] - - 139. An indictment charging that a certain negro did hire her own - time, contrary to the form of the statute, &c., is defective and - must be quashed, because it was omitted to be charged that _she was - permitted by her master to go at large, which is one essential part - of the offence_. - - 140. Under the first clause of the thirty-first section of the 111th - chapter of the Revised Statutes, prohibiting masters from hiring to - slaves their own time, the master is not _indictable_; he is only - subject to a penalty of forty dollars. Nor is the master indictable - under the second clause of that section; the process being _against - the slave_, not against the master.—Ib. - - 142. To constitute the offence under section 32 (Rev. Stat. c. cxi. - § 32) it is not necessary that the slave should have hired his time; - it is sufficient if the master permits him to go at large as a - freeman. - -This is maintaining the ground that “_the master can do no wrong_” with -great consistency and thoroughness. But it is in perfect keeping, both -in form and spirit, with the whole course of slave-law, which always -upholds the supremacy of the master, and always depresses the slave. - -_Fourthly._ Stringent laws against emancipation exist in nearly all the -slave states. - -[Sidenote: Stroud, 147. Prince’s Dig. 456. James’ Dig. 398. Toulmin’s - Dig. 632. Miss. Rev. Code, 386.] - -In four of the states,—South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, and -Mississippi,—emancipation cannot be effected, except by a special act of -the legislature of the state. - -In Georgia, the _offence_ of setting free “any slave, or slaves, in any -other manner and form than the one prescribed,” was punishable, -according to the law of 1801, by the forfeiture of two hundred dollars, -to be recovered by action _or indictment_; the slaves in question still -remaining, “_to all intents and purposes, as much in a state of slavery -as before they were manumitted_.” - -Believers in human progress will be interested to know that since the -law of 1801 there has been a reform introduced into this part of the -legislation of the republic of Georgia. In 1818, a new law was passed, -which, as will be seen, contains a grand remedy for the abuses of the -old. In this it is provided, with endless variety of specifications and -synonyms, as if to “let suspicion double-lock the door” against any -possible evasion, that, “All and every will, testament and deed, whether -by way of trust or otherwise, contract, or agreement, or stipulation, or -other instrument in writing or by parol, made and executed for the -purpose of effecting, or endeavoring to effect, the manumission of any -slave or slaves, either directly ... or indirectly, or virtually, &c. -&c., shall be, and the same are hereby, declared to be utterly null and -void.” And the guilty author of the outrage against the peace of the -state, contemplated in such deed, &c. &c., “and all and every person or -persons concerned in giving or attempting to give effect thereto, ... in -any way or manner whatsoever, shall be severally liable to a penalty not -exceeding one thousand dollars.” - -[Sidenote: Stroud’s Sketch, pp. 147–8. Prince’s Dig. 466.] - -It would be quite anomalous in slave-law, and contrary to the “great and -fundamental policy” of slave states, if the negroes who, not having the -fear of God before their eyes, but being instigated by the devil, should -be guilty of being thus manumitted, were suffered to go unpunished; -accordingly, the law very properly and judiciously provides that “each -and every slave or slaves in whose behalf such will or testament, &c. -&c. &c., shall have been made, shall be liable to be _arrested_ by -warrant, &c.; and, _being thereof convicted_, &c., shall be liable to be -sold as a slave or slaves by public outcry; and the proceeds of such -slaves shall be appropriated, &c. &c.” - -Judge Stroud gives the following account of the law of Mississippi: - -[Sidenote: Stroud’s Sketch, 149. Miss. Rev. Code, 385–6 (Act June 18, - 1822).] - - The emancipation must be by an _instrument in writing_, a last will - or deed &c., _under seal_, attested by at least _two credible - witnesses_, or _acknowledged in the court_ of the county or - corporation where the emancipator resides; _proof satisfactory to - the General Assembly_ must be adduced that the slave has done _some - meritorious act for the benefit of his master_, or rendered _some - distinguished service to the state_; all which circumstances are but - _pre-requisites_, and are of no efficacy until a special _act of - assembly_ sanctions the emancipation; to which may be added, as has - been already stated, a saving of the _rights of creditors_, and the - protection of _the widow’s thirds_. - -The same _pre-requisite_ of “_meritorious services_, to be adjudged of -and allowed by the county court,” is exacted by an act of the General -Assembly of North Carolina; and all slaves emancipated contrary to the -provisions of this act are to be committed to the jail of the county, -and at the next court held for that county are to be sold to the highest -bidder. - -But the law of North Carolina does not refuse opportunity for -repentance, even after the crime has been proved: accordingly, - -[Sidenote: Stroud’s Sketch, 148. Haywood’s Manual, 525, 526, 529, - 537.] - - The sheriff is directed, five days before the time for the sale of - the _emancipated_ negro, to give notice, in writing, to the person - by whom the emancipation was made, to the end, - -and with the hope that, smitten by remorse of conscience, and brought to -a sense of his guilt before God and man, - - such person may, if he thinks proper, renew his claim to the negro - so emancipated by him; on failure to do which, the sale is to be - made by the sheriff, and one-fifth part of the net proceeds is to - become the property of the freeholder by whom the apprehension was - made, and the remaining four-fifths are to be paid into the public - treasury. - -[Sidenote: Stroud, pp. 148–154.] - -It is proper to add that we have given examples of the laws of states -whose legislation on this subject has been most severe. The laws of -Virginia, Maryland, Missouri, Kentucky and Louisiana, are much less -stringent. - -A striking case, which shows how inexorably the law contends with the -kind designs of the master, is on record in the reports of legal -decisions in the State of Mississippi. The circumstances of the case -have been thus briefly stated in the _New York Evening Post_, edited by -Mr. William Cullen Bryant. They are a romance of themselves. - - A man of the name of Elisha Brazealle, a planter in Jefferson - County, Mississippi, was attacked with a loathsome disease. During - his illness he was faithfully nursed by a mulatto slave, to whose - assiduous attentions he felt that he owed his life. He was duly - impressed by her devotion, and soon after his recovery took her to - Ohio, and had her educated. She was very intelligent, and improved - her advantages so rapidly that when he visited her again he - determined to marry her. He executed a deed for her emancipation, - and had it recorded both in the States of Ohio and Mississippi, and - made her his wife. - - Mr. Brazealle returned with her to Mississippi, and in process of - time had a son. After a few years he sickened and died, leaving a - will, in which, after reciting the deed of emancipation, he declared - his intention to ratify it, and devised all his property to this - lad, acknowledging him in the will to be such. - - Some poor and distant relations in North Carolina, whom he did not - know, and for whom he did not care, hearing of his death, came on to - Mississippi, and claimed the property thus devised. They instituted - a suit for its recovery, and the case (it is reported in Howard’s - Mississippi Reports, vol. II., p. 837) came before Judge Sharkey, - our new consul at Havana. He decided it, and in that decision - declared the act of emancipation _an offence against morality_, and - pernicious and detestable as an example. He set _aside the will, - gave the property of Brazealle to his distant relations, condemned - Brazealle’s son, and his wife, that_ son’s mother, again to bondage, - and made them the slaves of these North Carolina kinsmen, as part of - the assets of the estate. - -Chief Justice Sharkey, after narrating the circumstances of the case, -declares the validity of the deed of emancipation to be the main -question in the controversy. He then argues that, although according to -principles of national comity “contracts are to be construed according -to the laws of the country or state where they are made,” yet these -principles are not to be followed when they lead to conclusions in -conflict with “the great and fundamental policy of the state.” What this -“great and fundamental policy” is, in Mississippi, may be gathered from -the remainder of the decision, which we give in full. - - Let us apply these principles to the deed of emancipation. To give - it validity would be, in the first place, a violation of the - declared policy, and contrary to a positive law of the state. - - The policy of a state is indicated by the general course of - legislation on a given subject; and we find that free negroes are - deemed offensive, because they are not permitted to emigrate to or - remain in the state. They are allowed few privileges, and subject to - heavy penalties for offences. They are required to leave the state - within thirty days after notice, and in the mean time give security - for good behavior; and those of them who can lawfully remain must - register and carry with them their certificates, or they may be - committed to jail. It would also violate a positive law, passed by - the legislature, expressly to maintain this settled policy, and to - prevent emancipation. No owner can emancipate his slave, but by a - deed or will properly attested, or acknowledged in court, and proof - to the legislature that such slave has performed some meritorious - act for the benefit of the master, or some distinguished service for - the state; and the deed or will can have no validity until ratified - by special act of legislature. It is believed that this law and - policy are too essentially important to the interests of our - citizens to permit them to be evaded. - - The state of the case shows conclusively that the contract had its - origin in an offence against morality, pernicious and detestable as - an example. But, above all, it seems to have been planned and - executed with a fixed design to evade the rigor of the laws of this - state. The acts of the party in going to Ohio with the slaves, and - there executing the deed, and his immediate return with them to this - state, point with unerring certainty to his purpose and object. The - laws of this state cannot be thus defrauded of their operation by - one of our own citizens. If we could have any doubts about the - principle, the case reported in 1 Randolph, 15, would remove them. - - As we think the validity of the deed must depend upon the laws of - this state, it becomes unnecessary to inquire whether it could have - any force by the laws of Ohio. If it were even valid there, it can - have no force here. The consequence is, that the negroes, John - Monroe and his mother, are still slaves, and a part of the estate of - Elisha Brazealle. They have not acquired a right to their freedom - under the will; for, even if the clause in the will were sufficient - for that purpose, their emancipation has not been consummated by an - act of the legislature. - - John Monroe, being a slave, cannot take the property as devisee; and - I apprehend it is equally clear that it cannot be held in trust for - him. 4 Desans. Rep. 266. Independent of the principles laid down in - adjudicated cases, our statute law prohibits slaves from owning - certain kinds of property; and it may be inferred that the - legislature supposed they were extending the act as far as it could - be necessary to exclude them from owning any property, as the - prohibition includes that kind of property which they would most - likely be permitted to own without interruption, to wit, hogs, - horses, cattle, &c. They cannot be prohibited from holding such - property in consequence of its being of a dangerous or offensive - character, but because it was deemed impolitic for them to hold - property of any description. It follows, therefore, that his heirs - are entitled to the property. - - As the deed was void, and the devisee could not take under the will, - the heirs might, perhaps, have had a remedy at law; but, as an - account must be taken for the rents and profits, and for the final - settlement of the estate, I see no good reason why they should be - sent back to law. The remedy is, doubtless, more full and complete - than it could be at law. The decree of the chancellor overruling the - demurrer must be affirmed, and the cause remanded for further - proceedings. - -The Chief Justice Sharkey who pronounced this decision is stated by the -_Evening Post_ to have been a principal agent in the passage of the -severe law under which this horrible inhumanity was perpetrated. - -Nothing more forcibly shows the absolute despotism of the slave-law over -all the kindest feelings and intentions of the master, and the -determination of courts to carry these severities to their full lengths, -than this cruel deed, which precipitated a young man who had been -educated to consider himself free, and his mother, an educated woman, -back into the bottomless abyss of slavery. Had this case been chosen for -the theme of a novel, or a tragedy, the world would have cried out upon -it as a plot of monstrous improbability. As it stands in the law-book, -it is only a specimen of that awful kind of truth, stranger than -fiction, which is all the time evolving, in one form or another, from -the workings of this anomalous system. - -This view of the subject is a very important one, and ought to be -earnestly and gravely pondered by those in foreign countries, who are -too apt to fasten their condemnation and opprobrium rather on the -_person_ of the slave-holder than on the horrors of the legal system. In -some slave states it seems as if there was very little that the -benevolent owner could do which should permanently benefit his slave, -unless he should seek to _alter the laws_. Here it is that the highest -obligation of the Southern Christian lies. Nor will the world or God -hold _them_ guiltless who, with the elective franchise in their hands, -and the full power to speak, write and discuss, suffer this monstrous -system of legalized cruelty to go on from age to age. - ------ - -Footnote 16: - - In and after the reign of Augustus, certain restrictive regulations - were passed, designed to prevent an increase of unworthy citizens by - emancipation. They had, however, nothing like the stringent force of - American laws. - -Footnote 17: - - _i. e._ Periagua. - - - - - CHAPTER XIV. - THE HEBREW SLAVE-LAW COMPARED WITH THE AMERICAN SLAVE-LAW. - - -Having compared the American law with the Roman, we will now compare it -with one other code of slave-laws, to wit, the Hebrew. - -This comparison is the more important, because American slavery has been -defended on the ground of God’s permitting Hebrew slavery. - -The inquiry now arises, What kind of slavery was it that was permitted -among the Hebrews? for in different nations very different systems have -been called by the general name of slavery. - -That the patriarchal state of servitude which existed in the time of -Abraham was a very different thing from American slavery, a few graphic -incidents in the scripture narrative show; for we read that when the -angels came to visit Abraham, although he had three hundred servants -born in his house, it is said that _Abraham_ hasted, and took a calf, -and killed it, and gave it to a young man to dress; and that he told -_Sarah_ to take three measures of meal and knead it into cakes; and -that, when all was done, he himself set it before his guests. - -From various other incidents which appear in the patriarchal narrative, -it would seem that these servants bore more the relation of the members -of a Scotch clan to their feudal lord than that of an American slave to -his master;—thus it seems that if Abraham had died without children, his -head servant would have been his heir.—Gen. 15:3. - -Of what species, then, was the slavery which God permitted among the -Hebrews? By what laws was it regulated? - -In the New Testament the whole Hebrew system of administration is spoken -of as a relatively imperfect one, and as superseded by the Christian -dispensation.—Heb. 8:13. - -We are taught thus to regard the Hebrew system as an educational system, -by which a debased, half-civilized race, which had been degraded by -slavery in its worst form among the Egyptians, was gradually elevated to -refinement and humanity. - -As they went from the land of Egypt, it would appear that the most -disgusting personal habits, the most unheard-of and unnatural -impurities, prevailed among them; so that it was necessary to make laws -with relation to things of which Christianity has banished the very name -from the earth. - -Beside all this, polygamy, war and slavery, were the universal custom of -nations. - -It is represented in the New Testament that God, in educating this -people, proceeded in the same gradual manner in which a wise father -would proceed with a family of children. - -He selected a few of the most vital points of evil practice, and forbade -them by positive statute, under rigorous penalties. - -The worship of any other god was, by the Jewish law, constituted high -treason, and rigorously punished with death. - -As the knowledge of the true God and religious instruction could not -then, as now, be afforded by printing and books, one day in the week had -to be set apart for preserving in the minds of the people a sense of His -being, and their obligations to Him. The devoting of this day to any -other purpose was also punished with death; and the reason is obvious, -that its sacredness was the principal means relied on for preserving the -allegiance of the nation to their king and God, and its desecration, of -course, led directly to high treason against the head of the state. - -With regard to many other practices which prevailed among the Jews, as -among other heathen nations, we find the Divine Being taking the same -course which wise human legislators have taken. - -When Lycurgus wished to banish money and its attendant luxuries from -Sparta, he did not forbid it by direct statute-law, but he instituted a -currency so clumsy and uncomfortable that, as we are informed by Rollin, -it took a cart and pair of oxen to carry home the price of a very -moderate estate. - -In the same manner the Divine Being surrounded the customs of polygamy, -war, blood-revenge and slavery, with regulations which gradually and -certainly tended to abolish them entirely. - -No one would pretend that the laws which God established in relation to -polygamy, cities of refuge, &c., have any application to Christian -nations now. - -The following summary of some of these laws of the Mosaic code is given -by Dr. C. E. Stowe, Professor of Biblical Literature in Andover -Theological Seminary: - - 1. It commanded a Hebrew, even though a married man, with wife and - children living, to take the childless widow of a deceased brother, - and beget children with her.—Deut. 25:5–10. - - 2. The Hebrews, under certain restrictions, were allowed to make - concubines, or wives for a limited time, of women taken in - war.—Deut. 21:10–19. - - 3. A Hebrew who already had a wife was allowed to take another also, - provided he still continued his intercourse with the first as her - husband, and treated her kindly and affectionately.—Exodus 21:9–11. - - 4. By the Mosaic law, the nearest relative of a murdered Hebrew - could pursue and slay the murderer, unless he could escape to the - city of refuge; and the same permission was given in case of - accidental homicide.—Num. 35:9–39. - - 5. The Israelites were commanded to exterminate the Canaanites, men, - women and children.—Deut. 9:12; 20:16–18. - - Any one, or all, of the above practices, can be justified by the - Mosaic law, as well as the practice of slave-holding. - - Each of these laws, although in its time it was an ameliorating law, - designed to take the place of some barbarous abuse, and to be a - connecting link by which some higher state of society might be - introduced, belongs confessedly to that system which St. Paul says - made nothing perfect. They are a part of the commandment which he - says was annulled for the weakness and unprofitableness thereof, and - which, in the time which he wrote, was waxing old, and ready to - vanish away. And Christ himself says, with regard to certain - permissions of this system, that they were given on account of the - “hardness of their hearts,”—because the attempt to enforce a more - stringent system at that time, owing to human depravity, would have - only produced greater abuses. - -The following view of the Hebrew laws of slavery is compiled from -Barnes’ work on slavery, and from Professor Stowe’s manuscript lectures. - -The legislation commenced by making the great and common source of -slavery—kidnapping—a capital crime. - -The enactment is as follows: “He that stealeth a man and selleth him, or -if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death.”—Exodus -21:16. - -The sources from which slaves were to be obtained were thus reduced to -two: first, the voluntary sale of an individual by himself, which -certainly does not come under the designation of involuntary servitude; -second, the appropriation of captives taken in war, and the buying from -the heathen. - -With regard to the servitude of the Hebrew by a voluntary sale of -himself, such servitude, by the statute-law of the land, came to an end -once in seven years; so that the worst that could be made of it was that -it was a voluntary contract to labor for a certain time. - -With regard to the servants bought of the heathen, or of foreigners in -the land, there was a statute by which their servitude was annulled once -in fifty years. - -It has been supposed, from a disconnected view of one particular passage -in the Mosaic code, that God directly countenanced the treating of a -slave, who was a stranger and foreigner, with more rigor and severity -than a Hebrew slave. That this was not the case will appear from the -following enactments, which have express reference to strangers: - - The stranger that dwelleth with you shall be unto you as one born - among you, and thou shalt love him as thyself.—Lev. 19:34. - - Thou shalt neither vex a stranger nor oppress him; for ye were - strangers in the land of Egypt.—Exodus 22:21. - - Thou shalt not oppress a stranger, for ye know the heart of a - stranger.—Exodus 23:9. - - The Lord your God regardeth not persons. He doth execute the - judgment of the fatherless and the widow, and loveth the stranger in - giving him food and raiment; love ye therefore the stranger.—Deut. - 10:17–19. - - Judge righteously between every man and his brother, and the - stranger that is with him.—Deut. 1:16. - - Cursed be he that perverteth the judgment of the stranger.—Deut. - 27:19. - -Instead of making slavery an oppressive institution with regard to the -stranger, it was made by God a system within which heathen were adopted -into the Jewish state, educated and instructed in the worship of the -true God, and in due time emancipated. - -In the first place, they were protected by law from personal violence. -The loss of an eye or a tooth, through the violence of his master, took -the slave out of that master’s power entirely, and gave him his liberty. -Then, further than this, if a master’s conduct towards a slave was such -as to induce him to run away, it was enjoined that nobody should assist -in retaking him, and that he should dwell wherever he chose in the land, -without molestation. Third, the law secured to the slave a very -considerable portion of time, which was to be at his own disposal. Every -seventh year was to be at his own disposal.—Lev. 25:4–6. Every seventh -day was, of course, secured to him.—Ex. 20:10. - -The servant had the privilege of attending the three great national -festivals, when all the males of the nation were required to appear -before God in Jerusalem.—Ex. 34:23. - -Each of these festivals, it is computed, took up about three weeks. - -The slave also was to be a guest in the family festivals. In Deut. -12:12, it is said, “Ye shall rejoice before the Lord your God, ye, and -your sons, and your daughters, and your men-servants, and your -maid-servants, and the Levite that is within your gates.” - -Dr. Barnes estimates that the whole amount of time which a servant could -have to himself would amount to about twenty-three years out of fifty, -or nearly one-half his time. - -Again, the servant was placed on an exact equality with his master in -all that concerned his religious relations. - -Now, if we recollect that in the time of Moses the God and the king of -the nation were one and the same person, and that the civil and -religious relation were one and the same, it will appear that the slave -and his master stood on an equality in their civil relation with regard -to the state. - -Thus, in Deuteronomy 29, is described a solemn national convocation, -which took place before the death of Moses, when the whole nation were -called upon, after a solemn review of their national history, to renew -their constitutional oath of allegiance to their supreme Magistrate and -Lord. - -On this occasion, Moses addressed them thus:—“Ye stand this day, all of -you, before the Lord your God; your captains of your tribes, your -elders, and your officers, with all the men of Israel, your little ones, -your wives, and thy stranger that is in thy camp, _from the hewer of thy -wood unto the drawer of thy water_; that _thou_ shouldest enter into -covenant with the Lord thy God, and into his oath, which the Lord thy -God maketh with thee this day.” - -[Sidenote: Wheeler’s Law of Slavery, p. 243.] - -How different is this from the cool and explicit declaration of South -Carolina with regard to the position of the American slave:—“A slave is -not generally regarded as legally _capable of being within the peace of -the state_. He is not a citizen, and is not in that character entitled -to her protection.” - -In all the religious services, which, as we have seen by the -constitution of the nation, were civil services, the slave and the -master mingled on terms of strict equality. There was none of the -distinction which appertains to a distinct class or caste. “There was no -special service appointed for them at unusual seasons. There were no -particular seats assigned to them, to keep up the idea that they were a -degraded class. There was no withholding from them the instruction which -the word of God gave about the equal rights of mankind.” - -_Fifthly._ It was always contemplated that the slave would, as a matter -of course, choose the Jewish religion, and the service of God, and enter -willingly into all the obligations and services of the Jewish polity. - -Mr. Barnes cites the words of Maimonides, to show how this was commonly -understood by the Hebrews.—_Inquiry into the Scriptural Views of -Slavery._ By Albert Barnes, p. 132. - - Whether a servant be born in the power of an Israelite, or whether - he be purchased from the heathen, the master is to bring them both - into the covenant. - - But he that is in the _house_ is entered on the eighth day; and he - that is bought with money, on the day on which his master receives - him, unless the slave be _unwilling_. For, if the master receive a - grown slave, and he be _unwilling_, his master is to bear with him, - to seek to win him over by instruction, and by love and kindness, - for one year. After which, should he refuse so long, it is forbidden - to keep him longer than a year. And the master must send him back to - the strangers from whence he came. For the God of Jacob will not - accept any other than the worship of a _willing_ heart.—_Maimon._ - _Hilcoth Miloth_, chap. I., sec. 8. - -A sixth fundamental arrangement with regard to the Hebrew slave was that -he _could never be sold_. Concerning this Mr. Barnes remarks: - - A man, in certain circumstances, _might be bought_ by a Hebrew; but - when once bought, that was an end of the matter. There is not the - slightest evidence that any Hebrew ever sold a slave; and any - provision contemplating that was unknown to the constitution of the - Commonwealth. It is said of Abraham that he had “servants bought - with money;” but there is no record of his having ever sold one, nor - is there any account of its ever having been done by Isaac or Jacob. - The only instance of a _sale_ of this kind among the patriarchs is - that act of the brothers of Joseph, which is held up to so strong - reprobation, by which they sold him to the Ishmaelites. Permission - is given in the law of Moses to _buy_ a servant, but none is given - to _sell_ him again; and the fact that no such permission is given - is full proof that it was not contemplated. When he entered into - that relation, it became certain that there could be no change, - unless it was voluntary on his part (comp. Ex. 21:5,6), or unless - his master gave him his freedom, until the not distant period fixed - by law when he could be free. There is no arrangement in the law of - Moses by which servants were to be taken in payment of their - master’s debts, by which they were to be given as pledges, by which - they were to be consigned to the keeping of others, or by which they - were to be given away as presents. There are no instances occurring - in the Jewish history in which any of these things were done. This - law is positive in regard to the Hebrew servant, and the principle - of the law would apply to all others. Lev. 25:42.—“They shall not be - sold as bond men.” In all these respects there was a marked - difference, and there was doubtless intended to be, between the - estimate affixed to servants and to property.—_Inquiry_, &c., p. - 133–4. - -As to the practical workings of this system, as they are developed in -the incidents of sacred history, they are precisely what we should -expect from such a system of laws. For instance, we find it mentioned -incidentally in the ninth chapter of the first book of Samuel, that when -Saul and his servant came to see Samuel, that Samuel, in anticipation of -his being crowned king, made a great feast for him; and in verse -twenty-second the history says: “And Samuel took Saul _and his servant_, -and brought them into the parlor, and made _them_ sit in the chiefest -place.” - -We read, also, in 2 Samuel 9:10, of a servant of Saul who had large -estates, and twenty servants of his own. - -We find, in 1 Chron. 2:34, the following incident related: “Now, Sheshan -had no sons, but daughters. And Sheshan had a servant, an Egyptian, -whose name was Jarha. And Sheshan gave his daughter to Jarha, his -servant, to wife.” - -Does this resemble American slavery? - -We find, moreover, that this connection was not considered at all -disgraceful, for the son of this very daughter was enrolled among the -valiant men of David’s army.—1 Chron. 2:41. - -In fine, we are not surprised to discover that the institutions of Moses -in effect so obliterated all the characteristics of slavery, that it had -ceased to exist among the Jews long before the time of Christ. Mr. -Barnes asks: - - On what evidence would a man rely to prove that slavery existed at - all in the land in the time of the later prophets of the Maccabees, - or when the Saviour appeared? There are abundant proofs, as we shall - see, that it existed in Greece and Rome; but what is the evidence - that it existed in Judea? So far as I have been able to ascertain, - there are no declarations that it did to be found in the canonical - books of the Old Testament, or in Josephus. There are no allusions - to laws and customs which imply that it was prevalent. There are no - coins or medals which suppose it. There are no facts which do not - admit of an easy explanation on the supposition that slavery had - ceased.—_Inquiry_, &c., p. 226. - -Two objections have been urged to the interpretations which have been -given of two of the enactments before quoted. - -1. It is said that the enactment, “Thou shalt not return to his master -the servant that has escaped,” &c., relates only to servants escaping -from heathen masters to the Jewish nation. - -The following remarks on this passage are from Prof. Stowe’s lectures: - -Deuteronomy 23:15,16.—These words make a statute which, like every other -statute, is to be strictly construed. There is nothing in the language -to limit its meaning; there is nothing in the connection in which it -stands to limit its meaning; nor is there anything in the history of the -Mosaic legislation to limit the application of this statute to the case -of servants escaping from foreign masters. The assumption that it is -thus limited is wholly gratuitous, and, so far as the Bible is -concerned, unsustained by any evidence whatever. It is said that it -would be absurd for Moses to enact such a law while servitude existed -among the Hebrews. It would indeed be absurd, were it the object of the -Mosaic legislation to sustain and perpetuate slavery; but, if it were -the object of Moses to limit and to restrain, and finally to extinguish -slavery, this statute was admirably adapted to his purpose. That it was -the object of Moses to extinguish, and not to perpetuate, slavery, is -perfectly clear from the whole course of his legislation on the subject. -Every slave was to have all the religious privileges and instruction to -which his master’s children were entitled. Every seventh year released -the Hebrew slave, and every fiftieth year produced universal -emancipation. If a master, by an accidental or an angry blow, deprived -the slave of a tooth, the slave, by that act, was forever free. And so, -by the statute in question, if the slave felt himself oppressed, he -could make his escape, and, though the master was not forbidden to -retake him if he could, every one was forbidden to aid his master in -doing it. This statute, in fact, made the servitude voluntary, and that -was what Moses intended. - -Moses dealt with slavery precisely as he dealt with polygamy and with -war: without directly prohibiting, he so restricted as to destroy it; -instead of cutting down the poison-tree, he girdled it, and left it to -die of itself. There is a statute in regard to military expeditions -precisely analogous to this celebrated fugitive slave law. Had Moses -designed to perpetuate a warlike spirit among the Hebrews, the statute -would have been preëminently absurd; but, if it was his design to crush -it, and to render foreign wars almost impossible, the statute was -exactly adapted to his purpose. It rendered foreign military service, in -effect, entirely voluntary, just as the fugitive law rendered domestic -servitude, in effect, voluntary. - -The law may be found at length in Deuteronomy 20:5–10; and let it be -carefully read and compared with the fugitive slave law already adverted -to. Just when the men are drawn up ready for the expedition,—just at the -moment when even the hearts of brave men are apt to fail them,—the -officers are commanded to address the soldiers thus: - - “What man of you is there that hath built a new house, and hath not - dedicated it? Let him go and return to his house, lest he die in the - battle, and another man dedicate it. - - “And what man is he that hath planted a vineyard and hath not yet - eaten of it? Let him also go and return to his house, lest he die in - the battle, and another man eat of it. - - “And what man is there that hath betrothed a wife, and hath not - taken her? Let him go and return unto his house, lest he die in the - battle, and another man take her.” - - And the officers shall speak further unto the people, and they shall - say, “What man is there that is fearful and faint-hearted? Let him - go and return unto his house, lest his brethren’s heart faint, as - well as his heart.” - -Now, consider that the Hebrews were exclusively an agricultural people, -that warlike parties necessarily consist mainly of young men, and that -by this statute every man who had built a house which he had not yet -lived in, and every man who had planted a vineyard from which he had not -yet gathered fruit, and every man who had engaged a wife whom he had not -yet married, and every one who felt timid and faint-hearted, was -permitted and commanded to go home,—how many would there probably be -left? Especially when the officers, instead of exciting their military -ardor by visions of glory and of splendor, were commanded to repeat it -over and over again that they would probably die in the battle and never -get home, and hold this idea up before them as if it were the only idea -suitable for their purpose, how excessively absurd is the whole statute -considered as a military law,—just as absurd as the Mosaic fugitive law, -understood in its widest application, is, considered as a slave law! - -It is clearly the object of this military law to put an end to military -expeditions; for, with this law in force, such expeditions must always -be entirely volunteer expeditions. Just as clearly was it the object of -the fugitive slave law to put an end to compulsory servitude; for, with -that law in force, the servitude must, in effect, be, to a great extent, -voluntary,—and that is just what the legislator intended. There is no -possibility of limiting the law, on account of its absurdity, when -understood in its widest sense, except by proving that the Mosaic -legislation was designed to perpetuate and not to limit slavery; and -this certainly cannot be proved, for it is directly contrary to the -plain matter of fact. - -I repeat it, then, again: there is nothing in the language of this -statute, there is nothing in the connection in which it stands, there is -nothing in the history of the Mosaic legislation on this subject, to -limit the application of the law to the case of servants escaping from -foreign masters; but every consideration, from every legitimate source, -leads us to a conclusion directly the opposite. Such a limitation is the -arbitrary, unsupported _stet voluntas pro ratione_ assumption of the -commentator, and nothing else. The only shadow of a philological -argument that I can see, for limiting the statute, is found in the use -of the words _to thee_, in the fifteenth verse. It may be said that the -pronoun _thee_ is used in a _national_ and not _individual_ sense, -implying an escape from some other nation to the Hebrews. But, examine -the statute immediately preceding this, and observe the use of the -pronoun _thee_ in the thirteenth verse. Most obviously, the pronouns in -these statutes are used with reference to the _individuals_ addressed, -and not in a collective or national sense exclusively; very rarely, if -ever, can this sense be given to them in the way claimed by the argument -referred to. - -2. It is said that the proclamation, “Thou shalt proclaim liberty -through the land to all the inhabitants thereof,” related only to Hebrew -slaves. This assumption is based entirely on the supposition that the -slave was not considered, in Hebrew law, as a person, as an inhabitant -of the land, and a member of the state; but we have just proved that in -the most solemn transaction of the state the hewer of wood and drawer of -water is expressly designated as being just as much an actor and -participator as his master; and it would be absurd to suppose that, in a -statute addressed to all the inhabitants of the land, he is not included -as an inhabitant. - -Barnes enforces this idea by some pages of quotations from Jewish -writers, which will fully satisfy any one who reads his work. - -From a review, then, of all that relates to the Hebrew slave-law, it -will appear that it was a very well-considered and wisely-adapted system -of education and gradual emancipation. No rational man can doubt that if -the same laws were enacted and the same practices prevailed with regard -to slavery in the United States, that the system of American slavery -might be considered, to all intents and purposes, practically at an end. -If there is any doubt of this fact, and it is still thought that the -permission of slavery among the Hebrews justifies American slavery, in -all fairness the experiment of making the two systems alike ought to be -tried, and we should then see what would be the result. - - - - - CHAPTER XV. - SLAVERY IS DESPOTISM. - - -It is always important, in discussing a thing, to keep before our minds -exactly what it is. - -The only means of understanding precisely what a civil institution is -are an examination of the laws which regulate it. In different ages and -nations, very different things have been called by the name of slavery. -Patriarchal servitude was one thing, Hebrew servitude was another, Greek -and Roman servitude still a third; and these institutions differed very -much from each other. What, then, is American slavery, as we have seen -it exhibited by law, and by the decisions of courts? - -Let us begin by stating what it is not. - -1. It is not apprenticeship. - -2. It is not guardianship. - -3. It is in no sense a system for the education of a weaker race by a -stronger. - -4. The happiness of the governed is in no sense its object. - -5. The temporal improvement or the eternal well-being of the governed is -in no sense its object. - -The object of it has been distinctly stated in one sentence, by Judge -Ruffin,—“The end is the profit of the master, his security, and the -public safety.” - -Slavery, then, is absolute despotism, of the most unmitigated form. - -It would, however, be doing injustice to the absolutism of any -_civilized_ country to liken American slavery to it. The absolute -governments of Europe none of them pretend to be founded on a _property_ -right of the governor to the persons and entire capabilities of the -governed. - -This is a form of despotism which exists only in some of the most savage -countries of the world; as, for example, in Dahomey. - -The European absolutism or despotism, now, does, to some extent, -recognize the happiness and welfare of the _governed_ as the foundation -of government; and the ruler is considered as invested with power _for -the benefit of the people_; and his right to rule is supposed to be -somewhat predicated upon the idea that he better understands how to -promote the good of the people than they themselves do. No government in -the _civilized_ world now presents the pure despotic idea, as it existed -in the old days of the Persian and Assyrian rule. - -The arguments which defend slavery must be substantially the same as -those which defend despotism of any other kind; and the objections which -are to be urged against it are precisely those which can be urged -against despotism of any other kind. The customs and practices to which -it gives rise are precisely those to which despotisms in all ages have -given rise. - -Is the slave suspected of a crime? His master has the power to examine -him by torture (see State _v._ Castleman). His master has, in fact, in -most cases, the power of life and death, owing to the exclusion of the -slave’s evidence. He has the power of banishing the slave, at any time, -and without giving an account to anybody, to an exile as dreadful as -that of Siberia, and to labors as severe as those of the galleys. He has -also unlimited power over the character of his slave. He can accuse him -of any crime, yet withhold from him all right of trial or investigation, -and sell him into captivity, with his name blackened by an unexamined -imputation. - -These are all abuses for which despotic governments are blamed. They are -powers which good men who are despotic rulers are beginning to disuse; -but, under the flag of every slave-holding state, and under the flag of -the whole United States in the District of Columbia, they are committed -indiscriminately to men of any character. - -But the worst kind of despotism has been said to be that which extends -alike over the body and over the soul; which can bind the liberty of the -conscience, and deprive a man of all right of choice in respect to the -manner in which he shall learn the will of God, and worship Him. In -other days, kings on their thrones, and cottagers by their firesides, -alike trembled before a despotism which declared itself able to bind and -to loose, to open and to shut the kingdom of heaven. - -Yet this power to control the conscience, to control the religious -privileges, and all the opportunities which man has of acquaintanceship -with his Maker, and of learning to do his will, is, under the flag of -every slave state, and under the flag of the United States, placed in -the hands of any men, of any character, who can afford to pay for it. - -It is a most awful and most solemn truth that the greatest republic in -the world does sustain under her national flag the worst system of -despotism which can possibly exist. - -With regard to one point to which we have adverted,—the power of the -master to deprive the slave of a legal trial while accusing him of -crime,—a very striking instance has occurred in the District of -Columbia, within a year or two. The particulars of the case, as stated, -at the time, in several papers, were briefly these: A gentleman in -Washington, our national capital,—an elder in the Presbyterian -church,—held a female slave, who had, for some years, supported a good -character in a Baptist church of that city. He accused her of an attempt -to poison his family, and immediately placed her in the hands of a -slave-dealer, who took her over and imprisoned her in the slave-pen at -Alexandria, to await the departure of a coffle. The poor girl had a -mother, who felt as any mother would naturally feel. - -When apprized of the situation of her daughter, she flew to the pen, -and, with tears, besought an interview with her only child; but she was -cruelly repulsed, and told to be gone! She then tried to see the elder, -but failed. She had the promise of money sufficient to purchase her -daughter, but the owner would listen to no terms of compromise. - -In her distress, the mother repaired to a lawyer in the city, and begged -him to give form to her petition in writing. She stated to him what she -wished to have said, and he arranged it for her in such a form as she -herself might have presented it in, had not the benefits of education -been denied her. The following is the letter: - - _Washington, July 25, 1851._ - - MR. ——. - - SIR: I address you as a rich Christian freeman and father, while I - am myself but a poor slave-mother! I come to plead with you for an - only child whom I love, who is a professor of the Christian religion - with yourself, and a member of a Christian church; and who, by your - act of ownership, now pines in her imprisonment in a loathsome - man-warehouse, where she is held for sale! I come to plead with you - for the exercise of that blessed law, “Whatsoever ye would that men - should do unto you, do ye even so to them.” - - With great labor, I have found friends who are willing to aid me in - the purchase of my child, to save us from a cruel separation. You, - as a _father_, can judge of my feelings when I was told that you had - decreed her banishment to _distant_ as well as to _hopeless_ - bondage! - - For nearly six years my child has done for you the hard labor of a - slave; from the age of sixteen to twenty-two, she has done the hard - work of your chamber, kitchen, cellar, and stables. By night and by - day, your will and your commands have been her highest law; and all - this has been unrequited toil. If in all this time her scanty - allowance of tea and coffee has been sweetened, it has been at the - cost of her slave-mother, and not at yours. - - You are an office-bearer in the church, and a man of _prayer_. As - such, and as the absolute owner of my child, I ask candidly whether - she has enjoyed such mild and gentle treatment, and amiable example, - as she ought to have had, to encourage her in her monotonous - bondage? Has she received at your hands, in faithful religious - instruction in the Word of God, a full and fair compensation for all - her toil? It is not to me alone that you must answer these - questions. You acknowledge the high authority of His laws who - preached a deliverance to the captive, and who commands you to give - to your servant “that which is just and equal.” O! I entreat you, - withhold not, at this trying hour, from my child that which will cut - off her last hope, and which may endanger your own soul! - - It has been said that you charge my daughter with crime. Can this be - really so? Can it be that you would set aside the obligations of - honor and good citizenship,—that you would dare to sell the guilty - one away for money, rather than bring her to trial, which you _know_ - she is ready to meet? What would you say, if you were accused of - guilt, and refused a trial? Is not her fair name as precious to her, - in the church to which she belongs, as yours can be to you? - - Suppose, now, for a moment, that _your_ daughter, whom you love, - instead of mine, was in these hot days incarcerated in a - _negro-pen_, subject to my control, fed on the coarsest food, - committed to the entire will of a brute, denied the privilege - commonly allowed even to the murderer—that of seeing the face of his - friends? O! then, you would FEEL! Feel soon, then, for a poor - slave-mother and her child, and do for us as you shall wish you had - done when we shall meet before the Great Judge, and when it shall be - your greatest joy to say, “I _did_ let the oppressed free.” - - ELLEN BROWN. - -The girl, however, was sent off to the Southern market. - -The writer has received these incidents from the gentleman who wrote the -letter. Whether the course pursued by the master was strictly legal is a -point upon which we are not entirely certain; that it was a course in -which the law did not in fact interfere is quite plain, and it is also -very apparent that it was a course against which public sentiment did -not remonstrate. The man who exercised this power was a professedly -religious man, enjoying a position of importance in a Christian church; -and it does not appear, from any movements in the Christian community -about him, that they did not consider his course a justifiable one. - -Yet is not this kind of power the very one at which we are so shocked -when we see it exercised by foreign despots? - -Do we not read with shuddering that in Russia, or in Austria, a man -accused of crime is seized upon, separated from his friends, allowed no -opportunities of trial or of self-defence, but hurried off to Siberia, -or some other dreaded exile? - -Why is despotism any worse in the governor of a state than in a private -individual? - -There is a great controversy now going on in the world between the -despotic and the republican principle. All the common arguments used in -support of slavery are arguments that apply with equal strength to -despotic government, and there are some arguments in favor of despotic -governments that do not apply to individual slavery. - -There are arguments, and quite plausible ones, in favor of despotic -government. Nobody can deny that it possesses a certain kind of -efficiency, compactness, and promptness of movement, which cannot, from -the nature of things, belong to a republic. Despotism has established -and sustained much more efficient systems of police than ever a republic -did. The late King of Prussia, by the possession of absolute despotic -power was enabled to carry out a much more efficient system of popular -education than we ever have succeeded in carrying out in America. He -districted his kingdom in the most thorough manner, and obliged every -parent, whether he would or not, to have his children thoroughly -educated. - -If we reply to all this, as we do, that the possession of absolute power -in a man qualified to use it right is undoubtedly calculated for the -good of the state, but that there are so few men that know how to use -it, that this form of government is not, on the whole, a safe one, then -we have stated an argument that goes to overthrow slavery as much as it -does a despotic government; for certainly the chances are much greater -of finding one man, in the course of fifty years, who is capable of -wisely using this power, than of finding thousands of men every day in -our streets, who can be trusted with such power. It is a painful and -most serious fact, that America trusts to the hands of the most brutal -men of her country, equally with the best, that despotic power which she -thinks an unsafe thing even in the hands of the enlightened, educated -and cultivated Emperor of the Russias. - -With all our republican prejudices, we cannot deny that Nicholas is a -man of talent, with a mind liberalized by education; we have been -informed, also, that he is a man of serious and religious character;—he -certainly, acting as he does in the eye of all the world, must have -great restraint upon him from public opinion, and a high sense of -character. But who is the man to whom American laws intrust powers more -absolute than those of Nicholas of Russia, or Ferdinand of Naples? He -may have been a pirate on the high seas; he may be a drunkard; he may, -like Souther, have been convicted of a brutality at which humanity turns -pale; but, for all that, American slave-law will none the less trust him -with this irresponsible power,—power over the body, and power over the -soul. - -On which side, then, stands the American nation, in the great -controversy which is now going on between self-government and despotism? -On which side does America stand, in the great controversy for liberty -of conscience? - -Do foreign governments exclude their population from the reading of the -Bible?—The slave of America is excluded by the most effectual means -possible. Do we say, “Ah! but we read the Bible to our slaves, and -present the gospel orally?”—This is precisely what religious despotism -in Italy says. Do we say that we have no objection to our slaves reading -the Bible, if they will stop there; but that with this there will come -in a flood of general intelligence, which will upset the existing state -of things?—This is precisely what is said in Italy. - -Do we say we should be willing that the slave should read his Bible, but -that he, in his ignorance, will draw false and erroneous conclusions -from it, and for that reason we prefer to impart its truths to him -orally?—This, also, is precisely what the religious despotism of Europe -says. - -Do we say, in our vain-glory, that despotic government dreads the coming -in of anything calculated to elevate and educate the people?—And is -there not the same dread through all the despotic slave governments of -America? - -On which side, then, does the American nation stand, in the great, last -QUESTION of the age? - - - - - PART III. - - - - - CHAPTER I. - DOES PUBLIC OPINION PROTECT THE SLAVE? - - -The utter inefficiency of the law to protect the slave in any respect -has been shown. - -But it is claimed that, precisely because the law affords the slave no -protection, therefore public opinion is the more strenuous in his -behalf. - -Nothing more frequently strikes the eye, in running over judicial -proceedings in the courts of slave states, than announcements of the -utter inutility of the law to rectify some glaring injustice towards -this unhappy race, coupled with congratulatory remarks on that -beneficent state of _public sentiment_ which is to supply entirely this -acknowledged deficiency of the law. - -On this point it may, perhaps, be sufficient to ask the reader, whether -North or South, to review in his own mind the judicial documents which -we have presented, and ask himself what inference is to be drawn, as to -the state of public sentiment, from the cases there presented,—from the -pleas of lawyers, the decisions of judges, the facts sworn to by -witnesses, and the general style and spirit of the whole proceedings. - -In order to appreciate this more fully, let us compare a trial in a free -state with a trial in a slave state. - -In the free State of Massachusetts, a man of standing, learning and high -connections, murdered another man. He did not torture him, but with one -blow sent him in a moment from life. The murderer had every advantage of -position, of friends; it may be said, indeed, that he had the sympathy -of the whole United States; yet how calmly, with what unmoved and awful -composure, did the judicial examination proceed! The murderer was -condemned to die—what a sensation shook the country! Even sovereign -states assumed the attitude of petitioners for him. - -There was a voice of entreaty, from Maine to New Orleans. There were -remonstrances, and there were threats; but still, with what passionless -calmness retributive justice held on its way! Though the men who were -her instruments were men of merciful and bleeding hearts, yet they bowed -in silence to her sublime will. In spite of all that influence and -wealth and power could do, a cultivated and intelligent man, from the -first rank of society, suffered the same penalty that would fall on any -other man who violated the sanctity of human life. - -Now, compare this with a trial in a slave state. In Virginia, Souther -also murdered a man; but he did not murder him by one merciful blow, but -by twelve hours of torture so horrible that few readers could bear even -the description of it. It was a mode of death which, to use the language -that Cicero in his day applied to crucifixion, “ought to be forever -removed from the sight, hearing, and from the very thoughts of mankind.” -And to this horrible scene two white men were WITNESSES! - -Observe the mode in which these two cases were tried, and the general -sensation they produced. Hear the lawyers, in this case of Souther, -coolly debating whether it can be considered any crime at all. Hear the -decision of the inferior court, that it is murder in the _second -degree_, and apportioning as its reward five years of imprisonment. See -the horrible butcher coming up to the Superior Court in the attitude of -an injured man! See the case recorded as that of _Souther_ VERSUS _The -Commonwealth_, and let us ask any intelligent man, North or South, what -sort of public sentiment does this show! - -Does it show a belief that the negro is a man? Does it not show -decidedly that he is _not_ considered as a man? Consider further the -horrible principle which, reäffirmed in the case, is the law of the land -in Virginia. _It is the policy of the law, in respect to the relation of -master and slave, and for the sake of securing proper subordination on -the part of the slave, to protect the master from prosecution in all -such cases, even if the whipping and punishment be malicious, cruel and -excessive!_ - -When the most cultivated and intelligent men in the state formally, -calmly and without any apparent perception of saying anything inhuman, -utter such an astounding decision as this, what _can_ be thought of it? -If they do not consider this cruel, what is cruel? And, if their -feelings are so blunted as to see no cruelty in such a decision, what -hope is there of any protection to the slave? - -This law is a plain and distinct permission to such wretches as Souther -to inflict upon the helpless slave any torture they may choose, without -any accusation or impeachment of crime. It distinctly tells Souther, and -the white witnesses who saw his deed, and every other low, unprincipled -man in the court, that it is the policy of the law to protect him in -malicious, cruel and excessive punishments. - -What sort of an education is this for the intelligent and cultivated men -of a state to communicate to the lower and less-educated class? Suppose -it to be solemnly announced in Massachusetts, with respect to free -laborers or apprentices, that it is the policy of the law, for the sake -of producing subordination, to protect the master in inflicting any -punishment, however cruel, malicious and excessive, short of death. We -cannot imagine such a principle declared, without a rebellion and a -storm of popular excitement to which that of Bunker Hill was calmness -itself;—but, supposing the State of Massachusetts were so “twice dead -and plucked up by the roots” as to allow such a decision to pass without -comment concerning her working classes,—suppose it did pass, and become -an active, operative reality, what kind of an educational influence -would it exert upon the commonwealth? What kind of an estimate of the -working classes would it show in the minds of those who make and execute -the law? - -What an immediate development of villany and brutality would be brought -out by such a law, avowedly made to protect men in cruelty! Cannot men -be cruel enough, without all the majesty of law being brought into -operation to sanction it, and make it reputable? - -And suppose it were said, in vindication of such a law, “O, of course, -no respectable, humane man would ever think of taking advantage of it.” -Should we not think the old State of Massachusetts sunk very low, to -have on her legal records direct assurances of protection to deeds which -no decent man would ever do? - -And, when this shocking permission is brought in review at the -judgment-seat of Christ, and the awful Judge shall say to its makers, -aiders, and abettors, Where is thy brother?—when all the souls that have -called from under the altar, “How long, O Lord, dost thou not judge and -avenge our blood,” shall rise around the judgment-seat as a great cloud -of witnesses, and the judgment is set and the books are opened,—what -answer will be made for such laws and decisions as these? - -Will they tell the great Judge that it was necessary to preserve the -slave system,—that it could not be preserved without them? - -Will they dare look upon those eyes, which are as a flame of fire, with -any such avowal? - -Will He not answer, as with a voice of thunders, “Ye have killed the -poor and needy, and ye have forgotten that the Lord was his helper”? - -The deadly sin of slavery is its denial of humanity to man. This has -been the sin of oppression, in every age. To tread down, to vilify and -crush, the image of God, in the person of the poor and lowly, has been -the great sin of man since the creation of the world. Against this sin -all the prophets of ancient times poured forth their thunders. A still -stronger witness was borne against this sin when God, in Jesus Christ, -took human nature, and made each human being a brother of the Lord. But -the last and most sublime witness shall be borne when a MAN shall judge -the whole earth—a Man who shall acknowledge for His brother the meanest -slave, equally with the proudest master. - -In most singular and affecting terms it is asserted in the Bible that -the Father hath committed all judgment to the Son, BECAUSE HE IS THE SON -OF MAN. That human nature, which, in the person of the poor slave, has -been despised and rejected, scoffed and scorned, scourged and tortured, -shall in that day be glorified; and it shall appear the most fearful of -sins to have made light of the sacredness of humanity, as these laws and -institutions of slavery have done. The fact is, that the whole system of -slave-law, and the whole practice of the slave system, and the public -sentiment that is formed by it, are alike based on the greatest of all -heresies, _a denial of equal human brotherhood_. A whole race has been -thrown out of the range of human existence, their immortality -disregarded, their dignity as children of God scoffed at, their -brotherhood with Christ treated as a fable, and all the law and public -sentiment and practice with regard to them such as could be justified -only on supposition that they were a race of inferior animals. - -It is because the negro is considered an _inferior animal_, and not -worthy of any better treatment, that the system which relates to him and -the treatment which falls to him are considered humane. - -Take any class of white men, however uneducated, and place them under -the same system of laws, and make their civil condition in all respects -like that of the negro, and would it not be considered the most -outrageous cruelty? - -Suppose the slave-law were enacted with regard to all the Irish in our -country, and they were parcelled off as the property of any man who had -money enough to buy them. Suppose their right to vote, their right to -bring suit in any case, their right to bear testimony in courts of -justice, their right to contract a legal marriage, their right to hold -property or to make contracts of any sort, were all by one stroke of law -blotted out. Furthermore, suppose it was forbidden to teach them to read -and write, and that their children to all ages were “doomed to live -without knowledge.” Suppose that, in judicial proceedings, it were -solemnly declared, with regard to them, that the _mere beating_ of an -Irishman, “apart from any circumstances of cruelty, or any attempt to -kill,” was no offence against the peace of the state. Suppose that it -were declared that, for the better preservation of subjection among -them, the law would protect the master in any kind of punishment -inflicted, even if it should appear to be malicious, cruel and -excessive; and suppose that monsters like Souther, in availing -themselves of this permission, should occasionally torture Irishmen to -death, but still this circumstance should not be deemed of sufficient -importance to call for any restriction on the part of the master. -Suppose it should be coolly said, “O yes, Irishmen are occasionally -tortured to death, we know; but it is not by any means a _general_ -occurrence; in fact, no men of position in society would do it; and when -cases of the kind do occur, they are indignantly frowned upon.” - -Suppose it should be stated that the reason that the law restraining the -power of the master cannot be made any more stringent is, that the -general system cannot be maintained without allowing this extent of -power to the master. - -Suppose that, having got all the Irishmen in the country down into this -condition, they should maintain that such was the public sentiment of -humanity with regard to them as abundantly to supply the want of all -legal rights, and to make their condition, on the whole, happier than if -they were free. Should we not say that a public sentiment which saw no -cruelty in thus depriving a whole race of every right dear to manhood -could see no cruelty in anything, and had proved itself wholly unfit to -judge upon the subject? What man would not rather see his children in -the grave than see them slaves? What man, who, should he wake to-morrow -morning in the condition of an American slave, would not wish himself in -the grave? And yet all the defenders of slavery start from the point -that this legal condition is not _of itself_ a cruelty! They would hold -it the last excess of cruelty with regard to themselves, or any white -man; why do they call it no cruelty at all with regard to the negro? - -The writer in defence of slavery in _Fraser’s Magazine_ justifies this -depriving of a whole class of any legal rights, by urging that “the good -there is in human nature will supply the deficiencies of human -legislation.” This remark is one most significant, powerful index of the -state of public sentiment, produced even in a generous mind, by the -slave system. This writer thinks the good there is in human nature will -supply the absence of all legal rights to thousands and millions of -human beings. He thinks it right to risk their bodies and their souls on -the good there is in human nature; yet this very man would not send a -fifty-dollar bill through the post-office, in an unsealed letter, -trusting to “the good there is in human nature.” - -Would this man dare to place his children in the position of slaves, and -trust them to “the good in human nature”? - -Would he buy an estate from the most honorable man of his acquaintance, -and have no legal record of the deed, trusting to “the good in human -nature”? And if “the good in human nature” will not suffice for him and -his children, how will it suffice for his brother and his brother’s -children? Is his happiness of any more importance in God’s sight than -his brother’s happiness, that his must be secured by legal bolts, and -bonds, and bars, and his brother’s left to “the good there is in human -nature”? Never are we so impressed with the utter deadness of public -sentiment to protect the slave, as when we see such opinions as these -uttered by men of a naturally generous and noble character. - -The most striking and the most painful examples of the perversion of -public sentiment, with regard to the negro race, are often given in the -writings of men of humanity, amiableness and piety. - -That devoted laborer for the slave, the Rev. Charles C. Jones, thus -expresses his sense of the importance of one African soul: - - Were it now revealed to us that the most extensive system of - instruction which we could devise, requiring a vast amount of labor - and protracted through ages, would result in the tender mercy of our - God in the salvation of the soul of _one poor African_, we should - feel warranted in cheerfully entering upon our work, with all its - costs and sacrifices. - -What a noble, what a sublime spirit, is here breathed! Does it not show -a mind capable of the very highest impulses? - -And yet, if we look over his whole writings, we shall see painfully how -the moral sense of the finest mind may be perverted by constant -familiarity with such a system. - -We find him constructing an appeal to masters to have their slaves -_orally_ instructed in religion. In many passages he speaks of oral -instruction as confessedly an imperfect species of instruction, very -much inferior to that which results from personal reading and -examination of the Word of God. He says, in one place, that in order to -do much good it must be begun very early in life, and intimates that -people in advanced years can acquire very little from it; and yet he -decidedly expresses his opinion that slavery is an institution with -which no Christian has cause to interfere. - -The slaves, according to his own showing, are cut off from the best -means for the salvation of their souls, and restricted to one of a very -inferior nature. They are placed under restriction which makes their -souls as dependent upon others for spiritual food as a man without hands -is dependent upon others for bodily food. He recognizes the fact, which -his own experience must show him, that the slave is at all times liable -to pass into the hands of those who will not take the trouble thus to -feed his soul; nay, if we may judge from his urgent appeals to masters, -he perceives around him many who, having spiritually cut off the slave’s -hands, refuse to feed him. He sees that, by the operation of this law as -a matter of fact, thousands are placed in situations where the perdition -of the soul is almost certain, and yet he declares that he does not feel -called upon at all to interfere with their civil condition! - -But, if the soul of every poor African is of that inestimable worth -which Mr. Jones believes, does it not follow that he ought to have the -very best means for getting to heaven which it is possible to give him? -And is not he who can read the Bible for himself in a better condition -than he who is dependent upon the reading of another? If it be said that -such teaching cannot be afforded, because it makes them unsafe property, -ought not a clergyman like Mr. Jones to meet this objection in his own -expressive language: - - Were it now revealed to us that the most extensive system of - instruction which we could devise, requiring a vast amount of labor - and protracted through ages, would result in the tender mercy of our - God in the salvation of the soul of _one poor African_, we should - feel warranted in cheerfully entering upon our work, with all its - costs and sacrifices. - -Should not a clergyman, like Mr. Jones, tell masters that they should -risk the loss of all things seen and temporal, rather than incur the -hazard of bringing eternal ruin on these souls? All the arguments which -Mr. Jones so eloquently used with masters, to persuade them to give -their slaves oral instruction, would apply with double force to show -their obligation to give the slave the power of reading the Bible for -himself. - -Again, we come to hear Mr. Jones telling masters of the power they have -over the souls of their servants, and we hear him say, - - We may, according to the power lodged in our hands, forbid religious - meetings and religious instruction on our own plantations; we may - forbid our servants going to church at all, or only to such churches - as we may select for them. We may literally shut up the kingdom of - heaven against men, and suffer not them that are entering to go in. - -And, when we hear Mr. Jones say all this, and then consider that he must -see and know this awful power is often lodged in the hands of wholly -irreligious men, in the hands of men of the most profligate character, -we can account for his thinking such a system right only by attributing -it to that blinding, deadening influence which the public sentiment of -slavery exerts even over the best-constituted minds. - -Neither Mr. Jones nor any other Christian minister would feel it right -that the eternal happiness of their own children should be thus placed -in the power of any man who should have money to pay for them. How, -then, can they think it right that this power be given in the case of -their African brother? - -Does this not show that, even in case of the most humane and Christian -people, who theoretically believe in the equality of all souls before -God, a constant familiarity with slavery works a practical infidelity on -this point; and that they give their assent to laws which practically -declare that the salvation of the servant’s soul is of less consequence -than the salvation of the property relation? - -Let us not be thought invidious or uncharitable in saying, that where -slavery exists there are so many causes necessarily uniting to corrupt -public sentiment with regard to the slave, that the best-constituted -minds cannot trust themselves in it. In the northern and free states -public sentiment has been, and is, to this day, fatally infected by the -influence of a past and the proximity of a present system of slavery. -Hence the injustice with which the negro in many of our states is -treated. Hence, too, those apologies for slavery, and defences of it, -which issue from Northern presses, and even Northern pulpits. If even at -the North the remains of slavery can produce such baleful effects in -corrupting public sentiment, how much more must this be the case where -this institution is in full force! - -The whole American nation is, in some sense, under a paralysis of public -sentiment on this subject. It was said by a heathen writer that the gods -gave us a fearful power when they gave us the faculty of becoming -accustomed to things. This power has proved a fearful one indeed in -America. We have got used to things which might stir the dead in their -graves. - -When but a small portion of the things daily done in America has been -told in England, and France, and Italy, and Germany, there has been a -perfect shriek and outcry of horror. America alone remains cool, and -asks, “What is the matter?” - -Europe answers back, “Why, we have heard that men are _sold_ like cattle -in your country.” - -“Of course they are,” says America; “but what then?” - -“We have heard,” says Europe, “that millions of men are forbidden to -read and write in your country.” - -“We know that,” says America; “but what is this outcry about?” - -“We have heard,” says Europe, “that Christian girls are sold to shame in -your markets!” - -“That isn’t quite as it should be,” says America; “but still what is -this _excitement_ about?” - -“We hear that three millions of your people can have no legal marriage -ties,” says Europe. - -“Certainly that is true,” returns America; “but you made such an outcry, -we thought you saw some great _cruelty_ going on.” - -“And you profess to be a free country!” says indignant Europe. - -“Certainly we are the freest and most enlightened country in the -world,—what are you talking about?” says America. - -“You send your missionaries to Christianize us,” says Turkey; “and our -religion has abolished this horrible system.” - -“You! you are all heathen over there,—what business have you to talk?” -answers America. - -Many people seem really to have thought that nothing but horrible -exaggerations of the system of slavery could have produced the sensation -which has recently been felt in all modern Europe. They do not know that -the thing they have become accustomed to, and handled so freely in every -discussion, seems to all other nations the sum and essence of villany. -Modern Europe, opening her eyes and looking on the legal theory of the -slave system, on the laws and interpretations of law which define it, -says to America, in the language of the indignant Othello, If thou wilt -justify a thing like this, - - “Never pray more; abandon all remorse; - On Horror’s head horrors accumulate; - Do deeds to make heaven weep, all earth amazed; - For nothing canst thou to damnation add - Greater than this.” - -There is an awful state of familiarity with evil which the apostle calls -being “dead in trespasses and sins,” where truth has been resisted, and -evil perseveringly defended, and the convictions of conscience stifled, -and the voice of God’s Holy Spirit bidden to depart. There is an awful -paralysis of the moral sense, when deeds unholiest and crimes most -fearful cease any longer to affect the nerve. That paralysis, always a -fearful indication of the death and dissolution of nations, is a doubly -dangerous disease in a republic, whose only power is in intelligence, -justice and virtue. - - - - - CHAPTER II. - PUBLIC OPINION FORMED BY EDUCATION. - - -Rev. Charles C. Jones, in his interesting work on the Religious -Instruction of Negroes, has a passage which so peculiarly describes that -influence of public opinion which we have been endeavoring to -illustrate, that we shall copy it. - - Habits of feeling and prejudices in relation to any subject are wont - to take their rise out of our _education_ or circumstances. Every - man knows their influence to be great in shaping opinions and - conduct, and ofttimes how unwittingly they are formed; that while we - may be unconscious of their existence, they may grow with our growth - and strengthen with our strength. Familiarity converts deformity - into comeliness. Hence we are not always the best judges of our - condition. Another may remark inconveniences, and, indeed, real - evils, in it, of which we may be said to have been all our lives - scarcely conscious. So, also, evils which, upon first acquaintance, - revolted our whole nature, and appeared intolerable, custom almost - makes us forget even to see. Men passing out of one state of society - into another encounter a thousand things to which they feel that - they can never be reconciled; yet, shortly after, their - sensibilities become dulled,—a change passes over them, they - scarcely know how. They have accommodated themselves to their new - circumstances and relations,—they are Romans in Rome. - -Let us now inquire what are the educational influences which bear upon -the mind educated in constant familiarity with the slave system. - -Take any child of ingenuous mind and of generous heart, and educate him -under the influences of slavery, and what are the things which go to -form his character? An anecdote which a lady related to the writer may -be in point in this place. In giving an account of some of the things -which induced her to remove her family from under the influence of -slavery, she related the following incident: Looking out of her nursery -window one day, she saw her daughter, about three years of age, seated -in her little carriage, with six or eight young negro children harnessed -into it for horses. Two or three of the older slaves were standing -around their little mistress, and one of them, putting a whip into her -hand, said, “There, Misse, whip ‘em well; make ‘em go,—they’re all your -niggers.” - -What a moral and religious lesson was this for that young soul! The -mother was a judicious woman, who never would herself have taught such a -thing; but the whole influence of slave society had burnt it into the -soul of every negro, and through them it was communicated to the child. - -As soon as a child is old enough to read the newspapers, he sees in -every column such notices as the following from a late _Richmond Whig_, -and other papers. - - LARGE SALE OF NEGROES, HORSES, MULES, CATTLE, &c. - - The subscriber, under a decree of the Circuit Superior Court for - Fluvanna County, will proceed to sell, by public auction, at the - late residence of William Galt, deceased, on TUESDAY, the 30th day - of November, and WEDNESDAY, the 1st day of December next, beginning - at 11 o’clock, the negroes, stock, &c., of all kinds, belonging to - the estate, consisting of 175 _negroes, amongst whom are_ SOME - CARPENTERS AND BLACKSMITHS,—10 horses, 33 mules, 100 head of cattle, - 100 sheep, 200 hogs, 1500 barrels corn, oats, fodder, &c., the - plantation and shop tools of all kinds. - - The Negroes will be sold for cash; the other property on a credit of - nine months, the purchaser giving bond, with approved security. - - JAMES GALT, _Administrator of - William Galt, deceased_ - - _Oct. 19._ - -From the _Nashville Gazette_, Nov. 23, 1852: - - GREAT SALE OF NEGROES, MULES, CATTLE, &c. - - On TUESDAY, the 21st day of December next, at the Plantation of the - late N. A. MCNAIRY, on the Franklin Turnpike, on account of Mrs. C. - B. McNairy, Executrix, we will offer at Public Sale - - FIFTY VALUABLE NEGROES. - - These Negroes are good Plantation Negroes, and will be sold in - families. Those wishing to purchase will do well to see them before - the day of sale. - - Also, TEN FINE WORK MULES, TWO JACKS AND ONE JENNET, MILCH COWS AND - CALVES, Cattle, Stock Hogs, 1200 barrels Corn, Oats, Hay, Fodder, - &c. Two Wagons, One Cart, Farming Utensils, &c. - -From the _Newberry Sentinel_: - - FOR SALE. - - The subscriber will sell at Auction, on the 15th of this month, at - the Plantation on which he resides, distant eleven miles from the - Town of Newberry, and near the Laurens Railroad, - - 22 Young and Likely Negroes; - - comprising able-bodied field-hands, good cooks, house-servants, and - an excellent blacksmith;—about 1500 bushels of corn, a quantity of - fodder, hogs, mules, sheep, neat cattle, household and kitchen - furniture, and other property.—_Terms made public on day of Sale._ - - M. C. GARY. - - _Dec. 1._ - - ☞ _Laurensville Herald_ copy till day of sale. - -From the _South Carolinian_, Oct. 21, 1852: - - ESTATE SALE OF VALUABLE PROPERTY. - - The undersigned, as Administrator of the Estate of Col. T. Randell, - deceased, will sell, on MONDAY, the 20th December next, all the - personal property belonging to said estate, consisting of 56 - NEGROES, STOCK, CORN, FODDER, &c. &c. The sale will take place at - the residence of the deceased, on Sandy River, 10 miles West of - Chesterville. - - Terms of Sale: The negroes on a credit of 12 months, with interest - from day of sale, and two good sureties. The other property will be - sold for cash. - - SAMUEL J. RANDELL. - - _Sept. 2._ - -See, also, _New Orleans Bee_, Oct. 28. After advertising the landed -estate of Madeline Lanoux, deceased, comes the following enumeration of -chattels: - - Twelve slaves, men and women; a small, quite new schooner; a - ferrying flat-boat; some cows, calves, heifers and sheep; a lot of - household furniture; the contents of a store, consisting of - hardware, crockery ware, groceries, dry goods, etc. - -Now, suppose all parents to be as pious and benevolent as Mr. Jones,—a -thing not at all to be hoped for, as things are;—and suppose them to try -their very best to impress on the child a conviction that all souls are -of equal value in the sight of God; that the negro soul is as truly -beloved of Christ, and ransomed with his blood, as the master’s; and is -there any such thing as making him believe or realize it? Will he -believe that that which he sees, every week, advertised with hogs, and -horses, and fodder, and cotton-seed, and refuse furniture,—bedsteads, -tables and chairs,—is indeed so divine a thing? We will suppose that the -little child knows some pious slave; that he sees him at the -communion-table, partaking, in a far-off, solitary manner, of the -sacramental bread and wine. He sees his pious father and mother -recognize the slave as a Christian brother; they tell him that he is an -“heir of God, a joint heir with Jesus Christ;” and the next week he sees -him advertised in the paper, in company with a lot of hogs, stock and -fodder. Can the child possibly believe in what his Christian parents -have told him, when he sees this? We have spoken now of only the common -advertisements of the paper; but suppose the child to live in some -districts of the country, and advertisements of a still more degrading -character meet his eye. In the State of Alabama, a newspaper devoted to -politics, literature and EDUCATION, has a standing weekly advertisement -of which this is a copy: - - NOTICE. - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration] - - The undersigned having an excellent pack of HOUNDS, for trailing and - catching runaway slaves, informs the public that his prices in - future will be as follows for such services: - - For each day employed in hunting or trailing, $2.50 - For catching each slave, 10.00 - For going over ten miles and catching slaves, 20.00 - - If sent for, the above prices will be exacted in cash. The - subscriber resides one mile and a half south of Dadeville, Ala. - - B. BLACK. - - _Dadeville, Sept. 1, 1852._ 1tf - -The reader will see, by the printer’s sign at the bottom, that it is a -season advertisement, and, therefore, would meet the eye of the child -week after week. The paper from which we have cut this contains among -its extracts passages from Dickens’ _Household Words_, from Professor -Felton’s article in the _Christian Examiner_ on the relation of the -sexes, and a most beautiful and chivalrous appeal from the eloquent -senator Soulé on the legal rights of women. Let us now ask, since this -paper is devoted to education, what sort of an educational influence -such advertisements have. And, of course, such an establishment is not -kept up without patronage. Where there are negro-hunters advertising in -a paper, there are also negro-hunts, and there are dogs being trained to -hunt; and all this process goes on before the eyes of children; and what -sort of education is it? - -The writer has received an account of the way in which dogs are trained -for this business. The information has been communicated to the -gentleman who writes it by a negro man, who, having been always -accustomed to see it done, described it with as little sense of there -being anything out of the way in it as if the dogs had been trained to -catch raccoons. It came to the writer in a recent letter from the South. - - The way to train ‘em (says the man) is to take these yer pups,—any - kind o’ pups will do,—fox-hounds, bull-dogs, most any;—but take the - pups, and keep ‘em shut up and don’t let ‘em never see a nigger till - they get big enough to be larned. When the pups gits old enough to - be set on to things, then make ‘em run after a nigger; and when they - cotches him, give ‘em meat. Tell the nigger to run as hard as he - can, and git up in a tree, so as to larn the dogs to tree ‘em; then - take the shoe of a nigger, and larn ‘em to find the nigger it - belongs to; then a rag of his clothes; and so on. Allers be carful - to tree the nigger, and teach the dog to wait and bark under the - tree till you come up and give him his meat. - -See also the following advertisement from the _Ouachita Register_, a -newspaper dated “Monroe, La., Tuesday evening, June 1, 1852.” - - NEGRO DOGS. - - The undersigned would respectfully inform the citizens of Ouachita - and adjacent parishes, that he has located about 2½ miles east of - John White’s, on the road leading from Monroe to Bastrop, and that - he has a fine pack of Dogs for catching negroes. Persons wishing - negroes caught will do well to give him a call. He can always be - found at his stand when not engaged in hunting, and even then - information of his whereabouts can always be had of some one on the - premises. - - _Terms._—Five dollars per day and found, when there is no track - pointed out. When the track is shown, twenty-five dollars will be - charged for catching the negro. - - M. C. GOFF. - - Monroe, Feb. 17, 1852. 15–3m - -Now, do not all the scenes likely to be enacted under this head form a -fine education for the children of a Christian nation? and can we wonder -if children so formed see no cruelty in slavery? Can children realize -that creatures who are thus hunted are the children of one heavenly -Father with themselves? - -But suppose the boy grows up to be a man, and attends the courts of -justice, and hears intelligent, learned men declaring from the bench -that “the mere beating of a slave, unaccompanied by any circumstances of -cruelty, or an attempt to kill, is no breach of the peace of the state.” -Suppose he hears it decided in the same place that no insult or outrage -upon any slave is considered worthy of legal redress, unless it impairs -his property value. Suppose he hears, as he would in Virginia, that it -is the policy of the law to protect the master even in inflicting cruel, -malicious and excessive punishment upon the slave. Suppose a slave is -murdered, and he hears the lawyers arguing that it cannot be considered -a murder, because the slave, in law, is not considered a human being; -and then suppose the case is appealed to a superior court, and he hears -the judge expending his forces on a long and eloquent dissertation to -prove that the slave _is_ a human being; at least, that he is as much so -as a lunatic, an idiot, or an unborn child, and that, therefore, he can -be murdered. (See Judge Clark’s speech, on p. 75.) Suppose he sees that -all the administration of law with regard to the slave proceeds on the -idea that he is absolutely nothing more than a bale of merchandise. -Suppose he hears such language as this, which occurs in the reasonings -of the Brazealle case, and which is a fair sample of the manner in which -such subjects are ordinarily discussed. “The slave has no more political -capacity, no more right to purchase, hold or transfer property, than the -mule in his plough; he is in himself but a mere chattel,—the subject of -absolute ownership.” Suppose he sees on the statute-book such sentences -as these, from the civil code of Louisiana: - - Art. 2500. The latent defects of slaves and animals are divided into - two classes,—vices of body and vices of character. - - Art. 2501. The vices of body are distinguished into absolute and - relative. - - Art. 2502. The absolute vices of slaves are leprosy, madness and - epilepsy. - - Art. 2503. The absolute vices of horses and mules are short wind, - glanders, and founder. - -The influence of this language is made all the stronger on the young -mind from the fact that it is not the language of contempt, or of -passion, but of calm, matter-of-fact, legal statement. - -What effect must be produced on the mind of the young man when he comes -to see that, however atrocious and however well-proved be the murder of -a slave, the murderer uniformly escapes; and that, though the cases -where the slave has fallen a victim to passions of the white are so -multiplied, yet the fact of an execution for such a crime is yet almost -unknown in the country? Does not all this tend to produce exactly that -estimate of the value of negro life and happiness which Frederic -Douglass says was expressed by a common proverb among the white boys -where he was brought up: “It’s worth sixpence to kill a nigger, and -sixpence more to bury him”? - -We see the public sentiment which has been formed by this kind of -education exhibited by the following paragraph from the _Cambridge -Democrat_, Md., Oct. 27, 1852. That paper quotes the following from the -_Woodville Republican_, of Mississippi. It seems a Mr. Joshua Johns had -killed a slave, and had been sentenced therefor to the penitentiary for -two years. The _Republican_ thus laments his hard lot: - - STATE _v._ JOSHUA JOHNS. - - This cause resulted in the conviction of Johns, and his sentence to - the penitentiary for two years. Although every member of the jury, - together with the bar, and the public generally, signed a petition - to the governor for young Johns’ pardon, yet there was no fault to - find with the verdict of the jury. The extreme youth of Johns, and - the circumstances in which the killing occurred, enlisted universal - sympathy in his favor. There is no doubt that the negro had provoked - him to the deed by the use of insolent language; but how often must - it be told that words are no justification for blows? There are - _many_ persons—and we regret to say it—_who think they have the same - right to shoot a negro, if he insults them, or even runs from them, - that they have to shoot down a dog_; but there are laws for the - protection of the slave as well as the master, and the sooner the - _error above alluded to is removed_, the better will it be for both - parties. - - The unfortunate youth who has now entailed upon himself the penalty - of the law, we doubt not, had no idea that there existed such - penalty; and even if he was aware of the fact, the repeated insults - and taunts of the negro go far to mitigate the crime. Johns was - defended by I. D. Gildart, Esq., who probably did all that could - have been effected in his defence. - -The _Democrat_ adds: - - We learn from Mr. Curry, deputy sheriff, of Wilkinson County, that - Johns has been pardoned by the governor. We are gratified to hear - it. - -This error above alluded to, of thinking it is as innocent to shoot down -a negro as a dog, is one, we fairly admit, for which young Johns ought -not to be very severely blamed. He has been educated in a system of -things of which this opinion is the inevitable result; and he, -individually, is far less guilty for it, than are those men who support -the system of laws, and keep up the educational influences, which lead -young Southern men directly to this conclusion. Johns may be, for aught -we know, as generous-hearted and as just naturally as any young man -living; but the horrible system under which he has been educated has -rendered him incapable of distinguishing what either generosity or -justice is, as applied to the negro. - -The public sentiment of the slave states is the sentiment of men who -have been thus educated, and in all that concerns the negro it is -utterly blunted and paralyzed. What would seem to them injustice and -horrible wrong in the case of white persons, is the coolest matter of -course in relation to slaves. - -As this educational influence descends from generation to generation, -the moral sense becomes more and more blunted, and the power of -discriminating right from wrong, in what relates to the subject race, -more and more enfeebled. - -Thus, if we read the writings of distinguished men who were -slave-holders about the time of our American Revolution, what clear -views do we find expressed of the injustice of slavery, what strong -language of reprobation do we find applied to it! Nothing more forcible -could possibly be said in relation to its evils than by quoting the -language of such men as Washington, Jefferson, and Patrick Henry. In -those days there were no men of that high class of mind who thought of -such a thing as defending slavery on principle: now there are an -abundance of the most distinguished men, North and South, statesmen, -civilians, men of letters, even clergymen, who in various degrees -palliate it, apologize for or openly defend it. And what is the cause of -this, except that educational influences have corrupted public -sentiment, and deprived them of the power of just judgment? _The public -opinion even of free America, with regard to slavery, is behind that of -all other civilized nations._ - -When the holders of slaves assert that they are, as a general thing, -humanely treated, what do they mean? Not that they would consider such -treatment humane if given to themselves and their children,—no, -indeed!—but it is humane _for slaves_. - -They do, in effect, place the negro below the range of humanity, and on -a level with brutes, and then graduate all their ideas of humanity -accordingly. - -They would not needlessly kick or abuse a dog or a negro. They may pet a -dog, and they often do a negro. Men have been found who fancied having -their horses elegantly lodged in marble stables, and to eat out of -sculptured mangers, but they thought them horses still; and, with all -the indulgences with which good-natured masters sometimes surround the -slave, he is to them but a negro still, and _not_ a man. - -In what has been said in this chapter, and in what appears incidentally -in all the facts cited throughout this volume, there is abundant proof -that, notwithstanding there be frequent and most noble instances of -generosity towards the negro, and although the sentiment of honorable -men and the voice of Christian charity does everywhere protest against -what it _feels_ to be inhumanity, yet the popular sentiment engendered -by the system must _necessarily_ fall deplorably short of giving -anything like sufficient protection to the rights of the slave. It will -appear in the succeeding chapters, as it must already have appeared to -reflecting minds, that the whole course of educational influence upon -the mind of the slave-master is such as to deaden his mind to those -appeals which come from the negro as a fellow-man and a brother. - - - - - CHAPTER III. - SEPARATION OF FAMILIES. - - - “What must the difference be,” said Dr. Worthington, with startling - energy, “between Isabel and her servants! To _her_ it is loss of - position, fortune, the fair hopes of life, perhaps even health; for - she must inevitably break down under the unaccustomed labor and - privations she will have to undergo. But to them it is _merely a - change of masters_”! - - “Yes, for the neighbors won’t allow any of the families to be - separated.” - - “Of course not. We read of such things in _novels_ sometimes. But I - have yet to see it in real life, except in rare cases, or where the - slave has been guilty of some misdemeanor, or crime, for which, in - the North, he would have been imprisoned, perhaps for life.”—_Cabin - and Parlor_, by J. Thornton Randolph, p. 39. - - * * * * * - - “But they’re going to sell us all to Georgia, I say. How are we to - escape that?” - - “Spec dare some mistake in dat,” replied Uncle Peter, stoutly. “I - nebber knew of sich a ting in dese parts, ‘cept where some niggar’d - been berry bad.”—_Ibid._ - -By such graphic touches as the above does Mr. Thornton Randolph -represent to us the patriarchal stability and security of the slave -population in the Old Dominion. Such a thing as a slave being sold out -of the state has never been heard of by Dr. Worthington, except in rare -cases for some crime; and old Uncle Peter never heard of such a thing in -his life. - -Are these representations true? - -The worst abuse of the system of slavery is its outrage upon the family; -and, as the writer views the subject, it is one which is more notorious -and undeniable than any other. - -Yet it is upon this point that the most stringent and earnest denial has -been made to the representations of “Uncle Tom’s Cabin,” either -indirectly, as by the romance-writer above, or more directly in the -assertions of newspapers, both at the North and at the South. When made -at the North, they indicate, to say the least, very great ignorance of -the subject; when made at the South, they certainly do very great -injustice to the general character of the Southerner for truth and -honesty. All sections of country have faults peculiar to themselves. The -fault of the South, as a general thing, has not been cowardly evasion -and deception. It was with utter surprise that the author read the -following sentences in an article in _Fraser’s Magazine_, professing to -come from a South Carolinian. - - Mrs. Stowe’s favorite illustration of the master’s power to the - injury of the slave is the separation of families. We are told of - infants of ten months old being sold from the arms of their mothers, - and of men whose habit it is to raise children to sell away from - their mother as soon as they are old enough to be separated. Were - our views of this feature of slavery derived from Mrs. Stowe’s book, - we should regard the families of slaves as utterly unsettled and - vagrant. - -And again: - - We feel confident that, if statistics could be had to throw light - upon this subject, we should find that there is less separation of - families among the negroes than occurs with almost any other class - of persons. - -As the author of the article, however, is evidently a man of honor, and -expresses many most noble and praiseworthy sentiments, it cannot be -supposed that these statements were put forth with any view to -misrepresent or to deceive. They are only to be regarded as evidences of -the facility with which a sanguine mind often overlooks the most glaring -facts that make against a favorite idea or theory, or which are -unfavorable in their bearings on one’s own country or family. Thus the -citizens of some place notoriously unhealthy will come to believe, and -assert, with the utmost sincerity, that there is actually less sickness -in their town than any other of its size in the known world. Thus -parents often think their children perfectly immaculate in just those -particulars in which others see them to be most faulty. This solution of -the phenomena is a natural and amiable one, and enables us to retain our -respect for our Southern brethren. - -There is another circumstance, also, to be taken into account, in -reading such assertions as these. It is evident, from the pamphlet in -question, that the writer is one of the few who regard the possession of -absolute irresponsible power as the highest of motives to moderation and -temperance in its use. Such men are commonly associated in friendship -and family connection with others of similar views, and are very apt to -fall into the error of judging others by themselves, and thinking that a -thing may do for all the world because it operates well in their -immediate circle. Also it cannot but be a fact that the various -circumstances which from infancy conspire to degrade and depress the -negro in the eyes of a Southern-born man,—the constant habit of speaking -of them, and hearing them spoken of, and seeing them advertised, as mere -articles of property, often in connection with horses, mules, fodder, -swine, &c., as they are almost daily in every Southern paper,—must tend, -even in the best-constituted minds, to produce a certain obtuseness with -regard to the interests, sufferings and affections, of such as do not -particularly belong to himself, which will peculiarly unfit him for -estimating their condition. The author has often been singularly struck -with this fact, in the letters of Southern friends; in which, upon one -page, they will make some assertion regarding the condition of Southern -negroes, and then go on, and in other connections state facts which -apparently contradict them all. We can all be aware how this familiarity -would operate with ourselves. Were we called upon to state how often our -neighbors’ cows were separated from their calves, or how often their -household furniture and other effects are scattered and dispersed by -executor’s sales, we should be inclined to say that it was not a -misfortune of very common occurrence. - -But let us open two South Carolina papers, published in the very state -where this gentleman is residing, and read the advertisements FOR ONE -WEEK. The author has slightly abridged them. - - COMMISSIONER’S SALE OF 12 LIKELY NEGROES. - - FAIRFIELD DISTRICT. - - R. W. Murray and wife and } - others } - _v._ } _In Equity._ - William Wright and wife } - and others. } - - In pursuance of an Order of the Court of Equity made in the above - case at July Term, 1852, I will sell at public outcry, to the - highest bidder, before the Court House in Winnsboro, on the first - Monday in January next, - - 12 VERY LIKELY NEGROES, - - belonging to the estate of Micajah Mobley, deceased, late of - Fairfield District. - - These Negroes consist chiefly of young boys and girls, and are said - to be very likely. - - Terms of Sale, &c. - - W. R. ROBERTSON, - C. E. F. D. - - Commisioner's Office, } - Winnsboro, Nov. 30, 1852. } - Dec. 2 42 x4. - - * * * * * - - ADMINISTRATOR’S SALE. - - Will be sold at public outcry, to the highest bidder, on Tuesday, - the 21st day of December next, at the late residence of Mrs. M. P. - Rabb, deceased, all of the personal estate of said deceased, - consisting in part of about - - 2,000 Bushels of Corn. - - 25,000 pounds of Fodder. - - Wheat—Cotton Seed. - - Horses, Mules, Cattle, Hogs, Sheep. - - There will, in all probability, be sold at the same time and place - _several likely Young Negroes_. - - The Terms of Sale will be—all sums under Twenty-five Dollars, Cash. - All sums of Twenty-five Dollars and over, twelve months’ credit, - with interest from day of Sale, secured by note and two approved - sureties. - - WILLIAM S. RABB, - Administrator. - - Nov. 11. 39 x2 - - COMMISSIONER’S SALE OF LAND AND NEGROES. - - FAIRFIELD DISTRICT. - - James E. Caldwell, } - Admr., with the Will } - annexed, of Jacob Gibson, } - deceased, } _In Equity._ - _v._ } - Jason D. Gibson } - and others. } - - In pursuance of the order of sale made in the above case, I will - sell at public outcry, to the highest bidder, before the Court House - in Winnsboro, on the first Monday in January next, and the day - following, the following real and personal estate of Jacob Gibson, - deceased, late of Fairfield District, to wit: - - The Plantation on which the testator lived at the time of his death, - containing 661 Acres, more or less, lying on the waters of Wateree - Creek, and bounded by lands of Samuel Johnston, Theodore S. DuBose, - Edward P. Mobley, and B. R. Cockrell. This plantation will be sold - in two separate tracts, plats of which will be exhibited on the day - of sale: - - 46 PRIME LIKELY NEGROES, - - _consisting of Wagoners, Blacksmiths, Cooks, House Servants, &c_. - - W. R. ROBERTSON, - C. E. F. D. - - Commissioner’s Office, } - Winnsboro, 29th Nov. 1852. } - - * * * * * - - ESTATE SALE—FIFTY PRIME NEGROES. BY J. & L. T. LEVIN. - - On the first Monday in January next I will sell, before the Court - House in Columbia, 50 of as Likely NEGROES as have ever been exposed - to public sale, belonging to the estate of A. P. Vinson, deceased. - The Negroes have been well cared for, and well managed in every - respect. Persons wishing to purchase will not, it is confidently - believed, have a better opportunity to supply themselves. - - J. H. ADAMS, - Executor. - - Nov. 18 40 x3 - - * * * * * - - ADMINISTRATOR’S SALE. - - Will be sold on the 15th December next, at the late residence of - Samuel Moore, deceased, in York District, all the personal property - of said deceased, consisting of: - - 35 LIKELY NEGROES, - - a quantity of Cotton and Corn, Horses and Mules, Farming Tools, - Household and Kitchen Furniture, with many other articles. - - SAMUEL E. MOORE, - Administrator. - - Nov. 18 40 x4t. - - * * * * * - - ADMINISTRATOR’S SALE. - - Will be sold at public outcry, to the highest bidder, on Tuesday, - the 14th day of December next, at the late residence of Robert W. - Durham, deceased, in Fairfield District, all of the personal estate - of said deceased: consisting in part as follows: - - 50 PRIME LIKELY NEGROES. - - About 3,000 Bushels of Corn. A large quantity of Fodder. - - Wheat, Oats, Cow Peas, Rye, Cotton Seed, Horses, Mules, Cattle, - Hogs, Sheep. - - C. H. DURHAM, - Administrator. - - Nov. 23. - - * * * * * - - SHERIFF’S SALE. - - By virtue of sundry executions to me directed, I will sell at - Fairfield Court House, on the first Monday, and the day following, - in December next, within the legal hours of sale, to the highest - bidder, for cash, the following property. Purchasers to pay for - titles: - - 2 NEGROES, levied upon as the property of Allen R. Crankfield, at - the suit of Alexander Brodie, et al. - - 2 Horses and 1 Jennet, levied upon as the property of Allen R. - Crankfield, at the suit of Alexander Brodie. - - 2 Mules, levied upon as the property of Allen R. Crankfield, at the - suit of Temperance E. Miller and J. W. Miller. - - 1 pair of Cart Wheels, levied upon as the property of Allen R. - Crankfield, at the suit of Temperance E. Miller and J. W. Miller. - - 1 Chest of Drawers, levied upon as the property of Allen R. - Crankfield, at the suit of Temperance E. Miller and J. W. Miller. - - 1 Bedstead, levied upon as the property of Allen R. Crankfield, at - the suit of Temperance E. Miller and J. W. Miller. - - 1 NEGRO, levied upon as the property of R. J. Gladney, at the suit - of James Camak. - - 1 NEGRO, levied upon as the property of Geo. McCormick, at the suit - of W. M. Phifer. - - 1 Riding Saddle, to be sold under an assignment of G. W. Boulware to - J. B. Mickle, in the case of Geo. Murphy, Jr., _v._ G. W. Boulware. - - R. E. ELLISON, - S. F. D. - - Sheriff’s Office, } - - Nov. 19 1852. } - - Nov. 20 37 - †xtf - - * * * * * - - COMMISSIONER’S SALE. - - John A. Crumpton, } - and others, } _In Equity._ - _v._ } - Zachariah C. Crumpton. } - - In pursuance of the Decretal order made in this case, I will sell at - public outcry to the highest bidder, before the Court House door in - Winnsboro, on the first Monday in December next, three separate - tracts or parcels of land, belonging to the estate of Zachariah - Crumpton, deceased. - - I will also sell, at the same time and place, FIVE OR SIX LIKELY - YOUNG NEGROES, sold as the property of the said Zachariah Crumpton, - deceased, by virtue of the authority aforesaid. - - The Terms of sale are as follows, &c. &c. - - W. R. ROBETSON, - C. E. F. D. - - Commissioner’s Office, } - Winnsboro, Nov. 8, 1852. } - Nov. 11 30 x3 - - * * * * * - - ESTATE SALE OF VALUABLE PROPERTY. - - The undersigned, as Administrator of the Estate of Col. T. Randell, - deceased, will sell, on Monday the 20th December next, all the - personal property belonging to said estate, consisting of - - 56 NEGROES, - - STOCK, CORN, FODDER, ETC. ETC. - - Terms of sale, &c. &c. - - SAMUEL J. RANDELL. - - Sep. 2 29 x16 - -The _Tri-weekly South Carolinian_, published at Columbia, S. C., has -this motto: - - “BE JUST AND FEAR NOT; LET ALL THE ENDS THOU AIM’ST AT BE THY - COUNTRY’S, THY GOD’S, AND TRUTH’S.” - -In the number dated December 23d, 1852, is found a “Reply of the Women -of Virginia to the Women of England,” containing this sentiment: - - Believe us, we deeply, prayerfully, _study God’s holy word_; we are - fully persuaded that our institutions are in accordance with it. - -After which, in other columns, come the ten advertisements following: - - SHERIFF’S SALES FOR JANUARY 2, 1853. - - By virtue of sundry writs of _fieri facias_, to me directed, will be - sold before the Court House in Columbia, within the legal hours, on - the first Monday and Tuesday in January next, - - Seventy-four acres of Land, more or less, in Richland District, - bounded on the north and east by Lorick’s, and on the south and west - by Thomas Trapp. - - Also, Ten Head of Cattle, Twenty-five Head of Hogs, and Two Hundred - Bushels of Corn, levied on as the property of M. A. Wilson, at the - suit of Samuel Gardner _v._ M. A. Wilson. - - SEVEN NEGROES, named Grace, Frances, Edmund, Charlotte, Emuline, - Thomas and Charles, levied on as the property of Bartholomew - Turnipseed, at the suit of A. F. Dubard, J. S. Lever, Bank of the - State and others, _v._ B. Turnipseed. - - 450 acres of Land, more or less, in Richland District, bounded on - the north, &c. &c. - - * * * * * - - LARGE SALE OF REAL AND PERSONAL PROPERTY.—ESTATE SALE. - - On Monday, the (7th) seventh day of February next, I will sell at - Auction, without reserve, at the Plantation, near Linden, all the - Horses, Mules, Wagons, Farming Utensils, Corn, Fodder, &c. - - And on the following Monday (14th), the fourteenth day of February - next, at the Court House, at Linden, in Marengo County, Alabama, I - will sell at public auction, without reserve, to the highest bidder, - - 110 PRIME AND LIKELY NEGROES, - - belonging to the Estate of the late John Robinson, of South - Carolina. - - Among the Negroes are _four valuable Carpenters, and a very superior - Blacksmith_. - - * * * * * - - NEGROES FOR SALE. - - By permission of Peter Wylie, Esq., Ordinary for Chester District, I - will sell, at public auction, before the Court House, in - Chesterville, on the first Monday in February next, - - FORTY LIKELY NEGROES, - - belonging to the Estate of F. W. Davie. - - W. D. DESAUSSURE, Executor. - - Dec. 23. 56 †tds. - - * * * * * - - ESTATE SALE OF FURNITURE, &c., BY J. & L. T. LEVIN. - - Will be sold, at our store, on Thursday, the 6th day of January - next, all the Household and Kitchen Furniture, belonging to the - Estate of B. L. McLaughlin, deceased, consisting in part of - - Hair Seat Chairs, Sofas and Rockers. Piano, Mahogany Dining, Tea, - and Card Tables; Carpets, Rugs, Andirons, Fenders, Shovel and Tongs, - Mantel Ornaments, Clocks, Side Board, Bureaus, Mahogany Bedsteads, - Feather Beds and Mattresses, Wash Stands, Curtains, fine Cordial - Stand, Glassware, Crockery, and a great variety of articles for - family use. - - Terms cash. - - ALSO, - - A NEGRO MAN, _named Leonard, belonging to same_. - - Terms, &c. - - ALSO, - - At same time, a quantity of New Brick, belonging to Estate of A. S. - Johnstone, deceased. - - Dec. 21. 53 ‡tds. - - * * * * * - - GREAT SALE OF NEGROES AND THE SALUDA FACTORY, BY J. & L. T. LEVIN. - - On Thursday, December 30, at 11 o’clock, will be sold at the Court - House in Columbia, - - ONE HUNDRED VALUABLE NEGROES. - - It is seldom such an opportunity occurs us now offers. Among them - are only four beyond 45 years old, and none above 50. There are - twenty-five prime young men, between sixteen and thirty; forty of - the most likely young women, and _as fine a set of children as can - be shown!!_ - - Terms, &c. - - Dec. 18, ‘52. - - * * * * * - - NEGROES AT AUCTION.—BY J. & L. T. LEVIN. - - Will be sold, on Monday, the 3d January next, at the Court House, at - 10 o’clock, - - 22 LIKELY NEGROES, the larger number of which are young and - desirable. Among them are Field Hands, Hostlers and Carriage - Drivers, House Servants, &c., and of the following ages: Robinson - 40, Elsey 34, Yanaky 13, Sylla 11, Anikee 8, Robinson 6, Candy 3, - Infant 9, Thomas 35, Die 38, Amey 18, Eldridge 13, Charles 6, Sarah - 60, Baket 50, Mary 18, Betty 16, Guy 12, Tilla 9, Lydia 24, Rachel - 4, Scipio 2. - - The above Negroes are sold for the purpose of making some other - investment of the proceeds; the sale will, therefore, be positive. - - Terms.—A credit of one, two, and three years, for notes payable at - either of the Banks, with two or more approved endorsers, with - interest from date. Purchasers to pay for papers. - - Dec 8 43 - - ☞ _Black River Watchman_ will copy the above, and forward bill to - the auctioneers for payment. - -Poor little Scip! - - * * * * * - - LIKELY AND VALUABLE GIRL, AT PRIVATE SALE. - - A LIKELY GIRL, about seventeen years old (raised in the up-country), - a good Nurse and House Servant, can wash and iron, and do plain - cooking, and is warranted sound and healthy. She may be seen at our - office, where she will remain until sold. - - ALLEN & PHILLIPS, - Auctioneers & Com. Agents. - - Dec. 15, ‘49. - - * * * * * - - PLANTATION AND NEGROES FOR SALE. - - The subscriber, having located in Columbia, offers for sale his - Plantation in St. Matthew’s Parish, six miles from the Railroad, - containing 1,500 acres, now in a high state of cultivation, with - Dwelling House and all necessary Out-buildings. - - ALSO, - - 50 Likely NEGROES, with provisions, &c. - - The terms will be accommodating. Persons desirous to purchase can - call upon the subscriber in Columbia, or on his son at the - Plantation. - - Dec. 6 41. - - T. J. GOODWYN. - - * * * * * - - FOR SALE. - - A LIKELY NEGRO BOY, about twenty-one years old, a good wagoner and - field hand. Apply at this office. - - Dec. 20 52. - -Now, it is scarcely possible that a person who has been accustomed to -see such advertisements from boyhood, and to pass them over with as much -indifference as we pass over advertisements of sofas and chairs for -sale, could possibly receive the shock from them which one wholly -unaccustomed to such a mode of considering and disposing of human beings -would receive. They make no impression upon him. His own family -servants, and those of his friends, are not in the market, and he does -not realize that any are. Under the advertisements, a hundred such -scenes as those described in “Uncle Tom” may have been acting in his -very vicinity. When Mr. Dickens drew pictures of the want and -wretchedness of London life, perhaps a similar incredulity might have -been expressed within the silken curtains of many a brilliant parlor. -_They_ had never seen such things, and they had always lived in London. -But, for all that, the writings of Dickens awoke in noble and -aristocratic bosoms the sense of a common humanity with the lowly, and -led them to feel how much misery might exist in their immediate -vicinity, of which they were entirely unaware. They have never accused -him as a libeller of his country, though he did make manifest much of -the suffering, sorrow and abuse, which were in it. The author is led -earnestly to entreat that the writer of this very paper _would_ examine -the “statistics” of the American internal slave-trade; that he would -look over the exchange files of some newspaper, and, for a month or two, -endeavor to keep some inventory of the number of human beings, with -hearts, hopes and affections, like his own, who are constantly subjected -to all the uncertainties and mutations of property relation. The writer -is sure that he could not do it long without a generous desire being -excited in his bosom to become, not an apologist for, but a reformer of, -these institutions of his country. - -These papers of South Carolina are not exceptional ones; they may be -matched by hundreds of papers from any other state. - -Let the reader now stop one minute, and look over again these two weeks’ -advertisements. This is not novel-writing—_this_ is fact. See these -human beings tumbled promiscuously out before the public with horses, -mules, second-hand buggies, cotton-seed, bedsteads, &c. &c.; and -Christian ladies, in the same newspaper, saying that they prayerfully -study God’s word, and believe their institutions have his sanction! Does -he suppose that here, in these two weeks, there have been no scenes of -suffering? Imagine the distress of these families—the nights of anxiety -of these mothers and children, wives and husbands, when these sales are -about to take place! Imagine the scenes of the sales! A young lady, a -friend of the writer, who spent a winter in Carolina, described to her -the sale of a woman and her children. When the little girl, seven years -of age, was put on the block, she fell into spasms with fear and -excitement. She was taken off—recovered and put back—the spasms came -back—three times the experiment was tried, and at last the sale of the -_child_ was deferred! - -See also the following, from Dr. Elwood Harvey, editor of a western -paper, to the _Pennsylvania Freeman_, Dec. 25, 1846. - - We attended a sale of land and other property, near Petersburg, - Virginia, and unexpectedly saw slaves sold at public auction. The - slaves were told they would not be sold, and were collected in front - of the quarters, gazing on the assembled multitude. The land being - sold, the auctioneer’s loud voice was heard, “Bring up the - _niggers_!” A shade of astonishment and affright passed over their - faces, as they stared first at each other, and then at the crowd of - purchasers, whose attention was now directed to them. When the - horrible truth was revealed to their minds that they were to be - sold, and nearest relations and friends parted forever, the effect - was indescribably agonizing. Women snatched up their babes, and ran - screaming into the huts. Children hid behind the huts and trees, and - the men stood in mute despair. The auctioneer stood on the portico - of the house, and the “men and boys” were ranging in the yard for - inspection. It was announced that no warranty of _soundness_ was - given, and purchasers must examine for themselves. A few old men - were sold at prices from thirteen to twenty-five dollars, and it was - painful to see old men, bowed with years of toil and suffering, - stand up to be the jest of brutal tyrants, and to hear them tell - their disease and worthlessness, fearing that they would be bought - by traders for the southern market. - - A white boy, about fifteen years old, was placed on the stand. His - hair was brown and straight, his skin exactly the same hue as other - white persons and no discernible trace of negro features in his - countenance. - - Some vulgar jests were passed on his color, and two hundred dollars - was bid for him; but the audience said “that it was not enough to - begin on for such a likely young nigger.” Several remarked that they - “would not have him as a gift.” Some said a white nigger was more - trouble than he was worth. One man said it was wrong to sell _white_ - people. I asked him if it was more wrong than to sell black people. - He made no reply. Before he was sold, his mother rushed from the - house upon the portico, crying, in frantic grief, “My son, O! my - boy, they will take away my dear—” Here her voice was lost, as she - was rudely pushed back and the door closed. The sale was not for a - moment interrupted, and none of the crowd appeared to be in the - least affected by the scene. The poor boy, afraid to cry before so - many strangers, who showed no signs of sympathy or pity, trembled, - and wiped the tears from his cheeks with his sleeves. He was sold - for about two hundred and fifty dollars. During the sale, the - quarters resounded with cries and lamentations that made my heart - ache. A woman was next called by name. She gave her infant one wild - embrace before leaving it with an old woman, and hastened - mechanically to obey the call; but stopped, threw her arms aloft, - screamed and was unable to move. - - One of my companions touched my shoulder and said, “Come, let us - leave here; I can bear no more.” We left the ground. The man who - drove our carriage from Petersburg had two sons who belonged to the - estate—small boys. He obtained a promise that they should not be - sold. He was asked if they were his only children; he answered, “All - that’s left of eight.” Three others had been sold to the south, and - he would never see or hear from them again. - - As Northern people do not see such things, they should hear of them - often enough to keep them awake to the sufferings of the victims of - their indifference. - -Such are the _common_ incidents, not the _admitted cruelties_, of an -institution which people have brought themselves to feel is in -accordance with God’s word! - -Suppose it be conceded now that “the family relation is protected, _as -far as possible_.” The question still arises, _How far is it possible_? -Advertisements of sales to the number of those we have quoted, more or -less, appear from week to week in the same papers, in the same -neighborhood; and professional traders make it their business to attend -them, and buy up victims. Now, if the inhabitants of a given -neighborhood charge themselves with the care to see that no families are -separated in this whirl of auctioneering, one would fancy that they -could have very little else to do. It _is_ a fact, and a most honorable -one to our common human nature, that the distress and anguish of these -poor, helpless creatures does often raise up for them friends among the -generous-hearted. Southern men often go to the extent of their means, -and beyond their means, to arrest the cruel operations of trade, and -relieve cases of individual distress. There are men at the South who -could tell, if they would, how, when they have spent the last dollar -that they thought they could afford on one week, they have been -importuned by precisely such a case the next, and been unable to meet -it. There are masters at the South who could tell, if they would, how -they have stood and bid against a trader, to redeem some poor slave of -their own, till the bidding was perfectly ruinous, and they have been -obliged to give up by sheer necessity. Good-natured auctioneers know -very well how they have often been entreated to connive at keeping a -poor fellow out of the trader’s clutches; and how sometimes they -succeed, and sometimes they do not. - -The very struggle and effort which generous Southern men make to stop -the regular course of trade only shows them the hopelessness of the -effort. We fully concede that many of them do as much or more than any -of us would do under similar circumstances; and yet _they know_ that -what they do amounts, after all, to the merest trifle. - -But let us still further reason upon the testimony of advertisements. -What is to be understood by the following, of the _Memphis Eagle and -Inquirer_, Saturday, Nov. 13, 1852? Under the editorial motto, -“_Liberty_ and Union, now and forever,” come the following -illustrations: - - NO. I. - - 75 NEGROES. - -[Illustration] - - I have just received from the East 75 assorted A No. 1 negroes. Call - soon, if you want to get the first choice. - - BENJ. LITTLE. - - NO. II. - - CASH FOR NEGROES. - -[Illustration] - - I will pay as high cash prices for a few likely young negroes as any - trader in this city. Also, will receive and sell on commission at - Byrd Hill’s, old stand, on Adams-street, Memphis. - - BENJ. LITTLE. - - NO. III. - - 500 NEGROES WANTED. - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration] - - We will pay the highest cash price for all good negroes offered. We - invite all those having negroes for sale to call on us at our Mart, - opposite the lower steamboat landing. We will also have a large lot - of Virginia negroes for sale in the Fall. We have as safe a jail as - any in the country, where we can keep negroes safe for those that - wish them kept. - - BOLTON, DICKINS & CO. - -Under the head of advertisements No. 1, let us humbly inquire what -“_assorted A No. 1 Negroes_” means. Is it likely that it means negroes -sold in families? What is meant by the invitation. “_Call soon if you -want to get the first choice_”? - -So much for Advertisement No. 1. Let us now propound a few questions to -the initiated on No. 2. What does Mr. Benjamin Little mean by saying -that he “_will pay as high a cash price for a few likely young negroes -as any trader in the city_”? Do _families_ commonly consist exclusively -of “_likely young negroes_”? - -On the third advertisement we are also desirous of some information. -Messrs. BOLTON, DICKINS & CO. state that they expect to receive a large -lot of _Virginia_ negroes in the fall. - -Unfortunate Messrs. Bolton, Dickins & Co.! Do you suppose that Virginia -families will sell their negroes? Have you read Mr. J. Thornton -Randolph’s last novel, and have you not learned that old Virginia -families _never_ sell to traders? and, more than that, that they -_always_ club together and buy up the negroes that are for sale in their -neighborhood, and the traders when they appear on the ground are hustled -off with very little ceremony? One would really think that you had got -your impressions on the subject from “Uncle Tom’s Cabin.” For we are -told that all who derive their views of slavery from this book “regard -the families of slaves as utterly unsettled and vagrant.”[18] - -But, before we recover from our astonishment on reading this, we take up -the _Natchez_ (Mississippi) _Courier_ of Nov. 20th, 1852, and there -read: - - NEGROES. - -[Illustration] - - The undersigned would respectfully state to the public that he has - leased the stand in the Forks of the Road, near Natchez, for a term - of years, and that he intends to keep a large lot of NEGROES on hand - during the year. He will sell as low or lower than any other trader - at this place or in New Orleans. - - He has just arrived from Virginia with a very likely lot of Field - Men and Women; also, House Servants, three Cooks, and a Carpenter. - Call and see. - - A fine Buggy Horse, a Saddle Horse and a Carryall, on hand, and for - sale. - - THOS. G. JAMES. - - _Natchez, Sept. 28, 1852._ - -Where in the world did this lucky Mr. THOS. G. JAMES get this likely -Virginia “assortment”? Probably in some county which Mr. Thornton -Randolph never visited. And had no families been separated to form the -assortment? We hear of a lot of field men and women. Where are their -children? We hear of a lot of house-servants,—of “three cooks,” and “one -carpenter,” as well as a “fine buggy horse.” Had these unfortunate cooks -and carpenters no relations? Did no sad natural tears stream down their -dark checks, when they were being “assorted” for the Natchez market? -Does no mournful heart among them yearn to the song of - - “O, carry me back to old Virginny”? - -Still further, we see in the same paper the following: - - SLAVES! SLAVES! SLAVES! - - FRESH ARRIVALS WEEKLY.—Having established ourselves at the Forks of - the Road, near Natchez, for a term of years, we have now on hand, - and intend to keep throughout the entire year, a large and - well-selected stock of Negroes, consisting of field-hands, house - servants, mechanics, cooks, seamstresses, washers, ironers, etc., - which we can and will sell as low or lower than any other house here - or in New Orleans. - -[Illustration] - - Persons wishing to purchase would do well to call on us before - making purchases elsewhere, as our regular arrivals will keep us - supplied with a good and general assortment. Our terms are liberal. - Give us a call. - - GRIFFIN & PULLAM. - - _Natchez, Oct. 15, 1852._—6m. - - _Free Trader_ and _Concordia Intelligencer_ copy as above. - -Indeed! Messrs. Griffin and Pullam, it seems, are equally fortunate! -They are having fresh supplies weekly, and are going to keep a large, -well-selected stock constantly on hand, to wit, “field-hands, -house-servants, mechanics, cooks, seamstresses, washers, ironers, etc.” - -Let us respectfully inquire what is the process by which a trader -acquires a well-selected stock. He goes to Virginia to _select_. He has -had orders, say, for one dozen cooks, for half a dozen carpenters, for -so many house-servants, &c. &c. Each one of these individuals have their -own ties; besides being cooks, carpenters and house-servants, they are -also fathers, mothers, husbands, wives; but what of that? They must be -_selected_—it is an _assortment_ that is wanted. The gentleman who has -ordered a cook does not, of course, want her five children; and the -planter who has ordered a carpenter does not want the cook, his wife. A -carpenter is an expensive article, at any rate, as they cost from a -thousand to fifteen hundred dollars; and a man who has to pay out this -sum for him cannot always afford himself the luxury of indulging his -humanity; and as to the children, they must be left in the slave-raising -state. For, when the ready-raised article is imported _weekly_ into -Natchez or New Orleans, is it likely that the inhabitants will encumber -themselves with the labor of raising children? No, there must be -division of labor in all well-ordered business. The northern slave -states raise the article, and the southern ones consume it. - -The extracts have been taken from the papers of the more southern -states. If, now, the reader has any curiosity to explore the _selecting_ -process in the northern states, the daily prints will further enlighten -him. In the _Daily Virginian_ of Nov. 19, 1852, Mr. J. B. McLendon thus -announces to the Old Dominion that he has settled himself down to attend -to the selecting process: - - NEGROEES WANTD. - - The subscriber, having located in Lynchburg, is giving the highest - cash prices for negroes _between the ages of 10 and 30 years_. Those - having negroes for sale may find it to their interest to call on him - at the Washington Hotel, Lynchburg, or address him by letter. - - All communications will receive prompt attention. - - J. B. MCLENDON. - - Nov. 5-dly. - -Mr. McLendon distinctly announces that he is not going to take any -children under ten years of age, nor any grown people over thirty. -Likely _young_ negroes are what he is after:—families, of course, never -separated! - -Again, in the same paper, Mr. Seth Woodroof is desirous of keeping up -the recollection in the community that he also is in the market, as it -would appear he has been, some time past. He, likewise, wants negroes -between ten and thirty years of age; but his views turn rather on -mechanics, blacksmiths, and carpenters,—witness his hand: - - NEGROES WANTED. - - The subscriber continues in market for Negroes, of both sexes, - _between the ages of 10 and 30_ years, including Mechanics, such as - Blacksmiths, Carpenters, and will pay the highest market prices in - cash. His office is a newly erected brick building on 1st or Lynch - street, immediately in rear of the Farmers’ Bank, where he is - prepared (having erected buildings with that view) to board negroes - sent to Lynchburg for sale or otherwise on as moderate terms, and - keep them as secure, as if they were placed in the jail of the - Corporation. - - Aug 26. - - SETH WOODROOF. - -There is no manner of doubt that this Mr. Seth Woodroof is a gentleman -of humanity, and wishes to avoid the separation of families _as much as -possible_. Doubtless he ardently wishes that all his blacksmiths and -carpenters would be considerate, and never have any children under ten -years of age; but, if the thoughtless dogs have got them, what’s a -humane man to do? He has to fill out Mr. This, That, and the Other’s -order,—that’s a clear case; and therefore John and Sam must take their -last look at their babies, as Uncle Tom did of his when he stood by the -rough trundle-bed and dropped into it great, useless tears. - -Nay, my friends, don’t curse poor Mr. Seth Woodroof, because he does the -horrible, loathsome work of tearing up the living human heart, to make -twine and shoe-strings for you! It’s disagreeable business enough, he -will tell you, sometimes; and, if you must have him to do it for you, -treat him civilly, and don’t pretend that you are any better than he. - -But the good trade is not confined to the Old Dominion, by any means. -See the following extract from a Tennessee paper, the _Nashville -Gazette_, Nov. 23, 1852, where Mr. A. A. McLean, general agent in this -kind of business, thus makes known his wants and intentions: - - WANTED. - - I want to purchase immediately 25 likely NEGROES,—male and - female,—_between the ages of 15 and 25 years_; for which I will pay - the highest price in cash. - - A. A. MCLEAN, _General Agent_, - _Cherry Street_. - - Nov. 9 - -Mr. McLean, it seems, only wants those between the ages of fifteen and -twenty-five. This advertisement is twice repeated in the same paper, -from which fact we may conjecture that the gentleman is very much in -earnest in his wants, and entertains rather confident expectations that -somebody will be willing to sell. Further, the same gentleman states -another want. - - WANTED. - - I want to purchase, immediately, a Negro man, Carpenter, and will - give a good price. - - Sept. 29 - - A. A. MCLEAN, _Gen’l Agent_. - -Mr. McLean does not advertise for his wife and children, or where this -same carpenter is to be sent,—whether to the New Orleans market, or up -the Red River, or off to some far bayou of the Mississippi, never to -look upon wife or child again. But, again, Mr. McLean in the same paper -tells us of another want: - - WANTED IMMEDIATELY. - - A Wet Nurse. Any price will be given for one of good character, - constitution, &c. Apply to - - A. A. MCLEAN, _Gen’l Agent_. - -And what is to be done with the baby of this wet nurse? Perhaps, at the -moment that Mr. McLean is advertising for her, she is hushing the little -thing in her bosom, and thinking, as many another mother has done, that -it is about the brightest, prettiest little baby that ever was born; -for, singularly enough, even black mothers do fall into this delusion -sometimes. No matter for all this,—she is wanted for a wet nurse! Aunt -Prue can take her baby, and _raise it_ on corn-cake, and what not. Off -with her to Mr. McLean! - -See, also, the following advertisement of the good State of Alabama, -which shows how the trade is thriving there. Mr. S. N. Brown, in the -_Advertiser and Gazette_, Montgomery, Alabama, holds forth as follows: - - NEGROES FOR SALE. - - S. N. BROWN takes this method of informing his old patrons, and - others waiting to purchase Slaves, that he has now on hand, of his - own selection and purchasing, a lot of likely young _Negroes_, - consisting of Men, Boys, and Women, Field Hands, and superior House - Servants, which he offers and will sell as low as the times will - warrant. Office on Market-street, above the Montgomery Hall, at - Lindsay’s Old Stand, where he intends to keep slaves for sale on his - own account, and not on commission,—therefore thinks he can give - satisfaction to those who patronize him. - - _Montgomery, Ala., Sept. 13, 1852._ twtf (J) - -Where were these boys and girls of Mr. Brown _selected_, let us ask. How -did their fathers and mothers feel when they were “_selected_”? Emmeline -was taken out of one family, and George out of another. The judicious -trader has travelled through wide regions of country, leaving in his -track wailing and anguish. A little incident, which has recently been -the rounds of the papers, may perhaps illustrate some of the scenes he -has occasioned: - - INCIDENT OF SLAVERY. - - A negro woman belonging to Geo. M. Garrison, of Polk Co., killed - four of her children, by cutting their throats while they were - asleep, on Thursday night, the 2d inst., and then put an end to her - own existence by cutting her throat. Her master knows of no cause - for the horrid act, unless it be that she heard him speak of selling - her and two of her children, and keeping the others. - -The uncertainty of the master in this case is edifying. He knows that -negroes cannot be expected to have the feelings of cultivated -people;—and yet, here is a case where the creature really acts -unaccountably, and he can’t think of any cause except that he was going -to sell her from her children. - -But, compose yourself, dear reader; there was no great harm done. These -were all _poor_ people’s children, and some of them, though not all, -were black; and that makes all the difference in the world, you know! - -But Mr. Brown is not alone in Montgomery. Mr. J. W. Lindsey wishes to -remind the people of his dépôt. - - 100 NEGROES FOR SALE. - - At my depot, on Commerce-street, immediately between the Exchange - Hotel and F. M. Gilmer, Jr.’s Warehouse, where I will be receiving, - from time to time, large lots of Negroes during the season, and will - sell on as accommodating terms as any house in this city. I would - respectfully request my old customers and friends to call and - examine my stock. - - JNO. W. LINDSEY. - - _Montgomery, Nov. 2, 1852._ - -Mr. Lindsey is going to be receiving, from time to time, all the season, -and will sell as cheap as anybody; so there’s no fear of the supply’s -falling off. And, lo! in the same paper, Messrs. Sanders & Foster press -their claims also on the public notice. - - NEGROES FOR SALE. - - The undersigned have bought out the well-known establishment of - Eckles & Brown, where they have now on hand a large lot of likely - young Negroes, to wit: Men, Women, Boys and Girls, good field-hands. - Also, several good House Servants and Mechanics of all kinds. The - subscribers intend to keep constantly on hand a large assortment of - Negroes, comprising every description. Persons wishing to purchase - will find it much to their interest to call and examine previous to - buying elsewhere. - - SANDERS & FOSTER. - - _April 13._ - -Messrs. Sanders & Foster are going to have an _assortment_ also. All -their negroes are to be young and likely; the trashy old fathers and -mothers are all thrown aside like a heap of pig-weed, after one has been -weeding a garden. - -Query: Are these Messrs. Sanders & Foster, and J. W. Lindsey, and S. N. -Brown, and McLean, and Woodroof, and McLendon, all members of the -church, in good and regular standing? Does the question shock you? Why -so? Why should they not be? The Rev. Dr. Smylie, of Mississippi, in a -document endorsed by two presbyteries, says distinctly that the Bible -gives a right to buy and sell slaves.[19] - -If the Bible guarantees this right, and sanctions this trade, why should -it shock you to see the slave-trader at the communion-table? Do you feel -that there is blood on his hands,—the blood of human hearts, which he -has torn asunder? Do you shudder when he touches the communion-bread, -and when he drinks the cup which “whosoever drinketh unworthily drinketh -damnation to himself”? But who makes the trader? Do not you? Do you -think that the trader’s profession is a healthy one for the soul? Do you -think the scenes with which he must be familiar, and the deeds he must -do, in order to keep up an _assortment_ of negroes for your convenience, -are such things as Jesus Christ approves? Do you think they tend to -promote his growth in grace, and to secure his soul’s salvation? Or is -it so important for you to have _assorted_ negroes that the traders must -not only be turned out of good society in this life, but run the risk of -going to hell forever, for your accommodation? - -But let us search the Southern papers, and see if we cannot find some -evidence of that humanity which avoids the separation of families, _as -far as possible_. In the _Argus_, published at Weston, Missouri, Nov. 5, -1852, see the following: - - A NEGRO FOR SALE. - - I wish to sell a black girl about 24 years old, a good cook and - washer, handy with a needle, can spin and weave. I wish to sell her - in the neighborhood of Camden Point; if not sold there in a short - time, I will hunt the best market; or I will trade her for two small - ones, a boy and girl. - - M. DOYAL. - -Considerate Mr. Doyal! He is opposed to the separation of families, and, -therefore, wishes to sell this woman in the neighborhood of Camden -Point, where her family ties are,—perhaps her husband and children, her -brothers or sisters. He will not separate her from her family if it is -possible to avoid it; that is to say, if he can get as much for her -without; but, if he can’t, he will “_hunt the best market_.” What more -would you have of Mr. Doyal? - -How speeds the blessed trade in the State of Maryland?—Let us take the -_Baltimore Sun_ of Nov. 23, 1852. - -Mr. J. S. Donovan thus advertises the Christian public of the -accommodations of his jail: - - CASH FOR NEGROES. - - The undersigned continues, at his old stand, No. 13 CAMDEN ST., to - pay the highest price for NEGROES. Persons bringing Negroes by - railroad or steamboat will find it very convenient to secure their - Negroes, as my Jail is adjoining the Railroad Depot and near the - Steamboat Landings. Negroes received for safe keeping. - - J. S. DONOVAN. - -Messrs. B. M. & W. L. Campbell, in the respectable old stand of Slatter, -advertise as follows: - - SLAVES WANTED. - - We are at all times purchasing SLAVES, paying the highest cash - prices. Persons wishing to sell will please call at 242 PRATT ST. - (Slatter’s old stand). Communications attended to. - - B. M. & W. L. CAMPBELL. - -In another column, however, Mr. John Denning has his season -advertisement, in terms which border on the sublime: - - 5000 NEGROES WANTED. - - I will pay the highest prices, in cash, for 5000 NEGROES, with good - titles, slaves for life or for a term of years, in large or small - families, or single negroes. I will also purchase Negroes restricted - to remain in the State, that sustain good characters. Families never - separated. Persons having Slaves for sale will please call and see - me, as I am always in the market with the cash. Communications - promptly attended to, and liberal commissions paid, by JOHN N. - DENNING, No. 18 S. Frederick street, between Baltimore and Second - streets, Baltimore, Maryland. Trees in front of the house. - -Mr. John Denning, also, is a man of humanity. He never separates -families. Don’t you see it in his advertisement? If a man offers him a -wife without her husband, Mr. John Denning won’t buy her. O, no! His -five thousand are all unbroken families; he never takes any other; and -he transports them whole and entire. This is a comfort to reflect upon, -certainly. - -See, also, the _Democrat_, published in Cambridge, Maryland, Dec. 8, -1852. A gentleman gives this pictorial representation of himself, with -the proclamation to the slave-holders of Dorchester and adjacent -counties that he is again in the market: - - NEGROES WANTED. - -[Illustration] - - I wish to inform the slave-holders of Dorchester and the adjacent - counties that I am again in the Market. Persons having negroes that - are slaves for life to dispose of will find it to their interest to - see me before they sell, as I am determined to pay the highest - prices in cash that the Southern market will justify. I can be found - at A. Hall’s Hotel in Easton, where I will remain until the first - day of July next. Communications addressed to me at Easton, or - information given to Wm. Bell in Cambridge, will meet with prompt - attention. - - WM. HARKER. - -Mr. Harker is very accommodating. He keeps himself informed as to the -state of the southern market, and will give the very highest price that -it will justify. Moreover, he will be on hand till July, and will answer -any letters from the adjoining country on the subject. On one point he -ought to be spoken to. He has not advertised that he does not separate -families. It is a mere matter of taste, to be sure; but then some -well-disposed people like to see it on a trader’s card, thinking it has -a more creditable appearance; and probably, Mr. Harker, if he reflects a -little, will put it in next time. It takes up very little room, and -makes a good appearance. - -We are occasionally reminded, by the advertisements for runaways, to how -small an extent it is found _possible to avoid_ the separation of -families: as in the _Richmond Whig_ of Nov. 5, 1852: - - $10 REWARD. - - We are requested by Henry P. Davis to offer a reward of $10 for the - apprehension of a negro man named HENRY, who ran away from the said - Davis’ farm near Petersburg, on Thursday, the 27th October. Said - slave came from near Lynchburg, Va., purchased of —— Cock, and has a - wife in Halifax county, Va. He has recently been employed on the - South Side Railroad. He may be in the neighborhood of his wife. - - PULLIAM & DAVIS, _Aucts., Richmond_. - -It seems to strike the advertiser as _possible_ that Henry may be in the -neighborhood of his wife. We should not at all wonder if he were. - -The reader, by this time, is in possession of some of those statistics -of which the South Carolinian speaks, when he says, - - We feel confident, if statistics could be had, to throw light upon - the subject, we should find that there is less separation of - families among the negroes than occurs with almost any other class - of persons. - -In order to give some little further idea of the extent to which this -kind of property is continually changing hands, see the following -calculation, which has been made from sixty-four Southern newspapers, -taken very much at random. The papers were all published in the last two -weeks of the month of November, 1852. - -The negroes are advertised sometimes by name, sometimes in definite -numbers, and sometimes in “lots,” “assortments,” and other indefinite -terms. We present the result of this estimate, far as it must fall from -a fair representation of the facts, in a tabular form. - -Here is recorded, in _only eleven papers_, the sale of eight hundred -forty-nine slaves in _two weeks_ in Virginia; the state where Mr. J. -Thornton Randolph describes such an event as a separation of families -being a thing that “we read of in _novels_ sometimes.” - - ────────────┬──────────┬───────────┬─────┬────────── - States where│ No. of │ No. of │ No. │ No. of - published. │ Papers │ Negroes │ of │ Runaways - │consulted.│advertised.│Lots.│described. - ────────────┼──────────┼───────────┼─────┼────────── - Virginia, │ 11│ 849│ 7│ 15 - Kentucky, │ 5│ 238│ 1│ 7 - Tennessee, │ 8│ 385│ 4│ 17 - S. Carolina,│ 12│ 852│ 2│ 7 - Georgia, │ 6│ 98│ 2│ 0 - Alabama, │ 10│ 549│ 5│ 5 - Mississippi,│ 8│ 669│ 5│ 6 - Louisiana, │ 4│ 460│ 4│ 35 - │ ——│ ————│ ——│ —— - │ 64│ 4100│ 30│ 92 - ────────────┴──────────┴───────────┴─────┴────────── - -In South Carolina, where the writer in _Fraser’s Magazine_ dates from, -we have during these same two weeks a sale of eight hundred and -fifty-two recorded by one dozen papers. Verily, we must apply to the -newspapers of his state the same language which he applies to “Uncle -Tom’s Cabin:” “Were our views of the system of slavery to be derived -from _these papers_, we should regard the families of slaves as utterly -unsettled and vagrant.” - -The total, in _sixty-four papers_, in different states, for only two -weeks, is four thousand one hundred, besides ninety-two _lots_, as they -are called. - -And now, who is he who compares the hopeless, returnless separation of -the negro from his family, to the voluntary separation of the freeman, -whom necessary business interest takes for a while from the bosom of his -family? Is not the lot of the slave bitter enough, without this last of -mockeries and worst of insults? Well may they say, in their anguish, -“Our soul is exceedingly filled with the scorning of them that are at -ease, and with the contempt of the proud!” - -From the poor negro, exposed to bitterest separation, the law jealously -takes away the power of writing. For him the gulf of separation yawns -black and hopeless, with no redeeming signal. Ignorant of geography, he -knows not whither he is going, or where he is, or how to direct a -letter. To all intents and purposes, it is a separation hopeless as that -of death, and as final. - ------ - -Footnote 18: - - Article in _Fraser’s Magazine_ for October, by a South Carolinian. - -Footnote 19: - - “If language can convey a clear and definite meaning at all, I know - not how it can more unequivocally or more plainly present to the mind - any thought or idea than the twenty-fifth chapter of Leviticus clearly - or unequivocally establishes the fact that slavery or bondage was - sanctioned by God himself; and that ‘_buying, selling, holding and - bequeathing_’ slaves, as property, are regulations which were - established by himself.”—_Smylie on Slavery._ - - - - - CHAPTER IV. - THE SLAVE-TRADE. - - -What is it that constitutes the vital force of the institution of -slavery in this country? Slavery, being an unnatural and unhealthful -condition of society, being a most wasteful and impoverishing mode of -cultivating the soil, would speedily run itself out in a community, and -become so unprofitable as to fall into disuse, were it not kept alive by -some unnatural process. - -What has that process been in America? Why has that healing course of -nature which cured this awful wound in all the northern states stopped -short on Mason & Dixon’s line? In Delaware, Maryland, Virginia and -Kentucky, slave labor long ago impoverished the soil almost beyond -recovery, and became entirely unprofitable. In all these states it is -well known that the question of emancipation has been urgently -presented. It has been discussed in legislatures, and Southern men have -poured forth on the institution of slavery such anathemas as only -Southern men can pour forth. All that has ever been said of it at the -North has been said in four-fold thunders in these Southern discussions. -The State of Kentucky once came within one vote, in her legislature, of -taking measures for gradual emancipation. The State of Virginia has come -almost equally near, and Maryland has long been waiting at the door. -There was a time when no one doubted that all these states would soon be -free states; and what is now the reason that they are not? Why are these -discussions now silenced, and why does this noble determination now -retrograde? The answer is in a word. It is the extension of slave -territory, the opening of a great southern slave-market, and the -organization of a great internal slave-trade, that has arrested the -progress of emancipation. - -While these states were beginning to look upon the slave as one who -might possibly yet become a man, while they meditated giving to him and -his wife and children the inestimable blessings of liberty, this great -southern slave-mart was opened. It began by the addition of Missouri as -slave territory, and the votes of two Northern men were those which -decided this great question. Then, by the assent and concurrence of -Northern men, came in all the immense acquisition of slave territory -which now opens so boundless a market to tempt the avarice and cupidity -of the northern slave-raising states. - -This acquisition of territory has deferred perhaps for indefinite ages -the emancipation of a race. It has condemned to sorrow and -heart-breaking separation, to groans and wailings, hundreds of thousands -of slave families; it has built, through all the Southern States, -slave-warehouses, with all their ghastly furnishings of gags, and -thumb-screws, and cowhides; it has organized unnumbered slave-coffles, -clanking their chains and filing in mournful march through this land of -liberty. - -This accession of slave territory hardened the heart of the master. It -changed what was before, in comparison, a kindly relation, into the most -horrible and inhuman of trades. - -The planter whose slaves had grown up around him, and whom he had -learned to look upon almost as men and women, saw on every sable -forehead now nothing but its market value. This man was a thousand -dollars, and this eight hundred. The black baby in its mother’s arms was -a hundred-dollar bill, and nothing more. All those nobler traits of mind -and heart which should have made the slave a brother became only so many -stamps on his merchandise. Is the slave intelligent?—Good! that raises -his price two hundred dollars. Is he conscientious and faithful?—Good! -stamp it down in his certificate; it’s worth two hundred dollars more. -Is he religious? Does that Holy Spirit of God, whose name we mention -with reverence and fear, make that despised form His temple?—Let that -also be put down in the estimate of his market value, and the gift of -the Holy Ghost shall be sold for money. Is he a minister of -God?—Nevertheless, he has his price in the market. From the church and -from the communion-table the Christian brother and sister are taken to -make up the slave-coffle. And woman, with her tenderness, her -gentleness, her beauty,—woman, to whom mixed blood of the black and the -white have given graces perilous for a slave,—what is her accursed lot, -in this dreadful commerce?—The next few chapters will disclose facts on -this subject which ought to wring the heart of every Christian mother, -if, indeed, she be worthy of that holiest name. - -But we will not deal in assertions merely. We have stated the thing to -be proved; let us show the facts which prove it. - -The existence of this fearful traffic is known to many,—the particulars -and dreadful extent of it realized but by few. - -Let us enter a little more particularly on them. The slave-exporting -states are Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, North Carolina, Tennessee and -Missouri. These are slave-raising states, and the others are -slave-consuming states. We have shown, in the preceding chapters, the -kind of advertisements which are usual in those states; but, as we wish -to produce on the minds of our readers something of the impression which -has been produced on our own mind by their multiplicity and abundance, -we shall add a few more here. For the State of VIRGINIA, see all the -following: - -_Kanawha Republican_, Oct. 20, 1852, Charleston, Va. At the -head—Liberty, with a banner, “_Drapeau sans Tache_.” - - CASH FOR NEGROES. - - The subscriber wishes to purchase a few young NEGROES, _from 12 to - 25 years of age_, for which the highest market price will be paid in - cash. A few lines addressed to him through the Post Office, Kanawha - C. H., or a personal application, will be promptly attended to. - - JAS. L. FICKLIN. - - Oct. 20, ‘53.—3t - -_Alexandria Gazette_, Oct. 28th: - - CASH FOR NEGROES. - - I wish to purchase immediately, for the South, any number of - NEGROES, _from 10 to 30 years of age_, for which I will pay the very - highest cash price. All communications promptly attended to. - - JOSEPH BRUIN. - - West End, Alexandria, Va., Oct. 26.—tf - -_Lynchburg Virginian_, Nov. 18: - - NEGROES WANTED. - - The subscriber, having located in Lynchburg, is giving the highest - cash prices for negroes, _between the ages of 10 and 30 years_. - Those having negroes for sale may find it to their interest to call - on him at the Washington Hotel, Lynchburg, or address him by letter. - - All communications will receive prompt attention. - - J. B. MCLENDON. - - Nov. 5.—dly - -_Rockingham Register_, Nov. 13: - - CASH FOR NEGROES. - - I wish to purchase a number of NEGROES of both sexes and all ages, - for the Southern market, for which I will pay the highest cash - prices. Letters addressed to me at Winchester, Virginia, will be - promptly attended to. - - H. J. MCDANIEL, Agent for Wm. Crow. - - Nov. 24, 1846.—tf - -_Richmond Whig_, Nov. 16: - - PULLIAM & DAVIS, - - AUCTIONEERS FOR THE SALE OF NEGROES. - - D. M. PULLIAM. HECTOR DAVIS. - - The subscribers continue to sell Negroes, at their office, on - Wall-street. From _their experience in the business_, they can - safely insure the highest prices for all negroes intrusted to their - care. They will make sales of negroes in estates, and would say to - Commissioners, Executors and Administrators, that they will make - their sales on favorable terms. They are prepared to board and lodge - negroes comfortably at 25 cents per day. - - NOTICE.—CASH FOR SLAVES. - - Those who wish to sell slaves in Buckingham and the adjacent - counties in Virginia, by application to ANDERSON D. ABRAHAM, Sr., or - his son, ANDERSON D. ABRAHAM, Jr., they will find sale, at the - highest cash prices, for one hundred and fifty to two hundred - slaves. One or the other of the above parties will be found, for the - next eight months, at their residence in the aforesaid county and - state. Address ANDERSON D. ABRAHAM, Sr., Maysville Post Office, - White Oak Grove, Buckingham County, Va. - -_Winchester Republican_, June 29, 1852: - - NEGROES WANTED. - - The subscriber having located himself in Winchester, Va., wishes to - purchase a large number of SLAVES of both sexes, for which he will - give the highest price in cash. Persons wishing to dispose of Slaves - will find it to their advantage to give him a call before selling. - - All communications addressed to him at the _Taylor Hotel, - Winchester, Va._, will meet with prompt attention. - - ELIJAH MCDOWEL, - Agent for B. M. & Wm. L. Campbell, of Baltimore. - - Dec. 27, 1851.—ly - - * * * * * - -For MARYLAND: - -_Port Tobacco Times_, Oct., ‘52: - - SLAVES WANTED. - - The subscriber is permanently located at MIDDLEVILLE, Charles County - (immediately on the road from Port Tobacco to Allen’s Fresh), where - he will be pleased to buy any SLAVES that are for sale. The extreme - value will be given at all times, and liberal commissions paid for - information leading to a purchase. Apply personally, or by letter - addressed to Allen’s Fresh, Charles County. - - JOHN G. CAMPBELL. - - Middleville, April 14, 1852. - -_Cambridge_ (Md.) _Democrat_, October 27, 1852: - - NEGROES WANTED. - - I wish to inform the slave-holders of Dorchester and the adjacent - counties that I am again in the market. Persons having negroes that - are slaves for life to dispose of will find it to their interest to - see me before they sell, as I am determined to pay the highest - prices in cash that the Southern market will justify. I can be found - at A. Hall’s Hotel, in Easton, where I will remain until the first - day of July next. Communications addressed to me at Easton, or - information given to Wm. Bell, in Cambridge, will meet with prompt - attention. - - I will be at John Bradshaw’s Hotel, in Cambridge, every Monday. - - WM. HARKER. - - Oct. 6, 1852.—3m - -The _Westminster Carroltonian_, Oct. 22, 1852: - - 25 NEGROES WANTED. - - The undersigned wishes to purchase 25 LIKELY YOUNG NEGROES, for - which the highest cash prices will be paid. All communications - addressed to me in Baltimore will be punctually attended to. - - LEWIS WINTERS. - - Jan. 2.—tf - - * * * * * - -For TENNESSEE the following: - -_Nashville True Whig_, Oct. 20th, ‘52: - - FOR SALE. - - 21 likely Negroes, of different ages. - - Oct. 6. - - A. A. MCLEAN, Gen. Agent. - - * * * * * - - WANTED. - - I want to purchase, immediately, a Negro man, Carpenter, and will - give a good price. - - Oct. 6. - - A. A. MCLEAN, Gen. Agent - -_Nashville Gazette_, October 22: - - FOR SALE. - - SEVERAL likely girls from 10 to 18 years old, a woman 24, a very - valuable woman 25 years old, with three very likely children. - - WILLIAMS & GLOVER - A. B. U. - - Oct. 16th, 1852. - - * * * * * - - WANTED. - - I want to purchase Twenty-five LIKELY NEGROES, between the ages of - 18 and 25 years, male and female, for which I will pay the highest - price IN CASH. - - A. A. McLean, - Cherry Street. - - Oct. 20. - -The _Memphis Daily Eagle and Enquirer_: - - 500 NEGROES WANTED. - - We will pay the highest cash price for all good negroes offered. We - invite all those having negroes for sale to call on us at our mart, - opposite the lower steamboat landing. We will also have a large lot - of Virginia negroes for sale in the Fall. We have as safe a jail as - any in the country, where we can keep negroes safe for those that - wish them kept. - - BOLTON, DICKINS & CO. - - je 13—d & w - - * * * * * - - LAND AND NEGROES FOR SALE. - - A good bargain will be given in about 400 acres of Land; 200 acres - are in a fine state of cultivation, fronting the Railroad about ten - miles from Memphis. Together with 18 or 20 likely negroes, - consisting of men, women, boys and girls. Good time will be given on - a portion of the purchase money. - - J. M. PROVINE. - - Oct. 17.—1m. - -_Clarksville Chronicle_, Dec. 3, 1852: - - NEGROES WANTED. - - We wish to hire 25 good Steam Boat hands for the New Orleans and - Louisville trade. We will pay very full prices for the Season, - commencing about the 15th November. - - MCCLURE & CROZIER, Agents - S. B. Bellpoor - - Sept. 10th, 1852.—1m - -MISSOURI: - -The _Daily St. Louis Times_, October 14, 1852: - - REUBEN BARTLETT, - - On Chesnut, between Sixth and Seventh streets, near the city jail, - will pay the highest price in cash for all good negroes offered. - There are also other buyers to be found in the office very anxious - to purchase, who will pay the highest prices given in cash. - - Negroes boarded at the lowest rates. - - jy 15—6m. - - * * * * * - - NEGROES. - - BLAKELY and McAFEE having dissolved co-partnership by mutual - consent, the subscriber will at all times pay the highest cash - prices for negroes of every description. Will also attend to the - sale of negroes on commission, having a jail and yard fitted up - expressly for boarding them. - - ☞ Negroes for sale at all times. - - 3 A. B. MCAFEE, 93 Olive street. - - * * * * * - - ONE HUNDRED NEGROES WANTED. - - Having just returned from Kentucky, I wish to purchase, as soon as - possible, one hundred likely negroes, consisting of men, women, boys - and girls, for which I will pay at all times from fifty to one - hundred dollars on the head more money than any other trading man in - the city of St. Louis, or the State of Missouri. I can at all times - be found at Barnum’s City Hotel, St. Louis, Mo. - - je12d&wly. JOHN MATTINGLY. - -From another St. Louis paper: - - NEGROES WANTED. - - I will pay at all times the highest price in cash for all good - negroes offered. I am buying for the Memphis and Louisiana markets, - and can afford to pay, and will pay, as high as any trading man in - this State. All those having negroes to sell will do well to give me - a call at No. 210, corner of Sixth and Wash streets, St Louis, Mo. - - THOS. DICKINS, - of the firm of Bolton, Dickins & Co. - - o18—6m* - - * * * * * - - ONE HUNDRED NEGROES WANTED. - - Having just returned from Kentucky, I wish to purchase one hundred - likely Negroes, consisting of men and women, boys and girls, for - which I will pay in cash from fifty to one hundred dollars more than - any other trading man in the city of St. Louis or the State of - Missouri. I can at all times be found at Barnum’s City Hotel, St. - Louis, Mo. - - je14d&wly JOHN MATTINGLY. - - * * * * * - - B. M. LYNCH, - - No. 104 Locust street, St. Louis, Missouri, - - Is prepared to pay the highest prices in cash for good and likely - negroes, or will furnish boarding for others, in comfortable - quarters and under secure fastenings. He will also attend to the - sale and purchase of negroes on commission. - - ☞ Negroes for sale at all times. - - &w - -We ask you, Christian reader, we beg you to think, what sort of scenes -are going on in Virginia under these advertisements? You see that they -are carefully worded so as to take only the young people; and they are -only a specimen of the standing, season advertisements which are among -the most common things in the Virginia papers. A succeeding chapter will -open to the reader the interior of these slave-prisons, and show him -something of the daily incidents of this kind of trade. Now let us look -at the corresponding advertisements in the southern states. The coffles -made up in Virginia and other states are thus announced in the southern -market. - -From the _Natchez_ (Mississippi) _Free Trader_, Nov. 20: - - NEGROES FOR SALE. - - The undersigned have just arrived, direct from Richmond, Va., with a - large and likely lot of Negroes, consisting of Field Hands, House - Servants, Seamstresses, Cooks, Washers and Ironers, a first-rate - brick mason, and other mechanics, which they now offer for sale at - the Forks of the Road, near Natchez (Miss.), on the most - accommodating terms. - - They will continue to receive fresh supplies from Richmond, Va., - during the season, and will be able to furnish to any order any - description of Negroes sold in Richmond. - - Persons wishing to purchase would do well to give us a call before - purchasing elsewhere. - - nov20—6m - - MATTHEWS, BRANTON & CO. - - * * * * * - - To The Public. - - NEGROES BOUGHT AND SOLD. - - ROBERT S. ADAMS & MOSES J. WICKS have this day associated themselves - under the name and style of ADAMS & WICKS, for the purpose of buying - and selling Negroes, in the city of Aberdeen, and elsewhere. They - have an Agent who has been purchasing Negroes for them in the Old - States for the last two months. One of the firm, Robert S. Adams, - leaves this day for North Carolina and Virginia, and will buy a - large number of negroes for this market. They will keep at their - depot in Aberdeen, during the coming fall and winter, a large lot of - choice Negroes, which they will sell _low for cash_, or for bills on - Mobile. - - ROBERT S. ADAMS, - MOSES J. WICKS. - - Aberdeen, Miss., May 7th, 1852. - - * * * * * - - SLAVES! SLAVES! SLAVES! - - FRESH ARRIVALS WEEKLY.—Having established ourselves at the Forks of - the Road, near Natchez, for a term of years, we have now on hand, - and intend to keep throughout the entire year, a large and - well-selected stock of Negroes, consisting of field-hands, house - servants, mechanics, cooks, seamstresses, washers, ironers, etc., - which we can sell and will sell as low or lower than any other house - here or in New Orleans. - - Persons wishing to purchase would do well to call on us before - making purchases elsewhere, as our regular arrivals will keep us - supplied with a good and general assortment. Our terms are liberal. - Give us a call. - - GRIFFIN & PULLUM. - - Natchez, Oct. 16, 1852. 6m - - * * * * * - - NEGROES FOR SALE. - - I have just returned to my stand, at the Forks of the Road, with - fifty likely young NEGROES for sale. - - R. H. ELAM. - - Sept. 22 - - * * * * * - - NOTICE. - - The undersigned would respectfully state to the public that he has - leased the stand in the Forks of the Road, near Natchez, for a term - of years, and that he intends to keep a large lot of NEGROES on hand - during the year. He will sell as low, or lower, than any other - trader at this place or in New Orleans. - - He has just arrived from Virginia, with a very likely lot of field - men and women and house servants, three cooks, a carpenter and a - fine buggy horse, and a saddle-horse and carryall. Call and see. - - THOS. G. JAMES. - -_Daily Orleanian_, Oct. 19, 1852: - - W. F. TANNEHILL, - - NO. 159 GRAVIER STREET. - - _SLAVES! SLAVES! SLAVES!_ - - Constantly on hand, bought and sold on commission, at most - reasonable prices.—Field hands, cooks, washers and ironers, and - general house servants. City reference given, if required. - - Oct 14 - - * * * * * - - DEPOT D’ESCLAVES - - _DE LA NOUVELLE-ORLEANS_. - - NO. 68, RUE BARONNE. - - WM. F. TANNEHILL & CO. ont constamment en mains un assortiment - complet d’ESCLAVES bien choisis A VENDRE. Aussi, vente et achat - d’esclaves par commission. - - Nous avons actuellement en mains un grand nombre de NEGRES à louer - aux mois, parmi lesquels se trouvent des jeunes garcons, domestiques - de maison, cuisinières, blanchisseuses et repasseuses, nourices, - etc. - - REFERENCES: - - Wright, Williams & Co. - Williams, Phillips & Co. - Moses Greenwood. - Moon, Titus & Co. - S. O. Nelson & Co. - E. W. Diggs. 3ms - -_New Orleans Daily Crescent_, Oct. 21, 1852: - - SLAVES. - - JAMES WHITE, No. 73 Baronne street, New Orleans, will give strict - attention to receiving, boarding and selling SLAVES consigned to - him. He will also buy and sell on commission. References: Messrs. - Robson & Allen, McRea, Coffman & Co., Pregram, Bryan & Co. - - Sep. 23 - - * * * * * - - NEGROES WANTED. - - Fifteen or twenty good Negro Men wanted to go on a Plantation. The - best of wages will be given until the first of January, 1853. - - Apply to - - THOMAS G. MACKEY & CO., - 5 Canal street, corner of Magazine, up stairs. - - Sep 11 - -From another number of the _Mississippi Free Trader_ is taken the -following: - - NEGROES. - - The undersigned would respectfully state to the public that he has a - lot of about forty-five now on hand, having this day received a lot - of twenty-five _direct from Virginia_, two or three good cooks, a - carriage driver, a good house boy, _a fiddler_, _a fine seamstress_ - and a likely lot of _field men and women_; all of whom he will sell - at a small profit. He wishes to close out and _go on to Virginia - after a lot for the fall trade_. Call and see. - - THOMAS G. JAMES. - -The slave-raising business of the northern states has been variously -alluded to and recognized, both in the business statistics of the -states, and occasionally in the speeches of patriotic men, who have -justly mourned over it as a degradation to their country. In 1841, the -British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society addressed to the executive -committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society some inquiries on the -internal American slave-trade. - -A labored investigation was made at that time, the results of which were -published in London; and from that volume are made the following -extracts: - - The _Virginia Times_ (a weekly newspaper, published at Wheeling, - Virginia) estimates, in 1836, the number of slaves exported for sale - from that state alone, during “the twelve months preceding,” at - _forty thousand_, the aggregate value of whom is computed at - twenty-four millions of dollars. - - Allowing for Virginia one-half of the whole exportation during the - period in question, and we have the appalling sum total of _eighty - thousand slaves_ exported in a single year from the breeding states. - We cannot decide with certainty what proportion of the above number - was furnished by each of the breeding states, but Maryland ranks - next to Virginia in point of numbers, North Carolina follows - Maryland, Kentucky, North Carolina, then Tennessee and Delaware. - - The _Natchez_ (Mississippi) _Courier_ says “that the States of - Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama and Arkansas, imported _two hundred - and fifty thousand_ slaves from the more northern states in the year - 1836.” - - This seems absolutely incredible, but it probably includes all the - slaves introduced by the immigration of their masters. The - following, from the _Virginia Times_, confirms this supposition. In - the same paragraph which is referred to under the second query, it - is said: - - “We have heard intelligent men estimate the number of slaves - exported from Virginia, within the last twelve months, at a hundred - and twenty thousand, each slave averaging at least six hundred - dollars, making an aggregate of seventy-two million dollars. Of the - number of slaves exported, not more than _one-third_ have been sold; - the others having been carried by their masters, who have removed.” - - Assuming one-third to be the proportion of the sold, there are more - than eighty thousand imported for sale into the four States of - Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama and Arkansas. Supposing one-half of - eighty thousand to be sold into the other buying states,—S. - Carolina, Georgia, and the territory of Florida,—and we are brought - to the conclusion that more than a hundred and twenty thousand - slaves were, for some years previous to the great pecuniary pressure - in 1837, exported from the breeding to the consuming states. - - The _Baltimore American_ gives the following from a Mississippi - paper of 1837: - - “The report made by the committee of the citizens of Mobile, - appointed at their meeting held on the 1st instant; on the subject - of the existing pecuniary pressure, states that so large has been - the return of slave labor, that purchases by Alabama of that species - of property from other states, since 1833, have amounted to about - _ten million dollars annually_.” - - “Dealing in slaves,” says the _Baltimore_ (Maryland) _Register_ of - 1829, “has become a large business; establishments are made in - several places in Maryland and Virginia, at which they are sold like - cattle. These places of deposit are strongly built, and well - supplied with iron thumb-screws and gags, and ornamented with - cowskins and other whips, oftentimes bloody.” - - Professor Dew, now President of the University of William and Mary, - in Virginia, in his review of the debate in the Virginia legislature - in 1831–2, says (p. 120): - - “A full equivalent being left in the place of the slave (the - purchase-money), this emigration becomes an advantage to the state, - and does not check the black population as much as at first view we - might imagine; because it furnishes every inducement to the master - to attend to the negroes, _to encourage breeding, and to cause the - greatest number possible to be raised_.” Again: “_Virginia is, in - fact, a negro-raising state for the other states._” - - Mr. Goode, of Virginia, in his speech before the Virginia - legislature, in January, 1832, said: - - “The superior usefulness of the slaves in the South will constitute - an _effectual demand_, which will remove them from our limits. We - shall send them from our state, because it will be _our interest_ to - do so. But gentlemen are alarmed _lest the markets of other states_ - be closed against the introduction of our slaves. Sir, the demand - for _slave labor must increase,” &c._ - - In the debates of the Virginia Convention, in 1829, Judge Upshur - said: - - “The value of slaves as an article of property depends much on the - state of the market abroad. In this view, it is the value of land - _abroad_, and not of land here, which furnishes the ratio. Nothing - is more fluctuating than the value of slaves. A late law of - Louisiana reduced their value twenty-five per cent. in two hours - after its passage was known. _If it should be our lot, as I trust it - will be, to acquire the country of Texas, their price will rise - again._” - - Hon. Philip Doddridge, of Virginia, in his speech in the Virginia - Convention, in 1829 (Debates p. 89), said: - - “The acquisition of Texas will greatly enhance the value of the - property in question (Virginia slaves).” - - Rev. Dr. Graham, of Fayetteville, North Carolina, at a Colonization - meeting held at that place in the fall of 1837, said: - - “There were nearly seven thousand slaves offered in New Orleans - market, last winter. From Virginia alone six thousand were annually - sent to the South, and from Virginia and North Carolina there had - gone to the South, in the last twenty years, THREE HUNDRED THOUSAND - SLAVES.” - - Hon. Henry Clay, of Kentucky, in his speech before the Colonization - Society, in 1829, says: - - “It is believed that nowhere in the farming portion of the United - States would slave labor be generally employed, if the proprietor - were not tempted to _raise slaves by the high price of the southern - markets_, which keeps it up in his own.” - - The _New York Journal of Commerce_ of October 12th, 1835, contains a - letter from a Virginian, whom the editor calls “a very good and - sensible man,” asserting that _twenty thousand_ slaves had been - driven to the South from Virginia that year, but little more than - three-fourths of which had then elapsed. - - Mr. Gholson, of Virginia, in his speech in the legislature of that - state, January 18, 1831 (see _Richmond Whig_), says: - - “It has always (perhaps erroneously) been considered, by steady and - old-fashioned people, that the owner of land had a reasonable right - to its annual profits; the owner of orchards to their annual fruits; - the owner of brood mares to their product; and the owner of _female - slaves to their increase_. We have not the fine-spun intelligence - nor legal acumen to discover the technical distinctions drawn by - gentlemen (that is, the distinction between _female slaves_ and - _brood mares_). The legal maxim of _partus sequitur ventrem_ is - coëval with the existence of the right of property itself, and is - founded in wisdom and justice. It is on the justice and - inviolability of this maxim that the master foregoes the service of - the female slave, has her nursed and attended during the period of - her gestation, and raises the helpless infant offspring. The value - of the property _justifies the expense_, and I do not hesitate to - say that in its _increase consists much of our wealth_.” - -Can any comment on the state of public sentiment produced by slavery -equal the simple reading of this extract, if we remember that it was -spoken in the Virginia legislature? One would think the cold cheek of -Washington would redden in its grave for shame, that his native state -had sunk so low. That there were Virginian hearts to feel this disgrace -is evident from the following reply of Mr. Faulkner to Mr. Gholson, in -the Virginia House of Delegates, 1832. See _Richmond Whig_: - - “But he (Mr. Gholson) has labored to show that the abolition of - slavery would be impolitic, because your slaves constitute the - entire wealth of the state, all _the productive capacity_ Virginia - possesses; and, sir, as things are, _I believe he is correct_. He - says that the slaves constitute the entire available wealth of - Eastern Virginia. Is it true that for two hundred years the only - increase in the wealth and resources of Virginia has been a remnant - of the natural increase of this miserable race? Can it be that on - this increase she places her sole dependence? Until I heard these - declarations, I had not fully conceived the horrible extent of this - evil. These gentlemen state the fact, which the history and _present - aspect of the commonwealth_ but too well sustain. What, sir! have - you lived for two hundred years without personal effort or - productive industry, in extravagance and indolence, sustained alone - by the return from the sales of the increase of slaves, and - retaining merely such a number as your now impoverished lands can - sustain as STOCK?” - - Mr. Thomas Jefferson Randolph in the Virginia legislature used the - following language (_Liberty Bell_, p. 20): - - “I agree with gentlemen in the necessity of arming the state for - internal defence. I will unite with them in any effort to restore - confidence to the public mind, and to conduce to the sense of the - safety of our wives and our children. Yet, sir, I must ask upon whom - is to fall the burden of this defence? Not upon the lordly masters - of their hundred slaves, who will never turn out except to retire - with their families when danger threatens. No, sir; it is to fall - upon the _less wealthy class of our citizens, chiefly upon_ the - non-slaveholder. I have known patrols turned out where _there was - not a slave-holder among them_; and this is the practice of the - country. I have slept in times of alarm quiet in bed, without having - a thought of care, while these individuals, owning none of this - property themselves, were patrolling under a compulsory process, for - a pittance of seventy-five cents per twelve hours, the very - curtilage of my house, and guarding that property which was alike - dangerous to them and myself. After all, this is but an expedient. - As this population becomes more numerous, it becomes less - productive. Your guard must be increased, until finally its profits - will not pay for the expense of its subjection. Slavery has the - effect of lessening the free population of a country. - - “The gentleman has spoken of the increase of the female slaves being - a part of the profit. It is admitted; but no great evil can be - averted, no good attained, without some inconvenience. It may be - questioned how far it is desirable to foster and encourage this - branch of profit. It is a practice, and an increasing practice, in - parts of Virginia, to rear slaves for market. How can an honorable - mind, a patriot, and a lover of his country, bear to see this - Ancient Dominion, rendered illustrious by the noble devotion and - patriotism of her sons in the cause of liberty, converted into one - grand menagerie, where men are to be reared for the market, like - oxen for the shambles? Is it better, is it not worse, than the - slave-trade;—that trade which enlisted the labor of the good and - wise of every creed, and every clime, to abolish it? The trader - receives the slave, a stranger in language, aspect and manners, from - the merchant who has brought him from the interior. The ties of - father, mother, husband and child, have all been rent in twain; - before he receives him, his soul has become callous. But here, sir, - individuals whom the master has known from infancy, whom he has seen - sporting in the innocent gambols of childhood, who have been - accustomed to look to him for protection, he tears from the mother’s - arms, and sells into a strange country, among strange people, - subject to cruel taskmasters. - - “He has attempted to justify slavery here because it exists in - Africa, and has stated that it exists all over the world. Upon the - same principle, he could justify Mahometanism, with its plurality of - wives, petty wars for plunder, robbery and murder, or any other of - the abominations and enormities of savage tribes. Does slavery exist - in any part of civilized Europe?—No sir, in no part of it.” - -The calculations in the volume from which we have been quoting were made -in the year 1841. Since that time, the area of the southern slave-market -has been doubled, and the trade has undergone a proportional increase. -Southern papers are full of its advertisements. It is, in fact, the -great trade of the country. From the single port of Baltimore, in the -last two years, a thousand and thirty-three slaves have been shipped to -the southern market, as is apparent from the following report of the -custom-house officer: - - ABSTRACT OF THE NUMBER OF VESSELS CLEARED IN THE DISTRICT OF BALTIMORE - FOR SOUTHERN PORTS, HAVING SLAVES ON BOARD, FROM JAN. 1, 1851, TO - NOVEMBER 20, 1852. - - ────────┬──────────────┬────────────────────┬──────────────────┬─────── - Date. │ Denomina’s. │ Names of Vessels. │ Where Bound. │ Nos. - ────────┼──────────────┼────────────────────┼──────────────────┼─────── - 1851 │ │ │ │ - Jan. 6│Sloop, │Georgia, │Norfolk, Va. │ 16 - Jan. 10│Sloop, │Georgia, │Norfolk, Va. │ 6 - Jan. 11│Bark, │Elizabeth, │New Orleans. │ 92 - Jan. 14│Sloop, │Georgia, │Norfolk, Va. │ 9 - Jan. 17│Sloop, │Georgia, │Norfolk, Va. │ 6 - Jan. 20│Bark, │Cora, │New Orleans. │ 14 - Feb. 6│Bark, │E. H. Chapin, │New Orleans. │ 31 - Feb. 8│Bark, │Sarah Bridge, │New Orleans. │ 34 - Feb. 12│Sloop, │Georgia, │Norfolk, Va. │ 5 - Feb. 24│Schooner, │H. A. Barling, │New Orleans. │ 37 - Feb. 26│Sloop, │Georgia, │Norfolk, Va. │ 3 - Feb. 28│Sloop, │Georgia, │Norfolk, Va. │ 42 - Mar. 10│Ship, │Edward Everett, │New Orleans. │ 20 - Mar. 21│Sloop, │Georgia, │Norfolk, Va. │ 11 - Mar. 19│Bark, │Baltimore, │Savannah. │ 13 - Apr. 1│Sloop, │Herald, │Norfolk, Va. │ 7 - Apr. 2│Brig, │Waverley, │New Orleans. │ 31 - Apr. 18│Sloop, │Baltimore, │Arquia Creek, Va. │ 4 - Apr. 23│Ship, │Charles, │New Orleans. │ 25 - Apr. 28│Sloop, │Georgia, │Norfolk, Va. │ 5 - May 15│Sloop, │Herald, │Norfolk, Va. │ 27 - May 17│Schooner, │Brilliant, │Charleston. │ 1 - June 10│Sloop, │Herald, │Norfolk, Va. │ 3 - June 16│Sloop, │Georgia, │Norfolk, Va. │ 4 - June 20│Schooner, │Truth, │Charleston. │ 5 - June 21│Ship, │Herman, │New Orleans. │ 10 - July 19│Schooner, │Aurora S., │Charleston. │ 1 - Sept. 6│Bark, │Kirkwood, │New Orleans. │ 2 - Oct. 4│Bark, │Abbott Lord, │New Orleans. │ 1 - Oct. 11│Bark, │Elizabeth, │New Orleans. │ 70 - Oct. 18│Ship, │Edward Everett, │New Orleans. │ 12 - Oct. 20│Sloop, │Georgia, │Norfolk, Va. │ 1 - Nov. 13│Ship, │Eliza F. Mason, │New Orleans. │ 57 - Nov. 18│Bark, │Mary Broughtons, │New Orleans. │ 47 - Dec. 4│Ship, │Timalean, │New Orleans. │ 22 - Dec. 18│Schooner, │H. A. Barling, │New Orleans. │ 45 - │ │ │ │ - 1852. │ │ │ │ - Jan. 5│Bark, │Southerner, │New Orleans. │ 52 - Feb. 7│Ship, │Nathan Hooper, │New Orleans. │ 51 - Feb. 21│Ship, │Dumbarton, │New Orleans. │ 22 - Mar. 27│Sloop, │Palmetto, │Charleston. │ 36 - Mar. 4│Sloop, │Jewess, │Norfolk, Va. │ 34 - Apr. 24│Sloop, │Palmetto, │Charleston. │ 8 - Apr. 25│Bark, │Abbott Lord, │New Orleans. │ 36 - May 15│Ship, │Charles, │New Orleans. │ 2 - June 12│Sloop, │Pampero, │New Orleans. │ 4 - July 3│Sloop, │Palmetto, │Charleston. │ 1 - July 6│Sloop, │Herald, │Norfolk, Va. │ 7 - July 6│Sloop, │Maryland, │Arquia Creek, Va. │ 4 - Sept. 14│Sloop, │North Carolina, │Norfolk, Va. │ 15 - Sept. 23│Ship, │America, │New Orleans. │ 1 - Oct. 15│Ship, │Brandywine, │New Orleans. │ 6 - Oct. 18│Sloop, │Isabel, │Charleston. │ 1 - Oct. 28│Schooner, │Maryland, │Charleston. │ 12 - Oct. 29│Schooner, │H. M. Gambrill, │Savannah. │ 11 - Nov. 1│Ship, │Jane Henderson, │New Orleans. │ 18 - Nov. 6│Sloop, │Palmetto, │Charleston. │ 3 - │ │ │ │ ———— - │ │ │ │ 1033 - ────────┴──────────────┴────────────────────┴──────────────────┴─────── - -If we look back to the advertisements, we shall see that the traders -take only the younger ones, between the ages of ten and thirty. But this -is only one port, and only one mode of exporting; for multitudes of them -are sent in coffles over land; and yet Mr. J. Thornton Randolph -represents the negroes of Virginia as living in pastoral security, -smoking their pipes under their own vines and fig-trees, the venerable -patriarch of the flock declaring that “he nebber hab hear such a ting as -a nigger sold to Georgia all his life, unless dat nigger did someting -very bad.” - -An affecting picture of the consequences of this traffic upon both -master and slave is drawn by the committee of the volume from which we -have quoted. - -The writer cannot conclude this chapter better than by the language -which they have used. - - This system bears with extreme severity upon the slave. It subjects - him to a perpetual fear of being sold to the “soul-driver,” which to - the slave is the realization of all conceivable woes and horrors, - more dreaded than death. An awful apprehension of this fate haunts - the poor sufferer by day and by night, from his cradle to his grave. - SUSPENSE hangs like a thunder-cloud over his head. He knows that - there is not a passing hour, whether he wakes or sleeps, which may - not be THE LAST that he shall spend with his wife and children. - Every day or week some acquaintance is snatched from his side, and - thus the consciousness of his own danger is kept continually awake. - “Surely my turn will come next,” is his harrowing conviction; for he - knows that he was reared for this, as the ox for the yoke, or the - sheep for the slaughter. In this aspect, the slave’s condition is - truly indescribable. _Suspense_, even when it relates to an event of - no great moment, and “endureth but for a night,” is hard to bear. - But when it broods over all, absolutely all that is dear, chilling - the present with its deep shade, and casting its awful gloom over - the future, it _must_ break the heart! Such is the suspense under - which every slave in the breeding states lives. It poisons all his - little lot of bliss. If a father, he cannot go forth to his toil - without bidding a mental farewell to his wife and children. He - cannot return, weary and worn, from the field, with any certainty - that he shall not find his home robbed and desolate. Nor can he seek - his bed of straw and rags without the frightful misgiving that his - wife may be torn from his arms before morning. Should a white - stranger approach his master’s mansion, he fears that the - _soul-driver_ has come, and awaits in terror the overseer’s mandate, - “You are sold; follow that man.” There is no being on earth whom the - slaves of the breeding states regard with so much horror as the - _trader_. He is to them what the prowling kidnapper is to their less - wretched brethren in the wilds of Africa. The master knows this, and - that there is no punishment so effectual to secure labor, or deter - from misconduct, as the threat of being delivered to the - soul-driver.[20] Another consequence of this system is the - prevalence of licentiousness. This is indeed one of the foul - features of slavery everywhere; but it is especially prevalent and - indiscriminate where _slave-breeding_ is conducted as a business. It - grows directly out of the system, and is inseparable from it. * * * - The pecuniary inducement to general pollution must be very strong, - since the larger the slave increase the greater the master’s gains, - and especially since the _mixed blood_ demands a considerably - _higher price than the pure black_. - -The remainder of the extract contains specifications too dreadful to be -quoted. We can only refer the reader to the volume, p. 13. - -The poets of America, true to the holy soul of their divine art, have -shed over some of the horrid realities of this trade the pathetic light -of poetry. Longfellow and Whittier have told us, in verses beautiful as -strung pearls, yet sorrowful as a mother’s tears, some of the incidents -of this unnatural and ghastly traffic. For the sake of a common -humanity, let us hope that the first extract describes no _common_ -event. - - THE QUADROON GIRL. - - The Slaver in the broad lagoon - Lay moored with idle sail; - He waited for the rising moon, - And for the evening gale. - - Under the shore his boat was tied - And all her listless crew - Watched the gray alligator slide - Into the still bayou. - - Odors of orange-flowers and spice - Reached them, from time to time, - Like airs that breathe from Paradise - Upon a world of crime. - - The Planter, under his roof of thatch, - Smoked thoughtfully and slow; - The Slaver’s thumb was on the latch, - He scorned in haste to go. - - He said, “My ship at anchor rides - In yonder broad lagoon; - I only wait the evening tides, - And the rising of the moon.” - - Before them, with her face upraised, - In timid attitude, - Like one half curious, half amazed, - A Quadroon maiden stood. - - Her eyes were large, and full of light, - Her arms and neck were bare; - No garment she wore, save a kirtle bright, - And her own long raven hair. - - And on her lips there played a smile - As holy, meek, and faint, - As lights in some cathedral aisle - The features of a saint. - - “The soil is barren, the farm is old,” - The thoughtful Planter said; - Then looked upon the Slaver’s gold, - And then upon the maid. - - His heart within him was at strife - With such accursed gains; - For he knew whose passions gave her life, - Whose blood ran in her veins. - - But the voice of nature was too weak; - He took the glittering gold! - Then pale as death grew the maiden’s cheek, - Her hands as icy cold. - - The Slaver led her from the door, - He led her by the hand, - To be his slave and paramour - In a strange and distant land! - - * * * * * - - THE FAREWELL - - OF A VIRGINIA SLAVE MOTHER TO HER DAUGHTERS, SOLD INTO SOUTHERN BONDAGE. - - Gone, gone,—sold and gone, - To the rice-swamp dank and lone. - Where the slave-whip ceaseless swings, - Where the noisome insect stings, - Where the fever demon strews - Poison with the falling dews, - Where the sickly sunbeams glare - Through the hot and misty air,— - Gone, gone,—sold and gone, - To the rice-swamp dank and lone, - From Virginia’s hills and waters,— - Woe is me, my stolen daughters! - - Gone, gone,—sold and gone, - To the rice-swamp dank and lone. - There no mother’s eye is near them, - There no mother’s ear can hear them; - Never, when the torturing lash - Seams their back with many a gash, - Shall a mother’s kindness bless them, - Or a mother’s arms caress them. - Gone, gone, &c. - - Gone, gone,—sold and gone, - To the rice-swamp dank and lone. - O, when weary, sad, and slow, - From the fields at night they go, - Faint with toil, and racked with pain, - To their cheerless homes again,— - There no brother’s voice shall greet them, - There no father’s welcome meet them. - Gone, gone, &c. - - Gone, gone,—sold and gone, - To the rice-swamp dank and lone. - From the tree whose shadow lay - On their childhood’s place of play; - From the cool spring where they drank; - Rock, and hill, and rivulet bank; - From the solemn house of prayer, - And the holy counsels there,— - Gone, gone, &c. - - Gone, gone,—sold and gone, - To the rice-swamp dank and lone; - Toiling through the weary day, - And at night the spoiler’s prey. - O, that they had earlier died, - Sleeping calmly, side by side, - Where the tyrant’s power is o’er, - And the fetter galls no more! - Gone, gone, &c. - - Gone, gone,—sold and gone, - To the rice-swamp dank and lone. - By the holy love He beareth, - By the bruised reed He spareth, - O, may He, to whom alone - All their cruel wrongs are known, - Still their hope and refuge prove, - With a more than mother’s love! - Gone, gone, &c. - - JOHN G. WHITTIER. - -The following extract from a letter of Dr. Bailey, in the _Era_, 1847, -presents a view of this subject more creditable to some Virginia -families. May the number that refuse to part with slaves except by -emancipation increase! - - The sale of slaves to the south is carried to a great extent. The - slave-holders do not, so far as I can learn, raise them for that - special purpose. But, here is a man with a score of slaves, located - on an exhausted plantation. It must furnish support for all; but, - while they increase, its capacity of supply decreases. The result - is, he must emancipate or sell. But he has fallen into debt, and he - sells to relieve himself from debt, and also from an excess of - mouths. Or, he requires money to educate his children; or, his - negroes are sold under execution. From these and other causes, large - numbers of slaves are continually disappearing from the state, so - that the next census will undoubtedly show a marked diminution of - the slave population. - - The season for this trade is generally from November to April; and - some estimate that the average number of slaves passing by the - southern railroad weekly, during that period of six months, is at - least two hundred. A slave-trader told me that he had known one - hundred pass in a single night. But this is only one route. Large - numbers are sent off westwardly, and also by sea, coastwise. The - Davises, in Petersburg, are the great slave-dealers. They are Jews, - who came to that place many years ago as poor peddlers; and, I am - informed, are members of a family which has its representatives in - Philadelphia, New York, &c.! These men are always in the market, - giving the highest price for slaves. During the summer and fall they - buy them up at low prices, trim, shave, wash them, fatten them so - that they may look sleek, and sell them to great profit. It might - not be unprofitable to inquire how much Northern capital, and what - firms in some of the Northern cities, are connected with this - detestable business. - - There are many planters here who cannot be persuaded to sell their - slaves. They have far more than they can find work for, and could at - any time obtain a high price for them. The temptation is strong, for - they want more money and fewer dependants. But they resist it, and - nothing can induce them to part with a single slave, though they - know that they would be greatly the gainers in a pecuniary sense, - were they to sell one-half of them. Such men are too good to be - slave-holders. Would that they might see it their duty to go one - step further, and become emancipators! The majority of this class of - planters are religious men, and this is the class to which generally - are to be referred the various cases of emancipation _by will_, of - which from time to time we hear accounts. - ------ - -Footnote 20: - - This horribly expressive appellation is in common use among the slaves - of the breeding states. - - - - - CHAPTER V. - SELECT INCIDENTS OF LAWFUL TRADE, OR FACTS STRANGER THAN FICTION. - - -The atrocious and sacrilegious system of breeding human beings for sale, -and trading them like cattle in the market, fails to produce the -impression on the mind that it ought to produce, because it is lost in -generalities. - -It is like the account of a great battle, in which we learn, in round -numbers, that ten thousand were killed and wounded, and throw the paper -by without a thought. - -So, when we read of sixty or eighty thousand human beings being raised -yearly and sold in the market, it passes through our mind, but leaves no -definite trace. - -Sterne says that when he would realize the miseries of captivity, he had -to turn his mind from the idea of hundreds of thousands languishing in -dungeons, and bring before himself the picture of one poor, solitary -captive pining in his cell. In like manner, we cannot give any idea of -the horribly cruel and demoralizing effect of this trade, except by -presenting facts in detail, each fact being a specimen of a class of -facts. - -For a specimen of the public sentiment and the kind of morals and -manners which this breeding and trading system produces, both in slaves -and in their owners, the writer gives the following extracts from a -recent letter of a friend in one of the Southern States. - - DEAR MRS. S:—The sable goddess who presides over our bed and - wash-stand is such a queer specimen of her race, that I would give a - good deal to have you see her. Her whole appearance, as she goes - giggling and curtseying about, is perfectly comical, and would lead - a stranger to think her really deficient in intellect. This is, - however, by no means the case. During our two months’ acquaintance - with her, we have seen many indications of sterling good sense, that - would do credit to many a white person with ten times her - advantages. - - She is disposed to be very communicative;—seems to feel that she has - a claim upon our sympathy, in the very fact that we come from the - North; and we could undoubtedly gain no little knowledge of the - practical workings of the “peculiar institution,” if we thought - proper to hold any protracted conversation with her. This, however, - would insure a visit from the authorities, requesting us to leave - town in the next train of cars; so we are forced to content - ourselves with gleaning a few items, now and then, taking care to - appear quite indifferent to her story, and to cut it short by - despatching her on some trifling errand;—being equally careful, - however, to note down her peculiar expressions, as soon as she has - disappeared. A copy of these I have thought you would like to see, - especially as illustrating the views of the marriage institution - which is a necessary result of the great human property relation - system. - - A Southern lady, who thinks “negro sentiment” very much exaggerated - in “Uncle Tom’s Cabin,” assures us that domestic attachments cannot - be very strong, where one man will have two or three wives and - families, on as many different plantations.(!) And the lady of our - hotel tells us of her cook having received a message from her - husband, that he has another wife, and she may get another husband, - with perfect indifference; simply expressing a hope that “she won’t - find another here during the next month, as she must then be sent to - her owner, in Georgia, and would be more unwilling to go.” And yet, - both of these ladies are quite religious, and highly resent any - insinuation that the moral character of the slaves is not far above - that of the free negroes at the North. - - With Violet’s story, I will also enclose that of one of our waiters; - in which, I think, you will be interested. - - Violet’s father and mother both died, as she says, “‘fore I had any - sense,” leaving eleven children—all scattered. “To sabe my life, - Missis, couldn’t tell dis yer night where one of dem is. Massa lib - in Charleston. My first husband,—when we was young,—nice man; he had - seven children; den he sold off to Florida—neber hear from him - ‘gain. Ole folks die. O, dat’s be my boderation, Missis,—when ole - people be dead, den we be scattered all ‘bout. Den I sold up - here—now hab ‘noder husband—hab four children up here. I lib bery - easy when my young husband ‘libe—and we had children bery fast. But - now dese yer ones tight fellers. Massa don’t ‘low us to raise - noting; no pig—no goat—no dog—no noting; won’t allow us raise a bit - of corn. _We has to do jist de best we can._ Dey don’t gib us a - single grain but jist two homespun frocks—no coat ‘t all. - - “Can’t go to meetin, ‘cause, Missis, get dis work done—den get - dinner. In summer, I goes ebery Sunday ebening; but dese yer short - days, time done get dinner dishes washed, den time get supper. - Gen’lly goes Baptist church.” - - “Do your people usually go there?” - - “Dere bees tree shares ob dem—Methodist gang, Baptist gang, - ‘Piscopal gang. Last summer, use to hab right smart[21] meetins in - our yard, Sunday night. Massa Johnson preach to us. Den he said - couldn’t hab two meetins—we might go to church.” - - “Why?” - - “Gracious knows. I lubs to go to meetin allers—‘specially when dere - ‘s good preaching—lubs to hab people talk good to me—likes to hab - people read to me, too. ‘Cause don’t b’long to church, no reason why - I shan’t.” - - “Does your master like to have others read to you?” - - “He won’t hinder—I an’t bound tell him when folks reads to me. I hab - _my_ soul to sabe—he hab _his_ soul to sabe. Our owners won’t stand - few minutes and read to us—dey tink it too great honor—dey’s bery - hard on us. Brack preachers sometimes talk good to us, and pray wid - us,—and _pray a heap for_ DEM _too_. - - “I jest done hab great quarrel wid Dinah, down in de kitchen. I - tells Dinah, ‘De way you goes on spile all do women’s - character.’—She say she didn’t care, she do what she please wid - herself. Dinah, she slip away somehow from her first husband, and - hab ‘noder child by Sambo (he b’long to Massa D.); so she and her - first husband dey fall out somehow. Dese yer men, yer know, is so - queer, Missis, dey don’t neber like sich tings. - - “Ye know, Missis, tings we lub, we don’t like hab anybody else hab - ‘em. Such a ting as dat, Missis, tetch your heart so, ef you don’t - mind, ‘t will fret you almost to death. Ef my husband was to slip - away from me, Missis, dat ar way, it ud wake me right up. I’m brack, - but I wouldn’t do so to my husband, neider. What I hide behind de - curtain now, I can’t hide it behind de curtain when I stand before - God—de whole world know it den. - - “Dinah’s (second) husband say what she do for her first husband - noting to him;—now, my husband don’t feel so. He say he wouldn’t do - as Daniel do—he wouldn’t buy tings for de oder children—dem as has - de children might buy de tings for dem. Well, so dere dey - is.—Dinah’s first husband come up wheneber he can, to see his - children,—and Sambo, he come up to see _his_ child, and gib Dinah - tings for it. - - “You know, Missis, Massa hab no nigger but me and one yellow girl, - when he bought me and my four children. Well, den Massa, he want me - to breed; so he say, ‘Violet, you must take some nigger here in C.’ - - “Den I say, ‘No, Massa, I can’t take any here.’ Den he say, ‘You - _must_, Violet;’ ‘cause you see he want me breed for him; so he say - plenty young fellers here, but I say I can’t hab any ob dem. Well, - den, Missis, he go down Virginia, and he bring up two niggers,—and - dey was pretty ole men,—and Missis say, ‘One of dem’s for you, - Violet;’ but I say, ‘No, Missis, I can’t take one of dem, ‘cause I - don’t lub ‘em, and I can’t hab one I don’t lub.’ Den Massa, he say, - ‘You _must take one of dese_—and _den, ef you can’t lub him, you - must find somebody else you can lub_.’ Den I say, ‘O, no, Massa! I - can’t do dat—_I can’t hab one ebery day_.’ Well, den, by-and-by, - Massa he buy tree more, and den Missis say, ‘Now, Violet, ones dem - is for you.’ I say, ‘I do’no—maybe I can’t lub one dem neider;’ but - she say, ‘You _must_ hab one ob dese.’ Well, so Sam and I we lib - along two year—he watchin my ways, and I watchin his ways. - - “At last, one night, we was standin’ by de wood-pile togeder, and de - moon bery shine, and I do’no how ‘t was, Missis, he answer me, he - wan’t a wife, but he didn’t know where he get one. I say, plenty - girls in G. He say, ‘Yes—but maybe I shan’t find any I like so well - as you.’ Den I say maybe he wouldn’t like my ways, ‘cause I’se an - ole woman, and I hab four children by my first husband; and anybody - marry me, must be jest kind to dem children as dey was to me, else I - couldn’t lub him. Den he say, ‘Ef he had a woman ‘t had - children,’—mind you, he didn’t say me,—‘he would be jest as kind to - de children as he was to de moder, and dat’s ‘cordin to how she do - by him.’ Well, so we went on from one ting to anoder, till at last - we say we’d take one anoder, and so we’ve libed togeder eber - since—and I’s had four children by him—and he neber slip away from - me, nor I from him.” - - “How are you married in your yard?” - - “We jest _takes_ one anoder—we asks de white folks’ leave—and den - takes one anoder. Some folks, dey’s married by de book; but den, - what’s de use? Dere’s my fus husband, we’se married by de book, and - he sold way off to Florida, and I’s here. Dey wants to do what dey - please wid us, so dey don’t want us to be married. Dey don’t care - what we does, so we jest makes money for dem. - - “My fus husband,—he young, and he _bery_ kind to me,—O, Missis, he - _bery kind indeed_. He set up all night and work, so as to make me - comfortable. O, we got ‘long bery well when I had him; but he sold - way off Florida, and, sence then, Missis, _I jest gone_ to noting. - Dese yer white people dey hab here, dey won’t ‘low us noting—noting - at all—jest gibs us food, and two suits a year—a broad stripe and a - narrow stripe; you’ll see ‘em, Missis.”— - - And we did “see ‘em;” for Violet brought us the “narrow stripe,” - with a request that we would fit it for her. There was just enough - to cover her, but no hooks and eyes, cotton, or even lining; these - extras she must get as she can; and yet her master receives from our - host eight dollars per month for her services. We asked how she got - the “broad stripe” made up. - - “O, Missis, my husband,—he working now out on de farm,—so he hab - ‘lowance four pounds bacon and one peck of meal ebery week; so he - stinge heself, so as to gib me four pounds bacon to pay for making - my frock.” [Query.—Are there any husbands in refined circles who - would do more than this?] - - Once, finding us all three busily writing, Violet stood for some - moments silently watching the mysterious motion of our pens, and - then, in a tone of deepest sadness, said, - - “O! dat be great comfort, Missis. _You_ can write to _your_ friends - all ‘bout ebery ting, and so hab dem write to you. Our people can’t - do so. Wheder dey be ‘live or dead, we can’t neber know—_only - sometimes we hears dey be dead_.” - -What more expressive comment on the cruel laws that forbid the slave to -be taught to write! - -The history of the serving-man is thus given: - - George’s father and mother belonged to somebody in Florida. During - the war, two older sisters got on board an English vessel, and went - to Halifax. His mother was very anxious to go with them, and take - the whole family; but her husband persuaded her to wait until the - next ship sailed, when he thought he should be able to go too. By - this delay opportunity of escape was lost, and the whole family were - soon after sold for debt. George, one sister, and their mother, were - bought by the same man. He says, “My old boss cry powerful when she - (the mother) die; say he’d rather lost two thousand dollars. She was - part Indian—hair straight as yourn—and she was white as dat ar - pillow.” George married a woman in _another_ yard. He gave this - reason for it: “‘Cause, when a man sees his wife ‘bused, he can’t - help feelin’ it. When he _hears_ his wife’s ‘bused, ‘t an’t like as - how it is when he _sees_ it. Then I can fadge for her better than - when she’s in my own yard.” This wife was sold up country, but after - some years became “lame and sick—couldn’t do much—so her massa gabe - her her time, and paid her fare to G.”—[The sick and infirm are - always provided for, you know.]—“Hadn’t seen her for tree years,” - said George; “but soon as I heard of it, went right down,—hired a - house, and got some one to take care ob her,—and used to go to see - her ebery tree months.” He is a mechanic, and worked sometimes all - night to earn money to do this. His master asks twenty dollars per - month for his services, and allows him fifty cents per week for - clothes, etc. J. says, if he could only save, by working nights, - money enough to buy himself, he would get some one he could trust to - buy him; “den work hard as eber, till I could buy my children, den - I’d get away from dis yer.”— - - “Where?” - - “O! Philadelphia—New York—somewhere North.” - - “Why, you’d freeze to death.” - - “O, no, Missis! I can bear cold. I want to go _where I can belong to - myself_, and do as I want to.” - -The following communication has been given to the writer by Captain -Austin Bearse, ship-master in Boston. Mr. Bearse is a native of -Barnstable, Cape Cod. He is well known to our Boston citizens and -merchants. - - I am a native of the State of Massachusetts. Between the years 1818 - and 1830 I was, from time to time, mate on board of different - vessels engaged in the coasting trade on the coast of South - Carolina. - - It is well known that many New England vessels are in the habit of - spending their winters on the southern coast in pursuit of this - business. Our vessels used to run up the rivers for the rough rice - and cotton of the plantations, which we took to Charleston. - - We often carried gangs of slaves to the plantations, as they had - been ordered. These slaves were generally collected by slave-traders - in the slave-pens in Charleston,—brought there by various causes, - such as the death of owners and the division of estates, which threw - them into the market. Some were sent as punishment for - insubordination, or because the domestic establishment was too - large, or because persons moving to the North or West preferred - selling their slaves to the trouble of carrying them. We had on - board our vessels, from time to time, numbers of these - slaves,—sometimes two or three, and sometimes as high as seventy or - eighty. They were separated from their families and connections with - as little concern as calves and pigs are selected out of a lot of - domestic animals. - - Our vessels used to lie in a place called Poor Man’s Hole, not far - from the city. We used to allow the relations and friends of the - slaves to come on board and stay all night with their friends, - before the vessel sailed. - - In the morning it used to be my business to pull off the hatches and - warn them that it was time to separate; and the shrieks and - heart-rending cries at these times were enough to make anybody’s - heart ache. - - In the year 1828, while mate of the brig Milton, from Boston, bound - to New Orleans, the following incident occurred, which I shall never - forget: - - The traders brought on board four quadroon men in handcuffs, to be - stowed away for the New Orleans market. An old negro woman, more - than eighty years of age, came screaming after them, “My son, O, my - son, my son!” She seemed almost frantic, and when we had got more - than a mile out in the harbor we heard her screaming yet. - - When we got into the Gulf Stream, I came to the men, and took off - their handcuffs. They were resolute fellows, and they told me that I - would see that they would never live to be slaves in New Orleans. - One of the men was a carpenter, and one a blacksmith. We brought - them into New Orleans, and consigned them over to the agent. The - agent told the captain afterwards that in forty-eight hours after - they came to New Orleans they were all dead men, having every one - killed themselves, as they said they should. One of them, I know, - was bought for a fireman on the steamer Post Boy, that went down to - the Balize. He jumped over, and was drowned. - - The others,—one was sold to a blacksmith, and one to a carpenter. - The particulars of their death I didn’t know, only that the agent - told the captain that they were all dead. - - There was a plantation at Coosahatchie, back of Charleston, S. C., - kept by a widow lady, who owned eighty negroes. She sent to - Charleston, and bought a quadroon girl, very nearly white, for her - son. We carried her up. She was more delicate than our other slaves, - so that she was not put with them, but was carried up in the cabin. - - I have been on the rice-plantations on the river, and seen the - cultivation of the rice. In the fall of the year, the plantation - hands, both men and women, work all the time above their knees in - water in the rice-ditches, pulling out the grass, to fit the ground - for sowing the rice. Hands sold here from the city, having been bred - mostly to house-labor, find this very severe. The plantations are so - deadly that white people cannot remain on them during the - summer-time, except at a risk of life. The proprietors and their - families are there only through the winter, and the slaves are left - in the summer entirely under the care of the overseers. Such - overseers as I saw were generally a brutal, gambling, drinking set. - - I have seen slavery, in the course of my wanderings, in almost all - the countries in the world. I have been to Algiers, and seen slavery - there. I have seen slavery in Smyrna, among the Turks. I was in - Smyrna when our American consul ransomed a beautiful Greek girl in - the slave-market. I saw her come aboard the brig Suffolk, when she - came on board to be sent to America for her education. I have seen - slavery in the Spanish and French ports, though I have not been on - their plantations. - - My opinion is that American slavery, as I have seen it in the - internal slave-trade, as I have seen it on the rice and sugar - plantations, and in the city of New Orleans, is _full as bad_ as - slavery in any country of the world, heathen or Christian. People - who go for visits or pleasure through the Southern States cannot - possibly know those things which can be seen of slavery by - ship-masters who run up into the back plantations of countries, and - who transport the slaves and produce of plantations. - - In my past days the system of slavery was not much discussed. I saw - these things as others did, without interference. Because I no - longer think it right to see these things in silence, I trade no - more south of Mason & Dixon’s line. - - AUSTIN BEARSE. - -The following account was given to the writer by Lewis Hayden. Hayden -was a fugitive slave, who escaped from Kentucky by the assistance of a -young lady named Delia Webster, and a man named Calvin Fairbanks. Both -were imprisoned. Lewis Hayden has earned his own character as a free -citizen of Boston, where he can find an abundance of vouchers for his -character. - - I belonged to the Rev. Adam Runkin, a Presbyterian minister in - Lexington, Kentucky. - - My mother was of mixed blood,—white and Indian. She married my - father when he was working in a bagging factory near by. After a - while my father’s owner moved off and took my father with him, which - broke up the marriage. She was a very handsome woman. My master kept - a large dairy, and she was the milk-woman. Lexington was a small - town in those days, and the dairy was in the town. Back of the - college was the Masonic lodge. A man who belonged to the lodge saw - my mother when she was about her work. He made proposals of a base - nature to her. When she would have nothing to say to him, he told - her that she need not be so independent, for if money could buy her - he would have her. My mother told old mistress, and begged that - master might not sell her. But he did sell her. My mother had a high - spirit, being part Indian. She would not consent to live with this - man, as he wished; and he sent her to prison, and had her flogged, - and punished her in various ways, so that at last she began to have - crazy turns. When I read in “Uncle Tom’s Cabin” about Cassy, it put - me in mind of my mother, and I wanted to tell Mrs. S—— about her. - She tried to kill herself several times, once with a knife and once - by hanging. She had long, straight black hair, but after this it all - turned white, like an old person’s. When she had her raving turns - she always talked about her children. The jailer told the owner that - if he would let her go to her children, perhaps she would get quiet. - They let her out one time, and she came to the place where we were. - I might have been seven or eight years old,—don’t know my age - exactly. I was not at home when she came. I came in and found her in - one of the cabins near the kitchen. She sprung and caught my arms, - and seemed going to break them, and then said, “I’ll fix _you_ so - they’ll never get you!” I screamed, for I thought she was going to - kill me; they came in and took me away. They tied her, and carried - her off. Sometimes, when she was in her right mind, she used to tell - me what things they had done to her. At last her owner sold her, for - a small sum, to a man named Lackey. While with him she had another - husband and several children. After a while this husband either died - or was sold, I do not remember which. The man then sold her to - another person, named Bryant. My own father’s owner now came and - lived in the neighborhood of this man, and brought my mother with - him. He had had another wife and family of children where he had - been living. He and my mother came together again, and finished - their days together. My mother almost recovered her mind in her last - days. - - I never saw anything in Kentucky which made me suppose that - ministers or professors of religion considered it any more wrong to - separate the families of slaves by sale than to separate any - domestic animals. - - There may be ministers and professors of religion who think it is - wrong, but I never met with them. My master was a minister, and yet - he sold my mother, as I have related. - - When he was going to leave Kentucky for Pennsylvania, he sold all my - brothers and sisters at auction. I stood by and saw them sold. When - I was just going up on to the block, he swapped me off for a pair of - carriage-horses. I looked at those horses with strange feelings. I - had indulged hopes that master would take me into Pennsylvania with - him, and I should get free. How I looked at those horses, and walked - round them, and thought for _them_ I was sold! - - It was commonly reported that my master had said in the pulpit that - there was no more harm in separating a family of slaves than a - litter of pigs. I did not hear him say it, and so cannot say whether - this is true or not. - - It may seem strange, but it is a fact,—I had more sympathy and kind - advice, in my efforts to get my freedom, from gamblers and such sort - of men, than Christians. Some of the gamblers were very kind to me: - - I never knew a slave-trader that did not seem to think, in his - heart, that the trade was a bad one. I knew a great many of them, - such as Neal, McAnn, Cobb, Stone, Pulliam and Davis, &c. They were - like Haley,—they meant to repent when they got through. - - Intelligent colored people in my circle of acquaintance, as a - general thing, _felt no security whatever for their family ties_. - Some, it is true, who belonged to rich families, felt some security, - but those of us who looked deeper, and knew how many were not rich - that seemed so, and saw how fast money slipped away, were always - miserable. The trader was all around, the slave-pens at hand, and we - did not know what time any of us might be in it. Then there were the - rice-swamps, and the sugar and cotton plantations; we had had them - held before us as terrors, by our masters and mistresses, all our - lives. We knew about them all; and when a friend was carried off, - why, it was the same as death, for we could not write or hear, and - never expected to see them again. - - I have one child who is buried in Kentucky, and that grave is - pleasant to think of. I’ve got another that is sold nobody knows - where, and that I never can bear to think of. - - LEWIS HAYDEN. - -The next history is a long one, and part of it transpired in a most -public manner, in the face of our whole community. - -The history includes in it the whole account of that memorable capture -of the Pearl, which produced such a sensation in Washington in the year -1848. The author, however, will preface it with a short history of a -slave woman who had six children embarked in that ill-fated enterprise. - ------ - -Footnote 21: - - _Right smart of_—that is, a great many of—an idiom of Anglo-Ethiopia. - - - - - CHAPTER VI. - - -Milly Edmondson is an aged woman, now upwards of seventy. She has -received the slave’s inheritance of entire ignorance. She cannot read a -letter of a book, nor write her own name; but the writer must say that -she was never so impressed with any presentation of the Christian -religion as that which was made to her in the language and appearance of -this woman during the few interviews that she had with her. The -circumstances of the interviews will be detailed at length in the course -of the story. - -Milly is above the middle height, of a large, full figure. She dresses -with the greatest attention to neatness. A plain Methodist cap shades -her face, and the plain white Methodist handkerchief is folded across -the bosom. A well-preserved stuff gown, and clean white apron, with a -white pocket-handkerchief pinned to her side, completes the inventory of -the costume in which the writer usually saw her. She is a mulatto, and -must once have been a very handsome one. Her eyes and smile are still -uncommonly beautiful, but there are deep-wrought lines of patient sorrow -and weary endurance on her face, which tell that this lovely and -noble-hearted woman has been all her life a slave. - -Milly Edmondson was kept by her owners and allowed to live with her -husband, with the express understanding and agreement that her service -and value was to consist in breeding up her own children to be sold in -the slave-market. Her legal owner was a maiden lady of feeble capacity, -who was set aside by the decision of court as incompetent to manage her -affairs. - -The estate—that is to say, Milly Edmondson and her children—was placed -in the care of a guardian. It appears that Milly’s poor, infirm mistress -was fond of her, and that Milly exercised over her much of that -ascendency which a strong mind holds over a weak one. Milly’s husband, -Paul Edmondson was a free man. A little of her history, as she related -it to the writer, will now be given in her own words: - -“Her mistress,” she said, “was always kind to her ‘poor thing!’ but then -she hadn’t _sperit_ ever to speak for herself, and her friends wouldn’t -let her have her own way. It always laid on my mind,” she said, “that I -was a slave. When I wan’t more than fourteen years old, Missis was doing -some work one day that she thought she couldn’t trust me with, and she -says to me, ‘Milly, now you see it’s I that am the slave, and not you.’ -I says to her, ‘Ah, Missis, I am a poor slave, for all that.’ I’s sorry -afterwards I said it, for I thought it seemed to hurt her feelings. - -“Well, after a while, when I got engaged to Paul, I loved Paul very -much; but I thought it wan’t right to bring children into the world to -be slaves, and I told our folks that I was never going to marry, though -I did love Paul. But that wan’t to be allowed,” she said, with a -mysterious air. - -“What do you mean?” said I. - -“Well, they told me I must marry, or I should be turned out of the -church—so it was,” she added, with a significant nod.—“Well, Paul and -me, we was married, and we was happy enough, if it hadn’t been for that; -but when our first child was born I says to him, ‘There ‘t is, now, -Paul, our troubles is begun; this child isn’t ours.’ And every child I -had, it grew worse and worse. ‘O, Paul,’ says I, ‘what a thing it is to -have children that isn’t ours!’ Paul he says to me, ‘Milly, my dear, if -they be God’s children, it an’t so much matter whether they be ours or -no; they may be heirs of the kingdom, Milly, for all that.’ Well, when -Paul’s mistress died, she set him free, and he got him a little place -out about fourteen miles from Washington; and they let me live out there -with him, and take home my tasks; for they had that confidence in me -that they always know’d that what I said I’d do was as good done as if -they’d seen it done. I had mostly sewing; sometimes a shirt to make in a -day,—it was coarse like, you know,—or a pair of sheets, or some such; -but, whatever ‘t was, I always got it done. Then I had all my house-work -and babies to take care of; and many’s the time, after ten o’clock, I’ve -took my children’s clothes and washed ‘em all out and ironed ‘em late in -the night, ‘cause I couldn’t never bear to see my children dirty,—always -wanted to see ‘em sweet and clean, and I brought ‘em up and taught ‘em -the very best ways I was able. But nobody knows what I suffered; I never -see a white man come on to the place that I didn’t think, ‘There, now, -he’s coming to look at my children;’ and when I saw any white man going -by, I’ve called in my children and hid ‘em, for fear he’d see ‘em and -want to buy ‘em. O, ma’am, mine’s been a long sorrow, a long sorrow! -I’ve borne this heavy cross a great many years.” - -“But,” said I, “the Lord has been with you.” - -She answered, with very strong emphasis, “Ma’am, if the Lord hadn’t held -me up, I shouldn’t have been alive this day. O, sometimes my heart’s -been so heavy, it seemed as if I _must_ die; and then I’ve been to the -throne of grace, and when I’d poured out all my sorrows there, I came -away _light_, and felt that I could live a little longer.” - -This language is exactly her own. She had often a forcible and -peculiarly beautiful manner of expressing herself, which impressed what -she said strongly. - -Paul and Milly Edmondson were both devout communicants in the Methodist -Episcopal Church at Washington, and the testimony to their blamelessness -of life and the consistence of their piety is unanimous from all who -know them. In their simple cottage, made respectable by neatness and -order, and hallowed by morning and evening prayer, they trained up their -children, to the best of their poor ability, in the nurture and -admonition of the Lord, to be sold in the slave-market. They thought -themselves only too happy, as one after another arrived at the age when -they were to be sold, that they were hired to families in their -vicinity, and not thrown into the trader’s pen to be drafted for the -dreaded southern market! - -The mother, feeling, with a constant but repressed anguish, the weary -burden of slavery which lay upon her, was accustomed, as she told the -writer, thus to warn her daughters: - -“Now, girls, don’t you never come to the sorrows that I have. Don’t you -never marry till you get your liberty. Don’t you marry, to be mothers to -_children that an’t your own_.” - -As a result of this education, some of her older daughters, in -connection with the young men to whom they were engaged, raised the sum -necessary to pay for their freedom before they were married. One of -these young women, at the time that she paid for her freedom, was in -such feeble health that the physician told her that she could not live -many months, and advised her to keep the money, and apply it to making -herself as comfortable as she could. - -She answered, “If I had only two hours to live, I would pay down that -money to die free.” - -If this was setting an extravagant value on liberty, it is not for an -American to say so. - -All the sons and daughters of this family were distinguished both for -their physical and mental developments, and therefore were priced -exceedingly high in the market. The whole family, rated by the market -prices which have been paid for certain members of it, might be -estimated as an estate of fifteen thousand dollars. They were -distinguished for intelligence, honesty and faithfulness, but above all -for the most devoted attachment to each other. These children, thus -intelligent, were all held as slaves in the city of Washington, the very -capital where our national government is conducted. Of course, the high -estimate which their own mother taught them to place upon liberty was in -the way of being constantly strengthened and reinforced by such -addresses, celebrations and speeches, on the subject of liberty, as -every one knows are constantly being made, on one occasion or another, -in our national capital. - -On the 13th day of April, the little schooner PEARL, commanded by Daniel -Drayton, came to anchor in the Potomac river, at Washington. - -The news had just arrived of a revolution in France, and the -establishment of a democratic government, and all Washington was turning -out to celebrate the triumph of Liberty. - -The trees in the avenue were fancifully hung with many-colored -lanterns,—drums beat, bands of music played, the houses of the President -and other high officials were illuminated, and men, women and children, -were all turned out to see the procession, and to join in the shouts of -liberty that rent the air. Of course, all the slaves of the city, -lively, fanciful and sympathetic, most excitable as they are by music -and by dazzling spectacles, were everywhere listening, seeing, and -rejoicing, in ignorant joy. All the heads of department, senators, -representatives, and dignitaries of all kinds, marched in procession to -an open space on Pennsylvania Avenue, and there delivered congratulatory -addresses on the progress of universal freedom. With unheard-of -imprudence, the most earnest defenders of slave-holding institutions -poured down on the listening crowd, both of black and white, bond and -free, the most inflammatory and incendiary sentiments. Such, for -example, as the following language of Hon. Frederick P. Stanton, of -Tennessee: - - We do not, indeed, propagate our principles with the sword of power; - but there is one sense in which we are propagandists. We cannot help - being so. Our example is contagious. In the section of this great - country where I live, on the banks of the mighty Mississippi river, - we have the true emblem of the tree of liberty. There you may see - the giant cotton-wood spreading his branches widely to the winds of - heaven. Sometimes the current lays bare his roots, and you behold - them extending far around, and penetrating to an immense depth in - the soil. When the season of maturity comes, the air is filled with - a cotton-like substance, which floats in every direction, bearing on - its light wings the living seeds of the mighty tree. Thus the seeds - of freedom have emanated from the tree of our liberties. They fill - the air. They are wafted to every part of the habitable globe. And - even in the barren sands of tyranny they are destined to take root. - The tree of liberty will spring up everywhere, and nations shall - recline in its shade. - -Senator Foote, of Mississippi, also, used this language: - - Such has been the extraordinary course of events in France, and in - Europe, within the last two months, that the more deliberately we - survey the scene which has been spread out before us, and the more - rigidly we scrutinize the conduct of its actors, the more confident - does our conviction become that the _glorious work_ which has been - so well begun cannot possibly fail of complete accomplishment; that - the age of TYRANTS AND SLAVERY is rapidly drawing to a close; and - that the happy period to be signalized by the _universal - emancipation of man_ from the _fetters of civil oppression_, and the - recognition _in all countries_ of the great principles of _popular - sovereignty, equality, and_ BROTHERHOOD, is, at this moment, visibly - commencing. - -Will any one be surprised, after this, that seventy-seven of the most -intelligent young slaves, male and female, in Washington city, honestly -taking Mr. Foote and his brother senators at their word, and believing -that the age of tyrants and slavery was drawing to a close, banded -together, and made an effort to obtain their part in this reign of -universal brotherhood? - -The schooner Pearl was lying in the harbor, and Captain Drayton was -found to have the heart of a man. Perhaps he, too, had listened to the -addresses on Pennsylvania Avenue, and thought, in the innocence of his -heart, that a man who really _did_ something to promote universal -emancipation was no worse than the men who only made speeches about it. - -At any rate, Drayton was persuaded to allow these seventy-seven slaves -to secrete themselves in the hold of his vessel, and among them were six -children of Paul and Milly Edmondson. The incidents of the rest of the -narrative will now be given as obtained from Mary and Emily Edmondson, -by the lady in whose family they have been placed by the writer for an -education. - -Some few preliminaries maybe necessary, in order to understand the -account. - -A respectable colored man, by the name of Daniel Bell, who had purchased -his own freedom, resided in the city of Washington. His wife, with her -eight children, were set free by her master, when on his death-bed. The -heirs endeavored to break the will, on the ground that he was not of -sound mind at the time of its preparation. The magistrate, however, -before whom it was executed, by his own personal knowledge of the -competence of the man at the time, was enabled to defeat their -purpose;—the family, therefore, lived as free for some years. On the -death of this magistrate, the heirs again brought the case into court, -and, as it seemed likely to be decided against the family, they resolved -to secure their legal rights by flight, and engaged passage on board the -vessel of Captain Drayton. Many of their associates and friends, stirred -up, perhaps, by the recent demonstrations in favor of liberty, begged -leave to accompany them, in their flight. The seeds of the cotton-wood -were flying everywhere, and springing up in all hearts; so that, on the -eventful evening of the 15th of April, 1848, not less than seventy-seven -men, women and children, with beating hearts, and anxious secrecy, -stowed themselves away in the hold of the little schooner, and Captain -Drayton was so wicked that he could not, for the life of him, say “Nay” -to one of them. - -Richard Edmondson had long sought to buy his liberty; had toiled for it -early and late; but the price set upon him was so high that he despaired -of ever earning it. On this evening, he and his three brothers thought, -as the reign of universal brotherhood had begun, and the reign of -tyrants and slavery come to an end, that they would take to themselves -and their sisters that sacred gift of liberty, which all Washington had -been informed, two evenings before, it was the peculiar province of -America to give to all nations. Their two sisters, aged sixteen and -fourteen, were hired out in families in the city. On this evening Samuel -Edmondson called at the house where Emily lived, and told her of the -projected plan. - -“But what will mother think?” said Emily. - -“Don’t stop to think of her; she would rather we’d be free than to spend -time to talk about her.” - -“Well, then, if Mary will go, I will.” - -The girls give as a reason for wishing to escape, that though they had -never suffered hardships or been treated unkindly, yet they knew they -were liable at any time to be sold into rigorous bondage, and separated -far from all they loved. - -They then all went on board the Pearl, which was lying a little way off -from the place where vessels usually anchor. There they found a company -of slaves, seventy-seven in number. - -At twelve o’clock at night the silent wings of the little schooner were -spread, and with her weight of fear and mystery she glided out into the -stream. A fresh breeze sprang up, and by eleven o’clock next night they -had sailed two hundred miles from Washington, and began to think that -liberty was gained. They anchored in a place called Cornfield Harbor, -intending to wait for daylight. All laid down to sleep in peaceful -security, lulled by the gentle rock of the vessel and the rippling of -the waters. - -But at two o’clock at night they were roused by terrible noises on deck, -scuffling, screaming, swearing and groaning. A steamer had pursued and -overtaken them, and the little schooner was boarded by an infuriated set -of armed men. In a moment, the captain, mate and all the crew, were -seized and bound, amid oaths and dreadful threats. As they, swearing and -yelling, tore open the hatches on the defenceless prisoners below, -Richard Edmondson stepped forward, and in a calm voice said to them, -“Gentlemen, do yourselves no harm, for we are all here.” With this -exception, all was still among the slaves as despair could make it; not -a word was spoken in the whole company. The men were all bound and -placed on board the steamer; the women were left on board the schooner, -to be towed after. - -The explanation of their capture was this: In the morning after they had -sailed, many families in Washington found their slaves missing, and the -event created as great an excitement as the emancipation of France had, -two days before. At that time they had listened in the most complacent -manner to the announcement that the reign of slavery was near its close, -because they had not the slightest idea that the language meant -anything; and they were utterly confounded by this practical application -of it. More than a hundred men, mounted upon horses, determined to push -out into the country, in pursuit of these new disciples of the doctrine -of universal emancipation. Here a colored man, by the name of Judson -Diggs, betrayed the whole plot. He had been provoked, because, after -having taken a poor woman, with her luggage, down to the boat, she was -unable to pay the twenty-five cents that he demanded. So he told these -admirers of universal brotherhood that they need not ride into the -country, as their slaves had sailed down the river, and were far enough -off by this time. A steamer was immediately manned by two hundred armed -men, and away they went in pursuit. - -When the cortege arrived with the captured slaves, there was a most -furious excitement in the city. The men were driven through the streets -bound with ropes, two and two. Showers of taunts and jeers rained upon -them from all sides. One man asked one of the girls if she “didn’t feel -pretty to be caught running away,” and another asked her “if she wasn’t -sorry.” She answered, “No, if it was to do again to-morrow, she would do -the same.” The man turned to a bystander and said, “Han’t she got good -spunk?” - -But the most vehement excitement was against Drayton and Sayres, the -captain and mate of the vessel. Ruffians armed with dirk-knives and -pistols crowded around them, with the most horrid threats. One of them -struck so near Drayton as to cut his ear, which Emily noticed as -bleeding. Meanwhile there mingled in the crowd multitudes of the -relatives of the captives, who, looking on them as so many doomed -victims, bewailed and lamented them. A brother-in-law of the Edmondsons -was so overcome when he saw them that he fainted away and fell down in -the street, and was carried home insensible. The sorrowful news spread -to the cottage of Paul and Milly Edmondson; and, knowing that all their -children were now probably doomed to the southern market, they gave -themselves up to sorrow. “O! what a day that was!” said the old mother -when describing that scene to the writer. “Never a morsel of anything -could I put into my mouth. Paul and me we fasted and prayed before the -Lord, night and day, for our poor children.” - -The whole public sentiment of the community was roused to the most -intense indignation. It was repeated from mouth to mouth that they had -been kindly treated and never abused; and what could have induced them -to try to get their liberty? All that Mr. Stanton had said of the -insensible influence of American institutions, and all his pretty -similes about the cotton-wood seeds, seemed entirely to have escaped the -memory of the community, and they could see nothing but the most -unheard-of depravity in the attempt of these people to secure freedom. -It was strenuously advised by many that their owners should not forgive -them,—that no mercy should be shown, but that they should be thrown into -the hands of the traders, forthwith, for the southern market,—that -Siberia of the irresponsible despots of America. - -When all the prisoners were lodged in jail, the owners came to make oath -to their property, and the property also was required to make oath to -their owners. Among them came the married sisters of Mary and Emily, but -were not allowed to enter the prison. The girls looked through the iron -grates of the third-story windows, and saw their sisters standing below -in the yard weeping. - -The guardian of the Edmondsons, who acted in the place of the real -owner, apparently touched with their sorrow, promised their family and -friends, who were anxious to purchase them, if possible, that they -should have an opportunity the next morning. Perhaps he intended at the -time to give them one; but, as Bruin and Hill, the keepers of the large -slave warehouse in Alexandria, offered him four thousand five hundred -dollars for the six children, they were irrevocably sold before the next -morning. Bruin would listen to no terms which any of their friends could -propose. The lady with whom Mary had lived offered a thousand dollars -for her; but Bruin refused, saying he could get double that sum in the -New Orleans market. He said he had had his eye upon the family for -twelve years, and had the promise of them should they ever be sold. - -While the girls remained in the prison they had no beds or chairs, and -only one blanket each, though the nights were chilly; but, understanding -that the rooms below, where their brothers were confined, were still -colder, and that no blankets were given them, they sent their own down -to them. In the morning they were allowed to go down into the yard for a -few moments; and then they used to run to the window of their brothers’ -room, to bid them good-morning, and kiss them through the grate. - -At ten o’clock, Thursday night, the brothers were handcuffed, and, with -their sisters, taken into carriages by their new owners, driven to -Alexandria, and put into a prison called a Georgia Pen. The girls were -put into a large room alone, in total darkness, without bed or blanket, -where they spent the night in sobs and tears, in utter ignorance of -their brothers’ fate. At eight o’clock in the morning they were called -to breakfast, when, to their great comfort, they found their four -brothers all in the same prison. - -They remained here about four weeks, being usually permitted by day to -stay below with their brothers, and at night to return to their own -rooms. Their brothers had great anxieties about them, fearing they would -be sold south. Samuel, in particular, felt very sadly, as he had been -the principal actor in getting them away. He often said he would gladly -_die_ for them, if that would save them from the fate he feared. He used -to weep a great deal, though he endeavored to restrain his tears in -their presence. - -While in the slave-prison they were required to wash for thirteen men, -though their brothers performed a great share of the labor. Before they -left, their size and height were measured by their owners. At length -they were again taken out, the brothers handcuffed, and all put on board -a steamboat, where were about forty slaves, mostly men, and taken to -Baltimore. The voyage occupied one day and a night. When arrived in -Baltimore, they were thrown into a slave-pen kept by a partner of Bruin -and Hill. He was a man of coarse habits, constantly using the most -profane language, and grossly obscene and insulting in his remarks to -women. Here they were forbidden to pray together, as they had previously -been accustomed to do. But, by rising very early in the morning, they -secured to themselves a little interval which they could employ, -uninterrupted, in this manner. They, with four or five other women in -the prison, used to meet together, before daybreak, to spread their -sorrows before the Refuge of the afflicted; and in these prayers the -hard-hearted slave-dealer was daily remembered. The brothers of Mary and -Emily were very gentle and tender in their treatment of their sisters, -which had an influence upon other men in their company. - -At this place they became acquainted with Aunt Rachel, a most godly -woman, about middle age, who had been sold into the prison away from her -husband. The poor husband used often to come to the prison and beg the -trader to sell her to _his_ owners, who he thought were willing to -purchase her, if the price was not too high. But he was driven off with -brutal threats and curses. They remained in Baltimore about three weeks. - -The friends in Washington, though hitherto unsuccessful in their efforts -to redeem the family, were still exerting themselves in their behalf; -and one evening a message was received from them by telegraph, stating -that a person would arrive in the morning train of cars prepared to -bargain for the family, and that a part of the money was now ready. But -the trader was inexorable, and in the morning, an hour before the cars -were to arrive, they were all put on board the brig _Union_, ready to -sail for New Orleans. The messenger came, and brought nine hundred -dollars in money, the gift of a grandson of John Jacob Astor. This was -finally appropriated to the ransom of Richard Edmondson, as his wife and -children were said to be suffering in Washington; and the trader would -not sell the girls to them upon any consideration, nor would he even -suffer Richard to be brought back from the brig, which had not yet -sailed. The bargain was, however, made, and the money deposited in -Baltimore. - -On this brig the eleven women were put in one small apartment, and the -thirty or forty men in an adjoining one. Emily was very sea-sick most of -the time, and her brothers feared she would die. They used to come and -carry her out on deck and back again, buy little comforts for their -sisters, and take all possible care of them. - -Frequently head winds blew them back, so that they made very slow -progress; and in their prayer-meetings, which they held every night, -they used to pray that head winds might blow them to New York; and one -of the sailors declared that if they could get within one hundred miles -of New York, and the slaves would stand by him, he would make way with -the captain, and pilot them into New York himself. - -When they arrived near Key West, they hoisted a signal for a pilot, the -captain being aware of the dangers of the place, and yet not knowing how -to avoid them. As the pilot-boat approached, the slaves were all -fastened below, and a heavy canvas thrown over the grated hatchway door, -which entirely excluded all circulation of air, and almost produced -suffocation. The captain and pilot had a long talk about the price, and -some altercation ensued, the captain not being willing to give the price -demanded by the pilot; during which time there was great suffering -below. The women became so exhausted that they were mostly helpless; and -the situation of the men was not much better, though they managed with a -stick to break some holes through the canvas on their side, so as to let -in a little air, but a few only of the strongest could get there to -enjoy it. Some of them shouted for help as long as their strength would -permit; and at length, after what seemed to them an almost interminable -interview, the pilot left, refusing to assist them; the canvas was -removed, and the brig obliged to turn tack, and take another course. -Then, one after another, as they got air and strength, crawled out on -deck. Mary and Emily were carried out by their brothers as soon as they -were able to do it. - -Soon after this the stock of provisions ran low, and the water failed, -so that the slaves were restricted to a gill a day. The sailors were -allowed a quart each, and often gave a pint of it to one of the -Edmondsons for their sisters; and they divided it with the other women, -as they always did every nice thing they got in such ways. - -The day they arrived at the mouth of the Mississippi a terrible storm -arose, and the waves rolled mountain high, so that, when the pilot-boat -approached, it would sometimes seem to be entirely swallowed by the -waves, and again it would emerge, and again appear wholly buried. At -length they were towed into and up the river by a steamer, and there, -for the first time, saw cotton plantations, and gangs of slaves at work -on them. - -They arrived at New Orleans in the night, and about ten the next day -were landed and marched to what they called the show-rooms, and, going -out into the yard, saw a great many men and women sitting around, with -such sad faces that Emily soon began to cry, upon which an overseer -stepped up and struck her on the chin, and bade her “stop crying, or he -would give her something to cry about.” Then pointing, he told her -“there was the calaboose, where they whipped those who did not behave -themselves!” As soon as he turned away, a slave-woman came and told her -to look cheerful, if she possibly could, as it would be far better for -her. One of her brothers soon came to inquire what the woman had been -saying to her; and when informed, encouraged Emily to follow the advice, -and endeavored to profit by it himself. - -That night all the four brothers had their hair cut close, their -mustaches shaved off, and their usual clothing exchanged for a blue -jacket and pants, all of which so altered their appearance that at first -their sisters did not know them. Then, for three successive days, they -were all obliged to stand in an open porch fronting the street, for -passers by to look at, except, when one was tired out, she might go in -for a little time, and another take her place. Whenever buyers called, -they were paraded in the auction-room in rows, exposed to coarse jokes -and taunts. When any one took a liking to any girl in the company, he -would call her to him, take hold of her, open her mouth, look at her -teeth, and handle her person rudely, frequently making obscene remarks; -and she must stand and bear it, without resistance. Mary and Emily -complained to their brothers that they could not submit to such -treatment. They conversed about it with Wilson, a partner of Bruin and -Hill, who had the charge of the slaves at this prison. After this they -were treated with more decency. - -Another brother of the girls, named Hamilton, had been a slave in or -near New Orleans for sixteen years, and had just purchased his own -freedom for one thousand dollars; having once before earned that sum for -himself, and then had it taken from him. Richard being now really free, -as the money was deposited in Baltimore for his ransom, found him out -the next day after their arrival at New Orleans, and brought him to the -prison to see his brothers and sisters. The meeting was overpoweringly -affecting. - -He had never before seen his sister Emily, as he had been sold away from -his parents before her birth. - -The girls’ lodging-room was occupied at night by about twenty or thirty -women, who all slept on the bare floor, with only a blanket each. After -a few days, word was received (which was _really incorrect_), that half -the money had been raised for the redemption of Mary and Emily. After -this they were allowed, upon their brothers’ earnest request, to go to -their free brother’s house and spend their nights, and return in the -mornings, as they had suffered greatly from the mosquitos and other -insects, and their feet were swollen and sore. - -While at this prison, some horrible cases of cruelty came to their -knowledge, and some of them under their own observation. Two persons, -one woman and one boy, were whipped to death in the prison while they -were there, though they were not in the same pen, or owned by the same -trader, as themselves. - -None of the slaves were allowed to sleep in the day-time, and sometimes -little children sitting or standing idle all day would become so sleepy -as not to be able to hold up their eyelids; but, if they were caught -thus by the overseer, they were cruelly beaten. Mary and Emily used to -watch the little ones, and let them sleep until they heard the overseers -coming, and then spring and rouse them in a moment. - -One young woman, who had been sold by the traders for the worst of -purposes, was returned, not being fortunate (?) enough to suit her -purchaser; and, as is their custom in such cases, was most cruelly -flogged,—so much so that some of her flesh mortified, and her life was -despaired of. When Mary and Emily first arrived at New Orleans they saw -and conversed with her. She was then just beginning to sit up; was quite -small, and very fine-looking, with beautiful straight hair, which was -formerly long, but had been cut off short by her brutal tormentors. - -The overseer who flogged her said, in their hearing, that he would never -flog another girl in that way—it was too much for any one to bear. They -suggest that perhaps the reason why he promised this was because he was -obliged to be her nurse, and of course saw her sufferings. She was from -Alexandria, but they have forgotten her name. - -One young man and woman of their company in the prison, who were engaged -to be married, and were sold to different owners, felt so distressed at -their separation that they could not or did not labor well; and the -young man was soon sent back, with the complaint that he would not -answer the purpose. Of course, the money was to be refunded, and he -flogged. He was condemned to be flogged each night for a week; and, -after about two hundred lashes by the overseer, each one of the male -slaves in the prison was required to come and lay on five lashes with -all his strength, upon penalty of being flogged himself. The young -woman, too, was soon sent there, with a note from her new mistress, -requesting that she might be whipped a certain number of lashes, and -enclosing the money to pay for it; which request was readily complied -with. - -While in New Orleans they saw gangs of women cleaning the streets, -chained together, some with a heavy iron ball attached to the chain; a -form of punishment frequently resorted to for household servants who had -displeased their mistresses. - -Hamilton Edmondson, the brother who had purchased his own freedom, made -great efforts to get good homes for his brothers and sisters in New -Orleans, so that they need not be far separated from each other. One -day, Mr. Wilson, the overseer, took Samuel away with him in a carriage, -and returned without him. The brothers and sisters soon found that he -was sold, and gone they knew not whither; but they were not allowed to -weep, or even look sad, upon pain of severe punishment. The next day, -however, to their great joy, he came to the prison himself, and told -them he had a good home in the city with an Englishman, who had paid a -thousand dollars for him. - -After remaining about three weeks in this prison, the Edmondsons were -told that, in consequence of the prevalence of the yellow fever in the -city, together with the fact of their not being acclimated, it was -deemed dangerous for them to remain there longer;—and, besides this, -purchasers were loth to give good prices under these circumstances. Some -of the slaves in the pen were already sick; some of them old, poor or -dirty, and for these reasons greatly exposed to sickness. Richard -Edmondson had already been ransomed, and must be sent back; and, upon -the whole, it was thought best to fit out and send off a gang to -Baltimore, without delay. - -The Edmondsons received these tidings with joyful hearts, for they had -not yet been undeceived with regard to the raising of the money for -their ransom. Their brother who was free procured for them many comforts -for the voyage, such as a mattress, blankets, sheets and different kinds -of food and drink; and, accompanied to the vessel by their friends -there, they embarked on the brig Union just at night, and were towed out -of the river. The brig had nearly a full cargo of cotton, molasses, -sugar, &c., and, of course, the space for the slaves was exceedingly -limited. The place allotted the females was a little close, filthy room, -perhaps eight or ten feet square, filled with cotton within two or three -feet of the top of the room, except the space directly under the -hatchway door. Richard Edmondson kept his sisters upon deck with him, -though without a shelter; prepared their food himself, made up their bed -at night on the top of barrels, or wherever he could find a place, and -then slept by their side. Sometimes a storm would arise in the middle of -the night, when he would spring up and wake them, and, gathering up -their bed and bedding, conduct them to a little kind of a pantry, where -they could all three just stand, till the storm passed away. Sometimes -he contrived to make a temporary shelter for them out of bits of boards, -or something else on deck. - -After a voyage of sixteen days, they arrived at Baltimore, fully -expecting that their days of slavery were numbered. Here they were -conducted back to the same old prison from which they had been taken a -few weeks before, though they supposed it would be but for an hour or -two. Presently Mr. Bigelow, of Washington, came for Richard. When the -girls found that they were not to be set free too, their grief and -disappointment were unspeakable. But they were _separated_,—Richard to -go to his home, his wife and children, and they to remain in the -slave-prison. Wearisome days and nights again rolled on. In the mornings -they were obliged to march round the yard to the music of fiddles, -banjoes, &c.; in the day-time they washed and ironed for the male -slaves, slept some, and wept a great deal. After a few weeks their -father came to visit them, accompanied by their sister. - -His object was partly to ascertain what were the very lowest terms upon -which their keeper would sell the girls, as he indulged a faint hope -that in some way or other the money might be raised, if time enough were -allowed. The trader declared he should soon send them to some other -slave-market, but he would wait two weeks, and, if the friends could -raise the money in that time, they might have them. - -The night their father and sister spent in the prison with them, he lay -in the room over their heads; and they could hear him groan all night, -while their sister was weeping by their side. None of them closed their -eyes in sleep. - -In the morning came again the wearisome routine of the slave-prison. Old -Paul walked quietly into the yard, and sat down to see the poor slaves -marched around. He had never seen his daughters in such circumstances -before, and his feelings quite overcame him. The yard was narrow, and -the girls, as they walked by him, almost brushing him with their -clothes, could just hear him groaning within himself, “O, my children, -my children!” - -After the breakfast, which none of them were able to eat, they parted -with sad hearts, the father begging the keeper to send them to New -Orleans, if the money could not be raised, as perhaps their brothers -there might secure for them kind masters. - -Two or three weeks afterwards Bruin & Hill visited the prison, dissolved -partnership with the trader, settled accounts, and took the Edmondsons -again in their own possession. - -The girls were roused about eleven o’clock at night, after they had -fallen asleep, and told to get up directly, and prepare for going home. -They had learned that the word of a slave-holder is not to be trusted, -and feared they were going to be sent to Richmond, Virginia, as there -had been talk of it. They were soon on their way in the cars with Bruin, -and arrived at Washington at a little past midnight. - -Their hearts throbbed high when, after these long months of weary -captivity, they found themselves once more in the city where were their -brothers, sisters and parents. But they were permitted to see none of -them, and were put into a carriage and driven immediately to the -slave-prison at Alexandria, where, about two o’clock at night, they -found themselves in the same forlorn old room in which they had begun -their term of captivity! - -This was the latter part of August. Again they were employed in washing, -ironing and sewing by day, and always locked up by night. Sometimes they -were allowed to sew in Bruin’s house, and even to eat there. After they -had been in Alexandria two or three weeks, their eldest married sister, -not having heard from them for some time, came to see Bruin, to learn, -if possible, something of their fate; and her surprise and joy were -great to see them once more, even there. After a few weeks their old -father came again to see them. Hopeless as the idea of their -emancipation seemed, he still clung to it. He had had some encouragement -of assistance in Washington, and he purposed to go North to see if -anything could be done there; and he was anxious to obtain from Bruin -what were the very lowest possible terms for which he would sell the -girls. Bruin drew up his terms in the following document, which we -subjoin: - - _Alexandria, Va., Sept. 5, 1848._ - - The bearer, Paul Edmondson, is the father of two girls, Mary Jane - and Emily Catharine Edmondson. These girls have been purchased by - us, and once sent to the south; and, upon the positive assurance - that the money for them would be raised if they were brought back, - they were returned. Nothing, it appears, has as yet been done in - this respect by those who promised, and we are on the very eve of - sending them south the second time; and we are candid in saying - that, if they go again, we will not regard any promises made in - relation to them. The father wishes to raise money to pay for them; - and intends to appeal to the liberality of the humane and the good - to aid him, and has requested us to state in writing _the conditions - upon which we will sell his daughters_. - - We expect to start our servants to the south in a few days; if the - sum of twelve hundred ($1200) dollars be raised and paid to us in - fifteen days, or we be assured of that sum, then we will retain them - for twenty-five days more, to give an opportunity for the raising of - the other thousand and fifty ($1050) dollars; otherwise we shall be - compelled to send them along with our other servants. - - BRUIN & HILL. - -Paul took his papers, and parted from his daughters sorrowfully. After -this, the time to the girls dragged on in heavy suspense. Constantly -they looked for letter or message, and prayed to God to raise them up a -deliverer from some quarter. But day after day and week after week -passed, and the dreaded time drew near. The preliminaries for fitting up -the gang for South Carolina commenced. Gay calico was bought for them to -make up into “show dresses,” in which they were to be exhibited on sale. -They made them up with far sadder feelings than they would have sewed on -their own shrouds. Hope had almost died out of their bosoms. A few days -before the gang were to be sent off, their sister made them a sad -farewell visit. They mingled their prayers and tears, and the girls made -up little tokens of remembrance to send by her as parting gifts to their -brothers and sisters and aged father and mother, and with a farewell -sadder than that of a death-bed the sisters parted. - -The evening before the coffle was to start drew on. Mary and Emily went -to the house to bid Bruin’s family good-by. Bruin had a little daughter -who had been a pet and favorite with the girls. She clung round them, -cried, and begged them not to go. Emily told her that, if she wished to -have them stay, she must go and ask her father. Away ran the little -pleader, full of her errand; and was so very earnest in her -importunities, that he, to pacify her, said he would consent to their -remaining, if his partner, Captain Hill, would do so. At this time -Bruin, hearing Mary crying aloud in the prison, went up to see her. With -all the earnestness of despair, she made her last appeal to his -feelings. She begged him to make the case his own, to think of his own -dear little daughter,—what if she were exposed to be torn away from -every friend on earth, and cut off from all hope of redemption, at the -very moment, too, when deliverance was expected! Bruin was not -absolutely a man of stone, and this agonizing appeal brought tears to -his eyes. He gave some encouragement that, if Hill would consent, they -need not be sent off with the gang. A sleepless night followed, spent in -weeping, groaning and prayer. Morning at last dawned, and, according to -orders received the day before, they prepared themselves to go, and even -put on their bonnets and shawls, and stood ready for the word to be -given. When the very last tear of hope was shed, and they were going out -to join the gang, Bruin’s heart relented. He called them to him, and -told them they might remain! O, how glad were their hearts made by this, -as they might _now_ hope on a little longer! Either the entreaties of -little Martha or Mary’s plea with Bruin had prevailed. - -Soon the gang was started on foot,—men, women and children, two and two, -the men all handcuffed together, the right wrist of one to the left -wrist of the other, and a chain passing through the middle from the -handcuffs of one couple to those of the next. The women and children -walked in the same manner throughout, handcuffed or chained. Drivers -went before and at the side, to take up those who were sick or lame. -They were obliged to set off _singing_! accompanied with fiddles and -banjoes!—“_For they that carried us away captive required of us a song, -and they that wasted us required of us mirth._” And this is a scene of -daily occurrence in a Christian country!—and Christian ministers say -that the right to do these things is _given by God himself_!! - -Meanwhile poor old Paul Edmondson went northward to supplicate aid. Any -one who should have travelled in the cars at that time might have seen a -venerable-looking black man, all whose air and attitude indicated a -patient humility, and who seemed to carry a weight of overwhelming -sorrow, like one who had long been acquainted with grief. That man was -Paul Edmondson. - -Alone, friendless, unknown, and, worst of all, black, he came into the -great bustling city of New York, to see if there was any one there who -could give him twenty-five hundred dollars to buy his daughters with. -Can anybody realize what a poor man’s feelings are, who visits a great, -bustling, rich city, alone and unknown, for such an object? The writer -has now, in a letter from a slave father and husband who was visiting -Portland on a similar errand, a touching expression of it: - - I walked all day, till I was tired and discouraged. O! Mrs. S——, - when I see so many people who seem to have so many more things than - they want or know what to do with, and then think that I have worked - hard, till I am past forty, all my life, and don’t own even my own - wife and children, it makes me feel sick and discouraged! - -So sick at heart and discouraged felt Paul Edmondson. He went to the -Anti-Slavery Office, and made his case known. The sum was such a large -one, and seemed to many so exorbitant, that, though they pitied the poor -father, they were disheartened about raising it. They wrote to -Washington to authenticate the particulars of the story, and wrote to -Bruin and Hill to see if there could be any reduction of price. -Meanwhile, the poor old man looked sadly from one adviser to another. He -was recommended to go to the Rev. H. W. Beecher, and tell his story. He -inquired his way to his door,—ascended the steps to ring the door-bell, -but his heart failed him,—he sat down on the steps weeping! - -There Mr. Beecher found him. He took him in, and inquired his story. -There was to be a public meeting that night, to raise money. The hapless -father begged him to go and plead for his children. He did go, and spoke -as if he were pleading for his own father and sisters. Other clergymen -followed in the same strain,—the meeting became enthusiastic, and the -money was raised on the spot, and poor old Paul laid his head that night -on a grateful pillow,—not to sleep, but to give thanks! - -Meanwhile the girls had been dragging on anxious days in the -slave-prison. They were employed in sewing for Bruin’s family, staying -sometimes in the prison and sometimes in the house. - -It is to be stated here that Mr. Bruin is a man of very different -character from many in his trade. He is such a man as never would have -been found in the profession of a slave-trader, had not the most -respectable and religious part of the community defended the right to -buy and sell, as being conferred by God himself. It is a fact, with -regard to this man, that he was one of the earliest subscribers to the -_National Era_, in the District of Columbia; and, when a certain -individual there brought himself into great peril by assisting fugitive -slaves, and there was no one found to go bail for him, Mr. Bruin came -forward and performed this kindness. - -While we abhor the horrible system and the horrible trade with our whole -soul, there is no harm, we suppose, in wishing that such a man had a -better occupation. Yet we cannot forbear reminding all such that, when -we come to give our account at the judgment-seat of Christ, every man -must speak _for himself alone_; and that Christ will not accept as an -apology for sin the word of all the ministers and all the synods in the -country. He has given fair warning, “Beware of false prophets;” and if -people will not beware of them, their blood is upon their own heads. - -The girls, while under Mr. Bruin’s care, were treated with as much -kindness and consideration as could possibly consist with the design of -selling them. There is no doubt that Bruin was personally friendly to -them, and really wished most earnestly that they might be ransomed; but -then he did not see how he was to lose two thousand five hundred -dollars. He had just the same difficulty on this subject that some New -York members of churches have had, when they have had slaves brought -into their hands as security for Southern debts. He was sorry for them, -and wished them well, and hoped Providence would provide for them when -they were sold, but still he could not afford to lose his money; and -while such men remain elders and communicants in churches in New York, -we must not be surprised that there remain slave-traders in Alexandria. - -It is one great art of the enemy of souls to lead men to compound for -their participation in one branch of sin by their righteous horror of -another. The slave-trader has been the general scape-goat on whom all -parties have vented their indignation, while buying of him and selling -to him. - -There is an awful warning given in the fiftieth Psalm to those who in -word have professed religion and in deed consented to iniquity, where -from the judgment-seat Christ is represented as thus addressing them: -“What hast _thou_ to do to declare my statutes, or that thou shouldst -take my covenant into thy mouth, seeing thou hatest instruction, and -castest my words behind thee? When thou sawest a thief, then thou -consentedst with him, and hast been partaker with adulterers.” - -One thing is certain, that all who do these things, openly or secretly, -must, at last, make up their account with a Judge who is no respecter of -persons, and who will just as soon condemn an elder in the church for -slave-trading as a professed trader; nay, He may make it more tolerable -for the Sodom and Gomorrah of the trade than for them,—for it may be, if -the trader had the means of grace that they have had, that he would have -repented long ago. - -But to return to our history.—The girls were sitting sewing near the -open window of their cage, when Emily said to Mary, “There, Mary, is -that white man we have seen from the North.” They both looked, and in a -moment more saw their own dear father. They sprang and ran through the -house and the office, and into the street, shouting as they ran, -followed by Bruin, who said he thought the girls were crazy. In a moment -they were in their father’s arms, but observed that he trembled -exceedingly, and that his voice was unsteady. They eagerly inquired if -the money was raised for their ransom. Afraid of exciting their hopes -too soon, before their free papers were signed, he said he would talk -with them soon, and went into the office with Mr. Bruin and Mr. Chaplin. -Mr. Bruin professed himself sincerely glad, as undoubtedly he was, that -they had brought the money; but seemed much hurt by the manner in which -he had been spoken of by the Rev. H. W. Beecher at the liberation -meeting in New York, thinking it hard that no difference should be made -between him and other traders, when he had shown himself so much more -considerate and humane than the great body of them. He, however, counted -over the money and signed the papers with great good will, taking out a -five-dollar gold piece for each of the girls, as a parting present. - -The affair took longer than they supposed, and the time seemed an age to -the poor girls, who were anxiously walking up and down outside the room, -in ignorance of their fate. Could their father have brought the money? -Why did he tremble so? Could he have failed of the money, at last? Or -could it be that their dear mother was dead, for they had heard that she -was very ill! - -At length a messenger came shouting to them, “You are free, you are -free!” Emily thinks she sprang nearly to the ceiling overhead. They -jumped, clapped their hands, laughed and shouted aloud. Soon their -father came to them, embraced them tenderly and attempted to quiet them, -and told them to prepare them to go and see their mother. This they did -they know not how, but with considerable help from the family, who all -seemed to rejoice in their joy. Their father procured a carriage to take -them to the wharf, and, with joy overflowing all bounds, they bade a -most affectionate farewell to each member of the family, not even -omitting Bruin himself. The “good that there is in human nature” for -once had the upper hand, and all were moved to tears of sympathetic joy. -Their father, with subdued tenderness, made great efforts to soothe -their tumultuous feelings, and at length partially succeeded. When they -arrived at Washington, a carriage was ready to take them to their -sister’s house. People of every rank and description came running -together to get a sight of them. Their brothers caught them up in their -arms, and ran about with them, almost frantic with joy. Their aged and -venerated mother, raised up from a sick bed by the stimulus of the glad -news, was there, weeping and giving thanks to God. Refreshments were -prepared in their sister’s house for all who called, and amid greetings -and rejoicings, tears and gladness, prayers and thanksgivings, but -without sleep, the night passed away, and the morning of November 4, -1848, dawned upon them free and happy. - -This last spring, during the month of May, as the writer has already -intimated, the aged mother of the Edmondson family came on to New York, -and the reason of her coming may be thus briefly explained. She had -still one other daughter, the guide and support of her feeble age, or, -as she calls her in her own expressive language, “the last drop of blood -in her heart.” She had also a son, twenty-one years of age, still a -slave on a neighboring plantation. The infirm woman in whose name the -estate was held was supposed to be drawing near to death, and the poor -parents were distressed with the fear that, in case of this event, their -two remaining children would be sold for the purpose of dividing the -estate, and thus thrown into the dreaded southern market. No one can -realize what a constant horror the slave-prisons and the slave-traders -are to all the unfortunate families in the vicinity. Everything for -which other parents look on their children with pleasure and pride is to -these poor souls a source of anxiety and dismay, because it renders the -child so much more a merchantable article. - -It is no wonder, therefore, that the light in Paul and Milly’s cottage -was overshadowed by this terrible idea. - -The guardians of these children had given their father a written promise -to sell them to him for a certain sum, and by hard begging he had -acquired a hundred dollars towards the twelve hundred which were -necessary. But he was now confined to his bed with sickness. After -pouring out earnest prayers to the Helper of the helpless, Milly says, -one day she said to Paul, “I tell ye, Paul, I’m going up to New York -myself, to see if I can’t get that money.” - -“Paul says to me, ‘Why, Milly dear, how can you? Ye an’t fit to be off -the bed, and ye’s never in the cars in your life.’ - -“‘Never you fear, Paul,’ says I; ‘I shall go trusting in the Lord; and -the Lord, He’ll take me, and He’ll bring me,—that I know.’ - -“So I went to the cars and got a white man to put me aboard; and, sure -enough, there I found two Bethel ministers; and one set one side o’ me, -and one set the other, all the way; and they got me my tickets, and -looked after my things, and did every thing for me. There didn’t -anything happen to me all the way. Sometimes, when I went to set down in -the sitting-rooms, people looked at me and moved off so scornful! Well, -I thought, I wish the Lord would give you a better mind.” - -Emily and Mary, who had been at school in New York State, came to the -city to meet their mother, and they brought her directly to the Rev. -Henry W. Beecher’s house, where the writer then was. - -The writer remembers now the scene when she first met this mother and -daughters. It must be recollected that they had not seen each other -before for four years. One was sitting each side the mother, holding her -hand; and the air of pride and filial affection with which they -presented her was touching to behold. After being presented to the -writer, she again sat down between them, took a hand of each, and looked -very earnestly first on one and then on the other; and then, looking up, -said, with a smile, “O, these children,—how they do lie round our -hearts!” - -She then explained to the writer all her sorrows and anxieties for the -younger children. “Now, madam,” she says, “that man that keeps the great -trading-house at Alexandria, _that man_,” she said, with a strong, -indignant expression, “has sent to know if there’s any more of my -children to be sold. That man said he wanted to see _me_! Yes, ma’am, he -said he’d give twenty dollars to see me. I wouldn’t see him, if he’d -give me a hundred! He sent for me to come and see him, when he had my -daughters in his prison. I wouldn’t go to see him,—I didn’t want to see -them there!” - -The two daughters, Emily and Mary, here became very much excited, and -broke out in some very natural but bitter language against all -slave-holders. “Hush, children! you must forgive your enemies,” she -said. “But they’re so wicked!” said the girls. “Ah, children, you must -hate the _sin_, but love the _sinner_.” “Well,” said one of the girls, -“mother, if I was taken again and made a slave of, I’d kill myself.” “I -trust not, child,—that would be wicked.” “But, mother, I _should_; I -know I never could bear it.” “Bear it, my child?” she answered, “it’s -they that bears the sorrow here is they that has the glories there.” - -There was a deep, indescribable pathos of voice and manner as she said -these words,—a solemnity and force, and yet a sweetness, that can never -be forgotten. - -This poor slave-mother, whose whole life had been one long outrage on -her holiest feelings,—who had been kept from the power to read God’s -Word, whose whole pilgrimage had been made one day of sorrow by the -injustice of a Christian nation,—she had yet learned to solve the -highest problem of Christian ethics, and to do what so few reformers can -do,—hate the _sin_, but love the _sinner_! - -A great deal of interest was excited among the ladies in Brooklyn by -this history. Several large meetings were held in different parlors, in -which the old mother related her history with great simplicity and -pathos, and a subscription for the redemption of the remaining two of -her family was soon on foot. It may be interesting to know that the -subscription list was headed by the lovely and benevolent Jenny Lind -Goldschmidt. - -Some of the ladies who listened to this touching story were so much -interested in Mrs. Edmondson personally, they wished to have her -daguerreotype taken; both that they might be strengthened and refreshed -by the sight of her placid countenance, and that they might see the -beauty of true goodness beaming there. - -She accordingly went to the rooms with them, with all the simplicity of -a little child. “O,” said she, to one of the ladies, “you can’t think -how happy it’s made me to get here, where everybody is _so kind_ to me! -Why, last night, when I went home, I was so happy I couldn’t sleep. I -had to go and tell my Saviour, over and over again, how happy I was.” - -A lady spoke to her about reading something. “Law bless you, honey! I -can’t read a letter.” - -“Then,” said another lady, “how have you learned so much of God, and -heavenly things?” - -“Well, ‘pears like a _gift_ from above.” - -“Can you have the Bible read to you?” - -“Why, yes; Paul, he reads a little, but then he has so much work all -day, and when he gets home at night he’s so tired! and his eyes is bad. -But then the _Sperit_ teaches us.” - -“Do you go much to meeting?” - -“Not much now, we live so far. In winter I can’t never. But, O! what -meetings I have had, alone in the corner,—my Saviour and only me!” The -smile with which these words were spoken was a thing to be remembered. A -little girl, daughter of one of the ladies, made some rather severe -remarks about somebody in the daguerreotype rooms, and her mother -checked her. - -The old lady looked up, with her placid smile. “That puts me in mind,” -she said, “of what I heard a preacher say once. ‘My friends,’ says he, -‘if you know of anything that will make a brother’s heart glad, _run -quick and tell it_; but if it is something that will only cause a sigh, -‘bottle it up, bottle it up!’ O, I often tell my children, ‘Bottle it -up, bottle it up!’” - -When the writer came to part with the old lady, she said to her: “Well, -good-by, my dear friend; remember and pray for me.” - -“Pray for _you_!” she said, earnestly. “Indeed I shall,—I can’t help -it.” She then, raising her finger, said, in an emphatic tone, peculiar -to the old of her race, “Tell you what! we never gets no good bread -ourselves till we begins _to ask for our brethren_.” - -The writer takes this opportunity to inform all those friends, in -different parts of the country, who generously contributed for the -redemption of these children, that they are _at last free_! - -The following extract from the letter of a lady in Washington may be -interesting to them: - - I have seen the Edmondson parents,—Paul and his wife Milly. I have - seen the _free_ Edmondsons,—mother, son, and daughter,—the very day - after the great era of _free life_ commenced, while yet the - inspiration was on them, while the mother’s face was all light and - love, the father’s eyes moistened and glistening with tears, the son - calm in conscious manhood and responsibility, the daughter (not more - than fifteen years old, I think) smiling a delightful appreciation - of joy in the present and hope in the future, thus suddenly and - completely unfolded. - -Thus have we finished the account of one of the families who were taken -on board the _Pearl_. We have another history to give, to which we -cannot promise so fortunate a termination. - - - - - CHAPTER VII. - - -Among those unfortunates guilty of loving freedom too well, was a -beautiful young quadroon girl, named Emily Russell, whose mother is now -living in New York. The writer has seen and conversed with her. She is a -pious woman, highly esteemed and respected, a member of a Christian -church. - -By the avails of her own industry she purchased her freedom, and also -redeemed from bondage some of her children. Emily was a resident of -Washington, D. C., a place which belongs not to any state, but to the -United States; and there, under the laws of the United States, she was -held as a slave. She was of a gentle disposition and amiable manners; -she had been early touched with a sense of religious things, and was on -the very point of uniting herself with a Christian church; but her heart -yearned after her widowed mother and after freedom, and so, on the fatal -night when all the other poor victims sought the Pearl, the child Emily -went also among them. - -How they were taken has already been told. The sin of the poor girl was -inexpiable. Because she longed for her mother’s arms and for liberty, -she could not be forgiven. Nothing would do for such a sin, but to throw -her into the hands of the trader. She also was thrown into Bruin & -Hill’s jail, in Alexandria. Her poor mother in New York received the -following letter from her. Read it, Christian mother, and think what if -your daughter had written it to you! - - To Mrs. NANCY CARTWRIGHT, New York. - - _Alexandria, Jan. 22, 1850._ - - MY DEAR MOTHER: I take this opportunity of writing you a few lines, - to inform you that I am in _Bruin’s Jail_, and Aunt Sally and all of - her children, and Aunt Hagar and all her children, and grandmother - is almost crazy. My dear mother, will you please to come on as soon - as you can? I expect to go away very shortly. O, mother! my dear - mother! come now and see your distressed and heart-broken daughter - once more. Mother! my dear mother! do not forsake me, for I feel - desolate! Please to come now. - - Your daughter, - EMILY RUSSELL. - - P. S.—If you do not come as far as Alexandria, come to Washington, - and do what you can. - -That letter, blotted and tear-soiled, was brought by this poor -washerwoman to some Christian friends in New York, and shown to them. -“What do you suppose they will ask for her?” was her question. All that -she had,—her little house, her little furniture, her small earnings,—all -these poor Nancy was willing to throw in; but all these were but as a -drop to the bucket. - -The first thing to be done, then, was to ascertain what Emily could be -redeemed for; and, as it may be an interesting item of American trade, -we give the reply of the traders in full: - - _Alexandria, Jan. 31, 1850._ - - DEAR SIR: When I received your letter I had not bought the negroes - you spoke of, but since that time I have bought them. All I have to - say about the matter is, that we paid very high for the negroes, and - cannot afford to sell the girl Emily for less than EIGHTEEN HUNDRED - DOLLARS. This may seem a high price to you, but, cotton being very - high, consequently slaves are high. We have two or three offers for - Emily from _gentlemen_ from the south. _She is said to be the - finest-looking woman in this country._ As for Hagar and her seven - children, we will take two thousand five hundred dollars for them. - Sally and her four children. We will take for them two thousand - eight hundred dollars. You may seem a little surprised at the - difference in prices, but the difference in the negroes makes the - difference in price. We expect to start south with the negroes on - the 8th February, and if you intend to do anything, you had better - do it soon. - - Yours, respectfully, - BRUIN & HILL. - -This letter came to New York before the case of the Edmondsons had -called the attention of the community to this subject. The enormous -price asked entirely discouraged effort, and before anything of -importance was done they heard that the coffle had departed, with Emily -in it. - -Hear, O heavens! and give ear, O earth! Let it be known, in all the -countries of the earth, that the market-price of a beautiful Christian -girl in America is from EIGHTEEN HUNDRED to TWO THOUSAND DOLLARS; and -yet, judicatories in the church of Christ have said, in solemn conclave, -that AMERICAN SLAVERY AS IT IS IS NO EVIL![22] - -From the table of the sacrament and from the sanctuary of the church of -Christ this girl was torn away, because her beauty was a salable article -in the slave-market in New Orleans! - -Perhaps some Northern apologist for slavery will say she was kindly -treated here—not handcuffed by the wrist to a chain, and forced to walk, -as articles less choice are; that a wagon was provided, and that she -rode; and that food abundant was given her to eat, and that her clothing -was warm and comfortable, and therefore no harm was done. We have heard -it told us, again and again, that there is no harm in slavery, if one is -only warm enough, and full-fed, and comfortable. It is true that the -slave-woman has no protection from the foulest dishonor and the utmost -insult that can be offered to womanhood,—none whatever in law or gospel; -but, so long as she has enough to eat and wear, our Christian fathers -and mothers tell us it is not so bad! - -Poor Emily could not think so. There was no eye to pity, and none to -help. The food of her accursed lot did not nourish her; the warmest -clothing could not keep the chill of slavery from her heart. In the -middle of the overland passage, sick, weary, heart-broken, the child -laid her down and died. By that lonely pillow there was no mother. But -there was one Friend, who loveth at all times, who is closer than a -brother. Could our eyes be touched by the seal of faith, where others -see only the lonely wilderness and the dying girl, we, perhaps, should -see one clothed in celestial beauty, waiting for that short agony to be -over, that He might redeem her from all iniquity, and present her -faultless before the presence of his Grace with exceeding joy! - -Even the hard-hearted trader was touched with her sad fate, and we are -credibly informed that he said he was sorry he had taken her. - -Bruin & Hill wrote to New York that the girl Emily was dead. A friend of -the family went with the letter, to break the news to her mother. Since -she had given up all hope of redeeming her daughter from the dreadful -doom to which she had been sold, the helpless mother had drooped like a -stricken woman. She no longer lifted up her head, or seemed to take any -interest in life. - -When the friend called on her, she asked, eagerly, - -“Have you heard anything from my daughter?” - -“Yes. I have,” was the reply, “a letter from Bruin & Hill.” - -“And what is the news?” - -He thought best to give a direct answer,—“_Emily is dead_.” - -The poor mother clasped her hands, and, looking upwards, said, “The Lord -be thanked! He has heard my prayers at last!” - -And, now, will it be said this is an exceptional case—it happens one -time in a thousand? Though we know that this is the foulest of -falsehoods, and that the case is only a specimen of what is acting every -day in the American slave-trade, yet, for argument’s sake, let us, for -once, admit it to be true. If only once in this nation, under the -protection of our law, a Christian girl had been torn from the altar and -the communion-table, and sold to foulest shame and dishonor, would that -have been a light sin? Does not Christ say, “Inasmuch as ye have done it -unto _one of the least_ of these, ye have done it unto me”? O, words of -woe for thee, America!—words of woe for thee, church of Christ! Hast -thou trod them under foot and trampled them in the dust so long that -Christ has forgotten them? In the day of judgment every one of these -words shall rise up, living and burning, as accusing angels to witness -against thee. Art thou, O church of Christ! praying daily, “Thy kingdom -come”? Darest thou pray, “Come, Lord Jesus, come quickly”? O, what if He -should come? What if the Lord, whom ye seek, should _suddenly_ come into -his temple? If his soul was stirred within him when he found within his -temple of old those that changed money, and sold sheep and oxen and -doves, what will he say now, when he finds them selling body, blood and -bones, of his own people? And is the Christian church, which justifies -this enormous system,—which has used the awful name of her Redeemer to -sanction the buying, selling and trading in the souls of men,—is this -church the bride of Christ? Is she one with Christ, even as Christ is -one with the Father? O, bitter mockery! Does this church believe that -every Christian’s body is a temple of the Holy Ghost? Or does she think -those solemn words were idle breath, when, a thousand times, every day -and week, in the midst of her, is this temple set up and sold at -auction, to be bought by any godless, blasphemous man, who has money to -pay for it! - -As to poor Daniel Bell and his family, whose contested claim to freedom -was the beginning of the whole trouble, a few members of it were -redeemed, and the rest were plunged into the abyss of slavery. It would -seem as if this event, like the sinking of a ship, drew into its -maëlstrom the fate of every unfortunate being who was in its vicinity. A -poor, honest, hard-working slave-man, of the name of Thomas Ducket, had -a wife who was on board the _Pearl_. Tom was supposed to know the men -who countenanced the enterprise, and his master, therefore, determined -to sell him. He brought him to Washington for the purpose. Some in -Washington doubted his legal right to bring a slave from Maryland for -the purpose of selling him, and commenced legal proceedings to test the -matter. While they were pending, the counsel for the master told the men -who brought action against his client that Tom was anxious to be sold; -that he preferred being sold to the man who had purchased his wife and -children, rather than to have his liberty. It was well known, that Tom -did not wish to be separated from his family, and the friends here, -confiding in the representations made to them, consented to withdraw the -proceedings. - -Some time after this, they received letters from poor Tom Ducket, dated -ninety miles above New Orleans, complaining sadly of his condition, and -making piteous appeals to hear from them respecting his wife and -children. Upon inquiry, nothing could be learned respecting them. They -had been sold and gone,—sold and gone,—no one knew whither; and as a -punishment to Tom for his contumacy in refusing to give the name of the -man who had projected the expedition of the _Pearl_, he was denied the -privilege of going off the place, and was not allowed to talk with the -other servants, his master fearing a conspiracy. In one of his letters -he says, “I have seen more trouble here in one day than I have in all my -life.” In another, “I would be glad to hear from her [his wife], but I -should be more glad to hear of her death than for her to come here.” - -In his distress, Tom wrote a letter to Mr. Bigelow, of Washington. -People who are not in the habit of getting such documents have no idea -of them. We give a _facsimile_ of Tom’s letter, with all its poor -spelling, all its ignorance, helplessness, and misery. - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration] - - [_February 18, 1852._ - - MR. BIGELOW. DEAR SIR:—I write to let you know how I am getting - along. Hard times here. I have not had one hour to go outside the - place since I have been on it. I put my trust in the Lord to help - me. I long to hear from you all I written to hear from you all. Mr. - Bigelow, I hope you will not forget me. You know it was not my fault - that I am here. I hope you will name me to Mr. Geden, Mr. Chaplin, - Mr. Bailey, to help me out of it. I believe that if they would make - the least move to it that it could be done. I long to hear from my - family how they are getting along. You will please to write to me - just to let me know how they are getting along. You can write to me. - - I remain your humble servant, - THOMAS DUCKET. - - You can direct your letters to Thomas Ducket, in care of Mr. Samuel - T. Harrison, Louisiana, near Bayou Goula. For God’s sake let me hear - from you all. My wife and children are not out of my mind day nor - night.] - ------ - -Footnote 22: - - The words of the Georgia Annual Conference: _Resolved_, “That slavery, - _as it exists_ in the United States, is not a moral evil.” - - - - - CHAPTER VIII. - KIDNAPPING. - - -The principle which declares that one human being may lawfully hold -another as property leads directly to the trade in human beings; and -that trade has, among its other horrible results, the temptation to the -crime of kidnapping. - -The trader is generally a man of coarse nature and low associations, -hard-hearted, and reckless of right or honor. He who is not so is an -exception, rather than a specimen. If he has anything good about him -when he begins the business, it may well be seen that he is in a fair -way to lose it. - -Around the trader are continually passing and repassing men and women -who would be worth to him thousands of dollars in the way of trade,—who -belong to a class whose rights nobody respects, and who, if reduced to -slavery, could not easily make their word good against him. The -probability is that hundreds of free men and women and children are all -the time being precipitated into slavery in this way. - -The recent case of _Northrop_, tried in Washington, D. C., throws light -on this fearful subject. The following account is abridged from the _New -York Times_: - - Solomon Northrop is a free colored citizen of the United States; he - was born in Essex county, New York, about the year 1808; became - early a resident of Washington county, and married there in 1829. - His father and mother resided in the county of Washington about - fifty years, till their decease, and were both free. With his wife - and children he resided at Saratoga Springs in the winter of 1841, - and while there was employed by two gentlemen to drive a team South, - at the rate of a dollar a day. In fulfilment of his employment, he - proceeded to New York, and, having taken out free papers, to show - that he was a citizen, he went on to Washington city, where he - arrived the second day of April, the same year, and put up at - Gadsby’s Hotel. Soon after he arrived he felt unwell, and went to - bed. - - While suffering with severe pain, some persons came in, and, seeing - the condition he was in, proposed to give him some medicine, and did - so. This is the last thing of which he had any recollection, until - he found himself chained to the floor of Williams’ slave-pen in this - city, and handcuffed. In the course of a few hours, James H. Burch, - a slave-dealer, came in, and the colored man asked him to take the - irons off from him, and wanted to know why they were put on. Burch - told him it was none of his business. The colored man said he was - free, and told where he was born. Burch called in a man by the name - of Ebenezer Rodbury, and they two stripped the man and laid him - across a bench, Rodbury holding him down by his wrists. Burch - whipped him with a paddle until he broke that, and then with a - cat-o’-nine-tails, giving him a hundred lashes; and he swore he - would kill him if he ever stated to any one that he was a free man. - From that time forward the man says he did not communicate the fact - from fear, either that he was a free man, or what his name was, - until the last summer. He was kept in the slave-pen about ten days, - when he, with others, was taken out of the pen in the night by - Burch, handcuffed and shackled, and taken down the river by a - steamboat, and then to Richmond, where he, with forty-eight others, - was put on board the brig _Orleans_. There Burch left them. Tho brig - sailed for New Orleans, and on arriving there, before she was - fastened to the wharf, Theophilus Freeman, another slave-dealer, - belonging in the city of New Orleans, and who in 1833 had been a - partner with Burch in the slavetrade, came to the wharf, and - received the slaves as they were landed, under his direction. This - man was immediately taken by Freeman and shut up in his pen in that - city, he was taken sick with the small-pox immediately after getting - there, and was sent to a hospital, where he lay two or three weeks. - When he had sufficiently recovered to leave the hospital, Freeman - declined to sell him to any person in that vicinity, and sold him to - a Mr. Ford, who resided in Rapides Parish, Louisiana, where he was - taken and lived more than a year, and worked as a carpenter, working - with Ford at that business. - - Ford became involved, and had to sell him. A. Mr. Tibaut became the - purchaser. He, in a short time, sold him to Edwin Eppes, in Bayou - Beouf, about one hundred and thirty miles from the mouth of Red - river, where Eppes has retained him on a cotton plantation since the - year 1843. - - To go back a step in the narrative, the man wrote a letter, in June, - 1841, to Henry B. Northrop, of the State of New York, dated and - postmarked at New Orleans, stating that he had been kidnapped and - was on board a vessel, but was unable to state what his destination - was; but requesting Mr. N. to aid him in recovering his freedom, if - possible. Mr. N. was unable to do anything in his behalf, in - consequence of not knowing where he had gone, and not being able to - find any trace of him. His place of residence remained unknown until - the month of September last, when the following letter was received - by his friends: - - _Bayou Beouf, August, 1852._ - - MR. WILLIAM PENY, or MR. LEWIS PARKER. - - GENTLEMEN: It having been a long time since I have seen or heard - from you, and not knowing that you are living, it is with - uncertainty that I write to you; but the necessity of the case must - be my excuse. Having been born free just across the river from you, - I am certain you know me; and I am here now a slave. I wish you to - obtain free papers for me, and forward them to me at Marksville, - Louisiana, Parish of Avovelles, and oblige - - Yours, - - SOLOMON NORTHROP. - - On receiving the above letter, Mr. N. applied to Governor Hunt, of - New York, for such authority as was necessary for him to proceed to - Louisiana as an agent to procure the liberation of Solomon. Proof of - his freedom was furnished to Governor Hunt by affidavits of several - gentlemen, General Clarke among others. Accordingly, in pursuance of - the laws of New York, Henry B. Northrop was constituted an agent, to - take such steps, by procuring evidence, retaining counsel, &c., as - were necessary to secure the freedom of Solomon, and to execute all - the duties of his agency. - -The result of Mr. Northrop’s agency was the establishing of the claim of -Solomon Northrop to freedom, and the restoring him to his native land. - -It is a singular coincidence that this man was carried to a plantation -in the Red river country, that same region where the scene of Tom’s -captivity was laid; and his account of this plantation, his mode of life -there, and some incidents which he describes, form a striking parallel -to that history. We extract them from the article of the _Times_: - - The condition of this colored man during the nine years that he was - in the hands of Eppes was of a character nearly approaching that - described by Mrs. Stowe as the condition of “Uncle Tom” while in - that region. During that whole period his hut contained neither a - floor, nor a chair, nor a bed, nor a mattress, nor anything for him - to lie upon, except a board about twelve inches wide, with a block - of wood for his pillow, and with a single blanket to cover him, - while the walls of his hut did not by any means protect him from the - inclemency of the weather. He was sometimes compelled to perform - acts revolting to humanity, and outrageous in the highest degree. On - one occasion, a colored girl belonging to Eppes, about seventeen - years of age, went one Sunday, without the permission of her master, - to the nearest plantation, about half a mile distant, to visit - another colored girl of her acquaintance. She returned in the course - of two or three hours, and for that offence she was called up for - punishment, which Solomon was required to inflict. Eppes compelled - him to drive four stakes into the ground at such distances that the - hands and ankles of the girl might be tied to them, as she lay with - her face upon the ground; and, having thus fastened her down, he - compelled him, while standing by himself, to inflict one hundred - lashes upon her bare flesh, she being stripped naked. Having - inflicted the hundred blows, Solomon refused to proceed any further. - Eppes tried to compel him to go on, but he absolutely set him at - defiance, and refused to murder the girl. Eppes then seized the - whip, and applied it until he was too weary to continue it. Blood - flowed from her neck to her feet, and in this condition she was - compelled the next day to go into the field to work as a field-hand. - She bears the marks still upon her body although the punishment was - inflicted four years ago. - - When Solomon was about to leave, under the care of Mr. Northrop, - this girl came from behind her hut, unseen by her master, and, - throwing her arms around the neck of Solomon, congratulated him on - his escape from slavery, and his return to his family; at the same - time, in language of despair, exclaiming, “But, O God! what will - become of me?” - - These statements regarding the condition of Solomon while with - Eppes, and the punishment and brutal treatment of the colored girls, - are taken from Solomon himself. It has been stated that the nearest - plantation was distant from that of Eppes a half-mile, and of course - there could be no interference on the part of neighbors in any - punishment, however cruel, or how ever well disposed to interfere - they might be. - -Had not Northrop been able to write, as few of the free blacks in the -slave states are, his doom might have been sealed for life in this den -of misery. - -Two cases recently tried in Baltimore also unfold facts of a similar -nature. - -The following is from - - THE CASE OF RACHEL PARKER AND HER SISTER.... - - It will be remembered that more than a year since a young colored - woman, named Mary Elizabeth Parker, was abducted from Chester county - and conveyed to Baltimore, where she was sold as a slave, and - transported to New Orleans. A few days after, her sister, Rachel - Parker, was also abducted in like manner, taken to Baltimore, and - detained there in consequence of the interference of her Chester - county friends. In the first case, Mary Elizabeth was, by an - arrangement with the individual who had her in charge, brought back - to Baltimore, to await her trial on a petition for freedom. So also - with regard to Rachel. Both, after trial,—the proof in their favor - being so overwhelming,—were discharged, and are now among their - friends in Chester county. In this connection we give the narratives - of both females, obtained since their release. - - _Rachel Parker’s Narrative._ - - “I was taken from Joseph C. Miller’s about twelve o’clock on Tuesday - (Dec. 30th, 1851), by two men who came up to the house by the _back_ - door. One came in and asked Mrs. Miller where Jesse McCreary lived, - and then seized me by the arm, and pulled me out of the house. Mrs. - Miller called to her husband, who was in the _front_ porch, and he - ran out and seized the man by the collar, and tried to stop him. The - other, with an oath, then told him to take his hands off, and if he - touched me he would kill him. He then told Miller that I belonged to - Mr. Schoolfield, in Baltimore. They then hurried me to a wagon, - where there was another large man, put me in, and drove off. - - “Mr. Miller ran across the field to head the wagon, and picked up a - stake to run through the wheel, when one of the men pulled out a - sword (I think it was a sword, I never saw one), and threatened to - cut Miller’s arm off. Pollock’s wagon being in the way, and he - refusing to get out of the road, we turned off to the left. After we - rode away, one of the men tore a hole in the back of the carriage, - to look out to see if they were coming after us, and they said they - wished they had given Miller and Pollock a blow. - - “We stopped at a tavern near the railroad, and I told the landlord - (I think it was) that I was free. I also told several persons at the - car-office; and a very nice-looking man at the car-office was - talking at the door, and he said he thought that they had better - take me back again. One of the men did not come further than the - tavern. I was taken to Baltimore, where we arrived about seven - o’clock the same evening, and I was taken to jail. - - “The next morning, a man with large light-colored whiskers took me - away by myself, and asked me if I was not Mr. Schoolfield’s slave. I - told him I was not; he said that I was, and that if I did not say I - was he would ‘cowhide me and salt me, and put me in a dungeon.’ I - told him I was free, and that I would say nothing but the truth.” - - _Mary E. Parker’s Narrative._ - - “I was taken from Matthew Donnelly’s on Saturday night (Dec. 6th, or - 13th, 1851); was caught whilst out of doors, soon after I had - cleared the supper-table, about seven o’clock, by two men, and put - into a wagon. One of them got into the wagon with me, and rode to - Elkton, Md., where I was kept until Sunday night at twelve o’clock, - when I left there in the cars for Baltimore, and arrived there early - on Monday morning. - - “At Elkton a man was brought in to see me, by one of the men, who - said that I was not his father’s slave. Afterwards, when on the way - to Baltimore in the cars, a man told me that I must say that I was - Mr. Schoolfield’s slave, or he would shoot me, and pulled a ‘rifle’ - out of his pocket and showed it to me, and also threatened to whip - me. - - “On Monday morning, Mr. Schoolfield called at the jail in Baltimore - to see me; and on Tuesday morning he brought his wife and several - other ladies to see me. I told them I did not know them, and then - Mr. C. took me out of the room, and told me who they were, and took - me back again, so that I might appear to know them. On the next - Monday I was shipped to New Orleans. - - “It took about a month to get to New Orleans. After I had been there - about a week, Mr. C. sold me to Madame C., who keeps a large - flower-garden. She sends flowers to sell to the theatres, sells milk - in market, &c. I went out to sell candy and flowers for her, when I - lived with her. One evening, when I was coming home from the - theatre, a watchman took me up, and I told him I was not a slave. He - put me in the calaboose, and next morning took me before a - magistrate, who sent for Madame C., who told him she bought me. He - then sent for Mr. C., and told him he must account for how he got - me. Mr. C. said that my mother and all the family were free, except - me. The magistrate told me to go back to Madame C., and he told - Madame C. that she must not let me go out at night; and he told Mr. - C. that he must prove how he came by me. The magistrate afterwards - called on Mrs. C., at her house, and had a long talk with her in the - parlor. I do not know what he said, as they were by themselves. - About a month afterwards, I was sent back to Baltimore. I lived with - Madame C. about six months. - - “There were six slaves came in the vessel with me to Baltimore, who - belonged to Mr. D., and were returned because they were sickly. - - “A man called to see me at the jail after I came back to Baltimore, - and told me that I must say I was Mr. Schoolfield’s slave, and that - if I did not do it he would kill me the first time he got a chance. - He said Rachel [her sister] said she came from Baltimore and was Mr. - Schoolfield’s slave. Afterwards some gentlemen called on me [Judge - Campbell and Judge Bell, of Philadelphia, and William H. Norris, - Esq., of Baltimore], and I told them I was Mr. Schoolfield’s slave. - They said they were my friends, and I must tell them the truth. I - then told them who I was and all about it. - - “When I was in New Orleans Mr. C. whipped me because I said that I - was free.” - - * * * * * - - Elizabeth, by her own account above, was seized and taken from - Pennsylvania, Dec. 6th or 13th, 1851, which is confirmed by other - testimony. - -It is conceded that such cases, when brought into Southern courts, are -generally tried with great fairness and impartiality. The agent for -Northrop’s release testifies to this, and it has been generally admitted -fact. But it is probably only one case in a hundred that can get into -court:—of the multitudes who are drawn down in the ever-widening -maëlstrom only now and then one ever comes back to tell the tale. - -The succeeding chapter of advertisements will show the reader how many -such victims there may probably be. - - - - - CHAPTER IX. - SLAVES AS THEY ARE, ON TESTIMONY OF OWNERS. - - -The investigation into the actual condition of the slave population at -the South is beset with many difficulties. So many things are said _pro_ -and _con_,—so many said in one connection and denied in another,—that -the effect is very confusing. - -Thus, we are told that the state of the slaves is one of blissful -contentment; that they would not take freedom as a gift; that their -family relations are only now and then invaded; that they are a stupid -race, almost sunk to the condition of animals; that generally they are -kindly treated, &c. &c. &c. - -In reading over some two hundred Southern newspapers this fall, the -author has been struck with the very graphic and circumstantial -pictures, which occur in all of them, describing fugitive slaves. From -these descriptions one may learn a vast many things. The author will -here give an assortment of them, taken at random. It is a commentary on -the contented state of the slave population that the writer finds two or -three always, and often many more, in every one of the hundreds of -Southern papers examined. - -In reading the following little sketches of “slaves as they are,” let -the reader notice: - -1. The color and complexion of the majority of them. - -2. That it is customary either to describe slaves by some _scar_, or to -say “_No scars recollected_.” - -3. The _intelligence_ of the parties advertised. - -4. The number that _say they are free_ that are to be _sold to pay -jail-fees_. - -Every one of these slaves has a history,—a history of woe and crime, -degradation, endurance, and wrong. Let us open the chapter: - -_South-side Democrat_, Oct. 28, 1852. Petersburgh, Virginia: - - REWARD. - - Twenty-five dollars, with the payment of all necessary expenses, - will be given for the apprehension and delivery of my man CHARLES, - if taken on the Appomattox river, or within the precincts of - Petersburgh. He ran off about a week ago, and, if he leaves the - neighborhood, will no doubt make for Farmville and Petersburgh. He - is _a mulatto_, rather below the medium height and size, but well - proportioned, and very active and sensible. He is aged about 27 - years, has a mild, submissive look, _and will, no doubt, show the - marks of a recent whipping, if taken_. He must be delivered to the - care of Peebles, White, Davis & Co. - - R. H. DEJARNETT, - Lunenburgh. - - Oct. 25—3t. - -Poor Charles!—_mulatto!_—has a mild, submissive look, and will probably -show marks of a recent whipping! - -_Kosciusko Chronicle_, Nov. 24, 1852: - - COMMITTED - - To the Jail of Attila County, on the 8th instant, a negro boy, who - calls his name GREEN, and says he belongs to James Gray, of Winston - County. Said boy is about 20 years old, _yellow complexion_, round - face, _has a scar on his face, one on his left thigh, and one in his - left hand_, is about 5 feet 6 inches high. Had on when taken up a - cotton cheek shirt, Linsey pants, new cloth cap, and was riding a - large roan horse about 12 or 14 years old and thin in order. The - owner is requested to come forward, prove property, pay charges, and - take him away, or he will be sold to pay charges. - - E. B. SANDERS, Jailer A. C. - - Oct. 12, 1842. n12tf. - -_Capitolian Vis-a-Vis_, West Baton Rouge, Nov. 1, 1852: - - $100 REWARD. - - RUNAWAY from the subscriber, in Randolph County, on the 18th of - October, a _yellow_ boy, named JIM. This boy is 19 years old, _a - light mulatto with dirty sunburnt hair, inclined to be straight_; he - is just 5 feet 7 inches high, and slightly made. He had on when he - left a black cloth cap, black cloth pantaloons, a plaided sack coat, - a fine shirt, and brogan shoes. One hundred dollars will be paid for - the recovery of the above-described boy, if taken out of the State, - or fifty dollars if taken in the State. - - MRS. S. P. HALL, - Huntsville, Mo. - - Nov. 4, 1852. - -_American Baptist_, Dec. 20, 1852: - - TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD FOR A PREACHER. - - The following paragraph, headed “Twenty Dollars Reward,” appeared in - a recent number of the _New Orleans Picayune_: - - “Run away from the plantation of the undersigned the negro man - Shedrick, a preacher, 5 feet 9 inches high, about 40 years old, but - looking not over 23, _stamped N. E. on the breast, and having both - small toes cut off_. He is of a very dark complexion, with eyes - small but bright, _and a look quite insolent_. He dresses good, and - was arrested as a runaway at Donaldsonville, some three years ago. - The above reward will be paid for his arrest, by addressing Messrs. - Armant Brothers, St. James parish, or A. Miltenberger & Co., 30 - Carondelet-street.” - -Here is a preacher who is branded on the breast and has both toes cut -off,—and _will_ look insolent yet! There’s depravity for you! - -_Jefferson Inquirer_, Nov. 27, 1852: - - $100 DOLLARS REWARD. - - RANAWAY from my plantation, in Bolivar County, Miss., a negro man - named MAY, aged 40 years, 5 feet 10 or 11 inches high, _copper - colored_, and very straight; his front teeth are good and stand a - little open; stout through the shoulders, _and has some scars on his - back that show above the skin plain, caused by the whip_; he - frequently hiccups when eating, if he has not got water handy; he - was pursued into Ozark County, Mo., and there left. I will give the - above reward for his confinement in jail, so that I can get him. - - JAMES H. COUSAR, - Victoria, Bolivar County, Mississippi. - - Nov. 13, 1m. - -Delightful master to go back to, this man must be! - -_The Alabama Standard_ has for its motto: - -“RESISTANCE TO TYRANTS IS OBEDIENCE TO GOD.” - -Date of Nov. 29th, this advertisement: - - COMMITTED - - To the Jail of Choctaw County, by Judge Young, of Marengo County, a - RUNAWAY SLAVE, who calls his name BILLY, and says he belongs to the - late William Johnson, and was in the employment of John Jones, near - Alexandria, La. He is about 5 feet 10 inches high, black, about 40 - years old, _much scarred on the face and head_, and _quite - intelligent_. - - The owner is requested to come forward, prove his property, and take - him from Jail, or he will be disposed of according to law. - - S. S. HOUSTON, Jailer C. C. - - December 1, 1852. 44-tf - -Query: Whether this “quite intelligent” Billy hadn’t been corrupted by -hearing this incendiary motto of the _Standard_? - -_Knoxville_ (Tenn.) _Register_, Nov. 3d: - - LOOK OUT FOR RUNAWAYS!! - - $25 REWARD! - - RANAWAY from the subscriber, on the night of the 26th July last, a - negro woman named HARRIET. Said woman is about five feet five inches - high, has prominent cheek-bones, large mouth and good front teeth, - tolerably spare built, about 26 years old. We think it probable she - is harbored by some negroes not far from John Mynatt’s, in Knox - County, where she and they are likely making some arrangements to - get to a free state; or she may be concealed by some negroes (her - connections) in Anderson County, near Clinton. I will give the above - reward for her apprehension and confinement in any prison in this - state, or I will give fifty dollars for her confinement in any jail - out of this state, so that I get her. - - H. B. GOENS, - Clinton, Tenn. - - Nov. 3. 4m - -_The Alexandria Gazette_, November 29, 1852, under the device of Liberty -trampling on a tyrant, motto “_Sic semper tyrannis_,” has the following: - - TWENTY-FIVE DOLLARS REWARD. - - Ranaway from the subscriber, living in the County of Rappahannock, - on Tuesday last, DANIEL, _a bright mulatto_, about 5 feet 8 inches - high, about 35 years old, _very intelligent_, has been a wagoner for - several years, and is pretty well acquainted from Richmond to - Alexandria. He calls himself _DANIEL TURNER; his hair curls, without - showing black blood, or wool; he has a scar on one cheek, and his - left hand has been seriously injured by a pistol-shot_, and he was - shabbily dressed when last seen. I will give the above reward if - taken out of the county, and secured in jail, so that I get him - again, or $10 if taken in the county. - - A. M. WILLIS, - - Rappahannock Co., Va., Nov. 29.—eolm. - -Another “very intelligent,” straight-haired man. Who was his father? - -_The New Orleans Daily Crescent_, office No. 93 St. Charles-street; -Tuesday morning, December 13, 1852: - - BROUGHT TO THE FIRST DISTRICT POLICE PRISON. - - NANCY, a griffe, about 34 years old, 5 feet 1¾ inch high, a _scar on - left wrist_; says she belongs to Madame Wolf. - - CHARLES HALL, a black, about 13 years old, 5 feet 6 inches high; - _says he is free_, but supposed to be a slave. - - PHILOMONIA, a mulattress, about 10 years old, 4 feet 3 inches high; - _says she is free_, but supposed to be a slave. - - COLUMBUS, a griffe, about 21 years old, 5 feet 5¾ inches high; _says - he is free_, but supposed to be a slave. - - SEYMOUR, a black, about 21 years old, 5 feet 1¾ inch high; _says he - is free_, but supposed to be a slave - - The owners will please comply with the law respecting them. - - J. WORRALL, Warden. - - New Orleans, Dec. 14, 1852. - -What chance for any of these poor fellows who _say they are free_? - - $50 REWARD. - - RANAWAY from the subscriber, living in Unionville, Frederick County, - Md., on Sunday morning, the 17th instant, a DARK MULATTO GIRL, about - 18 years of age, 5 feet 4 or 5 inches high, _looks pleasant - generally_, talks very quick, _converses tolerably well_, and can - _read_. It is supposed she had on, when she left, a red Merino - dress, black Visette or plaid Shawl, and a purple calico Bonnet, as - those articles are missing. - - A reward of Twenty-five Dollars will be given for her, if taken in - the State, or Fifty Dollars if taken out of the State, and lodged in - jail, so that I get her again. - - G. R. SAPPINGTON. - - Oct. 13.—2m. - -_Kosciusko Chronicle_, Mississippi: - - TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD - - Will be paid for the delivery of the boy WALKER, aged about 28 - years, about 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, black complexion, loose - make, smiles when spoken to, has a mild, sweet voice, and fine - teeth. Apply at 25 Tchoupitoulas-street, up stairs. - - o126t. - -Walker has walked off, it seems. Peace be with him! - - $25 REWARD. - - RANAWAY from the subscriber, living near White’s Store, Anson - County, on the 3d of May last, a _bright mulatto boy_, named BOB. - Bob is about 5 feet high, will weigh 130 pounds, is about 22 years - old, and has some beard on his upper lip. His left leg is somewhat - shorter than his right, causing him to hobble in his walk; has a - very broad face, _and will show color like a white man_. It is - probable he has gone off with some wagoner or trader, or he may have - free papers and be passing as a free man. _He has straight hair._ - - I will give a reward of TWENTY-FIVE DOLLARS for the apprehension and - delivery to me of said boy, or for his confinement in any jail, so - that I get him again. - - CLARA LOCKHART, - By Adam Lockhart - - June 30, 1852. 698: 5 - -_Southern Standard_, Oct. 16, 1852: - - $50 REWARD!!! - - RANAWAY, or stolen, from the subscriber, living near Aberdeen, - Miss., a light mulatto woman, of small size, and about 23 years old. - She has _long, black, straight hair, and she usually keeps it in - good order_. When she left she had on either a white dress, or a - brown calico one with white spots or figures, and took with her a - red handkerchief, and a red or pink sun-bonnet. _She generally - dresses very neatly._ She generally calls herself Mary Ann - Paine,—can _read print_,—has some freckles on her face and - hands,—shoes No. 4,—had a ring or two on her fingers. She is very - intelligent, and Converses well. The above reward will be given for - her, if taken out of the State, and $25 if taken within the State. - - U. MCALLISTER. - - _Memphis_ (weekly) _Appeal_ will insert to the amount of $5, and - send account to this office. - - October 6th, 1853. 20—tf. - -Much can be seen of this Mary Ann in this picture. The black, straight -hair, usually kept in order,—the general neatness of dress,—the ring or -two on the fingers,—the ability to read,—the fact of being intelligent -and conversing well, are all to be noticed. - - $20 REWARD. - - Ranaway, on the 9th of last August, my servant boy _HENRY_: He is 14 - or 15 years old, _a bright mulatto_, has dark eyes, stoops a little, - and stutters when confused. Had on, when he went away, white - pantaloons, long blue summer coat, and a palm-leaf hat. I will give - the above reward if he should be taken in the State of Virginia, or - $30 if taken in either of the adjoining States, but in either case - he must be so secured that I get him again. - - EDWIN C. FITZHUGH. - - Oct. 7.—eotf. - -Poor Henry!—only 14 or 15. - - COMMITTED - - To the Jail of Lowndes County, Mississippi, on the 9th of May, by - Jno. K. Peirce, Esq., and taken up as a runaway slave by William S. - Cox, a negro man, who says his name is ROLAND, and that he belongs - to Maj. Cathey, of Marengo Co., Ala., was sold to him by Henry - Williams, a negro trader from North Carolina. - - Said negro is about 35 years old, 5 feet 6 or 8 inches high, dark - complexion, weighs about 150 pounds, _middle finger on the right - hand off at the second joint_, and had on, when committed, a black - silk hat, black _drap d’ete_ dress coat, and white linsey pants. - - The owner is requested to come forward, prove property, pay charges, - and take him away, or he will be dealt with according to law. - - L. H. WILLEFORD, - Jailer. - - June 6, 1852. 19—tf. - -_Richmond Semi-weekly Examiner_, October 29, 1852: - - FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD. - - Ranaway from the subscriber, residing in the County of Halifax, - about the middle of last August, a Negro Man, Ned, aged some thirty - or forty years, of medium height, _copper color_, full forehead, and - cheek bones a little prominent. _No scars recollected_, except one - of his fingers—the little one, probably—is stiff and crooked. The - man Ned was purchased in Richmond, of Mr. Robert Goodwin, who - resides near Frederick-Hall, in Louisa County, _and has a wife in - that vicinity_. He has been seen in the neighborhood, and is - supposed to have gone over the Mountains, and to be now at work as a - free man at some of the Iron Works; some one having given him free - papers. The above reward will be given for the apprehension of the - slave Ned, and his delivery to R. H. Dickinson & Bro., in Richmond, - or to the undersigned, in Halifax, Virginia, or twenty-five if - confined in any jail in the Commonwealth, so that I get him. - - JAS. M. CHAPPELL, - [Firm of Chappell & Tucker.] - - Aug. 10.—tf. - -This unfortunate copper-colored article is supposed to have gone after -his _wife_. - -_Kentucky Whig_, Oct. 22, ‘52: - - $200 REWARD. - - Ranaway from the subscriber, near Mount Sterling, Ky., on the night - of the 20th of October, a negro man named PORTER. Said boy is black, - about 22 years old, very stout and active, weighs about 165 or 170 - pounds. _He is a smart fellow, converses well, without the negro - accent; no particular scars recollected._ He had on a pair of coarse - boots about half worn, no other clothing recollected. He was raised - near Sharpsburg, in Bath county, by Harrison Caldwell, and may be - lurking in that neighborhood, but will probably endeavor to reach - Ohio. - - I will pay the above-mentioned reward for him, if taken out of the - State; $50, if taken in any county bordering on the Ohio river; or - $25, if taken in this or any adjoining county, and secured so that I - can get him. - - He is supposed to have ridden a yellow Horse, 15 hands and one inch - high, mane and tail both yellow, five years old, and paces well. - - October 21st, 1852. - - G. W. PROCTOR. - -“No _particular scars_ recollected”! - -_St. Louis Times_, Oct. 14, 1852: - - NOTICE. - - Taken up and committed to Jail in the town of Rockbridge, Ozark - county, Mo., on the 31st of August last, a runaway slave, who calls - his name MOSES. Had on, when taken, a brown Jeanes pantaloons, old - cotton shirt, blue frock-coat, an old rag tied round his head. He is - about six feet high, dark complexion, _a scar over the left eye_, - supposed to be about 27 years old. The owner is hereby notified to - come forward, prove said negro, and pay all lawful charges incurred - on his account, or the said negro will be sold at public auction for - ready money at the Court House door in the town of Rockbridge, on - MONDAY, the 13th of December next, according to law in such cases - made and provided, this 9th of September, 1852. - - s23d & w. ROBERT HICKS, Sh’ff. - -_Charleston Mercury_, Oct. 15, 1852: - - FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD. - - Runaway on Sunday the 6th inst., from the South Carolina Railroad - Company, their negro man SAM, recently bought by them, with others, - at Messrs. Cothran & Sproull’s sale, at Aiken. He was raised in - Cumberland County, North Carolina, and last brought from Richmond, - Va. In height he is 5 feet 6¾ inches. Complexion copper color; _on - the left arm and right leg somewhat scarred_. Countenance good. The - above reward will be paid for his apprehension and lodgment in any - one of the Jails of this or any neighboring State. - - J. D. PETSCH, - Sup’t Transportation. - - June 12. - -_Kosciusko Chronicle_, Nov. 24, ‘52: - - COMMITTED - - To the Jail of Attila County, Miss., October the 7th, 1852, a negro - boy, who calls his name HAMBLETON, and says he belongs to Parson - William Young, of Pontotoc County; is about 26 or 27 years old, - about 5 feet 8 inches high, rather dark complexion, _has two or - three marks on his back, a small scar on his left hip_. Had on, when - taken up, a pair of blue cotton pants, white cotton drawers, a new - cotton shirt, a pair of kip boots, an old cloth cap and wool hat. - The owner is requested to come forward, prove property, pay charges - and take him away, or he will be dealt with as provided in such - case. - - E. B. SANDERS, Jailer A. C. - - Oct. 12, 1852. - - n 12tf. - -_Frankfort Commonwealth_, October 21, 1852: - - COMMITTED TO JAIL. - - A negro boy, who calls his name ADAM, was committed to the - Muhlenburg Jail on the 24th of July, 1852. Said boy is black; about - 16 or 17 years old; 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high; will weigh about 150 - lbs. He has _lost a part of the finger next to his little finger on - the right hand; also the great toe on his left foot_. This boy says - he belongs to Wm. Mosley; that said Mosley was moving to Mississippi - from Virginia. He further states that he is lost, and not a runaway. - His owner is requested to come forward, prove property, pay - expenses, and take him away, or he will be disposed of as the law - directs. - - S. H. DEMPSEY, J. M. C. - - Greenville, Ky., Oct. 20, 1852. - - * * * * * - - RUNAWAY SLAVE. - - A negro man arrested and placed in the Barren County Jail, Ky., on - the 21st instant, calling himself HENRY, about 22 years old; says he - ran away from near Florence, Alabama, and belongs to John Calaway. - He is about five feet eight inches high, dark, but not very black, - rather thin visage, pointed nose, _no scars perceivable_, rather - spare built; says he has been runaway nearly three months. The owner - can get him by applying and paying the reward and expenses; if not, - he will be proceeded against according to law. This 24th of August, - 1852. - - SAMUEL ADWELL, Jailer. - - Aug. 25, 1852.—6m - -In the same paper are two more poor fellows, who probably have been sold -to pay jail-fees, before now. - - NOTICE. - - Taken up by M. H. Brand, as a runaway slave, on the 22d ult., in the - city of Covington, Kenton county, Ky., a negro man calling himself - CHARLES WARFIELD, about 30 years old, but looks older, about 6 feet - high; no particular marks; had no free papers, but he _says he is - free_, and _was born in Pennsylvania_, and in _Fayette county_. Said - negro was lodged in jail on the said 22d ult., and the owner or - owners, if any, are hereby notified to come forward, prove property, - and pay charges, and take him away. - - C. W. HULL, J. K. C. - - August 3, 1852.—6m. - - * * * * * - - COMMITTED - - To the Jail of Graves county, Ky., on the 4th inst., a negro man - calling himself DAVE or DAVID. He _says he is free_, but formerly - belonged to Samuel Brown, of Prince William county, Virginia. He is - of black color, about 5 feet 10 inches high, weighs about 180 lbs.; - supposed to be about 45 years old; had on brown pants and striped - shirt. He had in his possession an old rifle gun, an old pistol, and - some old clothing. He also informs me that he has escaped from the - Dyersburg Jail, Tennessee, where he had been confined some eight or - nine months. The owner is hereby notified to come forward, prove - property pay charges, &c. - - L. B. HOLEFIELD, Jailer G. C. - - June 28, 1852.—w6m. - -_Charleston Mercury_, Oct. 29, 1852: - - $200 REWARD. - - Runaway from the subscriber, some time in March last, his servant - LYDIA, and is suspected of being in Charleston. I will give the - above reward to any person who may apprehend her, and furnish - evidence to conviction of the person supposed to harbor her, or $50 - for having her lodged in any Jail so that I get her. Lydia is a - _Mulatto woman_, twenty-five years of age, four feet eleven inches - high, with _straight black hair, which inclines to curl_, her front - teeth defective, and has been plugged; the gold distinctly seen when - talking; round face, _a scar under her chin, and two fingers on one - hand stiff at the first joints_. - - June 16. tuths - - C. T. SCAIFE. - - * * * * * - - $25 REWARD. - - Runaway from the subscriber, on or about the first of May last, his - negro boy GEORGE, about 18 years of age, about 5 feet high, _well - set, and speaks properly_. He formerly belonged to Mr. J. D. A. - Murphy, living in Blackville; _has a mother belonging to a Mr. - Lorrick, living in Lexington District_. He is supposed to have a - pass, and is likely to be lurking about Branchville or Charleston. - - The above reward will be paid to any one lodging George in any Jail - in the State, so that I can get him. - - J. J. ANDREWS, Orangeburg C. H. - - Orangeburg, Aug. 7, 1852. sw Sept 11 - - * * * * * - - NOTICE. - - Committed to the Jail at Colleton District as a runaway, JORDAN, a - negro man about thirty years of age, who says he belongs to Dobson - Coely, of Pulaski County, Georgia. The owner has notice to prove - property and take him away. - - L. W. MCCANTS, Sheriff Colleton Dist. - - Walterboro, So. Ca., Sept. 7, 1852. - -The following are selected by the _Commonwealth_ mostly from New Orleans -papers. The characteristics of the slaves are interesting. - - TWENTY-FIVE DOLLARS REWARD - - Will be paid by the undersigned for the apprehension and delivery to - any Jail in this city of the negro woman MARIAH, who ran away from - the Phoenix House about the 15th of October last. She is about 45 - years old, 5 feet 4 inches high, stout built, _speaks French and - English_. Was purchased from Chas. Deblanc. - - H. BIDWELL & Co., 16 Front Levee. - - * * * * * - - FIFTY DOLLARS REWARD. - - Ran away about the 25th ult., ALLEN, _a bright mulatto, aged about_ - 22 years, 6 feet high, very well dressed, has an extremely careless - gait, of slender build, and wore a moustache when he left; the - property of J. P. Harrison, Esq., of this city. The above reward - will be paid for his safe delivery at any safe place in the city. - For further particulars apply at 10 Bank Place. - - * * * * * - - ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. - - We will give the above reward for the apprehension of the _light - mulatto boy SEABOURN_, aged 20 years, about 5 feet 4 inches high; is - stout, well made, and remarkably active. He is somewhat of a circus - actor, by which he may easily be detected, as he is always showing - his gymnastic qualifications. The said boy absented himself on the - 3d inst. Besides the above reward, all reasonable expenses will be - paid. - - W. & H. STACKHOUSE, 70 Tehoupitoulas. - - * * * * * - - TWENTY-FIVE DOLLARS REWARD. - - The above reward will be paid for the apprehension of the mulatto - boy SEVERIN, aged 25 years, 5 feet 6 or 8 inches high; _most of his - front teeth are out, and the letters C. V. are marked on either of - his arms with India Ink. He speaks French, English and Spanish, and - was formerly_ owned by Mr. Courcell, in the Third District. I will - pay, in addition to the above reward, $50 for such information as - will lead to the conviction of any person harboring said slave. - - JOHN ERMON, corner Camp and Race sts. - - * * * * * - - TWENTY-FIVE DOLLARS REWARD. - - Ran away from the Chain Gang in New Orleans, First Municipality, in - February last, a negro boy named STEPHEN. He is about 5 feet 7 - inches in height, a very light mulatto, _with blue eyes and brownish - hair_, stoops a little in the shoulders, has a cast-down look, and - is very strongly built and muscular. He will not acknowledge his - name or owner, is an habitual runaway, and _was shot somewhere in - the ankle while endeavoring to escape from Baton Rouge Jail_. The - above reward, with all attendant expenses, will be paid on his - delivery to me, or for his apprehension and commitment to any Jail - from which I can get him. - - A. L. BINGAMAN. - - * * * * * - - TWENTY-FIVE DOLLARS REWARD. - - The above reward will be given to the person who will lodge in one - of the Jails of this city the slave SARAH, belonging to Mr. - Guisonnet, corner St. John Baptiste and Race streets; said slave is - aged about 28 years, 5 feet high, _benevolent face, fine teeth, and - speaking French and English_. Captains of vessels and steamboats are - hereby cautioned not to receive her on board, under penalty of the - law. - - AVET BROTHERS, - Corner Bienville and Old Levee streets. - -_Lynchburg Virginian_, Nov. 6th: - - TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD. - - Ranaway from the subscriber on the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad, - in the county of Wythe, on the 20th of June, 1852, a negro man named - CHARLES, 6 feet high, _copper color, with several teeth out in - front_, about 35 years of age, rather slow to reply, _but pleasing - appearance when spoken to_. He wore, when he left, a cloth cap and a - blue cloth sack coat; he was purchased in Tennessee, 14 months ago, - by Mr. M. Connell, of Lynchburg, and carried to that place, where he - remained until I purchased him 4 months ago. _It is more than - probable that he will make his way to Tennessee, as he has a wife - now living there_; or he may perhaps return to Lynchburg, and lurk - about there, as he has acquaintances there. The above reward will be - paid if he is taken in the State and confined so that I get him - again; or I will pay a reward of $40, if taken out of the State and - confined in Jail. - - GEORGE W. KYLE. - - July 1.—d&c2twts - -_Winchester Republican_ (Va.), Nov. 26: - - ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. - - Ranaway from the subscriber, near Culpepper Ct. House, Va., about - the 1st of October, a negro man named ALFRED, about five feet seven - inches in height, about twenty-five years of age, uncommonly - muscular and active, complexion dark but not black, countenance mild - and rather pleasant. He had a boil last winter on the middle joint - of the middle or second finger of the right hand, which left the - finger stiff in that joint, more visible in opening his hand than in - shutting it. _He has a wife at Mr. Thomas G. Marshall’s, near - Farrowsville, in Fauquier County_, and may be in that neighborhood, - where he wishes to be sold, and where I am willing to sell him. - - I will give the above reward if he is taken out of the State and - secured, so that I get him again; or $50 if taken in the State, and - secured in like manner. - - W. B. SLAUGHTER. - - October 29, 1852. - -From the _Louisville Daily Journal_, Oct. 23, 1852: - - $100 REWARD. - - Ran away from the subscriber, in this city, on Friday, May 28th, a - negro boy named WYATT. Said boy is copper colored, 25 or 26 years - old, about 5 feet 11 inches high, of large frame, slow and heavy - gait, has very large hands and feet, small side-whiskers, a full - head of hair which he combs to the side, quite a pleasing look, and - is very likely. I recently purchased Wyatt from Mr. Garrett, of - Garrett’s Landing, Ky., and _his wife is the property of Thos. G. - Rowland, Esq._, of this city. I will pay the above reward for the - apprehension and delivery of the boy to me if taken out of the - State, or $50 if taken in the State. - - June 2d&wtf - - DAVID W. YANDELL. - - * * * * * - - $200 REWARD. - - TWO NEGROES. Ranaway from the subscriber, living in Louisville, on - the 2d, one negro man and girl. The man’s name is MILES. He is about - 5 feet 8 inches high, dark-brown color, _with a large scar upon his - head, as if caused from a burn_; age about 25 years; and had with - him two carpet sacks, one of cloth, the other enamelled leather, - also a pass from Louisville to Owenton, Owen county, Ky., and back. - The girl’s name is JULIA, and she is of light-brown color, short and - heavy set, rather good looking, _with a scar upon her forehead_; had - on a plaid silk dress when she left, and took other clothes with - her; looks to be about 16 years of age. - - The above reward will be paid for the man, if taken out of the - State, or $100 for the girl; $100 for the man, if taken in the - State, or $50 for the girl. In either event, they are to be secured, - so I get them. - - JOHN W. LYNN. - - Oct 5 d&wtf - -The following advertisements are all dated Shelby Co., Kentucky. - - JAILER’S NOTICE. - - Was committed to the Jail of Shelby county a negro woman, who says - her name is JUDA; dark complexion; twenty years of age; some five - feet high; weighs about one hundred and twenty pounds; _no scars - recollected_, and says she belongs to James Wilson, living in - Denmark, Tennessee. The owner of said slave is requested to come - forward, prove property, pay charges, and take her away, or she will - be dealt with as the law directs. - - W. H. EANES, - Jailer Shelby county. - - oct27—w4t - - * * * * * - - JAILER’S NOTICE. - - Was committed to the Jail of Shelby county, on the 28th ult., a - negro boy, who says his name is JOHN W. LOYD; of a bright - complexion, 25 years of age, will weigh about one hundred and fifty - pounds, about five feet nine or ten inches high, _three scars on his - left leg, which was caused by a dog-bite_. _The said boy John claims - to be free._ If he has any master, he is hereby notified to come - forward, prove property, pay charges, and take him away, or he will - be dealt with as the law directs. - - [nov3—w4t - - ALSO—Committed at the same time a negro boy, who says his name is - PATRICK, of a bright complexion, about 30 years of age, will weigh - about one hundred and forty-five or fifty pounds; about six feet - high; his face is very badly scarred, which he says was caused by - being salivated. The disease caused him to lose the bone out of his - nose, and his jaw-bone, also. Says he belongs to Dr. Wm. Cheathum, - living in Nashville, Tenn. The owner of said slave is requested to - come forward, prove property, pay charges, and take him away, or he - will be dealt with as the law directs. - - [nov3—w4t - - ALSO—Committed at the same time a negro boy, who says his name is - CLAIBORNE; dark complexion, 22 years of age, will weigh about one - hundred and forty pounds, about five feet high; _no scars - recollected_; says he belongs to Col. Rousell, living in De Soto - county, Miss. The owner of said slave is requested to come forward, - prove property, pay charges, and take him away, or he will be dealt - with as the law directs. - - W. H. EANES, - Jailer of Shelby county. - - nov3—w4t - - * * * * * - - JAILER’S NOTICE. - - Was committed to the Jail of Shelby county a negro boy, who says his - name is GEORGE; dark complexion, about twenty-five or thirty years - of age, some five feet nine or ten inches high; will weigh about one - hundred and forty pounds, _no scars_, and says he belongs to Malley - Bradford, living in Issaqueen county, Mississippi. The owner of said - slave is requested to come forward, prove property, pay charges, and - take him away, or he will be dealt with as the law directs. - - W. H. EANES, - Jailer of Shelby county. - - nov3—w4t - - * * * * * - - JAILER’S NOTICE. - - Was committed to the Jail of Shelby county, on the 30th ult., a - negro woman, who says her name is NANCY, of a bright complexion, - some twenty or twenty-one years of age, will weigh about one hundred - and forty pounds, about five feet high, _no scars_, and says she - belongs to John Pittman, living in Memphis, Tenn. The owner of said - slave is requested to come forward, prove property, pay charges, and - take her away, or she will be dealt with as the law directs. - - W. H. EANES, - Jailer of Shelby county. - - nov3—w4t - -Negro property is decidedly “brisk” in this county. - -_Natchez_ (Miss.) _Free Trader_, November 6, 1852: - - 25 DOLLARS REWARD. - - Ranaway from the undersigned, on the 17th day of October, 1852, a - negro man by the name of ALLEN, about 23 years old, near 6 feet - high, of dark mulatto color, _no marks, save one, and that caused by - the bite of a dog_; had on, when he left, lowell pants, and cotton - shirt; reads imperfect, can make a short calculation correctly, and - can write some few words; said negro has run away heretofore, and - when taken up was in possession of a free pass. He is quick-spoken, - lively, and smiles when in conversation. - - I will give the above reward to any one who will confine said negro - in any Jail, so that I can get him. - - nov6.—3t - - THOS R. CHEATHAM. - -_Newberry Sentinel_ (S. C.), Nov. 17, 1852: - - NOTICE! - - RANAWAY from the subscriber, on the 9th of July last, my Boy - WILLIAM, a bright mulatto, about 26 years old, 5 feet 9 or 10 inches - high, of slender make, quite intelligent, speaks quick when spoken - to, and walks briskly. _Said boy was brought from Virginia, and will - probably attempt to get back._ Any information of said boy will be - thankfully received. - - JOHN M. MARS. - - Near Mollohon P. O., Newberry Dist., S. C. - - Nov. 3. 414t. - - ☞ _Raleigh Register_ and _Richmond Enquirer_ will copy four times - weekly, and send bills to this office. - -_Greensboro’ Patriot_ (N. C.), Nov. 6: - - 10 DOLLARS REWARD. - - RANAWAY from my service, in February, 1851, a colored man named - EDWARD WINSLOW, low, _thick-set_, _part Indian_, and a first rate - fiddler. Said Winslow was sold out of Guilford jail, at February - court, 1851, for his prison charges, for the term of five years. It - is supposed that he is at work on the Railroad, somewhere in - Davidson county. The above reward will be paid for his apprehension - and confinement in the jail of Guilford or any of the adjoining - counties, so that I get him, or for his delivery to me in the - south-east corner of Guilford. My post-office is Long’s Mills, - Randolph, N. C. - - P. C. SMITH. - - October 27, 1852. 702—5w. - -The New Orleans _True Delta_, of the 11th ult., 1853, has the following -editorial notice: - - THE GREAT RAFFLE OF A TROTTING HORSE AND A NEGRO SERVANT.—The - enterprising and go-ahead Col. Jennings has got a raffle under way - now, which eclipses all his previous undertakings in that line. The - prizes are the celebrated trotting horse “Star,” buggy and harness, - and a valuable negro servant,—the latter valued at nine hundred - dollars. See his advertisement in another column. - -The advertisement is as follows: - - RAFFLE. - - MR. JOSEPH JENNINGS - - Respectfully informs his friends and the public, that, at the - request of many of acquaintances, he has been induced to purchase - from Mr. Osborn, of Missouri, the celebrated dark bay horse “Star,” - age five years, square trotter, and warranted sound, with a new - light trotting Buggy and Harness; _also the stout mulatto girl_ - “_Sarah_,” _aged about twenty years, general house servant_, valued - at nine hundred dollars, and guaranteed; will be raffled for at 4 - o’clock, P. M., February 1st, at any hotel selected by the - subscribers. - - The above is as represented, and those persons who may wish to - engage in the usual practice of raffling will, I assure them, be - perfectly satisfied with their destiny in this affair. - - Fifteen hundred chances, at $1 each. - - The whole is valued at its just worth, fifteen hundred dollars. - - The raffle will be conducted by gentleman selected by the interested - subscribers present. Five nights allowed to complete the raffle. - Both of above can be seen at my store, No. 78 Commonstreet, second - door from Camp, at from 9 o’clock A. M., till half-past 2 P. M. - - Highest throw takes the first choice; the lowest throw the remaining - prize, and the fortunate winners to pay Twenty Dollars each, for the - refreshments furnished for the occasion. - - Jan. 9. 2w. - - J. JENNINGS. - -_Daily Courier_ (Natchez, Miss.), Nov. 20, 1852: - - TWENTY-FIVE DOLLARS REWARD. - - THE above reward will be given for the apprehension and confinement - in any jail of the negro man HARDY, who ran away from the - subscriber, residing on Lake St. John, near Rifle Point, Concordia - parish, La., on the 9th August last. Hardy is a remarkably likely - negro, _entirely free from all marks, scars or blemishes_, when he - left home; about six feet high, of black complexion (though quite - light), _fine countenance_, unusually smooth skin, good head of - hair, _fine eyes and teeth_. - - Address the subscriber at Rifle Point, Concordia Parish, La. - - ROBERT Y. JONES. - - Oct. 30.—1m. - -What an unfortunate master—lost an article entirely free from “marks, -scars or blemishes”! Such a rarity ought to be choice! - -_Savannah Daily Georgian_, 6th Sept., 1852: - - ARRESTED. - - ABOUT three weeks ago, under suspicious circumstances, a negro - woman, who calls herself PHEBE, or PHILLIS. _Says she is free_, and - lately from Beaufort District, South Carolina. Said woman is about - 50 years of age, stout in stature, mild-spoken, 5 feet 4 inches - high, and weighs about 140 pounds. Having made diligent inquiry by - letter, and from what I can learn, said woman is a runaway. Any - person owning said slave can get her by making application to me, - properly authenticated. - - WARING RUSSELL, - County Constable. - - Savannah, Oct. 25, 1852. 6 Oct. 26. - - * * * * * - - 250 DOLLARS REWARD. - - RANAWAY from Sparta, Ga., about the first of last year my boy - GEORGE. He is a good carpenter, about 35 years; a bright mulatto, - tall and quite likely. _He was brought about three years ago from - St. Mary’s, and had, when he ran away, a wife there, or near there, - belonging to a Mr. Holzendorff._ I think he has told me he has been - about Macon also. He had, and perhaps still has, a brother in - Savannah. _He is very intelligent._ I will give the above reward for - his confinement in some jail in the State, so that I can get him. - Refer, for any further information, to Rabun & Whitehead, Savannah, - Ga. - - W. J. SASSNETT. - - Oxford, Ga., Aug. 13th, 1852. tuths3m. a17. - -From these advertisements, and hundreds of similar ones, one may learn -the following things: - -1. That the arguments for the enslaving of the _negro_ do not apply to a -large part of the actual slaves. - -2. That they are not, in the estimation of their masters, very stupid. - -3. That they are not remarkably contented. - -4. That they have no particular reason to be so. - -5. That multitudes of men claiming to be free are constantly being sold -into slavery. - -In respect to the complexion of these slaves, there are some points -worthy of consideration. The writer adds the following advertisements, -published by Wm. I. Bowditch, Esq., in his pamphlet “Slavery and the -Constitution.” - -From the _Richmond_ (Va.) _Whig_: - - 100 DOLLARS REWARD - - WILL be given for the apprehension of my negro (!) Edmund Kenney. - _He has straight hair, and complexion so nearly white that it is - believed a stranger would suppose there was no African blood in - him._ He was with my boy Dick a short time since in Norfolk, _and - offered him for sale_, and was apprehended, _but escaped under - pretence of being a white man_! - - ANDERSON BOWLES. - - January 6, 1836. - -From the _Republican Banner and Nashville Whig_ of July 14, 1849: - - 200 DOLLARS REWARD. - - RANAWAY from the subscriber, on the 23d of June last, a bright - mulatto woman, named Julia, about 25 years of age. She is of common - size, _nearly white_, and very likely. She is a good seamstress, and - can read a little. _She may attempt to pass for white_,—dresses - fine. She took with her Anna, her child, 8 or 9 years old, and - considerably darker than her mother.... She once belonged to a Mr. - Helm, of Columbia, Tennessee. - - I will give a reward of $50 for said negro and child, if delivered - to me, or confined in any jail in this state, so I can get them; - $100, if caught in any other Slave state, and confined in a jail so - that I can get them; and $200, if caught in any Free state, and put - in any good jail in Kentucky or Tennessee, so I can get them. - - A. W. JOHNSON. - - Nashville, July 9, 1849. - -The following three advertisements are taken from Alabama papers: - - RANAWAY - - From the Subscriber, working on the plantation of Col. H. Tinker, a - bright mulatto boy, named Alfred. Alfred is about 18 years old, - pretty well grown, _has blue eyes, light flaxen hair, skin disposed - to freckle_. _He will try to pass as free-born._ - - Green County, Ala. - - S. G. STEWART. - - * * * * * - - 100 DOLLARS REWARD. - - Ran away from the subscriber, a bright mulatto man-slave, named Sam. - _Light, sandy hair, blue eyes, ruddy complexion,—is so white as very - easily to pass for a free white man._ - - EDWIN PECK. - - Mobile, April 22, 1837. - - RANAWAY. - - On the 15th of May, from me, a negro woman, named Fanny. Said woman - is 20 years old; is rather tall; can read and write, and so forge - passes for herself. Carried away with her a pair of ear-rings,—a - Bible with a red cover; is very pious. She prays a great deal, and - was, as supposed, contented and happy. _She is as white as most - white women, with straight, light hair, and blue eyes, and can pass - herself for a white woman._ I will give $500 for her apprehension - and delivery to me. She is very intelligent. - - Tuscaloosa, May 29, 1845. - - JOHN BALCH. - -From the _Newbern_ (N. C.) _Spectator_: - - 50 DOLLARS REWARD - - Will be given for the apprehension and delivery to me of the - following slaves:—Samuel, and Judy his wife, with their four - children, belonging to the estate of Sacker Dubberly, deceased. - - I will give $10 for the apprehension of _William Dubberly_, a slave - belonging to the estate. William is about 19 years old, _quite - white, and would not readily be taken for a slave_. - - JOHN J. LANE. - - March 13, 1837. - -The next two advertisements we cut from the _New Orleans Picayune_ of -Sept. 2, 1846: - - 25 DOLLARS REWARD. - - Ranaway from the plantation of Madame Fergus Duplantier, on or about - the 27th of June, 1846, a bright mulatto, named Ned, very stout - built, about 5 feet 11 inches high, _speaks English and French_, - about 35 years old, waddles in his walk. _He may try to pass himself - for a white man, as he is of a very clear color, and has sandy - hair._ The above reward will be paid to whoever will bring him to - Madame Duplantier’s plantation, Manchac, or lodge him in some jail - where he can be conveniently obtained. - - * * * * * - - 200 DOLLARS REWARD. - - Ran away from the subscriber, last November, _a white negro_ man, - about 35 years old, height about 5 feet 8 or 10 inches, _blue eyes, - has a yellow woolly head, very fair skin_. - -These are the characteristics of three races. The copper-colored -complexion shows the Indian blood. The others are the mixed races of -negroes and whites. It is known that the poor remains of Indian races -have been in many cases forced into slavery. It is no less certain that -white children have sometimes been kidnapped and sold into slavery. Rev. -George Bourne, of Virginia, Presbyterian minister, who wrote against -slavery there as early as 1816, gives an account of a boy who was stolen -from his parents at seven years of age, immersed in a tan-vat to change -his complexion, tattooed and sold, and, after a captivity of fourteen -years, succeeded in escaping. The tanning process is not necessary now, -as a fair skin is no presumption against slavery. There is reason to -think that the grandmother of poor Emily Russell was a _white child_, -stolen by kidnappers. That kidnappers may steal and sell white children -at the South now, is evident from these advertisements. - -The writer, within a week, has seen a fugitive quadroon mother, who had -with her two children,—a boy of ten months, and a girl of three years. -Both were surpassingly fair, and uncommonly beautiful. The girl had blue -eyes and golden hair. The mother and those children were about to be -sold for the division of an estate, which was the reason why she fled. -When the mind once becomes familiarized with the process of slavery,—of -enslaving first black, then Indian, then mulatto, then quadroon, and -when blue eyes and golden hair are advertised as properties of -_negroes_,—what protection will there be for poor white people, -especially as under the present fugitive law they can be carried away -without a jury trial? - -A Governor of South Carolina openly declared, in 1835, that the laboring -population of any country, bleached or unbleached, were a _dangerous -element_, unless reduced to slavery. Will not this be the result, then? - - - - - CHAPTER X. - “POOR WHITE TRASH.” - - -When the public sentiment of Europe speaks in tones of indignation of -the system of American slavery, the common reply has been, “_Look at -your own lower classes_.” The apologists of slavery have pointed England -to _her own poor_. They have spoken of the heathenish ignorance, the -vice, the darkness, of her crowded cities,—nay, even of her agricultural -districts. - -Now, in the first place, a country where the population is not crowded, -where the resources of the soil are more than sufficient for the -inhabitants,—a country of recent origin, not burdened with the worn-out -institutions and clumsy lumber of past ages,—ought not to be satisfied -to do _only_ as well as countries which have to struggle against all -these evils. - -It is a poor defence for America to say to older countries, “We are no -worse than you are.” She ought to be infinitely better. - -But it will appear that the institution of slavery has produced not only -heathenish, degraded, miserable slaves, but it produces a class of white -people who are, by universal admission, more heathenish, degraded, and -miserable. The institution of slavery has accomplished the double feat, -in America, not only of degrading and brutalizing her black working -classes, but of producing, notwithstanding a fertile soil and abundant -room, a poor white population as degraded and brutal as ever existed in -any of the most crowded districts of Europe. - -The way that it is done can be made apparent in a few words. 1. The -distribution of the land into large plantations, and the consequent -sparseness of settlement, make any system of common-school education -impracticable. 2. The same cause operates with regard to the preaching -of the gospel. 3. The degradation of the idea of labor, which results -inevitably from enslaving the working class, operates to a great extent -in preventing respectable working men of the middling classes from -settling or remaining in slave states. Where carpenters, blacksmiths and -masons, are advertised every week with their own tools, or in company -with horses, hogs and other cattle, there is necessarily such an -estimate of the laboring class that intelligent, self-respecting -mechanics, such as abound in the free states, must find much that is -annoying and disagreeable. They may endure it for a time, but with much -uneasiness; and they are glad of the first opportunity of emigration. - -Then, again, the filling up of all branches of mechanics and agriculture -with slave labor necessarily depresses free labor. Suppose, now, a -family of poor whites in Carolina or Virginia, and the same family in -Vermont or Maine; how different the influences that come over them! In -Vermont or Maine, the children have the means of education at hand in -public schools, and they have all around them in society avenues of -success that require only industry to make them available. The boys have -their choice among all the different trades, for which the organization -of free society makes a steady demand. The girls, animated by the spirit -of the land in which they are born, think useful labor no disgrace, and -find, with true female ingenuity, a hundred ways of adding to the family -stock. If there be one member of a family in whom diviner gifts and -higher longings seem a call for a more finished course of education, -then cheerfully the whole family unites its productive industry to give -that one the wider education which his wider genius demands; and thus -have been given to the world such men as Roger Sherman and Daniel -Webster. - -But take this same family and plant them in South Carolina or -Virginia—how different the result! No common school opens its doors to -their children; the only church, perhaps, is fifteen miles off, over a -bad road. The whole atmosphere of the country in which they are born -associates degradation and slavery with useful labor; and the only -standard of gentility is ability to live without work. What branch of -useful labor opens a way to its sons? Would he be a blacksmith?—The -planters around him prefer to _buy_ their blacksmiths in Virginia. Would -he be a carpenter?—Each planter in his neighborhood owns one or two now. -And so coopers and masons. Would he be a shoe-maker?—The plantation -shoes are made in Lynn and Natick, towns of New England. In fact, -between the free labor of the North and the slave labor of the South, -there is nothing for a poor white to do. Without schools or churches, -these miserable families grow up heathen on a Christian soil, in -idleness, vice, dirt and discomfort of all sorts. They are the pest of -the neighborhood, the scoff and contempt or pity even of the slaves. The -expressive phrase, so common in the mouths of the negroes, of “poor -white trash,” says all for this luckless race of beings that can be -said. From this class spring a tribe of keepers of small groggeries, and -dealers, by a kind of contraband trade, with the negroes, in the stolen -produce of plantations. Thriving and promising sons may perhaps hope to -grow up into negro-traders, and thence be exalted into overseers of -plantations. The utmost stretch of ambition is to compass money enough, -by any of a variety of nondescript measures, to “buy a _nigger_ or two,” -and begin to appear like other folks. Woe betide the unfortunate negro -man or woman, carefully raised in some good religious family, when an -execution or the death of their proprietors throws them into the market, -and they are bought by a master and mistress of this class! Oftentimes -the slave is infinitely the superior, in every respect,—in person, -manners, education and morals; but, for all that, the law guards the -despotic authority of the owner quite as jealously. - -From all that would appear, in the case of Souther, which we have -recorded, he must have been one of this class. We have certain -indications, in the evidence, that the two white witnesses, who spent -the whole day in gaping, unresisting survey of his diabolical -proceedings, were men of this order. It appears that the crime alleged -against the poor victim was that of getting drunk and trading with these -two very men, and that they were sent for probably by way of showing -them “what a nigger would get by trading with them.” This circumstance -at once marks them out as belonging to that band of half-contraband -traders who spring up among the mean whites, and occasion owners of -slaves so much inconvenience by dealing with their hands. Can any words -so forcibly show what sort of white men these are, as the idea of their -standing in stupid, brutal curiosity, a whole day, as _witnesses_ in -such a hellish scene? - -Conceive the misery of the slave who falls into the hands of such -masters! A clergyman, now dead, communicated to the writer the following -anecdote: In travelling in one of the Southern States, he put up for the -night in a miserable log shanty, kept by a man of this class. All was -dirt, discomfort and utter barbarism. The man, his wife, and their stock -of wild, neglected children, drank whiskey, loafed and predominated over -the miserable man and woman who did all the work and bore all the -caprices of the whole establishment. He—the gentleman—was not long in -discovering that these slaves were in person, language, and in every -respect, superior to their owners; and all that he could get of comfort -in this miserable abode was owing to their ministrations. Before he went -away, they contrived to have a private interview, and begged him to buy -them. They told him that they had been decently brought up in a -respectable and refined family, and that their bondage was therefore the -more inexpressibly galling. The poor creatures had waited on him with -most assiduous care, tending his horse, brushing his boots, and -anticipating all his wants, in the hope of inducing him to buy them. The -clergyman said that he never so wished for money as when he saw the -dejected visages with which they listened to his assurances that he was -too poor to comply with their desires. - -This miserable class of whites form, in all the Southern States, a -material for the most horrible and ferocious of mobs. Utterly ignorant, -and inconceivably brutal, they are like some blind, savage monster, -which, when aroused, tramples heedlessly over everything in its way. - -Singular as it may appear, though slavery is the cause of the misery and -degradation of this class, yet they are the most vehement and ferocious -advocates of slavery. - -The reason is this. They feel the scorn of the upper classes, and their -only means of consolation is in having a class below them, whom they may -scorn in turn. To set the negro at liberty would deprive them of this -last comfort; and accordingly no class of men advocate slavery with such -frantic and unreasoning violence, or hate abolitionists with such -demoniac hatred. Let the reader conceive of a mob of men as brutal and -callous as the two white witnesses of the Souther tragedy, led on by men -like Souther himself, and he will have some idea of the materials which -occur in the worst kind of Southern mobs. - -The leaders of the community, those men who play on other men with as -little care for them as a harper plays on a harp, keep this blind, -furious monster of the MOB, very much as an overseer keeps -plantation-dogs, as creatures to be set on to any man or thing whom they -may choose to have put down. - -These leading men have used the cry of “_abolitionism_” over the mob, -much as a huntsman uses the “set on” to his dogs. Whenever they have a -purpose to carry, a man to put down, they have only to raise this cry, -and the monster is wide awake, ready to spring wherever they shall send -him. - -Does a minister raise his voice in favor of the slave?—Immediately, with -a whoop and hurra, some editor starts the mob on him, as an -abolitionist. Is there a man teaching his negroes to read?—The mob is -started upon him—he must promise to give it up, or leave the state. Does -a man at a public hotel-table express his approbation of some -anti-slavery work?—Up come the police, and arrest him for seditious -language;[23] and on the heels of the police, thronging round the -justice’s office, come the ever-ready mob,—men with clubs and -bowie-knives, swearing that they will have his heart’s blood. The more -respectable citizens in vain try to compose them; it is quite as hopeful -to reason with a pack of hounds, and the only way is to smuggle the -suspected person out of the state as quickly as possible. All these are -scenes of common occurrence at the South. Every Southern man knows them -to be so, and they know, too, the reason _why_ they are so; but, so much -do they fear the monster, that they dare not say what they know. - -This brute monster sometimes gets beyond the power of his masters, and -then results ensue most mortifying to the patriotism of honorable -Southern men, but which they are powerless to prevent. Such was the case -when the Honorable Senator Hoar, of Massachusetts, with his daughter, -visited the city of Charleston. The senator was appointed by the -sovereign State of Massachusetts to inquire into the condition of her -free colored citizens detained in South Carolina prisons. We cannot -suppose that men of honor and education, in South Carolina, can -contemplate without chagrin the fact that this honorable gentleman, the -representative of a sister state, and accompanied by his daughter, was -obliged to flee from South Carolina, because they were told that the -constituted authorities would not be powerful enough to protect them -from the ferocities of a mob. This is not the only case in which this -mob power has escaped from the hands of its guiders and produced -mortifying results. The scenes of Vicksburg, and the succession of -popular whirlwinds which at that time flew over the south-western -states, have been forcibly painted by the author of “The White Slave.” - -They who find these popular outbreaks useful when they serve their own -turns are sometimes forcibly reminded of the consequences - - “Of letting rapine loose, and murder, - To go _just so far_, and no further; - And setting all the land on fire, - To burn _just so high_, and no higher.” - -The statements made above can be substantiated by various -documents,—mostly by the testimony of residents in slave states and by -extracts from their newspapers. - -Concerning the class of poor whites, Mr. William Gregg, of Charleston, -South Carolina, in a pamphlet, called “Essays On Domestic Industry, or -an Inquiry into the expediency of establishing Cotton Manufactories in -South Carolina, 1845,” says, p. 22: - - “Shall we pass unnoticed the thousands of poor, ignorant, degraded - white people among us, who, in this land of plenty, live in - comparative nakedness and starvation? Many a one is reared in - _proud_ South Carolina, from birth to manhood, who has never passed - a month in which he has not, some part of the time, been stinted for - meat. Many a mother is there who will tell you that her children are - but scantily provided with bread, and much more scantily with meat; - and, if they be clad with comfortable raiment, it is at the expense - of these scanty allowances of food. These may be startling - statements, but they are nevertheless true; and if not believed in - Charleston, the members of our legislature who have traversed the - state in electioneering campaigns can attest their truth.” - -The Rev. Henry Duffner, D.D., President of Lexington College, Va., -himself a slave-holder, published in 1847 an address to the people of -Virginia, showing that slavery is injurious to public welfare, in which -he shows the influence of slavery in producing a decrease of the white -population. He says: - - It appears that, in the ten years from 1830 to 1840, Virginia lost - by emigration no fewer than three hundred and seventy-five thousand - of her people; of whom East Virginia lost three hundred and four - thousand, and West Virginia seventy-one thousand. At this rate, - Virginia supplies the West, every ten years, with a population equal - in number to the population of the State of Mississippi in 1840. - * * * * * She has sent—or, we should rather say, she has driven—from - her soil at least one-third of all the emigrants who have gone from - the old states to the new. More than another third have gone from - the other old slave states. Many of these multitudes, who have left - the slave states, have shunned the regions of slavery, and settled - in the free countries of the West. These were generally industrious - and enterprising white men, who found, by sad experience, that a - country of slaves was not the country for them. It is a truth, a - certain truth, _that slavery drives free laborers—farmers, mechanics - and all, and some of the best of them, too—out of the country, and - fills their places with negroes_. * * * * * Even the common - mechanical trades do not flourish in a slave state. Some mechanical - operations must, indeed, be performed in every civilised country; - but the general rule in the South is, to import from abroad every - fabricated thing that can be carried in ships, such as household - furniture, boats, boards, laths, carts, ploughs, axes, and - axe-helves; besides innumerable other things, which free communities - are accustomed to make for themselves. What is most wonderful is, - that the forests and iron mines of the South supply, in great part, - the materials out of which these things are made. The Northern - freemen come with their ships, carry home the timber and pig-iron, - work them up, supply their own wants with a part, and then sell the - rest at a good profit in the Southern markets. Now, although - mechanics, by setting, up their shops in the South, could save all - these freights and profits, yet so it is that Northern mechanics - will not settle in the South, and the Southern mechanics are - undersold by their Northern competitors. - -In regard to education, Rev. Theodore Parker gives the following -statistics, in his “Letters on Slavery,” p. 65: - - In 1671, Sir William Berkely, Governor of Virginia, said, “I thank - God that there are no free schools nor printing-presses (in - Virginia), and I hope we shall not have them these hundred years.” - In 1840, in the fifteen slave states and territories, there were at - the various primary schools 201,085 scholars; at the various primary - schools of the free states, 1,626,028. The State of Ohio alone had, - at her primary schools, 17,524 more scholars than all the fifteen - slave states. New York alone had 301,282 more. - - In the slave states there are 1,368,325 free white children between - the ages of five and twenty; in the free states, 3,536,689 such - children. In the slave states, at schools and colleges, there are - 301,172 pupils; in the free states, 2,212,444 pupils at schools or - colleges. Thus, in the slave states, out of twenty-five free white - children between five and twenty, there are not quite five at any - school or college; while out of twenty-five such children in the - free states, there are more than fifteen at school or college. - - In the slave states, of the free white population that is over - twenty years of age, there is almost one-tenth part that are unable - to read and write; while in the free states there is not quite one - in one hundred and fifty-six who is deficient to that degree. - - In New England there are but few born therein, and more than twenty - years of age, who are unable to read and write; but many foreigners - arrive there with no education, and thus swell the number of the - illiterate, and diminish the apparent effect of her free - institutions. The South has few such emigrants; the ignorance of the - Southern States, therefore, is to be ascribed to other causes. The - Northern men who settle in the slave-holding states have perhaps - about the average culture of the North, and more than that of the - South. The South, therefore, gains educationally from immigration, - as the North loses. - - Among the Northern States Connecticut, and among the Southern States - South Carolina, are to a great degree free from disturbing - influences of this character. A comparison between the two will show - the relative effects of the respective institutions of the North and - South. In Connecticut there are 163,843 free persons over twenty - years of age; in South Carolina, but 111,663. In Connecticut there - are but 526 persons over twenty who are unable to read and write, - while in South Carolina there are 20,615 free white persons over - twenty years of age unable to read and write. In South Carolina, out - of each 626 free whites more than twenty years of age there are more - than 58 wholly unable to read or write; out of that number of such - persons in Connecticut, not quite two! More than the sixth part of - the adult freemen of South Carolina are unable to read the vote - which will be deposited at the next election. It is but fair to - infer that at least one-third of the adults of South Carolina, if - not of much of the South are unable to read and understand even a - newspaper. Indeed, in one of the slave states this is not a matter - of mere inference; for in 1837 Gov. Clarke, of Kentucky, declared in - his message to the legislature that “one-third of the adult - population were unable to write their names;” yet Kentucky has a - “school-fund,” valued at $1,221,819, while South Carolina has none. - - One sign of this want of ability even to read, in the slave states, - is too striking to be passed by. The staple reading of the - least-cultivated Americans is the newspapers, one of the lowest - forms of literature, though one of the most powerful, read even by - men who read nothing else. In the slave states there are published - but 377 newspapers, and in the free 1135. These numbers do not - express the entire difference in the case; for, as a general rule, - the circulation of the Southern newspapers is 50 to 75 per cent. - less than that of the North. Suppose, however, that each Southern - newspaper has two-thirds the circulation of a Northern journal, we - have then but 225 newspapers for the slave states! The more valuable - journals—the monthlies and quarterlies—are published almost entirely - in the free States. - - The number of churches, the number and character of the clergy who - labor for these churches, are other measures of the intellectual and - moral condition of the people. The scientific character of the - Southern clergy has been already touched on. Let us compare the more - external facts. - - In 1830, South Carolina had a population of 581,185 souls; - Connecticut, 297,675. In 1836, South Carolina had 364 ministers; - Connecticut, 498. - - In 1834, there were in the slave states but 82,532 scholars in the - Sunday-schools; in the free states, 504,835; in the single State of - New York, 161,768. - -The fact of constant emigration from slave states is also shown by such -extracts from papers as the following, from the _Raleigh_ (N. C.) -_Register_, quoted in the columns of the _National Era_: - - THEY WILL LEAVE NORTH CAROLINA. - - Our attention was arrested, on Saturday last, by quite a long train - of wagons, winding through our streets, which, upon inquiry, we - found to belong to a party emigrating from Wayne county, in this - state, to the “far West.” This is but a repetition of many similar - scenes that we and others have witnessed during the past few years; - and such spectacles will be still more frequently witnessed, unless - something is done to retrieve our fallen fortunes at home. - - If there be any one “consummation devoutly to be wished” in our - policy, it is that our young men should remain at home, and not - abandon their native state. From the early settlement of North - Carolina, the great drain upon her prosperity has been the spirit of - emigration, which has so prejudicially affected all the states of - the South. Her sons, hitherto neglected (if we must say it) by an - un-parental government, have wended their way, by hundreds upon - hundreds, from the land of their fathers,—that land, too, to make it - a paradise, wanting nothing but a market,—to bury their bones in the - land of strangers. We firmly believe that this emigration is caused - by the laggard policy of our people on the subject of internal - improvement, for man is not prone by nature to desert the home of - his affections. - -The editor of the _Era_ also quotes the following from the _Greensboro_ -(Ala.) _Beacon_: - - “An unusually large number of movers have passed through this - village, within the past two or three weeks. On one day of last - week, upwards of thirty wagons and other vehicles belonging to - emigrants, mostly from Georgia and South Carolina, passed through on - their way, most of them bound to Texas and Arkansas.” - - This tide of emigration does not emanate from an overflowing - population. Very far from it. Rather it marks an abandonment of a - soil which, exhausted by injudicious culture, will no longer repay - the labor of tillage. The emigrant, turning his back upon the homes - of his childhood, leaves a desolate region, it may be, and finds - that he can indulge in his feelings of local attachment only at the - risk of starvation. - - How are the older states of the South to keep their population? We - say nothing of an increase, but how are they to hold their own? It - is useless to talk about strict construction, state rights, or - Wilmot Provisos. Of what avail can such things be to a sterile - desert, upon which people cannot subsist? - -In the columns of the _National Era_, Oct. 2, 1851, also is the -following article, by its editor: - - STAND YOUR GROUND. - - A citizen of Guilford county, N. C., in a letter to the _True - Wesleyan_, dated August 20th, 1851, writes: - - “You may discontinue my paper for the present, as I am inclined to - go Westward, where I can enjoy religious liberty, and have my family - in a free country. Mobocracy has the ascendency here, and there is - no law. Brother Wilson had an appointment on Liberty Hill, on - Sabbath, 24th inst. The mob came armed, according to mob law, and - commenced operations on the meeting-house. They knocked all the - weather-boarding off, destroying doors, windows, pulpit, and - benches; and I have no idea that, if the mob was to kill a Wesleyan, - or one of their friends, that they would be hung. - - “There is more moving this fall to the far West than was ever known - in one year. People do not like to be made slaves, and they are - determined to go where it is no crime to plead the cause of the poor - and oppressed. They have become alarmed at seeing the laws of God - trampled under foot with impunity, and that, too, by legislators, - sworn officers of the peace, and professors of religion. And even - ministers (so called) are justifying mobocracy. They think that such - a course of conduct will lead to a dissolution of the Union, and - then every man will have to fight in defence of slavery, or be - killed. This is an awful state of things, and, if the people were - destitute of the Bible, and the various means of information which - they possess, there might be some hope of reform. But there is but - little hope, under existing circumstances.” - - We hope the writer will reconsider his purpose. In his section of - North Carolina there are very many anti-slavery men, and the - majority of the people have no interest in what is called slave - property. Let them stand their ground, and maintain the right of - free discussion. How is the despotism of Slavery to be put down, if - those opposed to it abandon their rights, and flee their country? - Let them do as the indomitable Clay does in Kentucky, and they will - make themselves respected. - -The following is quoted, without comment, in the _National Era_, in -1851, from the columns of the _Augusta Republic_ (Georgia). - - FREEDOM OF SPEECH IN GEORGIA. - - { _Warrenton (Ga.),_ - { _Thursday, July 10, 1851._ - - This day the citizens of the town and county met in the court-house - at eight o’clock, A. M. On motion, Thomas F. Parsons, Esq., was - called to the chair, and Mr. Wm. H. Pilcher requested to act as - secretary. - - The object of the meeting was stated by the chairman, as follows: - - _Whereas_, our community has been thrown into confusion by the - presence among us of one Nathan Bird Watson, who hails from New - Haven (Conn.), and who has been promulgating abolition sentiments, - publicly and privately, among our people,—sentiments at war with our - institutions, and intolerable in a slave community,—and also been - detected in visiting suspicious negro houses, as we suppose for the - purpose of inciting our slaves and free negro population to - insurrection and insubordination. - - The meeting having been organized, Wm. Gibson, Esq., offered the - following resolution, which, after various expressions of opinion, - was unanimously adopted, to wit: - - _Resolved_, That a committee of ten be appointed by the chairman for - the purpose of making arrangements to expel Nathan Bird Watson, an - avowed abolitionist, who has been in our village for three or four - weeks, by twelve o’clock this day, by the Georgia Railroad cars; and - that it shall be the duty of said committee to escort the said - Watson to Camak, for the purpose of shipment to his native land. - - The following gentlemen were named as that committee: - - William Gibson, E. Cody, J. M. Roberts, J. B. Huff, E. H. Pottle, E. - A. Brinkley, John C. Jennings, George W. Dickson, A. B. Rogers, and - Dr. R. W. Hubert. - - On motion, the chairman was added to that committee. - - It was, on motion, - - _Resolved_, That the proceedings of this meeting, with a minute - description of the said Watson, be forwarded to the publishers of - the Augusta papers, with the request that they, and all other - publishers of papers in the slave-holding states, publish the same - for a sufficient length of time. - - DESCRIPTION.—The said Nathan Bird Watson is a man of dark - complexion, hazel eyes, black hair, and wears a heavy beard; - measures five feet eleven and three-quarter inches; has a quick - step, and walks with his toes inclined inward, and a little - stooped-shouldered; now wears a checked coat and white pants; says - he is twenty-three years of age, but will pass for twenty-five or - thirty. - - On motion, the meeting was adjourned. - - THOMAS F. PARSONS, _Chairman_. - - WILLIAM H. PILCHER, _Secretary_. - -This may be regarded as a specimen of that kind of editorial halloo -which is designed to rouse and start in pursuit of a man the bloodhounds -of the mob. - -The following is copied by the _National Era_ from the _Richmond Times_: - - LYNCH LAW. - - On the 13th inst. the vigilance committee of the county of Grayson, - in this state, arrested a man named John Cornutt [a friend and - follower of Bacon, the Ohio abolitionist], and, after examining the - evidence against him, required him to renounce his abolition - sentiments. This Cornutt refused to do; thereupon, he was stripped, - tied to a tree, and whipped. After receiving a dozen stripes, he - caved in, and promised, not only to recant, but to sell his property - in the county [consisting of land and negroes], and leave the state. - Great excitement prevailed throughout the country, and the - _Wytheville Republican_ of the 20th instant states that the - vigilance committee of Grayson were in hot pursuit of other - obnoxious persons. - -On this outrage the _Wytheville Republican_ makes the following -comments: - - Laying aside the white man, humanity to the negro, the slave, - demands that these abolitionists be dealt with summarily, and above - the law. - - On Saturday, the 13th, we learn that the committee of vigilance of - that county, to the number of near two hundred, had before them one - John Cornutt, a citizen, a friend and backer of Bacon, and - promulgator of his abolition doctrines. They required him to - renounce abolitionism, and promise obedience to the laws. He - refused. They stripped him, tied him to a tree, and appealed to him - again to renounce, and promise obedience to the laws. He refused. - The rod was brought; one, two, three, and on to twelve, on the bare - back, and he cried out; he promised—and, more, he said he would sell - and leave. - - This Mr. Cornutt owns land, negroes and money, say fifteen to twenty - thousand dollars. He has a wife, but no _white_ children. He has - among his negroes some born on his farm, of mixed blood. He is - believed to be a friend of the negro, even to amalgamation. He - intends to set his negroes free, and make them his heirs. It is - hoped he will retire to Ohio, and there finish his operations of - amalgamation and emancipation. - - The vigilance committees were after another of Bacon’s men on - Thursday; we have not heard whether they caught him, nor what - followed. There are not more than six of his followers that adhere; - the rest have renounced him, and are much outraged at his - imposition. - -Mr. Cornutt appealed for redress to the law. The result of his appeal is -thus stated in the _Richmond_ (Va.) _Times_, quoted by the _National -Era_: - - MORE TROUBLE IN GRAYSON. - - The clerk of Grayson County Court having, on the 1st inst. (the - first day of Judge Brown’s term) tendered his resignation, and there - being no applicant for the office, and it being publicly stated at - the bar that no one would accept said appointment, Judge Brown found - himself unable to proceed with business, and accordingly adjourned - the court until the first day of the next term. - - Immediately upon the adjournment of the court, a public meeting of - the citizens of the county was held, when resolutions were adopted - expressive of the determination of the people to maintain the stand - recently taken; exhorting the committees of vigilance to increased - activity in ferreting out all persons tinctured with abolitionism in - the county, and offering a reward of one hundred dollars for the - apprehension and delivery of one Jonathan Roberts to any one of the - committees of vigilance. - - We have a letter from a credible correspondent in Carroll county, - which gives to the affair a still more serious aspect. Trusting that - there may be some error about it, we have no comments to make until - the facts are known with certainty. Our correspondent, whose letter - bears date the 13th inst., says: - - “I learn, from an authentic source, that the Circuit Court that was - to sit in Grayson county during last week was dissolved by violence. - The circumstances were these. After the execution of the negroes in - that county, some time ago, who had been excited to rebellion by a - certain Methodist preacher, by the name of Bacon, of which you have - heard, the citizens held a meeting, and instituted a sort of - inquisition, to find out, if possible, who were the accomplices of - said Bacon. Suspicion soon rested on a man by the name of Cornutt, - and, on being charged with being an accomplice, he acknowledged the - fact, and declared his intention of persevering in the cause; upon - which he was severely lynched. Cornutt then instituted suit against - the parties, who afterwards _held a meeting and passed resolutions, - notifying the court and lawyers not to undertake the case, upon pain - of a coat of tar and feathers_. The court, however, convened at the - appointed time; and, true to their promise, _a band of armed men - marched around the court-house, fired their guns by platoons, and - dispersed the court in confusion_. _There was no blood shed._ This - county and the county of Wythe have held meetings and passed - resolutions sustaining the movement of the citizens of Grayson.” - -Is it any wonder that people emigrate from states where such things go -on? - -The following accounts will show what ministers of the gospel will have -to encounter who undertake faithfully to express their sentiments in -slave states. The first is an article by Dr. Bailey, of the _Era_ of -April 3, 1852: - - LYNCHING IN KENTUCKY. - - The _American Baptist_, of Utica, New York, publishes letters from - the Rev. Edward Matthews, giving an account of his barbarous - treatment in Kentucky. - - Mr. Matthews, it seems, is an agent of the American Free Mission - Society, and, in the exercise of his agency, visited that state, and - took occasion to advocate from the pulpit anti-slavery sentiments. - Not long since, in the village of Richmond, Madison county, he - applied to several churches for permission to lecture on the moral - and religious condition of the slaves, but was unsuccessful. - February 1st, in the evening, he preached to the colored - congregation of that place, after which he was assailed by a mob, - and driven from the town. Returning in a short time, he left a - communication respecting the transaction at the office of the - _Richmond Chronicle_, and again departed; but had not gone far - before he was overtaken by four men, who seized him, and led him to - an out-of-the-way place, where they consulted as to what they should - do with him. They resolved to duck him, ascertaining first that he - could swim. Two of them took him and threw him into a pond, as far - as they could, and, on his rising to the surface, bade him come out. - He did so, and, on his refusing to promise never to come to - Richmond, they flung him in again. This operation was repeated four - times, when he yielded. They next demanded of him a promise that he - would leave Kentucky, and never return again. He refused to give it, - and they threw him in the water six times more, when, his strength - failing, and they threatening to whip him, he gave the pledge - required, and left the state. - - We do not know anything about Mr. Matthews, or his mode of - promulgating his views. The laws in Kentucky for the protection of - what is called “slave property” are stringent enough, and nobody can - doubt the readiness of public sentiment to enforce their heaviest - penalties against offenders. If Mr. Matthews violated the law, he - should have been tried by the law; and he would have been, had he - committed an illegal act. No charge of the kind is made against him. - - He was, then, the victim of Lynch law, administered in a ruffianly - manner, and without provocation; and the parties concerned in the - transaction, whatever their position in society, were guilty of - conduct as cowardly as it was brutal. - - As to the manner in which Mr. Matthews has conducted himself in - Kentucky we know nothing. We transfer to our columns the following - extract from an editorial in the _Journal and Messenger_ of - Cincinnati, a Baptist paper, and which, it may be presumed, speaks - intelligently on the subject: - - “Mr. Matthews is likewise a Baptist minister, whose _ostensible_ - mission is one of love. If he has violated that mission, or _any - law_, he is amenable to God and _law_, and not to LAWLESS VIOLENCE. - His going to Kentucky is a matter of conscience to him, in which he - has a right to indulge. Many good anti-slavery men would question - the wisdom of such a step. None would doubt his RIGHT. Many, as a - matter of taste and propriety, cannot admire the way in which he is - reputed to do his work. But they believe he is conscientious, and - they know that ‘oppression maketh even a wise man mad.’ We do not - think, in obedience to Christ’s commands, he sufficiently counted - the cost. For no one in his position should go to Kentucky to - agitate the question of slavery, unless he EXPECTS TO DIE. No man in - this position, which Mr. Matthews occupies, can do it, without - falling a martyr. Liberty of speech and thought is not, _cannot_ be, - enjoyed in slave states. Slavery could not exist for a moment, if it - did. It is, doubtless, the duty of the Christian not to surrender - his life cheaply, for the sake of being a martyr. This would be an - unholy motive. It is his duty to preserve it until the last moment. - So Christ enjoins. It is no mark of cowardice to flee. ‘When they - persecute you in one city, flee into another,’ said the Saviour. But - he did not say, Give a _pledge_ that you will not exercise your - _rights_. Hence, he nor his disciples never did it. But it _is a - question_, after one has deliberated, and conscientiously entered a - community in the exercise of his constitutional and religious - rights, whether he should give a _pledge_, under the influence of a - _love of life, never to return_. If he does, he has not counted the - cost. A Christian should be as conscientious in pledging solemnly - not to do what he has an undoubted _right_ to do, as he is in - laboring for the emancipation of the slave.” - -The following is from the _National Era_, July 10, 1851. - -Mr. McBride wished to form a church of non-slaveholders. - - CASE OF REV. JESSE M’BRIDE. - - This missionary, it will be remembered, was expelled lately from the - State of North Carolina. - - We give below his letter detailing the conduct of the mob. His - letter is dated Guilford, May 6. After writing that he is suffering - from temporary illness, he proceeds: - - “I would have kept within doors this day, but for the fact that I - mistrusted a mob would be out to disturb my congregation, though - such a hint had not been given me by a human being. About six - o’clock this morning I crawled into my carriage and drove eighteen - miles, which brought me to my meeting place, eight miles east of - Greensboro’,—the place I gave an account of a few weeks since,—where - some seven or eight persons gave their names to go into the - organization of a Wesleyan Methodist church. Well, sure enough, just - before meeting time (twelve o’clock) I was informed that a pack of - rioters were on hand, and that they had sworn I should not fulfil my - appointment this day. As they had heard nothing of this before, the - news came upon some of my friends like a clap of thunder from a - clear sky; they scarcely knew what to do. I told them I should go to - meeting or die in the attempt, and, like ‘good soldiers,’ they - followed. Just before I got to the arbor, I saw a man leave the - crowd and approach me at the left of my path. As I was about to - pass, he said: - - “‘Mr. McBride, here’s a letter for you.’ - - “I took the letter, put it into my pocket, and said, ‘I have not - time to read it until after meeting.’ - - “‘No, you must read it _now_.’ - - “Seeing that I did not stop, he said, ‘I want to speak to you,’ - beckoning with his hand, and turning, expecting me to follow. - - “‘I will talk to you after meeting,’ said I, pulling out my watch; - ‘you see I have no time to spare—it is just twelve.’ - - “As I went to go in at the door of the stand, a man who had taken - his seat on the step rose up, placed his hand on me, and said, in a - very excited tone, - - “‘Mr. McBride, you can’t go in here!’ - - “Without offering any resistance, or saying a word, I knelt down - outside the stand, on the ground, and prayed to my ‘Father;’ plead - His promises, such as, ‘When the enemy comes in like a flood, I - _will_ rear up a standard against him’; ‘I am a present help in - trouble;’ ‘I will fight all your battles for you;’ prayed for grace, - victory, my enemies, &c. Rose perfectly calm. Meantime my enemies - cursed and swore some, but most of the time they were rather quiet. - Mr. Hiatt, a slave-holder and merchant from Greensboro’, said, - - “‘You can’t preach here to-day; we have come to prevent you. We - think you are doing harm—violating our laws,’ &c. - - “‘From what authority do you thus command and prevent me from - preaching? Are you authorized by the civil authority to prevent me?’ - - “‘No, sir.’ - - “‘Has God sent you, and does he enjoin it on you as a duty to stop - me?’ - - “‘I am unacquainted with _Him_.’ - - “‘Well, acquaint now thyself with Him, and be at peace,’ and he will - give you a more honorable business than stopping men from preaching - his gospel. The judgment-day is coming on, and I summon you there, - to give an account of this day’s conduct. And now, gentlemen, if I - have violated the laws of North Carolina, by them I am willing to be - judged, condemned, and punished; to go to the whipping-post, pillory - or jail, or even to hug the stake. But, gentlemen, you are not - _generally_ a pack of ignoramuses; your good sense teaches you the - impropriety of your course; you _know_ that you are doing wrong; you - know that it is not right to trample all law, both human and divine, - in the dust, out of professed love for it. You must see that your - course will lead to perfect anarchy and confusion. The time may come - when Jacob Hiatt may be in the minority, when _his_ principles may - be as unpopular as Jesse McBride’s are _now_. What then? Why, if - _your_ course prevails, he must be lynched—whipped, stoned, tarred - and feathered, dragged from his own house, or his house burned over - his head, and he perish in the ruins. The persons became food for - the beasts they threw Daniel to; the same fire that was kindled for - the ‘Hebrew children’ consumed those who kindled it; Haman stretched - the same rope he prepared for Mordecai. Yours is a dangerous course, - and you must reap a retribution, either here or hereafter. We will - sing a hymn,’ said I. - - “‘O yes,’ said H., ‘you may sing.’ - - “‘The congregation will please assist me, as I am quite unwell;’ and - I lined off the hymn, ‘Father, I stretch my hands to thee,’ &c., - rioters and all helping to sing. All seemed in good humor, and I - almost forgot their errand. When we closed, I said, ‘Let us pray.’ - - “‘G—d d——n it, that’s not singing!’ said one of the company, who - stood back pretty well. - - “While we invoked the divine blessing, I think many could say, ‘It - is good for us to be here.’ Before I rose from my knees, after the - friends rose, I delivered an exhortation of some ten or fifteen - minutes, in which I urged the brethren to steadfastness, prayer, - &c., some of the mob crying, ‘Lay hold of him!’ ‘Drag him out!’ - ‘Stop him!’ &c. - - “My voice being nearly drowned by the tumult, I left off. I was then - called to have some conversation with H., who repeated some of the - charges he preferred at first,—said I was bringing on insurrection, - causing disturbance, &c.; wishing me to leave the state; said he had - some slaves, and he himself was the most of a slave of any of them, - had harder times than they had, and he would like to be shut of - them, and that he was my true friend. - - “‘As to your friendship, Mr. H., you have acted quite friendly, - remarkably so—fully as much so as Judas when he kissed the Saviour. - As to your having to be so much of a slave, I am sorry for you; you - _ought to be freed_. As to insurrection, I am decidedly opposed to - it, have no sympathy with it whatever. As to raising disturbance and - leaving the state, I left a little motherless daughter in Ohio, over - whom I wished to have an oversight and care. When I left, I only - expected to remain in North Carolina one year; but the people - dragged me up before the court under the charge of felony, put me in - bonds, and kept me; and now would you have me leave my securities to - suffer, have me lie and deceive the court?’ - - “‘O! if you will leave, your bail will not have to suffer; that can, - I think, be settled without much trouble,’ said Mr H. - - “‘They _shall not_ have trouble on my account,’ said I. - - “After talking with Mr. H. and one or two more on personal piety, - &c., I went to the arbor, took my seat in the door of the stand for - a minute; then rose, and, after referring to a few texts of - Scripture, to show that all those who will live godly shall suffer - persecution, I inquired, 1st, What is persecution? 2ndly, noticed - the fact, ‘shall suffer;’ gave a synoptical history of persecution, - by showing that Abel was the first martyr for the right—the - Israelites’ sufferings. The prophets were stoned, were sawn asunder, - were tempted, were slain with the sword, had to wander in deserts, - mountains, dens and caves of the earth, were driven from their - houses, given to ferocious beasts, lashed to the stake, and - destroyed in different ways. Spoke of John the Baptist; showed how - he was persecuted, and what the charge. Christ was persecuted for - doing what John was persecuted for not doing. Spoke of the - sufferings of the apostles, and their final death; of Luther and his - coadjutors; of the Wesleys and early Methodists; of Fox and the - early Quakers; of the early settlers in the colonies of the United - States. Noticed why the righteous were persecuted, the advantages - thereof to the righteous themselves, and how they should treat their - persecutors—with kindness, &c. Spoke, I suppose, some half an hour, - and dismissed. Towards the close, some of the rioters got quite - angry, and yelled, ‘Stop him!’ ‘Pull him out!’ ‘The righteous were - never persecuted for d——d abolitionism,’ &c. Some of them paid good - attention to what I said. And thus we spent the time from twelve to - three o’clock, and thus the meeting passed by. - - “Brother dear, I am more and more confirmed in the righteousness of - our cause. I would rather, much rather, die for good principles, - than to have applause and honor for propagating false theories and - abominations. You perhaps would like to know how I feel. Happy, most - of the time; a religion that will not stand persecution will not - take us to heaven. Blessed be God, that I have not, thus far, been - suffered to deny Him. Sometimes I have thought that I was nearly - home. I generally feel a calmness of soul, but sometimes my - enjoyments are rapturous. I have had a great burden of prayer for - the dear flock; help me pray for them. Thank God, I have not heard - of one of them giving up or turning; and I believe some, if not most - of them, would go to the stake rather than give back. I forgot to - say I read a part of the fifth chapter of the Acts of the Apostles - to the rioters, commencing at the 17th verse. I told them, if their - institutions were of God, I could not harm them; that if our cause - was of God, _they could not stop it_—that they could kill me, but - they could _not kill_ the truth. Though I talked plainly, I talked - and felt kindly to them. - - “I have had to write in such haste, and being fatigued and unwell, - my letter is disconnected. I meant to give you a copy of the letter - of the mob. Here it is: - - “‘Mr. MCBRIDE: - - “‘We, the subscribers, very and most respectfully request you not to - attempt to fulfil your appointment at this place. If you do, you - will surely be interrupted. - - [Signed by 32 persons.] - - “‘_May 6, 1851._’ - - “Some were professors of religion—Presbyterians, Episcopal - Methodists, and Methodist Protestants. One of the latter was an - ‘exhorter.’ I understand some of the crowd were negro-traders - - “Farewell, J. MCBRIDE.” - ------ - -Footnote 23: - - The writer is describing here a scene of recent occurrence in a slave - state, of whose particulars she has the best means of knowledge. The - work in question was “Uncle Tom’s Cabin.” - - - - - PART IV. - - - - - CHAPTER I. - THE INFLUENCE OF THE AMERICAN CHURCH ON SLAVERY. - - -There is no country in the world where the religious influence has a -greater ascendency than in America. There is no country where the clergy -are more powerful. This is the more remarkable, because in America -religion is entirely divorced from the state, and the clergy have none -of those artificial means for supporting their influence which result -from rank and wealth. Taken as a body of men, the American clergy are -generally poor. The salaries given to them afford only a bare support, -and yield them no means of acquiring property. Their style of living can -be barely decent and respectable, and no more. The fact that, under -these circumstances, the American clergy are probably the most powerful -body of men in the country, is of itself a strong presumptive argument -in their favor. It certainly argues in them, as a class, both -intellectual and moral superiority. - -It is a well-known fact that the influence of the clergy is looked upon -by our statesmen as a most serious element in making up their political -combinations; and that that influence is so great, that no statesman -would ever undertake to carry a measure against which all the clergy of -the country should unite. Such a degree of power, though it be only a -power of opinion, argument and example, is not without its dangers to -the purity of any body of men. To be courted by political partisans is -always a dangerous thing for the integrity and spirituality of men who -profess to be governed by principles which are not of this world. The -possession, too, of so great a power as we have described, involves a -most weighty responsibility; since, if the clergy do possess the power -to rectify any great national immorality, the fact of its not being done -seems in some sort to bring the sin of the omission to their door. - -We have spoken, thus far, of the clergy alone; but in America, where the -clergyman is, in most denominations, elected by the church, and -supported by its voluntary contributions, the influence of the church -and that of the clergy are, to a very great extent, identical. The -clergyman is the very ideal and expression of the church. They choose -him, and retain him, because he expresses more perfectly than any other -man they can obtain, their ideas of truth and right. The clergyman is -supported, in all cases, by his church, or else he cannot retain his -position in it. The fact of his remaining there is generally proof of -identity of opinion, since if he differed very materially from them, -they have the power to withdraw from him and choose another. - -The influence of a clergyman, thus retained by the free consent of the -understanding and heart of his church, is in some respects greater even -than that of a papal priest. The priest can control only by a blind -spiritual authority, to which, very often, the reason demurs, while it -yields an outward assent; but the successful free minister takes captive -the affections of the heart by his affections, overrules the reasoning -powers by superior strength of reason, and thus, availing himself of -affection, reason, conscience, and the entire man, possesses a power, -from the very freedom of the organization, greater than can ever result -from blind spiritual despotism. If a minister cannot succeed in doing -this to some good extent in a church, he is called unsuccessful; and he -who realizes this description most perfectly has the highest and most -perfect kind of power, and expresses the idea of a successful American -minister. - -In speaking, therefore, of this subject, we shall speak of the church -and the clergy as identical, using the word church in the American sense -of the word, for that class of men, of all denominations, who are -_organized_ in bodies distinct from nominal Christians, as professing to -be actually controlled by the precepts of Christ. - -What, then, is the influence of the church on this great question of -slavery? - -Certain things are evident on the very face of the matter. - -1. It has not put an end to it. - -2. It has not prevented the increase of it. - -3. It has not occasioned the repeal of the laws which forbid education -to the slave. - -4. It has not attempted to have laws passed forbidding the separation of -families and legalizing the marriage of slaves. - -5. It has not stopped the internal slavetrade. - -6. It has not prevented the extension of this system, with all its -wrongs, over new territories. - -With regard to these assertions it is presumed there can be no -difference of opinion. - -What, then, have they done? - -In reply to this, it can be stated, - -1. That almost every one of the leading denominations have, at some -time, in their collective capacity, expressed a decided disapprobation -of the system, and recommended that something should be done with a view -to its abolition. - -2. One denomination of Christians has pursued such a course as entirely, -and in fact, to free every one of its members from any participation in -slave-holding. We refer to the Quakers. The course by which this result -has been effected will be shown by a pamphlet soon to be issued by the -poet J. G. Whittier, one of their own body. - -3. Individual members, in all denominations, animated by the spirit of -Christianity, have in various ways entered their protest against it. - -It will be well now to consider more definitely and minutely the -sentiments which some leading ecclesiastical bodies in the church have -expressed on this subject. - -It is fair that the writer should state the sources from which the -quotations are drawn. Those relating to the action of Southern -judicatories are principally from a pamphlet compiled by the Hon. James -G. Birney, and entitled “The Church the Bulwark of Slavery.” The writer -addressed a letter to Mr. Birney, in which she inquired the sources from -which he compiled. His reply was, in substance, as follows: That the -pamphlet was compiled from original documents, or files of newspapers, -which had recorded these transactions at the time of their occurrence. -It was compiled and published in England, in 1842, with a view of -leading the people there to understand the position of the American -church and clergy. Mr. Birney says that, although the statements have -long been before the world, he has never known one of them to be -disputed; that, knowing the extraordinary nature of the sentiments, he -took the utmost pains to authenticate them. - -We will first present those of the Southern States. - -1. The Presbyterian Church. - - HARMONY PRESBYTERY, OF SOUTH CAROLINA. - - Whereas, sundry persons in Scotland and England, and others in the - north, east and west of our country, have denounced slavery as - obnoxious to the laws of God, some of whom have presented before the - General Assembly of our church, and the Congress of the nation, - memorials and petitions, with the avowed object of bringing into - disgrace slave-holders, and abolishing the relation of master and - slave: And whereas, from the said proceedings, and the statements, - reasonings and circumstances connected therewith, it is most - manifest that those persons “know not what they say, nor whereof - they affirm;” and with this ignorance discover a spirit of - self-righteousness and exclusive sanctity, &c., therefore, - - 1. _Resolved_, That as the kingdom of our Lord is not of this world, - His church, as such, has no right to abolish, alter, or affect any - institution or ordinance of men, political or civil, &c. - - 2. _Resolved_, That slavery has existed from the days of those good - old slave-holders and patriarchs, Abraham, Isaac and Jacob (who are - now in the kingdom of heaven), to the time when the apostle Paul - sent a runaway home to his master Philemon, and wrote a Christian - and fraternal letter to this slave-holder, which we find still - stands in the canon of the Scriptures; and that slavery has existed - ever since the days of the apostle, and does now exist. - - 3. _Resolved_, That as the relative duties of master and slave are - taught in the Scriptures, in the same manner as those of parent and - child, and husband and wife, the existence of slavery itself is not - opposed to the will of God; and whosoever has a conscience too - tender to recognize this relation as lawful is “righteous over - much,” is “wise above what is written,” and has submitted his neck - to the yoke of men, sacrificed his Christian liberty of conscience, - and leaves the infallible word of God for the fancies and doctrines - of men. - - * * * * * - - THE CHARLESTON UNION PRESBYTERY. - - It is a principle which meets the views of this body, that slavery, - as it exists among us, is a political institution, with which - ecclesiastical judicatories have not the smallest right to - interfere; and in relation to which, any such interference, - especially at the present momentous crisis, would be _morally - wrong_, and fraught with the most dangerous and pernicious - consequences. The sentiments which _we_ maintain, _in common with - Christians at the South of every denomination_, are sentiments which - so fully approve themselves to our consciences, are so identified - with our solemn convictions of duty, that we should maintain them - under any circumstances. - - _Resolved_, That in the opinion of this Presbytery, the holding of - slaves, so far from being a SIN in the sight of God, is nowhere - condemned in his holy word; that it is in accordance with the - example, or consistent with the precepts, of patriarchs, apostles - and prophets, and that it is compatible with the most fraternal - regard to the best good of those servants whom God may have - committed to our charge. - -The New-school Presbyterian Church in Petersburgh, Virginia, Nov. 16, -1838, passed the following: - - Whereas, the General Assembly did, in the year 1818, pass a law - which contains provisions for slaves irreconcilable with our civil - institutions, and solemnly declaring slavery to be sin against God—a - law at once offensive and insulting to the whole Southern community, - - 1. _Resolved_, That, as slave-holders, we cannot consent longer to - remain in connection with any church where there exists a statute - conferring the right upon slaves to arraign their masters before the - judicatory of the church—_and that, too, for the act of selling them - without their consent first had been obtained_. - - 2. _Resolved_, That, as the Great Head of the church has recognized - the relation of _master and slave_, we conscientiously believe that - slavery is not a sin against God, as declared by the General - Assembly. - -This sufficiently indicates the opinion of the Southern Presbyterian -Church. The next extracts will refer to the opinions of Baptist -Churches. In 1835 the Charleston Baptist Association addressed a -memorial to the Legislature of South Carolina, which contains the -following: - - The undersigned would further represent that the said association - does not consider that the Holy Scriptures have made the fact of - slavery _a question of morals at all_. The Divine Author of our holy - religion, in particular, found slavery a part of the existing - institutions of society; with which, if not sinful, it was not his - design to _intermeddle_, but to leave them entirely to the control - of men. Adopting this, therefore, as one of the allowed arrangements - of society, he made it the province of his religion only to - prescribe the reciprocal duties of the relation. The question, it is - believed, is purely one of political economy. It amounts, in effect, - to this,—_Whether the operatives of a country shall be bought and - sold, and themselves become property, as in this state; or whether - they shall be hirelings, and their labor only become property, as in - some other states_. In other words, whether an employer may buy the - whole time of laborers at once, of those who have a right to dispose - of it, with a permanent relation of protection and care over them; - or whether he shall be restricted to buy it in certain portions - only, subject to their control, and with no such permanent relation - of care and protection. _The right of masters to dispose of the time - of their slaves has been distinctly recognized by the Creator of all - things_, who is surely at liberty to vest the right of property over - any object in whomsoever he pleases. That the lawful possessor - should retain this right at will, is no more against the laws of - society and good morals, than that he should retain the personal - endowments with which his Creator has blessed him, or the money and - lands inherited from his ancestors, or acquired by his industry. And - neither society nor individuals have any more authority to demand a - relinquishment, without an equivalent, in the one case, than in the - other. - - As it is a question purely of political economy, and one which in - this country is reserved to the cognizance of the state governments - severally, it is further believed, that the State of South Carolina - alone has the right to regulate the existence and condition of - slavery within her territorial limits; and we should resist to the - utmost every invasion of this right, come from what quarter and - under whatever pretence it may. - -The Methodist Church is, in some respects, peculiarly situated upon this -subject, because its constitution and book of discipline contain the -most vehement denunciations against slavery of which language is -capable, and the most stringent requisitions that all members shall be -disciplined for the holding of slaves; and these denunciations and -requisitions have been reäffirmed by its General Conference. - -It seemed to be necessary, therefore, for the Southern Conference to -take some notice of this fact, which they did, with great coolness and -distinctness, us follows: - - THE GEORGIA ANNUAL CONFERENCE. - - _Resolved, unanimously_, That, whereas there is a clause in the - discipline of our church which states that we are as much as ever - convinced of the great evil of _slavery_; and whereas the said - clause has been _perverted_ by some, and used in such a manner as to - produce the impression that the Methodist Episcopal Church believed - _slavery_ to be a _moral evil_:— - - Therefore _Resolved_, That it is the sense of the Georgia Annual - Conference that slavery, as it exists in the United States, _is not - a moral evil_. - - _Resolved_, That we view _slavery_ as a civil and domestic - institution, and one with which, as ministers of Christ, we have - nothing to do, further than to ameliorate the condition of the slave - by endeavoring to impart to him and his master the benign influences - of the religion of Christ, and aiding both on their way to heaven. - - On motion, it was _Resolved_, unanimously, That the Georgia Annual - Conference regard with feelings of profound respect and approbation - the dignified course pursued by _our several superintendents_, or - bishops, _in suppressing_ the attempts that have been made by - various individuals to get up and protract an excitement in the - churches and country on the subject of _abolitionism_. - - _Resolved_, further, That they shall have our cordial and zealous - support in sustaining them in the ground they have taken. - - SOUTH CAROLINA CONFERENCE. - -The Rev. W. Martin introduced resolutions similar to those of the -Georgia Conference. - -The Rev. W. Capers, D.D., after expressing his conviction that “the -sentiment of the resolutions was universally held, not only by the -ministers of that conference, but of the whole South;” and after stating -that the only true doctrine was, “it belongs to Cæsar, and not to the -church,” offered the following as a substitute: - - Whereas, we hold that the subject of slavery in these United States - is not one proper for the action of the church, but is exclusively - appropriate to the civil authorities, - - Therefore _Resolved_, That this conference will not intermeddle with - it, further than to express our regret that it has ever been - introduced, in any form, into any one of the judicatures of the - church. - - Brother Martin accepted the substitute. - - Brother Betts asked whether the substitute was intended _as implying - that slavery, as it exists among us, was not a moral evil_? _He - understood it as equivalent to such a declaration._ - - Brother Capers explained _that his intention was to convey that - sentiment fully and unequivocally_; and that he had chosen the form - of the substitute for the purpose, _not only of reproving some wrong - doings at the North_, but with reference also to the General - Conference. If slavery were a _moral evil_ (that is, _sinful_), _the - church would be bound to take cognizance of it_; but our affirmation - is, that it is not a matter for _her_ jurisdiction, but is - exclusively appropriate to the _civil government_, and _of course - not sinful_. - -The substitute was then unanimously adopted. - -In 1836, an Episcopal clergyman in North Carolina, of the name of -Freeman, preached, in the presence of his bishop (Rev. Levi. S. Ives, -D.D., a native of a free state), two sermons on the rights and duties of -slave-holders. In these he essayed to justify from the Bible the slavery -both of white men and negroes, and insisted that “_without a new -revelation from heaven, no man was authorized to pronounce slavery_ -WRONG.” The sermons were printed in a pamphlet, prefaced with a letter -to Mr. Freeman from the Bishop of North Carolina, declaring that he had -“listened with most unfeigned pleasure” to his discourses, and advised -their publication, as being “urgently called for at the present time.” - -“The Protestant Episcopal Society for the advancement of Christianity -(!) in South Carolina” thought it expedient to republish Mr. Freeman’s -pamphlet as _a religious tract_![24] - -Afterwards, when the addition of the new State of Texas made it -important to organize the Episcopal Church there, this Mr. Freeman was -made Bishop of Texas. - -The question may now arise,—it must arise to every intelligent thinker -in Christendom,—Can it be possible that American slavery, _as defined by -its laws_, and the decisions of its courts, including all the horrible -abuses that the laws recognize and sanction, is considered to be a right -and proper institution? Do these Christians merely recognize the -relation of slavery, in the abstract, as one that, under proper -legislation, might be made a good one, or do they justify it _as it -actually exists_ in America? - -It is a fact that there is a large party at the South who justify not -only slavery in the abstract, but slavery just as it exists in America, -in whole and in part, and even its worst abuses. - -There are four legalized parts or results of the system, which are of -especial atrocity. - -They are,— - -1. _The prohibition of the testimony of colored people in cases of -trial._ - -2. The forbidding of education. - -3. The internal slave-trade. - -4. The consequent separation of families. - -We shall bring evidence to show that every one of these practices has -been either defended on principle, or recognized without condemnation, -by decisions of judicatories of churches, or by writings of influential -clergymen, without any expression of dissent being made to their -opinions by the bodies to which they belong. - -In the first place, the exclusion of colored testimony in the church. In -1840, the General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church passed -the following resolution: “THAT IT IS INEXPEDIENT AND UNJUSTIFIABLE FOR -ANY PREACHER TO PERMIT COLORED PERSONS TO GIVE TESTIMONY AGAINST WHITE -PERSONS IN ANY STATE WHERE THEY ARE DENIED THAT PRIVILEGE BY LAW.” - -This was before the Methodist Church had separated on the question of -slavery, as they subsequently did, into Northern and Southern -Conferences. Both Northern and Southern members voted for this -resolution. - -After this was passed, the conscience of many Northern ministers was -aroused, and they called for a reconsideration. The Southern members -imperiously demanded that it should remain as a compromise and test of -union. The spirit of the discussion may be inferred from one extract. - -Mr. Peck, of New York, who moved the reconsideration of the resolution, -thus expressed himself: - - That resolution (said he) was introduced under peculiar - circumstances, during considerable excitement, and he went for it - _as a peace-offering to the South_, without sufficiently reflecting - upon the precise import of its phraseology; but, after a little - deliberation, he was sorry; and he had been sorry but once, and that - was all the time; he was convinced that, if that resolution remain - upon the journal, _it would be disastrous to the whole Northern - church_. - -Rev. Dr. A. J. Few, of Georgia, the mover of the original resolution, -then rose. The following are extracts from his speech. The Italics are -the writers. - - Look at it! What do you declare to us, in taking this course? Why, - simply, as much as to say, “We cannot sustain you in the condition - which you cannot avoid!” We cannot sustain you in the _necessary - conditions_ of slave-holding; one of its _necessary conditions_ - being the rejection of negro testimony! If it is not sinful to hold - slaves, under all circumstances, _it is not sinful to hold them in - the only condition, and under the only circumstances, which they can - be held_. The rejection of negro testimony is one of the necessary - circumstances under which slave-holding can exist; indeed, it is - utterly impossible for it to exist without it; therefore it is not - sinful to hold slaves _in the condition and under the circumstances - which they are held at the South, inasmuch as they can be held under - no other circumstances_. * * * If you believe that slave-holding is - necessarily sinful, come out with the abolitionists, and honestly - say so. If you believe that slave-holding is necessarily sinful, you - believe we are necessarily sinners; and, if so, come out and - honestly declare it, _and let us leave you_. * * * We want to know - distinctly, precisely and honestly, the position which you take. We - cannot be tampered with by you any longer. We have had enough of it. - We are tired of your sickly sympathies. * * * If you are not opposed - to the principles which it involves, unite with us, _like honest - men_, and go home, and boldly meet the consequences. We say again, - you are responsible for this state of things; for it is _you_ who - have driven us to the alarming point where we find ourselves. * * * - _You_ have made that resolution absolutely necessary to the quiet of - the South! But _you_ now revoke that resolution! And you pass the - Rubicon! Let me not be misunderstood. I say, _you_ pass the Rubicon! - If you revoke, you revoke the principle which that resolution - involves, and you array the whole South against you, _and we must - separate_! * * * If you accord to the principles which it involves, - arising from the necessity of the case, stick by it, “though the - heavens perish!” But, if you persist on reconsideration, I ask in - what light will your course be regarded in the South? What will be - the conclusion, there, in reference to it? Why, that you cannot - sustain us as long as we hold slaves! It will declare, in the face - of the sun, “We cannot sustain you, gentlemen, while you retain your - slaves!” Your opposition to the resolution is based upon your - opposition to slavery; you cannot, therefore, maintain your - consistency, unless you come out with the abolitionists, and condemn - us at once and forever; or else refuse to reconsider. - -The resolution was therefore left in force, with another resolution -appended to it, expressing _the undiminished regard of the General -Conference for the colored population_. - -It is quite evident that it _was undiminished_, for the best of reasons. -That the colored population were not properly impressed with this last -act of condescension, appears from the fact that “the official members -of the Sharp-street and Asbury Colored Methodist Church in Baltimore” -protested and petitioned against the motion. The following is a passage -from their address: - - The adoption of such a resolution, by our highest ecclesiastical - judicatory,—a judicatory composed of the most experienced and wisest - brethren in the church, the choice selection of twenty-eight Annual - Conferences,—has inflicted, we fear, an irreparable injury upon - eighty thousand souls for whom Christ died—souls, who, by this act - of your body, have been stripped of the dignity of Christians, - degraded in the scale of humanity, and treated as criminals, for no - other reason than the color of their skin! Your resolution has, in - our humble opinion, _virtually_ declared, that a mere physical - peculiarity, the handiwork of our all-wise and benevolent Creator, - is _prima facie_ evidence of incompetency to tell the truth, or is - an unerring indication of unworthiness to bear testimony against a - fellow-being whose skin is denominated white. * * * - - Brethren, out of the abundance of the heart we have spoken. _Our - grievance is before you!_ If you have any regard for the salvation - of the eighty thousand immortal souls committed to your care; if you - would not _thrust_ beyond the pale of the church _twenty-five - hundred souls in this city_, who have felt determined never to leave - the church that has nourished and brought them up; if you regard us - as children of one common Father, and can, upon reflection, - sympathize with us as members of the body of Christ,—if you would - not incur the fearful, the tremendous responsibility of offending - not only one, but many thousands of his “little ones,” we conjure - you to wipe from your journal the odious resolution which is ruining - our people. - -“A Colored Baltimorean,” writing to the editor of _Zion’s Watchman_, -says: - - The address was presented to one of the secretaries, a delegate of - the Baltimore Conference, and subsequently given by him to the - bishops. How many of the members of the conference saw it, I know - not. One thing is certain, _it was not read to the conference_. - -With regard to the second head,—of defending the laws which prevent the -slave from being taught to read and write,—we have the following -instance. - -In the year 1835, the Chillicothe Presbytery, Ohio, addressed a -Christian remonstrance to the presbytery of Mississippi on the subject -of slavery, in which they specifically enumerated the respects in which -they considered it to be unchristian. The eighth resolution was as -follows: - - That any member of our church, who shall advocate or speak in favor - of such laws as have been or may yet be enacted, for the purpose of - keeping the slaves in ignorance, and preventing them from learning - to read the word of God, is guilty of a great sin, and ought to be - dealt with as for other scandalous crimes. - -This remonstrance was answered by Rev. James Smylie, stated clerk of the -Mississippi Presbytery, and afterwards of the Amity Presbytery of -Louisiana, in a pamphlet of eighty-seven pages, in which he defended -slavery generally and particularly, in the same manner in which all -other abuses have always been defended—by the word of God. The tenth -section of this pamphlet is devoted to the defence of this law. He -devotes seven pages of fine print to this object. He says (p. 63): - - There are laws existing in both states, Mississippi and Louisiana, - accompanied with heavy penal sanctions, prohibiting the teaching of - the slaves to read, _and meeting the approbation of the religious - part of the reflecting community_. - - * * * * * - -He adds, still further: - - _The laws preventing the slaves from learning to read are a fruitful - source of much ignorance and immorality among the slaves._ The - printing, publishing, and circulating of abolition and emancipatory - principles in those states, was the cause of the passage of those - laws. - -He then goes on to say that the ignorance and vice which are the -consequence of those laws do not properly belong to those who made the -laws, but to those whose emancipating doctrines rendered them necessary. -Speaking of these consequences of ignorance and vice, he says: - - Upon whom must they be saddled? If you will allow me to answer the - question, I will answer by saying, Upon such great and good men as - John Wesley, Jonathan Edwards, Bishop Porteus, Paley, Horsley, - Scott, Clark, Wilberforce, Sharpe, Clarkson, Fox, Johnson, Burke, - and other great and good men, who, without examining the word of - God, have concluded that it is a true maxim that slavery is in - itself sinful. - -He then illustrates the necessity of these laws by the following simile. -He supposes that the doctrine had been promulgated that the authority of -parents was an unjust usurpation, and that it was getting a general hold -of society; that societies were being formed for the emancipation of -children from the control of their parents; that all books were -beginning to be pervaded by this sentiment; and that, under all these -influences, children were becoming restless and fractious. He supposes -that, under these circumstances, parents meet and refer the subject to -legislators. He thus describes the dilemma of the legislators: - - These meet, and they take the subject seriously and solemnly into - consideration. On the one hand, they perceive that, if their - children had access to these doctrines, they were ruined forever. To - let them have access to them was unavoidable, if they taught them to - read. To prevent their being taught to read was cruel, and would - prevent them from obtaining as much knowledge of the laws of Heaven - as otherwise they might enjoy. In this sad dilemma, sitting and - consulting in a legislative capacity, they must, of two evils, - choose the least. With indignant feelings towards those, who, under - the influence of “seducing spirits,” had sent and were sending among - them “doctrines of devils,” but with aching hearts towards their - children, they resolved that their children should not be taught to - read, until the storm should be overblown; hoping that Satan’s being - let loose will be but for a little season. And during this season - they will have to teach them orally, and thereby guard against their - being contaminated by these wicked doctrines. - -So much for that law. - -Now, as for the internal slave-trade,—the very essence of that trade is -the buying and selling of human beings _for the mere purposes of gain_. - -A master who has slaves transmitted to him, or a master who buys slaves -with the purpose of retaining them on his plantation or in his family, -can be supposed to have some object in it besides the _mere purpose of -gain_. He may be supposed, in certain cases, to have some regard to the -happiness or well-being of the slave. The trader buys and sells _for the -mere purpose of gain_. - -Concerning this abuse the Chillicothe Presbytery, in the document to -which we have alluded, passed the following resolution: - - _Resolved_, That the buying, selling, or holding of a slave, _for - the sake of gain_, is a heinous sin and scandal, requiring the - cognizance of the judicatories of the church. - -In the reply from which we have already quoted, Mr. Smylie says (p. 13): - - _If the buying, selling and holding of a slave for the sake of - gain_, is, as you say, a heinous sin and scandal, then verily - three-fourths of all Episcopalians, Methodists, Baptists and - Presbyterians, in the eleven states of the Union, are of the devil. - - * * * * * - -Again: - - To question whether slave-holders or slave-buyers are of the devil, - seems to me like calling in question whether God is or is not a true - witness; that is, provided it is God’s testimony, and not merely the - testimony of the Chillicothe Presbytery, that it is a “heinous sin - and scandal” to buy, sell and hold slaves. - -Again (p. 21): - - If language can convey a clear and definite meaning at all, I know - not how it can more plainly or unequivocally present to the mind any - thought or idea, than the twenty-fifth chapter of Leviticus clearly - and unequivocally establishes the fact that slavery was sanctioned - by God himself, and that buying, selling, holding and bequeathing - slaves, _as property, are regulations which are established by - himself_. - - * * * * * - - What language can more explicitly show, not that God winked at - slavery merely, but that, to say the least, he gave a _written - permit_ to the Hebrews, then the best people in the world, to _buy, - hold and bequeath, men and women_, to perpetual servitude! What, - now, becomes of the position of the Chillicothe Presbytery? * * * * - Is it, indeed, a fact, that God once gave a written permission to - his own dear people [“_ye shall buy_”] to do that which is in itself - sinful? Nay, to do that which the Chillicothe Presbytery says “is a - heinous sin and scandal”? - - * * * * * - - God resolves that his own children may, or rather “_shall_,” “_buy, - possess and hold_,” bond-men and bond-women, in bondage, _forever_. - But the Chillicothe Presbytery resolves that “_buying, selling, or - holding slaves_, for the sake of gain, is a _heinous sin and - scandal_.” - -We do not mean to say that Mr. Smylie had the internal slave-trade -directly in his mind in writing these sentences; but we do say that no -slave-trader would ask for a more explicit justification of his trade -than this. - -Lastly, in regard to that dissolution of the marriage relation, which is -the necessary consequence of this kind of trade, the following decisions -have been made by judicatories of the church. - -The Savannah River (Baptist) Association, in 1835, in reply to the -question, - - Whether, in a case of involuntary separation, of such a character as - to preclude all prospect of future intercourse, the parties ought to - be allowed to marry again? - -answered, - - That such a separation, among persons situated as our slaves are, is - _civilly_ a separation by _death_, and they believe that, in the - sight of God, it would be so viewed. To forbid second marriages, in - such cases, would be to expose the parties, not only to stronger - hardships and strong temptation, but to _church censure_, for acting - in obedience to their masters, who cannot be expected to acquiesce - in a regulation at variance with justice to the slaves, and to the - spirit of that command which regulates marriage among Christians. - _The slaves are not free agents_, and a dissolution by death, is not - more entirely without their consent, and beyond their control, than - by such separation. - -At the Shiloh Baptist Association, which met at Gourdvine, a few years -since, the following query, says the _Religious Herald_, was presented -from Hedgman church, viz: - - Is a servant, whose husband or wife has been sold by his or her - master into a distant country, to be permitted to marry again? - -The query was referred to a committee, who made the following report; -which, after discussion, was adopted: - - That, in view of the circumstances in which servants in this country - are placed, the committee are unanimous in the opinion that it is - better to permit servants thus circumstanced to take another husband - or wife. - -The Reverend Charles C. Jones, who was an earnest and indefatigable -laborer for the good of the slave, and one who, it would be supposed, -would be likely to feel strongly on this subject, if any one would, -simply remarks, in estimating the moral condition of the negroes, that, -as husband and wife are subject to all the vicissitudes of property, and -may be separated by division of estate, debts, sales or removals, &c. -&c., the marriage relation naturally loses much of its sacredness, and -says: - - It is a contract of convenience, profit or pleasure, that may be - entered into and dissolved at the will of the parties, and that - without heinous sin, or injury to the property interests of any one. - -In this sentence he is expressing, as we suppose, the _common_ idea of -slaves and masters of the nature of this institution, and not his own. -We infer this from the fact that he endeavors in his catechism to -impress on the slave the sacredness and perpetuity of the relation. But, -when the most pious and devoted men that the South has, and those -professing to spend their lives for the service of the slave, thus -calmly, and without any reprobation, contemplate this state of things as -a state with which Christianity does not call on them to interfere, what -can be expected of the world in general? - -It is to be remarked, with regard to the sentiments of Mr. Smylie’s -pamphlet, that they are endorsed in the appendix by a document in the -name of two presbyteries, which document, though with less minuteness of -investigation, takes the same ground with Mr. Smylie. This Rev. James -Smylie was one who, in company with the Rev. John L. Montgomery, was -appointed by the synod of Mississippi, in 1839, to write or compile a -catechism for the instruction of the negroes. - -Mr. Jones says, in his “History of the Religious Instruction of the -Negroes” (p. 83): “The Rev. James Smylie and the Rev. C. Blair are -engaged in this good work (of enlightening the negroes) systematically -and constantly in Mississippi.” The former clergyman is characterized as -an “aged and indefatigable father.” “His success in enlightening the -negroes has been very great. A large proportion of the negroes in his -old church can recite both Williston’s and the Westminster Catechism -very accurately.” The writer really wishes that it were in her power to -make copious extracts from Mr. Smylie’s pamphlet. A great deal could be -learned from it as to what style of mind, and habits of thought, and -modes of viewing religious subjects, are likely to grow up under such an -institution. The man is undoubtedly and heartily sincere in his -opinions, and appears to maintain them with a most abounding and -triumphant joyfulness, as the very latest improvement in theological -knowledge. We are tempted to present a part of his _Introduction_, -simply for the light it gives us on the style of thinking which is to be -found on our south-western waters: - - In presenting the following review to the public, the author was not - entirely or mainly influenced by a desire or hope to correct the - views of the Chillicothe Presbytery. He hoped the publication would - be of essential service to others, as well as to the presbytery. - - From his intercourse with religious societies of all denominations, - in Mississippi and Louisiana, he was aware that the abolition maxim, - namely, _that slavery is in itself sinful_, had gained on and - entwined itself among the religious and conscientious scruples of - many in the community so far as not only to render them unhappy, but - to draw off the attention from the great and important duty of a - householder to his household. The eye of the mind, resting on - slavery itself as a corrupt fountain, from which, of necessity, - nothing but corrupt streams could flow, was incessantly employed in - search of some plan by which, with safety, the fountain could, in - some future time, be entirely dried up; never reflecting, or - dreaming, that slavery, in itself considered, was an innoxious - relation, and that the whole error rested in the neglect of the - relative duties of the relation. - - If there be a consciousness of guilt resting on the mind, it is all - the same, as to the effect, whether the conscience is or is not - right. Although the word of God alone ought to be the guide of - conscience, yet it is not always the case. Hence, conscientious - scruples sometimes exist for neglecting to do that which the word of - God condemns. - - The Bornean who neglects to kill his father, and to eat him with his - dates, when he has become old, is sorely tortured by the wringings - of a guilty conscience, when his filial tenderness and sympathy have - gained the ascendency over his apprehended duty of killing his - parent. In like manner, many a slave-holder, whose conscience is - guided, not by the word of God, but by the doctrines of men, is - often suffering the lashes of a guilty conscience, even when he - renders to his slave “that which is just and equal,” according to - the Scriptures, simply because he does not emancipate his slave, - irrespective of the benefit or injury done by such an act. - - “How beautiful upon the mountains,” in the apprehension of the - reviewer, “would be the feet of him that would bring” to the Bornean - “the glad tidings” that his conduct, in sparing the life of his - tender and affectionate parent, was no sin! * * * * Equally - beautiful and delightful, does the reviewer trust, will it be, to an - honest, scrupulous and conscientious slave-holder, to learn, from - the word of God, the glad tidings that slavery itself is not sinful. - Released now from an incubus that paralyzed his energies in - discharge of duty towards his slaves, he goes forth cheerfully to - energetic action. It is not now as formerly, when he viewed slavery - as in itself sinful. He can now pray, with the hope of being heard, - that God will bless his exertions to train up his slaves “in the - nurture and admonition of the Lord:” whereas, before, he was - retarded by this consideration,—“If I regard iniquity in my heart, - the Lord will not hear me.” Instead of hanging down his head, moping - and brooding over his condition, as formerly, without action, he - raises his head, and moves on cheerfully, in the plain path of duty. - - He is no more tempted to look askance at the word of God, and - saying, “Hast thou found me, O mine enemy,” come to “filch from me” - my slaves, which, “while not enriching” them, “leaves me poor - indeed?” Instead of viewing the word of God, as formerly, come with - whips and scorpions to chastise him into paradise, he feels that its - “ways are ways of pleasantness, and its paths peace.” Distinguishing - now between the real word of God and what are only the doctrines and - commandments of men, the mystery is solved, which was before - insolvable, namely, “The statutes of the Lord are right, rejoicing - the heart.” - -If you should undertake to answer such a man by saying that his argument -proves too much,—that neither Christ nor his apostles bore any explicit -testimony against the gladiatorial shows and the sports of the arena, -and, therefore, it would be right to get them up in America,—the -probability seems to be that he would heartily assent to it, and think, -on the whole, that it might be a good speculation. As a further specimen -of the free-and-easy facetiousness which seems to be a trait in this -production, see, on p. 58, where the Latin motto _Facilis descensus -Averni sed revocare_, &c., receives the following quite free and truly -Western translation, which, he good-naturedly says, is given for the -benefit of those who do not understand Latin,—“It is easy to go to the -devil, but the devil to get back.” - -Some uncharitable people might, perhaps, say that the preachers of such -doctrines are as likely as anybody to have an experimental knowledge on -this point. The idea of this jovial old father instructing a class of -black “Sams” and young “Topsys” in the mysteries of the Assembly’s -Catechism is truly picturesque! - -That Mr. Smylie’s opinions on the subject of slavery have been amply -supported and carried out by leading clergymen in every denomination, we -might give volumes of quotations to show. - -A second head, however, is yet to be considered, with regard to the -influence of the Southern church and clergy. - -It is well known that the Southern political community have taken their -stand upon the position that the institution of slavery shall not be -open to discussion. In many of the slave states stringent laws exist, -subjecting to fine and imprisonment, and even death, any who speak or -publish anything upon the subject, except in its favor. They have not -only done this with regard to citizens of slave states, but they have -shown the strongest disposition to do it with regard to citizens of free -states; and when these discussions could not be repelled by regular law, -they have encouraged the use of illegal measures. In the published -letters and speeches of Horace Mann the following examples are given (p. -467). In 1831 the Legislature of Georgia offered five thousand dollars -to any one who would arrest and bring to trial and conviction, in -Georgia, a citizen of Massachusetts, named William Lloyd Garrison. This -law was approved by W. Lumpkin, Governor, Dec. 26, 1831. At a meeting of -slave-holders held at Sterling, in the same state, September 4, 1835, it -was formally recommended to the governor to offer, by proclamation, five -thousand dollars reward for the apprehension of any one of ten persons, -citizens, with one exception, of New York and Massachusetts, whose names -were given. The _Milledgeville_ (Ga.) _Federal Union_ of February 1st, -1836, contained an offer of ten thousand dollars for the arrest and -kidnapping of the Rev. A. A. Phelps, of New York. The committee of -vigilance of the parish of East Feliciana offered, in the _Louisville -Journal_ of Oct. 15, 1835, fifty thousand dollars to any person who -would deliver into their hands Arthur Tappan, of New York. At a public -meeting at Mount Meigs, Alabama, Aug. 13, 1836, the Hon. Bedford Ginress -in the chair, a reward of fifty thousand dollars was offered for the -apprehension of the same Arthur Tappan, or of Le Roy Sunderland, a -Methodist clergyman of New York. Of course, as none of these persons -could be seized except in violation of the laws of the state where they -were citizens, this was offering a public reward for an act of felony. -Throughout all the Southern States associations were formed, called -committees of vigilance, for the taking of measures for suppressing -abolition opinions, and for the punishment by Lynch law of suspected -persons. At Charleston, South Carolina, a mob of this description forced -open the post-office, and made a general inspection, at their pleasure, -of its contents; and whatever publication they found there which they -considered to be of a dangerous and anti-slavery tendency, they made a -public bonfire of, in the street. A large public meeting was held, a few -days afterwards, to complete the preparation for excluding anti-slavery -principles from publication, and for ferreting out persons suspected of -abolitionism, that they might be subjected to Lynch law. Similar popular -meetings were held through the Southern and Western States. At one of -these, held in Clinton, Mississippi, in the year 1835, the following -resolutions were passed: - - _Resolved_, That slavery through the South and West is not felt as - an evil, moral or political, but it is recognized in reference to - the _actual_, and not to any Utopian condition of our slaves, as a - blessing both to master and slave. - - _Resolved_, That it is our decided opinion that any individual who - dares to circulate, with a view to effectuate the designs of the - abolitionists, any of the incendiary tracts or newspapers now in a - course of transmission to this country, is justly worthy, in the - sight of God and man, of immediate death; and we doubt not that such - would be the punishment of any such offender in any part of the - State of Mississippi where he may be found. - - _Resolved_, That the clergy of the State of Mississippi be hereby - recommended at once to take a stand upon this subject; and that - their further silence in relation thereto, at this crisis, will, in - our opinion, be subject to serious censure. - -The treatment to which persons were exposed, when taken up by any of -these vigilance committees, as suspected of anti-slavery sentiments, may -be gathered from the following account. The writer has a distinct -recollection of the circumstances at the present time, as the victim of -this injustice was a member of the seminary then under the care of her -father. - - Amos Dresser, now a missionary in Jamaica, was a theological student - at Lane Seminary, near Cincinnati. In the vacation (August 1835) he - undertook to sell Bibles in the State of Tennessee, with a view to - raise means further to continue his studios. Whilst there, he fell - under suspicion of being an abolitionist, was arrested by the - vigilance committee whilst attending a religious meeting in the - neighborhood of Nashville, the capital of the state, and, after an - afternoon and evening’s inquisition, condemned to receive twenty - lashes on his naked body. The sentence was executed on him, between - eleven and twelve o’clock on Saturday night, in the presence of most - of the committee, and of an infuriated and blaspheming mob. The - vigilance committee (an unlawful association) consisted of sixty - persons. Of these, twenty-seven were members of churches; one, a - religious teacher; another, the _Elder_ who but a few days before, - in the Presbyterian church, handed Mr. Dresser the bread and wine at - the communion of the Lord’s supper. - -It will readily be seen that the principle involved in such proceedings -as these involves more than the question of slavery. The question was, -in fact, this,—whether it is so important to hold African slaves that it -is proper to deprive free Americans of the liberty of conscience, and -liberty of speech, and liberty of the press, in order to do it. It is -easy to see that very serious changes would be made in the government of -a country by the admission of this principle: because it is quite plain -that, if all these principles of our free government may be given up for -one thing, they may for another, and that its ultimate tendency is to -destroy entirely that freedom of opinion and thought which is considered -to be the distinguishing excellence of American institutions. - -The question now is, Did the church join with the world in thinking the -institution of slavery so important and desirable as to lead them to -look with approbation upon Lynch law, and the sacrifice of the rights of -free inquiry? We answer the reader by submitting the following facts and -quotations. - -At the large meeting which we have described above, in Charleston, South -Carolina, the _Charleston Courier_ informs us “that the clergy of all -denominations attended in a body, lending their sanction to the -proceedings, and adding by their presence to the impressive character of -the scene.” There can be no doubt that the presence of the clergy of all -denominations, in a body, at a meeting held for such a purpose, was an -_impressive scene_, truly! - -At this meeting it was Resolved, - - That the thanks of this meeting are due to the reverend gentlemen of - the clergy in this city, who have so promptly and so effectually - responded to public sentiment, by suspending their schools in which - the _free colored population_ were taught; and that this meeting - deem it a patriotic action, worthy of all praise, and proper to be - imitated by other teachers of similar schools throughout the state. - -The question here arises, whether their Lord, at the day of judgment, -will comment on their actions in a similar strain. - -The alarm of the Virginia slave-holders was not less; nor were the -clergy in the city of Richmond, the capital, less prompt than the clergy -in Charleston to respond to “public sentiment.” Accordingly, on the 29th -of July, they assembled together, and Resolved, _unanimously_, - - That we earnestly deprecate the unwarrantable and highly improper - interference of the people of any other state with the domestic - relations of master and slave. - - That the example of our Lord Jesus Christ and his apostles, in not - interfering with the question of slavery, but uniformly recognizing - the relations of master and servant, and giving full and - affectionate instruction to both, is worthy of the imitation of all - ministers of the gospel. - - That we will not patronize nor receive any pamphlet or newspaper of - the anti-slavery societies, and that we will discountenance the - circulation of all such papers in the community. - -The Rev. J. C. Postell, a Methodist minister of South Carolina, -concludes a very violent letter to the editor of _Zion’s Watchman_, a -Methodist anti-slavery paper published in New York, in the following -manner. The reader will see that this taunt is an allusion to the offer -of fifty thousand dollars for his body at the South which we have given -before. - - But, if you desire to educate the slaves, I will tell you how to - raise the money without editing _Zion’s Watchman_. You and old - Arthur Tappan come out to the South this winter, and they will raise - one hundred thousand dollars for you. New Orleans, itself, will be - pledged for it. Desiring no further acquaintance with you, and never - expecting to see you but once in time or eternity, that is at the - judgment, I subscribe myself the friend of the Bible, and the - opposer of abolitionists, - - J. C. POSTELL. - - _Orangeburgh, July 21st, 1836._ - -The Rev. Thomas S. Witherspoon, a member of the Presbyterian Church, -writing to the editor of the _Emancipator_, says: - - I draw my warrant from the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament, - to hold the slave in bondage. The principle of holding the heathen - in bondage is recognized by God. * * * When the tardy process of the - law is too long in redressing our grievances, we of the South have - adopted the summary remedy of Judge Lynch—and really I think it one - of the most wholesome and salutary remedies for the malady of - Northern fanaticism that can be applied, and no doubt my worthy - friend, the Editor of the _Emancipator and Human Rights_, would feel - the better of its enforcement, provided he had a Southern - administrator. I go to the Bible for my warrant in all moral - matters. * * Let your emissaries dare venture to cross the Potomac, - and I cannot promise you that their fate will be less than Haman’s. - Then beware how you goad an insulted but magnanimous people to deeds - of desperation! - -The Rev. Robert N. Anderson, also a member of the Presbyterian Church, -says, in a letter to the Sessions of the Presbyterian Congregations -within the bounds of the West Hanover Presbytery: - - At the approaching stated meeting of our Presbytery, I design to - offer a preamble and string of resolutions on the subject of the use - of wine in the Lord’s Supper: and also a preamble and string of - resolutions on the subject of the treasonable and abominably wicked - interference of the Northern and Eastern fanatics with our political - and civil rights, our property and our domestic concerns. You are - aware that our clergy, whether with or without reason, are more - suspected by the public than the clergy of other denominations. Now, - _dear Christian brethren_, I humbly express it as my earnest wish, - that you _quit yourselves like men_. If there be any stray goat of a - minister among you, tainted with the bloodhound principles of - abolitionism, let him be ferreted out, silenced, excommunicated, and - left to the _public to dispose of him in other respects_. - - Your affectionate brother in the Lord, - ROBERT N. ANDERSON. - -The Rev. William S. Plummer, D.D., of Richmond, a member of the -Old-school Presbyterian Church, is another instance of the same sort. He -was absent from Richmond at the time the clergy in that city purged -themselves, in a body, from the charge of being favorably disposed to -abolition. On his return, he lost no time in communicating to the -“Chairman of the Committee of Correspondence” his agreement with his -clerical brethren. The passages quoted occur in his letter to the -chairman: - - I have carefully watched this matter from its earliest existence, - and everything I have seen or heard of its character, both from its - patrons and its enemies, has confirmed me, beyond repentance, in the - belief, that, let the character of abolitionists be what it may in - the sight of the Judge of all the earth, this is the most - meddlesome, impudent, reckless, fierce, and wicked excitement I ever - saw. - - If abolitionists will set the country in a blaze, it is but fair - that they should receive the first warming at the fire. - - * * * * * - - Lastly. Abolitionists are like infidels, wholly unaddicted to - martyrdom for opinion’s sake. Let them understand that _they will be - caught_ [Lynched] if they come among us, and they will take good - heed to keep out of our way. There is not one man among them who has - any more idea of shedding his blood in this cause than he has of - making war on the Grand Turk. - -The Rev. Dr. Hill, of Virginia, said, in the New School Assembly: - - The abolitionists have made the servitude of the slave harder. If I - could tell you some of the dirty tricks which these abolitionists - have played, you would not wonder. Some of them have been Lynched, - and it served them right. - -These things sufficiently show the estimate which the Southern clergy -and church have formed and expressed as to the relative value of slavery -and the right of free inquiry. It shows, also, that they consider -slavery as so important that they can tolerate and encourage acts of -lawless violence, and risk all the dangers of encouraging mob law, for -its sake. These passages and considerations sufficiently show the stand -which the Southern church takes upon this subject. - -For many of these opinions, shocking as they may appear, some apology -may be found in that blinding power of custom and all those deadly -educational influences which always attend the system of slavery, and -which must necessarily produce a certain obtuseness of the moral sense -in the mind of any man who is educated from childhood under them. - -There is also, in the habits of mind formed under a system which is -supported by continual resort to force and violence, a necessary -deadening of sensibility to the evils of force and violence, as applied -to other subjects. The whole style of civilization which is formed under -such an institution has been not unaptly denominated by a popular writer -“the bowie-knife style;” and we must not be surprised at its producing a -peculiarly martial cast of religious character, and ideas very much at -variance with the spirit of the gospel. A religious man, born and -educated at the South, has all these difficulties to contend with, in -elevating himself to the true spirit of the gospel. - -It was said by one that, after the Reformation, the best of men, being -educated under a system of despotism and force, and accustomed from -childhood to have force, and not argument, made the test of opinion, -came to look upon all controversies very much in a Smithfield light,—the -question being not as to the propriety of burning heretics, but as to -which party ought to be burned. - -The system of slavery is a simple retrogression of society to the worst -abuses of the middle ages. We must not therefore be surprised to find -the opinions and practices of the middle ages, as to civil and religious -toleration, prevailing. - -However much we may reprobate and deplore those unworthy views of God -and religion which are implied in such declarations as are here -recorded,—however blasphemous and absurd they may appear,—still, it is -apparent that their authors uttered them with sincerity: and this is the -most melancholy feature of the case. They are as sincere as Paul when he -breathed out threatenings and slaughter, and when he thought within -himself that he _ought_ to do many things contrary to the name of Jesus. -They are as sincere as the Brahmin or Hindoo, conscientiously supporting -a religion of cruelty and blood. They are as sincere as many -enlightened, scholarlike and Christian men in modern Europe, who, born -and bred under systems of civil and religious despotism, and having them -entwined with all their dearest associations of home and country, and -having all their habits of thought and feeling biased by them, do most -conscientiously defend them. - -There is something in conscientious conviction, even in case of the -worst kind of opinions, which is not without a certain degree of -respectability. That the religion expressed by the declarations which we -have quoted is as truly Antichrist as the religion of the Church of -Rome, it is presumed no sensible person out of the sphere of American -influences will deny. That there may be very sincere Christians under -this system of religion, with all its false principles and all its -disadvantageous influences, liberality must concede. The Church of Rome -has had its Fenelon, its Thomas â Kempis; and the Southern Church, which -has adopted these principles, has had men who have risen above the level -of their system. At the time of the Reformation, and now, the Church of -Rome had in its bosom thousands of praying, devoted, humble Christians, -which, like flowers in the clefts of rocks, could be counted by no eye, -save God’s alone. And so, amid the rifts and glaciers of this horrible -spiritual and temporal despotism, we hope are blooming flowers of -Paradise, patient, prayerful, and self-denying Christians; and it is the -deepest grief, in attacking the dreadful system under which they have -been born and brought up, that violence must be done to their cherished -feelings and associations. In another and better world, perhaps, they -may appreciate the motives of those who do this. - -But now another consideration comes to the mind. These Southern -Christians have been united in ecclesiastical relations with Christians -of the northern and free states, meeting with them, by their -representatives, yearly, in their various ecclesiastical assemblies. One -might hope, in case of such a union, that those debasing views of -Christianity, and that deadness of public sentiment, which were the -inevitable result of an education under the slave system, might have -been qualified by intercourse with Christians in free states, who, -having grown up under free institutions, would naturally be supposed to -feel the utmost abhorrence of such sentiments. One would have supposed -that the church and clergy of the free states would naturally have used -the most strenuous endeavors, by all the means in their power, to -convince their brethren of errors so dishonorable to Christianity, and -tending to such dreadful practical results. One would have supposed -also, that, failing to convince their brethren, they would have felt it -due to Christianity to clear themselves from all complicity with these -sentiments, by the most solemn, earnest and reiterated protests. - -Let us now inquire what has, in fact, been the course of the Northern -church on this subject. - -Previous to making this inquiry, let us review the declarations that -have been made in the Southern church, and see what principles have been -established by them. - -1. That slavery is an innocent and lawful relation, as much as that of -parent and child, husband and wife, or any other lawful relation of -society. (Harmony Pres., S. C.) - -2. That it is consistent with the most fraternal regard for the good of -the slave. (Charleston Union Pres., S. C.) - -3. That masters ought not to be disciplined for selling slaves without -their consent. (New-school Pres. Church, Petersburg, Va.) - -4. That the right to buy, sell, and hold men for purposes of gain, was -given by express permission of God. (James Smylie and his Presbyteries.) - -5. That the laws which forbid the education of the slave are right, and -meet the approbation of the reflecting part of the Christian community. -(Ibid.) - -6. That the fact of slavery is not a question of morals at all, but is -purely one of political economy. (Charleston Baptist Association.) - -7. The right of masters to dispose of the time of their slaves has been -distinctly recognized by the Creator of all things. (Ibid.) - -8. That slavery, as it exists in these United States, is not a moral -evil. (Georgia Conference, Methodist.) - -9. That, without a new revelation from heaven, no man is entitled to -pronounce slavery wrong. - -10. That the separation of slaves by sale should be regarded as -separation by death, and the parties allowed to marry again. (Shiloh -Baptist Ass., and Savannah River Ass.) - -11. That the testimony of colored members of the churches shall not be -taken against a white person. (Methodist Church.) - -In addition, it has been plainly avowed, by the expressed principles and -practice of Christians of various denominations, that they regard it -right and proper to put down all inquiry upon this subject by Lynch law. - -One would have imagined that these principles were sufficiently -extraordinary, as coming from the professors of the religion of Christ, -to have excited a good deal of attention in their Northern brethren. It -also must be seen that, as principles, they are principles of very -extensive application, underlying the whole foundations of religion and -morality. If not true, they were certainly heresies of no ordinary -magnitude, involving no ordinary results. Let us now return to our -inquiry as to the course of the Northern church in relation to them. - ------ - -Footnote 24: - - Birney’s pamphlet - - - - - CHAPTER II. - - -In the first place, have any of these opinions ever been treated in the -church as heresies, and the teachers of them been subjected to the -censures with which it is thought proper to visit heresy? - -After a somewhat extended examination upon the subject, the writer has -been able to discover but one instance of this sort. It may be possible -that such cases have existed in other denominations, which have escaped -inquiry. - -A clergyman in the Cincinnati N. S. Presbytery maintained the doctrine -that slaveholding was justified by the Bible, and for persistence in -teaching this sentiment was suspended by that presbytery. He appealed to -Synod, and the decision was confirmed by the Cincinnati Synod. The New -School General Assembly, however, reversed this decision of the -presbytery, and restored the standing of the clergyman. The presbytery, -on its part, refused to receive him back, and he was received into the -Old School Church. - -The Presbyterian Church has probably exceeded all other churches of the -United States in its zeal for doctrinal opinions. This church has been -shaken and agitated to its very foundation with questions of heresy; -but, except in this individual case, it is not known that any of these -principles which have been asserted by Southern Presbyterian bodies and -individuals have ever been discussed in its General Assembly as matters -of heresy. - -About the time that Smylie’s pamphlet came out, the Presbyterian Church -was convulsed with the trial of the Rev. Albert Barnes for certain -alleged heresies. These heresies related to the federal headship of -Adam, the propriety of imputing his sin to all his posterity, and the -question whether men have any ability of any kind to obey the -commandments of God. - -For advancing certain sentiments on these topics, Mr. Barnes was -silenced by the vote of the synod to which he belonged, and his trial in -the General Assembly on these points was the all-engrossing topic in the -Presbyterian Church for some time. The Rev. Dr. L. Beecher went through -a trial with reference to similar opinions. During all this time, no -notice was taken of the heresy, if such it be, that the right to buy, -sell, and hold men for purposes of gain, was expressly given by God; -although that heresy was publicly promulgated in the same Presbyterian -Church, by Mr. Smylie, and the presbyteries with which he was connected. - -If it be accounted for by saying that the question of slavery is a -question of _practical morals_, and not of dogmatic theology, we are -then reminded that questions of morals of far less magnitude have been -discussed with absorbing interest. - -The Old School Presbyterian Church, in whose communion the greater part -of the slave-holding Presbyterians of the South are found, has never -felt called upon to discipline its members for upholding a system which -denies legal marriage to all slaves. Yet this church was agitated to its -very foundation by the discussion of a question of morals which an -impartial observer would probably consider of far less magnitude, -namely, whether a man might lawfully marry his deceased wife’s sister. -For the time, all the strength and attention of the church seemed -concentrated upon this important subject. The trial went from Presbytery -to Synod, and from Synod to General Assembly; and ended with deposing a -very respectable minister for this crime. - -Rev. Robert P. Breckenridge, D.D., a member of the Old School Assembly, -has thus described the state of the slave population as to their -marriage relations: “The system of slavery denies to a whole class of -human beings the sacredness of marriage and of home, compelling them to -live in a state of concubinage; for in the eye of the law no colored -slave-man is the husband of any wife in particular, nor any slave-woman -the wife of any husband in particular; no slave-man is the father of any -children in particular, and no slave-child is the child of any parent in -particular.” - -Now, had this church considered the fact that three million men and -women were, by the laws of the land, obliged to live in this manner, as -of equally serious consequence, it is evident, from the ingenuity, -argument, vehemence, Biblical research, and untiring zeal, which they -bestowed on Mr. McQueen’s trial, that they could have made a very strong -case with regard to this also. - -The history of the united action of denominations which included -churches both in the slave and free states is a melancholy -exemplification, to a reflecting mind, of that gradual deterioration of -the moral sense which results from admitting any compromise, however -slight, with an acknowledged sin. The best minds in the world cannot -bear such a familiarity without injury to the moral sense. The facts of -the slave system and of the slave laws, when presented to disinterested -judges in Europe, have excited a universal outburst of horror; yet, in -assemblies composed of the wisest and best clergymen of America, these -things have been discussed from year to year, and yet brought no results -that have, in the slightest degree, lessened the evil. The reason is -this. A portion of the members of these bodies had pledged themselves to -sustain the system, and peremptorily to refuse and put down all -discussion of it; and the other part of the body did not consider this -stand so taken as being of sufficiently vital consequence to authorize -separation. - -Nobody will doubt that, had the Southern members taken such a stand -against the divinity of our Lord, the division would have been immediate -and unanimous; but yet the Southern members do maintain the right to buy -and sell, lease, hire and mortgage, multitudes of men and women, whom, -with the same breath, they declared to be members of their churches and -true Christians. The Bible declares of all such that they are temples of -the Holy Ghost; that they are members of Christ’s body, of his flesh and -bones. Is not the doctrine that men may lawfully sell the members of -Christ, his body, his flesh and bones, for purposes of gain, as really a -heresy as the denial of the divinity of Christ; and is it not a dishonor -to Him who is over all, God blessed forever, to tolerate this dreadful -opinion, with its more dreadful consequences, while the smallest -heresies concerning the imputation of Adam’s sin are pursued with eager -vehemence? If the history of the action of all the bodies thus united -can be traced downwards, we shall find that, by reason of this tolerance -of an admitted sin, the anti-slavery testimony has every year grown -weaker and weaker. If we look over the history of all denominations, we -shall see that at first they used very stringent language with relation -to slavery. This is particularly the case with the Methodist and -Presbyterian bodies, and for that reason we select these two as -examples. The Methodist Society especially, as organized by John Wesley, -was an anti-slavery society, and the Book of Discipline contained the -most positive statutes against slave-holding. The history of the -successive resolutions of the conference of this church is very -striking. In 1780, before the church was regularly organized in the -United States, they resolved as follows: - - The conference acknowledges that slavery is contrary to the laws of - God, man and nature, and hurtful to society; contrary to the - dictates of conscience and true religion; and doing what we would - not others should do unto us. - -In 1784, when the church was fully organized, rules were adopted -prescribing the times at which members who were already slave-holders -should emancipate their slaves. These rules were succeeded by the -following: - - Every person concerned, who will not comply with these rules, shall - have liberty quietly to withdraw from our society within the twelve - months following the notice being given him, as aforesaid; otherwise - the assistants shall exclude him from the society. - - No person holding slaves shall in future be admitted into society, - or to the Lord’s Supper, till he previously comply with these rules - concerning slavery. - - Those who buy, sell, or give [slaves] away, unless on purpose to - free them, shall be expelled immediately. - -In 1801: - - We declare that we are more than ever convinced of the great evil of - African slavery, which still exists in these United States. - - Every member of the society who sells a slave shall, immediately - after full proof, be excluded from the society, &c. - - The Annual Conferences are directed to draw up addresses, for the - gradual emancipation of the slaves, to the legislature. Proper - committees shall be appointed by the Annual Conferences, out of the - most respectable of our friends, for the conducting of the business; - and the presiding elders, deacons, and travelling preachers, shall - procure as many proper signatures as possible to the addresses; and - give all the assistance in their power, in every respect, to aid the - committees, and to further the blessed undertaking. Let this be - continued from year to year, till the desired end be accomplished. - -In 1836 let us notice the change. The General Conference held its annual -session in Cincinnati, and resolved as follows: - - _Resolved_, By the delegates of the Annual Conferences in General - Conference assembled, That they are decidedly opposed to modern - abolitionism, and _wholly disclaim any right, wish, or intention_, - to interfere in the civil and political relation between master and - slave, as it exists in the slave-holding states of this Union. - -These resolutions were passed by a very large majority. An address was -received from the Wesleyan Methodist Conference in England, -affectionately remonstrating on the subject of slavery. The Conference -refused to publish it. In the pastoral address to the churches are these -passages: - - It cannot be unknown to you that the question of slavery in the - United States, by the constitutional compact which binds us together - as a nation, is left to be regulated by the several state - legislatures themselves; and thereby is put beyond the control of - the general government, as well as that of all ecclesiastical - bodies; it being manifest that in the slave-holding states - themselves the entire responsibility of its existence, or - non-existence, rests with those state legislatures. * * * * These - facts, which are only mentioned here as a reason for the friendly - admonition which we wish to give you, constrain us, as your pastors, - who are called to watch over your souls as they must give account, - to exhort you to abstain from all abolition movements and - associations, and to refrain from patronizing any of their - publications, &c. * * - -The subordinate conferences showed the same spirit. - -In 1836 the New York Annual Conference resolved that no one should be -elected a deacon or elder in the church, unless he would give a pledge -to the church that he would refrain from discussing this subject.[25] - -In 1838 the conference resolved: - - As the sense of this conference, that any of its members, or - probationers, who shall patronize _Zion’s Watchman_, either by - writing in commendation of its character, by circulating it, - recommending it to our people, or procuring subscribers, or by - collecting or remitting moneys, shall be deemed guilty of - indiscretion, and dealt with accordingly. - -It will be recollected that _Zion’s Watchman_ was edited by Le Roy -Sunderland, for whose abduction the State of Alabama had offered fifty -thousand dollars. - -In 1840, the General Conference at Baltimore passed the resolution that -we have already quoted, forbidding preachers to allow colored persons to -give testimony in their churches. It has been computed that about eighty -thousand people were deprived of the right of testimony by this act. -This Methodist Church subsequently broke into a Northern and Southern -Conference. The Southern Conference is avowedly all pro-slavery, and the -Northern Conference has still in its communion slave-holding conferences -and members. - -Of the Northern conferences, one of the largest, the Baltimore, passed -the following: - - _Resolved_, That this conference disclaims having any fellowship - with abolitionism. On the contrary, while it is determined to - maintain its well-known and long-established position, by keeping - the travelling preachers composing its own body free from slavery, - it is also determined not to hold connection with any ecclesiastical - body that shall make non-slaveholding a condition of membership in - the church; but to stand by and maintain the discipline as it is. - -The following extract is made from an address of the Philadelphia Annual -Conference to the societies under its care, dated Wilmington Del., April -7, 1847: - - If the plan of separation gives us the pastoral care of you, it - remains to inquire whether we have done anything, as a conference, - or as men, to forfeit your confidence and affection. We are not - advised that even in the great excitement which has distressed you - for some months past, any one has impeached our moral conduct, or - charged us with unsoundness in doctrine, or corruption or tyranny in - the administration of discipline. But we learn that the simple cause - of the unhappy excitement among you is, that some suspect us, or - affect to suspect us, of being abolitionists. Yet no particular act - of the conference, or any particular member thereof, is adduced, as - the ground of the erroneous and injurious suspicion. We would ask - you, brethren, whether the conduct of our ministry among you for - sixty years past ought not to be sufficient to protect us from this - charge. Whether the question we have been accustomed, for a few - years past, to put to candidates for admission among us, namely, - _Are you an abolitionist?_ and, without each one answered in the - negative, he was not received, ought not to protect us from the - charge. Whether the action of the last conference on this particular - matter ought not to satisfy any fair and candid mind that we are - not, and do not desire to be, abolitionists. * * * We cannot see how - we can be regarded as abolitionists, without the ministers of the - Methodist Episcopal Church South being considered in the same light. - - * * * * * - - Wishing you all heavenly benedictions, we are, dear brethren, yours, - in Christ Jesus, - - J. P. DURBIN, } - J. KENNADAY, } - IGNATIUS T. COOPER, } _Comm._ - WILLIAM H. GILDER, } - JOSEPH CASTLE, } - -These facts sufficiently define the position of the Methodist Church. -The history is melancholy, but instructive. The history of the -Presbyterian Church is also of interest. - -In 1793, the following note to the eighth commandment was inserted in -the Book of Discipline, as expressing the doctrine of the church upon -slave-holding: - - 1 Tim. 1:10. The law is made for MAN-STEALERS. This crime among the - Jews exposed the perpetrators of it to capital punishment, Exodus - 21:15; and the apostle here classes them with sinners of the first - rank. The word he uses, in its original import, comprehends all who - are concerned in bringing any of the human race into slavery, or _in - retaining them in it_. _Hominum fures, qui servos vel liberos - abducunt, retinent, vendunt, vel emunt._ Stealers of men are all - those who bring off slaves or freemen, and KEEP, SELL, or BUY THEM. - To steal a free man, says Grotius, is the highest kind of theft. In - other instances, we only steal human property; but when we steal or - retain men in slavery, we seize those who, in common with ourselves, - are constituted by the original grant lords of the earth. - -No rules of church discipline were enforced, and members whom this -passage declared guilty of this crime remained undisturbed in its -communion, as ministers and elders. This inconsistency was obviated in -1816 by expunging the passage from the Book of Discipline. In 1818 it -adopted an expression of its views on slavery. This document is a long -one, conceived and written in a very Christian spirit. The Assembly’s -Digest says, p. 341, that it was _unanimously_ adopted. The following is -its testimony as to the nature of slavery: - - We consider the voluntary enslaving of one part of the human race by - another as a gross violation of the most precious and sacred rights - of human nature: as utterly inconsistent with the law of God, which - requires us to love our neighbor as ourselves; and as totally - irreconcilable with the spirit and principles of the gospel of - Christ, which enjoin that “all things whatsoever ye would that men - should do to you, do ye even so to them.” Slavery creates a paradox - in the moral system—it exhibits rational, accountable, and immortal - beings in such circumstances as scarcely to leave them the power of - moral action. It exhibits them as dependent on the will of others, - whether they shall receive religious instruction; whether they shall - know and worship the true God; whether they shall enjoy the - ordinances of the gospel; whether they shall perform the duties and - cherish the endearments of husbands and wives, parents and children, - neighbors and friends; whether they shall preserve their chastity - and purity, or regard the dictates of justice and humanity. Such are - some of the consequences of slavery,—consequences not imaginary, but - which connect themselves with its very existence. The evils to which - the slave is _always_ exposed often take place in fact, and in their - very worst degree and form: and where all of them do not take - place,—as we rejoice to say that in many instances, through the - influence of the principles of humanity and religion on the minds of - masters, they do not,—still the slave is deprived of his natural - right, degraded as a human being, and exposed to the danger of - passing into the hands of a master who may inflict upon him all the - hardships and injuries which inhumanity and avarice may suggest. - -This language was surely decided, and it was _unanimously_ adopted by -slave-holders and non-slaveholders. Certainly one might think the time -of redemption was drawing nigh. The declaration goes on to say: - - It is manifestly the duty of all Christians who enjoy the light of - the present day, when the inconsistency of slavery both with the - dictates of humanity and religion has been demonstrated and is - _generally seen and acknowledged_, to use honest, earnest, unwearied - endeavors to correct the errors of former times, and as speedily as - possible to efface this blot on our holy religion, and to OBTAIN THE - COMPLETE ABOLITION of slavery throughout Christendom and throughout - the world. - -Here we have the Presbyterian Church, slave-holding and -non-slaveholding, virtually formed into one great _abolition society_, -as we have seen the Methodist was. - -The assembly then goes on to state that the slaves are not _at present_ -prepared to be free,—that they tenderly sympathize with the portion of -the church and country that has had this evil entailed upon them, where -as they say “a great and the most virtuous part of the community ABHOR -SLAVERY and wish ITS EXTERMINATION.” But they exhort them to commence -immediately the work of instructing slaves, with a view to preparing -them for freedom; and to let no greater delay take place than “a regard -to public welfare _indispensably_ demands.” “To be governed by no other -considerations than an _honest and impartial regard to the happiness of -the injured party, uninfluenced by the expense and inconvenience_ which -such regard may involve.” It warns against “_unduly extending this plea -of necessity_,” against making it a cover for the _love and practice of -slavery_. It ends by recommending that any one who shall sell a -fellow-Christian without his consent be immediately disciplined and -suspended. - -If we consider that this was _unanimously_ adopted by slave-holders and -all, and grant, as we certainly do, that it was adopted in all honesty -and good faith, we shall surely expect something from it. We should -expect forthwith the organizing of a set of common schools for the -slave-children; for an efficient religious ministration; for an entire -discontinuance of trading in Christian slaves; for laws which make the -family relations sacred. Was any such thing done or attempted? Alas! Two -years after this came the ADMISSION OF MISSOURI, and the increase of -demand in the southern slave-market and the internal slave-trade. -Instead of schoolteachers, they had slave-traders; instead of gathering -_schools_, they gathered _slave-coffles_; instead of building -school-houses, they built slave-pens and slave-prisons, jails, -barracoons, factories, or whatever the trade pleases to term them; and -so went the plan of gradual emancipation. - -In 1834, sixteen years after, a committee of the Synod of Kentucky, in -which state slavery is generally said to exist in its mildest form, -appointed to make a report on the condition of the slaves, gave the -following picture of their condition. First, as to their spiritual -condition, they say: - - After making all reasonable allowances, our colored population can - be considered, at the most, but semi-heathen. As to their temporal - estate—Brutal stripes, and all the various kinds of personal - indignities, are not the only species of cruelty which slavery - licenses. The law does not recognize the family relations of the - slave, and extends to him no protection in the enjoyment of domestic - endearments. The members of a slave-family may be forcibly - separated, so that they shall never more meet until the final - judgment. And cupidity often induces the masters to practise what - the law allows. Brothers and sisters, parents and children, husbands - and wives, are torn asunder, and permitted to see each other no - more. _These acts are daily occurring in the midst of us._ The - shrieks and the agony often witnessed on such occasions proclaim - with a trumpet-tongue the iniquity and cruelty of our system. The - cries of these sufferers go up to the ears of the Lord of Sabaoth. - _There is not a neighborhood where these heart-rending scenes are - not displayed._ There is not a village or road that does not behold - the sad procession of manacled outcasts, whose chains and mournful - countenances tell that they are exiled by force from all that their - hearts hold dear. Our church, years ago, raised its voice of solemn - warning against this flagrant violation of every principle of mercy, - justice, and humanity. Yet we blush to announce to you and to the - world that this warning has been often disregarded, even by those - who hold to our communion. _Cases have occurred, in our own - denomination, where professors of the religion of mercy have torn - the mother from her children, and sent her into a merciless and - returnless exile._ Yet acts of discipline have rarely followed such - conduct. - -Hon. James G. Birney, for years a resident of Kentucky, in his pamphlet, -amends the word _rarely_ by substituting _never_. What could show more -plainly the utter inefficiency of the past act of the Assembly, and the -necessity of adopting some measures more efficient? In 1835, therefore, -the subject was urged upon the General Assembly, entreating them to -carry out the principles and designs they had avowed in 1818. - -Mr. Stuart, of Illinois, in a speech he made upon the subject, said: - - I hope this assembly are prepared to come out fully and declare - their sentiments, that slave-holding is a most flagrant and heinous - SIN. Let us not pass it by in this indirect way, while so many - thousands and tens of thousands of our fellow-creatures are writhing - under the lash, often inflicted, too, by ministers and elders of the - Presbyterian Church. - - * * * * * - - In this church a man may take a free-born child, force it away from - its parents, to whom God gave it in charge, saying “Bring it up for - me,” and sell it as a beast or hold it in perpetual bondage, and not - only escape corporeal punishment, but really be esteemed an - excellent Christian. Nay, even ministers of the gospel and doctors - of divinity may engage in this unholy traffic, and yet sustain their - high and holy calling. - - * * * * * - - Elders, ministers, and doctors of divinity, are, with both hands, - engaged in the practice. - -One would have thought facts like these, stated in a body of Christians, -were enough to wake the dead; but, alas! we can become accustomed to -very awful things. No action was taken upon these remonstrances, except -to refer them to a committee, to be reported on at the next session, in -1836. - -The moderator of the assembly in 1836 was a slave-holder, Dr. T. S. -Witherspoon, the same who said to the editor of the _Emancipator_, “I -draw my warrant from the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament to hold -my slaves in bondage. The principle of holding the heathen in bondage is -recognized by God. When the tardy process of the law is too long in -redressing our grievances, we at the South have adopted the summary -process of Judge Lynch.” - -The majority of the committee appointed made a report as follows: - - Whereas the subject of slavery is inseparably connected with the - laws of many of the states in this Union, with which it is by no - means proper for an ecclesiastical judicature to interfere, and - involves many considerations in regard to which great diversity of - opinion and intensity of feeling are known to exist in the churches - represented in this Assembly; And whereas there is great reason to - believe that any action on the part of this Assembly, in reference - to this subject, would tend to distract and divide our churches, and - would probably in no wise promote the benefit of those whose welfare - is immediately contemplated in the memorials in question. - - Therefore, _Resolved_, - - 1. That it is not expedient for the Assembly to take any further - order in relation to this subject. - - 2. That as the _notes_ which have been expunged from our public - formularies, and which some of the memorials referred to the - committee request to have restored, were introduced irregularly, - never had the sanction of the church, and therefore never possessed - any authority, the General Assembly has no power, nor would they - think it expedient, to assign them a place in the authorized - standards of the church. - -The minority of the committee, the Rev. Messrs. Dickey and Beman, -reported as follows: - - _Resolved_, - - 1. That the buying, selling, or holding a human being as property, - is in the sight of God a heinous sin, and ought to subject the doer - of it to the censures of the church. - - 2. That it is the duty of every one, and especially of every - Christian, who may be involved in this sin, to free himself from its - entanglement without delay. - - 3. That it is the duty of every one, especially of every Christian, - in the meekness and firmness of the gospel to plead the cause of the - poor and needy, by testifying against the principle and practice of - slave-holding; and to use his best endeavors to deliver the church - of God from the evil; and to bring about the emancipation of the - slaves in these United States, and throughout the world. - -The slave-holding delegates, to the number of forty-eight, met _apart_, -and _Resolved_, - - That if the General Assembly shall undertake to exercise authority - on the subject of slavery, so as to make it an immorality, or shall - in any way declare that Christians are criminal in holding slaves, - that a declaration shall be presented by the Southern delegation - declining their jurisdiction in the case, and our determination not - to submit to such decision. - -In view of these conflicting reports, the Assembly resolved as follows: - - Inasmuch as the constitution of the Presbyterian Church, in its - preliminary and fundamental principles, declares that no church - judicatories ought to pretend to make laws to bind the conscience - _in virtue of their own authority_; and as the urgency of the - business of the Assembly, and the shortness of the time during which - they can continue in session, render it impossible to deliberate and - decide judiciously on the subject of slavery in its relation to the - church; therefore, _Resolved_, That this whole subject be - indefinitely postponed. - -The amount of the slave-trade at the time when the General Assembly -refused to act upon the subject of slavery at all, may be inferred from -the following items. The _Virginia Times_, in an article published in -this very year of 1836, estimated the number of slaves exported for sale -from that state alone, during the twelve months preceding, at forty -thousand. The _Natchez_ (Miss.) _Courier_ says that in the same year the -States of Alabama, Missouri and Arkansas, received two hundred and fifty -thousand slaves from the more northern states. If we deduct from these -all who may be supposed to have emigrated with their masters, still what -an immense trade is here indicated! - -The Rev. James H. Dickey, who moved the resolutions above presented, had -seen some sights which would naturally incline him to wish the Assembly -to take some action on the subject, as appears from the following -account of a slave-coffle, from his pen. - - In the summer of 1822, as I returned with my family from a visit - to the Barrens of Kentucky, I witnessed a scene such as I never - witnessed before, and such as I hope never to witness again. - Having passed through Paris, in Bourbon county, Ky., the sound of - music (beyond a little rising ground) attracted my attention. I - looked forward, and saw the flag of my country waving. Supposing - that I was about to meet a military parade, I drove hastily to the - side of the road; and, having gained the ascent, I discovered (I - suppose) about forty black men all chained together after the - following manner: each of them was handcuffed, and they were - arranged in rank and file. A chain perhaps forty feet long, the - size of a fifth-horse-chain, was stretched between the two ranks, - to which short chains were joined, which connected with the - handcuffs. Behind them were, I suppose, about thirty women, in - double rank, the couples tied hand to hand. A solemn sadness sat - on every countenance, and the dismal silence of this march of - despair was interrupted only by the sound of two violins; yes, as - if to add insult to injury, the foremost couple were furnished - with a violin apiece; the second couple were ornamented with - cockades, while near the centre waved the republican flag, carried - by a hand _literally in chains_. I could not forbear exclaiming to - the lordly driver who rode at his ease along-side, “Heaven will - curse that man who engages in such traffic, and the government - that protects him in it!” I pursued my journey till evening, and - put up for the night, when I mentioned the scene I had witnessed. - “Ah!” cried my landlady, “that is my brother!” From her I learned - that his name is Stone, of Bourbon county, Kentucky, in - partnership with one Kinningham, of Paris; and that a few days - before he had purchased a negro-woman from a man in Nicholas - county. She refused to go with him; he attempted to compel her, - but she defended herself. Without further ceremony, he stepped - back, and, by a blow on the side of her head with the butt of his - whip, brought her to the ground; he tied her, and drove her off. I - learned further, that besides the drove I had seen, there were - about thirty shut up in the Paris prison for safe-keeping, to be - added to the company, and that they were designed for the Orleans - market. And to this they are doomed for no other crime than that - of a black skin and curled locks. Shall I not visit for these - things? saith the Lord. Shall not my soul be avenged on such a - nation as this? - -It cannot be possible that these Christian men realized these things, -or, at most, they realized them just as we realize the most tremendous -truths of religion, dimly and feebly. - -Two years after, the General Assembly, by a sudden and very unexpected -movement, passed a vote exscinding, without trial, from the communion of -the church, four synods, comprising the most active and decided -anti-slavery portions of the church. The reasons alleged were, doctrinal -differences and ecclesiastical practices inconsistent with -Presbyterianism. By this act about five hundred ministers and sixty -thousand members were cut off from the Presbyterian Church. - -That portion of the Presbyterian Church called New School, considering -this act unjust, refused to assent to it, joined the exscinded synods, -and formed themselves into the New School General Assembly. In this -communion only three slave-holding presbyteries remained. In the old -there were between thirty and forty. - -The course of the Old School Assembly, after the separation, in relation -to the subject of slavery, may be best expressed by quoting one of their -resolutions, passed in 1845. Having some decided anti-slavery members in -its body, and being, moreover, addressed on the subject of slavery by -associated bodies, they presented, on this year, the following -deliberate statement of their policy. (Minutes for 1845, p. 18.) - - _Resolved_, 1st. That the General Assembly of the Presbyterian - Church in the United States was originally organized, and has since - continued the bond of union in the church, upon the _conceded - principle that the existence of domestic slavery, under the - circumstances in which it is found in the Southern portion of the - country, is no bar to Christian communion_. - - 2. That the petitions that ask the Assembly to make the holding of - slaves in itself a matter of discipline do virtually require this - judicatory to _dissolve itself_, and _abandon the organization_ - under which, by the divine blessing, it has so long prospered. The - tendency is evidently to separate the Northern from the Southern - portion of the church,—a result which every good Christian must - deplore, as tending to the dissolution of the Union of our beloved - country, and which every enlightened Christian will oppose, as - bringing about a ruinous and unnecessary schism between brethren who - maintain a common faith. - - _Yeas, Ministers and Elders, 168._ - _Nays, Ministers and Elders, 13._ - -It is scarcely necessary to add a comment to this very explicit -declaration. It is the plainest possible disclaimer of any protest -against slavery; the plainest possible statement that the existence of -the ecclesiastical organization is of more importance than all the moral -and social considerations which are involved in a full defence and -practice of American slavery. - -The next year a large number of petitions and remonstrances were -presented, requesting the Assembly to utter additional testimony against -slavery. - -In reply to the petitions, the General Assembly reäffirmed all their -former testimonies on the subject of slavery for sixty years back, and -also affirmed that the previous year’s declaration must not be -understood as a retraction of that testimony; in other words, they -expressed it as their opinion, in the words of 1818, that slavery is -“WHOLLY OPPOSED TO THE LAW OF GOD,” and “TOTALLY IRRECONCILABLE WITH THE -PRECEPTS OF THE GOSPEL OF CHRIST;” and yet that they “had formed their -church organization upon the _conceded principle_ that the existence of -it, under the circumstances in which it is found in the Southern States -of the Union, is no bar to Christian communion.” - -Some members protested against this action. (Minutes, 1846. Overture No. -17.) - -Great hopes were at first entertained of the New School body. As a body, -it was composed mostly of anti-slavery men. It had in it those synods -whose anti-slavery opinions and actions had been, to say the least, one -very efficient cause for their excision from the church. It had only -three slave-holding presbyteries. The power was all in its own hands. -Now, if ever, was their time to cut this loathsome incumbrance wholly -adrift, and stand up, in this age of concession and conformity to the -world, a purely protesting church, free from all complicity with this -most dreadful national immorality. - -On the first session of the General Assembly, this course was most -vehemently urged, by many petitions and memorials. These memorials were -referred to a committee of decided anti-slavery men. The argument on one -side was, that the time was now come to take decided measures to cut -free wholly from all pro-slavery complicity, and avow their principles -with decision, even though it should repel all such churches from their -communion as were not prepared for immediate emancipation. - -On the other hand, the majority of the committee were urged by opposing -considerations. The brethren from slave states made to them -representations somewhat like these: “Brethren, our hearts are with you. -We are with you in faith, in charity, in prayer. We sympathized in the -injury that had been done you by excision. We stood by you then, and are -ready to stand by you still. We have no sympathy with the party that -have expelled you, and we do not wish to go back to them. As to this -matter of slavery, we do not differ from you. We consider it an evil. We -mourn and lament over it. We are trying, by gradual and peaceable means, -to exclude it from our churches. We are going as far in advance of the -sentiment of our churches as we consistently can. We cannot come up to -more decided action without losing our hold over them, and, as we think, -throwing back the cause of emancipation. If you begin in this decided -manner, we cannot hold our churches in the union; they will divide, and -go to the Old School.” - -Here was a very strong plea, made by good and sincere men. It was an -appeal, too, to the most generous feelings of the heart. It was, in -effect, saying, “Brothers, we stood by you, and fought your battles, -when everything was going against you; and, now that you have the power -in your hands, are you going to use it so as to cast us out?” - -These men, strong anti-slavery men as they were, were affected. One -member of the committee foresaw and feared the result. He felt and -suggested that the course proposed conceded the whole question. The -majority thought, on the whole, that it was best to postpone the -subject. The committee reported that the applicants, for reasons -satisfactory to themselves, had withdrawn their papers. - -The next year, in 1839, the subject was resumed; and it was again urged -that the Assembly should take high and decided and unmistakable ground; -and certainly, if we consider that all this time not a single church had -emancipated its slaves, and that the power of the institution was -everywhere stretching and growing and increasing, it would certainly -seem that something more efficient was necessary than a general -understanding that the church agreed with the testimony delivered in -1818. It was strongly represented that it was time something was done. -This year the Assembly decided to refer the subject to presbyteries, to -do what they deemed advisable. The words employed were these: “Solemnly -referring the whole subject to the lower judicatories, to take such -action as in their judgment is most judicious, and adapted to remove the -evil.” This of course deferred, but did not avert, the main question. - -This brought, in 1840, a much larger number of memorials and petitions; -and very strong attempts were made by the abolitionists to obtain some -decided action. - -The committee this year referred to what had been done last year, and -declared it inexpedient to do anything further. The subject was -indefinitely postponed. At this time it was resolved that the Assembly -should meet only once in three years.[26] Accordingly, it did not meet -till 1843. In 1843, several memorials were again presented, and some -resolutions offered to the Assembly, of which this was one (Minutes of -the General Assembly for 1843, p. 15): - - _Resolved_, That we affectionately and earnestly urge upon the - Ministers, Sessions, Presbyteries and Synods connected with this - Assembly, that they treat this as all other sins of great magnitude; - and, by a diligent, kind and faithful application of the means which - God has given them, by instruction, remonstrance, reproof and - effective discipline, seek to purify the church of this great - iniquity. - -This resolution they declined. They passed the following: - - Whereas there is in this Assembly great diversity of opinion as to - the proper and best mode of action on the subject of slavery; and - whereas, in such circumstances, any expression of sentiment would - carry with it but little weight, as it would be passed by a small - majority, and must operate to produce alienation and division; and - whereas the Assembly of 1839, with great unanimity, referred this - whole subject to the lower judicatories, to take such order as in - their judgment might be adapted to remove the evil;—_Resolved_, That - the Assembly do not think it for the edification of the church for - this body to take any action on the subject. - -They, however, passed the following: - - _Resolved_, That the fashionable amusement of promiscuous dancing is - so entirely unscriptural, and eminently and exclusively that of “the - world which lieth in wickedness,” and so wholly inconsistent with - the spirit of Christ, and with that propriety of Christian - deportment and that purity of heart which his followers are bound to - maintain, as to render it not only improper and injurious for - professing Christians either to partake in it, or to qualify their - children for it, by teaching them the _art_, but also to call for - the faithful and judicious exercise of discipline on the part of - Church Sessions, when any of the members of their churches have been - guilty. - -Three years after, in 1846, the General Assembly published the following -declaration of sentiment: - - 1. The system of slavery, as it exists in these United States, - viewed either in the laws of the several states which sanction it, - or in its actual operation and results in society, is intrinsically - unrighteous and oppressive; and is opposed to the prescriptions of - the law of God, to the spirit and precepts of the gospel, and to the - best interests of humanity. - - 2. The testimony of the General Assembly, from A. D. 1787 to A. D. - 1818, inclusive, has condemned it; and it remains still the recorded - testimony of the Presbyterian Church of these United States against - it, from which we do not recede. - - 3. We cannot, therefore, withhold the expression of our deep regret - that slavery should be continued and countenanced by any of the - members of our churches; and we do earnestly exhort both them and - the churches among whom it exists to use all means in their power to - put it away from them. Its perpetuation among them cannot fail to be - regarded by multitudes, influenced by their example, as sanctioning - the system portrayed in it, and maintained by the statutes of the - several slave-holding states, wherein they dwell. Nor can any mere - mitigation of its severity, prompted by the humanity and Christian - feeling of any who continue to hold their fellow-men in bondage, be - regarded either as a testimony against the system, or as in the - least degree changing its essential character. - - 4. But, while we believe that many evils incident to the system - render it important and obligatory to bear testimony against it, yet - would we not undertake to determine the degree of moral turpitude on - the part of individuals involved by it. This will doubtless be found - to vary, in the sight of God, according to the degree of light and - other circumstances pertaining to each. In view of all the - embarrassments and obstacles in the way of emancipation interposed - by the statutes of the slave-holding states, and by the social - influence affecting the views and conduct of those involved in it, - we cannot pronounce a judgment of general and promiscuous - condemnation, implying _that_ destitution of Christian principle and - feeling which should exclude from the table of the Lord all who - should stand in the legal relation of masters to slaves, or justify - us in withholding our ecclesiastical and Christian fellowship from - them. We rather sympathize with, and would seek to succor them in - their embarrassments, believing that separation and secession among - the churches and their members are not the methods God approves and - sanctions for the reformation of his church. - - 5. While, therefore, we feel bound to bear our testimony against - slavery, and to exhort our beloved brethren to remove it from them - as speedily as possible, by all appropriate and available means, we - do at the same time condemn all divisive and schismatical measures, - tending to destroy the unity and disturb the peace of our church, - and deprecate the spirit of denunciation and inflicting severities, - which would cast from the fold those whom we are rather bound, by - the spirit of the gospel, and the obligations of our covenant, to - instruct, to counsel, to exhort, and thus to lead in the ways of - God; and towards whom, even though they may err, we ought to - exercise forbearance and brotherly love. - - 6. As a court of our Lord Jesus Christ, we possess no legislative - authority; and as the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church, - we possess no judiciary authority. We have no right to institute and - prescribe a test of Christian character and church membership, not - recognized and sanctioned in the sacred Scriptures, and in our - standards, by which we have agreed to walk. We must leave, - therefore, this matter with the sessions, presbyteries and - synods,—the judicatories to whom pertains the right of judgment to - act in the administration of discipline, as they may judge it to be - their duty, constitutionally subject to the General Assembly only in - the way of general review and control. - -When a boat is imperceptibly going down stream on a gentle but strong -current, we can see its passage only by comparing objects with each -other on the shore. - -If this declaration of the New-school General Assembly be compared with -that of 1818, it will be found to be far less outspoken and decided in -its tone, while in the mean time slavery had become four-fold more -powerful. In 1818 the Assembly states that the most virtuous portion of -the community in slave states abhor slavery, and wish its -_extermination_. In 1846 the Assembly states with regret that slavery is -still continued and countenanced by any of the members of our churches. -The testimony of 1818 has the frank, outspoken air of a unanimous -document, where there was but one opinion. That of 1846 has the guarded -air of a compromise ground out between the upper and nether millstone of -two contending parties,—it is winnowed, guarded, cautious and careful. - -Considering the document, however, in itself, it is certainly a very -good one; and it would be a very proper expression of Christian feeling, -had it related to an evil of any common magnitude, and had it been -uttered in any common crisis; but let us consider what was the evil -attacked, and what was the crisis. Consider the picture which the -Kentucky Synod had drawn of the actual state of things among them:—“The -members of slave-families separated, never to meet again until the final -judgment; brothers and sisters, parents and children, husbands and -wives, daily torn asunder, and permitted to see each other no more; the -shrieks and agonies, proclaiming as with trumpet-tongue the iniquity and -cruelty of the system; the cries of the sufferers going up to the ears -of the Lord of Sabaoth not a neighborhood where those heart-rending -scenes are not displayed; not a village or road without the sad -procession of manacled outcasts, whose chains and mournful countenances -tell they are exiled by force from all that heart holds dear; Christian -professors rending the mother from her child, to sell her into -returnless exile.” - -This was the language of the Kentucky Synod fourteen years before; and -those scenes had been going on ever since, and are going on now, as the -advertisements of every Southern paper show; and yet the church of -Christ since 1818 had done nothing but express regret, and hold grave -metaphysical discussions as to whether slavery was an “evil _per se_,” -and censure the rash action of men who, in utter despair of stopping the -evil any other way, tried to stop it by excluding slave-holders from the -church. As if it were not better that one slave-holder in a hundred -should stay out of the church, if he be peculiarly circumstanced, than -that all this horrible agony and iniquity should continually receive the -sanction of the church’s example! Should not a generous Christian man -say, “If church excision will stop this terrible evil, let it come, -though it does bear hardly upon me! Better that I suffer a little -injustice than that this horrible injustice be still credited to the -account of Christ’s church. Shall I embarrass the whole church with my -embarrassments? What if I am careful and humane in my treatment of my -slaves,—what if, in my heart, I have repudiated the wicked doctrine that -they are my property, and am treating them as my brethren,—what am I -then doing? All the credit of my example goes to give force to the -system. The church ought to reprove this fearful injustice, and -reprovers ought to have clean hands: and if I cannot really get clear of -this, I had better keep out of the church till I can.” - -Let us consider, also, the awful intrenchments and strength of the evil -against which this very moderate resolution was discharged. “A money -power of two thousand millions of dollars, held by a small body of able -and desperate men; that body raised into a political aristocracy by -special constitutional provisions: cotton, the product of slave-labor, -forming the basis of our whole foreign commerce, and the commercial -class thus subsidized; the press bought up; the Southern pulpit reduced -to vassalage; the heart of the common people chilled by a bitter -prejudice against the black race; and our leading men bribed by ambition -either to silence or open hostility.”[27] And now, in this condition of -things, the whole weight of these churches goes in support of slavery, -from the fact of their containing slave-holders. No matter if they did -not participate in the abuses of the system; nobody wants them to do -that. The slave-power does not wish professors of religion to separate -families, or over-work their slaves, or do any disreputable thing,—that -is not _their part_. The slave power wants pious, tender-hearted, -generous and humane masters, and must have them, to hold up the system -against the rising moral sense of the world; and the more pious and -generous the better. Slavery could not stand an hour without these men. -What then? These men uphold the system, and that great anti-slavery body -of ministers uphold these men. That is the final upshot of the matter. - -Paul says that we must remember those that are in bonds, as bound with -them. Suppose that this General Assembly had been made up of men who had -been fugitives. Suppose one of them had had his daughters sent to the -New Orleans slave-market, like Emily and Mary Edmondson; that another’s -daughter had died on the overland passage in a slave-coffle, with no -nurse but a slave-driver, like poor Emily Russell; another’s wife died -broken-hearted, when her children were sold out of her bosom; and -another had a half-crazed mother, whose hair had been turned prematurely -white with agony. Suppose these scenes of agonizing partings, with -shrieks and groans, which the Kentucky Synod says have been witnessed so -long among the slaves, had been seen in these ministers’ families, and -that they had come up to this discussion with their hearts as scarred -and seared as the heart of poor old Paul Edmondson, when he came to New -York to beg for his daughters. Suppose that they saw that the horrid -system by which all this had been done was extending every hour; that -professed Christians in every denomination at the South declared it to -be an appointed institution of God; that all the wealth, and all the -rank, and all the fashion, in the country, were committed in its favor; -and that they, like Aaron, were sent to stand between the living and the -dead, that the plague might be stayed. - -Most humbly, most earnestly, let it be submitted to the Christians of -this nation, and to Christians of all nations, for such an hour and such -a crisis was this action sufficient? Did it _do_ anything? Has it had -the least effect in stopping the evil? And, in such a horrible time, -ought not something to be _done_ which will have that effect? - -Let us continue the history. It will be observed that the resolution -concludes by referring the subject to subordinate judicatories. The New -School Presbytery of Cincinnati, in which were the professors of Lane -Seminary, suspended Mr. Graham from the ministry for teaching that the -Bible justified slavery; thereby establishing the principle that this -was a heresy inconsistent with Christian fellowship. The Cincinnati -Synod confirmed this decision. The General Assembly reversed this -decision, and restored Mr. Graham. The delegate from that presbytery -told them that they would _never_ retrace their steps, and so it proved. -The Cincinnati Presbytery refused to receive him back. All honor be to -them for it! Here, at least, was a principle established, as far as the -New School Cincinnati Presbytery is concerned,—and a principle as far as -the General Assembly is concerned. By this act the General Assembly -established the fact that the New School Presbyterian Church _had_ not -decided the Biblical defence of slavery to be a heresy. - -For a man to teach that there are not three persons in the Trinity is -heresy. - -For a man to teach that all these three Persons authorize a system which -even Mahometan princes have abolished from mere natural shame and -conscience, is no heresy! - -The General Assembly proceeded further to show that it considered this -doctrine no heresy, in the year 1846, by inviting the Old School General -Assembly to the celebration of the Lord’s supper with them. Connected -with this Assembly were, not only Dr. Smylie, and all those bodies who, -among them, had justified not only slavery in the abstract, but some of -its worst abuses, by the word of God; yet the New School body thought -these opinions _no heresy_ which should be a bar to Christian communion! - -In 1849 the General Assembly declared[28] that there had been no -information before the Assembly to prove that the members in slave -states were not doing all that they could, in the providence of God, to -bring about the possession and enjoyment of liberty by the enslaved. -This is a remarkable declaration, if we consider that in Kentucky there -are no stringent laws against emancipation, and that, either in Kentucky -or Virginia, the slave can be set free by simply giving him a pass to go -across the line into the next state. - -In 1850 a proposition was presented in the Assembly, by the Rev. H. -Curtiss, of Indiana, to the following effect: “That the enslaving of -men, or holding them as property, is an offence, as defined in our Book -of Discipline, ch. 1, sec. 3; and as such it calls for inquiry, -correction and removal, in the manner prescribed by our rules, and -should be treated with a due regard to all the aggravating or mitigating -circumstances in each case.” Another proposition was from an elder in -Pennsylvania, affirming “that slaveholding was, _prima facie_, an -offence within the meaning of our Book of Discipline, and throwing upon -the slave-holder the burden of showing such circumstances as will take -away from him the guilt of the offence.”[29] - -Both these propositions were rejected. The following was adopted: “That -slavery is fraught with many and great evils; that they deplore the -workings of the whole system of slavery; that the holding of our -fellow-men in the condition of slavery, except in those cases where it -is unavoidable _from the laws of the state, the obligations of -guardianship, or the demands of humanity_, is an offence, in the proper -import of that term, as used in the Book of Discipline, and should be -regarded and treated in the same manner as other offences; also -referring this subject to sessions and presbyteries.” The vote stood -eighty-four to sixteen, under a written protest of the minority, who -were for no action in the present state of the country. Let the reader -again compare this action with that of 1818, and he will see that the -boat is still drifting,—especially as even this moderate testimony was -not unanimous. Again, in this year of 1850, they avow themselves ready -to meet, in a spirit of fraternal kindness and Christian love, any -overtures for reünion which may be made to them by the Old School body. - -In 1850 was passed the cruel fugitive slave law. What deeds were done -then! Then to our free states were transported those scenes of fear and -agony before acted only on slave soil. Churches were broken up. -Trembling Christians fled. Husbands and wives were separated. Then to -the poor African was fulfilled the dread doom denounced on the wandering -Jew,—“Thou shalt find no ease, neither shall the sole of thy foot have -rest; but thy life shall hang in doubt before thee, and thou shalt fear -day and night, and shalt have no assurance of thy life.” Then all the -world went one way,—all the wealth, all the power, all the fashion. Now, -if ever, was a time for Christ’s church to stand up and speak for the -poor. - -The General Assembly met. She was earnestly memorialized to speak out. -Never was a more glorious opportunity to show that the kingdom of Christ -is not of this world. A protest then, from a body so numerous and -respectable, might have saved the American church from the disgrace it -now wears in the eyes of all nations. O that she had once spoken! What -said the Presbyterian Church? She said _nothing_, and the thanks of -political leaders were accorded to her. She had done _all_ they desired. - -Meanwhile, under this course of things, the number of presbyteries in -slave-holding states had increased from _three_ to _twenty_! and this -church has now under its care from fifteen to twenty thousand members in -slave states. - -So much for the course of a decided anti-slavery body in union with a -few slave-holding churches. So much for a most discreet, judicious, -charitable, and brotherly attempt to test by experience the question, -What communion hath light with darkness, and what concord hath Christ -with Belial? The slave-system is darkness,—the slave-system is Belial! -and every attempt to harmonize it with the profession of Christianity -will be just like these. Let it be here recorded, however, that a small -body of the most determined opponents of slavery in the Presbyterian -Church seceded and formed the _Free Presbyterian Church_, whose terms of -communion are, an entire withdrawal from slave-holding. Whether this -principle be a correct one, or not, it is worthy of remark that it was -adopted and carried out by the Quakers,—the only body of Christians -involved in this evil who have ever succeeded in freeing themselves from -it. - -Whether church discipline and censure is an appropriate medium for -correcting such immoralities and heresies in individuals, or not, it is -enough for the case that this has been the established opinion and -practice of the Presbyterian Church. - -If the argument of Charles Sumner be contemplated, it will be seen that -the history of this Presbyterian Church and the history of our United -States have strong points of similarity. In both, at the outset, the -strong influence was anti-slavery, even among slave-holders. In both -there was no difference of opinion as to the desirableness of abolishing -slavery ultimately; both made a concession, the smallest which could -possibly be imagined; both made the concession in all good faith, -contemplating the speedy removal and extinction of the evil; and the -history of both is alike. The little point of concession spread, and -absorbed, and acquired, from year to year, till the United States and -the Presbyterian Church stand _just where they do_. Worse has been the -history of the Methodist Church. The history of the Baptist Church shows -the same principle; and, as to the Episcopal Church, it has never done -anything _but_ comply, either North or South. It differs from all the -rest in that it has never had any resisting element, except now and then -a protestant, like William Jay, a worthy son of him who signed the -Declaration of Independence. - -The slave power has been a united, consistent, steady, uncompromising -principle. The resisting element has been, for many years, wavering, -self-contradictory, compromising. There has been, it is true, a deep, -and ever increasing hostility to slavery in a decided majority of -ministers and church-members in free states, _taken as individuals_. -Nevertheless, the sincere opponents of slavery have been unhappily -divided among themselves as to principles and measures, the extreme -principles and measures of some causing a hurtful reaction in others. -Besides this, other great plans of benevolence have occupied their time -and attention; and the result has been that they have formed altogether -inadequate conceptions of the extent to which the cause of God on earth -is imperilled by American slavery, and of the duty of Christians in such -a crisis. They have never had such a conviction as has aroused, and -called out, and united their energies, on this, as on other great -causes. Meantime, great organic influences in church and state are, much -against their wishes, neutralizing their influence against -slavery,—sometimes even arraying it in its favor. The perfect -inflexibility of the slave-system, and its absolute refusal to allow any -discussion of the subject, has reduced all those who wish to have -religious action in common with slave-holding churches to the -alternative of either giving up the support of the South for that -object, or giving up their protest against slavery. - -This has held out a strong temptation to men who have had benevolent and -laudable objects to carry, and who did not realize the full peril of the -slave-system, nor appreciate the moral power of Christian protest -against it. When, therefore, cases have arisen where the choice lay -between sacrificing what they considered the interests of a good object, -or giving up their right of protest, they have generally preferred the -latter. The decision has always gone in this way: The slave power _will -not_ concede,—we _must_. The South says, “We will take no religious book -that has anti-slavery principles in it.” The Sunday School Union drops -Mr. Gallaudet’s History of Joseph. Why? Because they approve of slavery? -Not at all. They look upon slavery with horror. What then? “The South -will not read our books, if we do not do it. They will not give up, and -we must. We _can do more good_ by introducing gospel truth with this -omission than we can by using our protestant power.” This, probably, was -thought and said honestly. The argument is plausible, but the concession -is none the less real. The slave power has got the victory, and got it -by the very best of men from the very best of motives; and, so that it -has the victory, it cares not how it gets it. And although it may be -said that the amount in each case of these concessions is in itself but -small, yet, when we come to add together all that have been made from -time to time by every different denomination, and by every different -benevolent organization, the aggregate is truly appalling; and, in -consequence of all these united, what are we now reduced to? - -Here we are, in this crisis,—here in this nineteenth century, when all -the world is dissolving and reconstructing on principles of universal -liberty,—we Americans, who are sending our Bibles and missionaries to -Christianize Mahometan lands, are upholding, with all our might and all -our influence, a system of worn-out heathenism which even the Bey of -Tunis has repudiated! - -The Southern church has baptized it in the name of the Father, the Son, -and the Holy Ghost. This worn-out, old, effete system of Roman slavery, -which Christianity once gradually but certainly abolished, has been dug -up out of its dishonored grave, a few laws of extra cruelty, such as -Rome never knew, have been added to it, and now, baptized and sanctioned -by the whole Southern church, it is going abroad conquering and to -conquer! The only power left to the Northern church is the protesting -power; and will they use it? Ask the Tract Society if they will publish -a tract on the sinfulness of slavery, though such tract should be made -up _solely_ from the writings of Jonathan Edwards or Dr. Hopkins! Ask -the Sunday School Union if it will publish the facts about this -heathenism, as it has facts about Burmah and Hindostan! Will they? O, -that they would answer _Yes_! - -Now, it is freely conceded that all these sad results have come in -consequence of the motions and deliberations of good men, who meant -well; but it has been well said that, in critical times, when one wrong -step entails the most disastrous consequences, to _mean_ well is not -enough. - -In the crisis of a disease, to mean well and lose the patient,—in the -height of a tempest, to mean well and wreck the ship,—in a great moral -conflict, to mean well and lose the battle,—these are things to be -lamented. We _are_ wrecking the ship,—we _are_ losing the battle. There -is no mistake about it. A little more sleep, a little more slumber, a -little more folding of the hands to sleep, and we shall awake in the -whirls of that maëlstrom which has but one passage, and that downward. - -There is yet one body of Christians whose influence we have not -considered, and that a most important one,—the Congregationalists of New -England and of the West. From the very nature of Congregationalism, she -cannot give so united a testimony as Presbyterianism; yet -Congregationalism has spoken out on slavery. Individual bodies have -spoken very strongly, and individual clergymen still stronger. They have -remonstrated with the General Assembly, and they have very decided -anti-slavery papers. But, considering the whole state of public -sentiment, considering the critical nature of the exigency, the mighty -sweep and force of all the causes which are going in favor of slavery, -has the vehemence and force of the testimony of Congregationalism, _as a -body_, been equal to the dreadful emergency? It has testimonies on -record, very full and explicit, on the evils of slavery; but testimonies -are not all that is wanted. There is abundance of testimonies on record -in the Presbyterian Church, for that matter, quite as good and quite as -strong as any that have been given by Congregationalism. There have been -quite as many anti-slavery men in the New School Presbyterian Church as -in the Congregational,—quite as strong anti-slavery newspapers; and the -Presbyterian Church has had trial of this matter that the Congregational -Church has never been exposed to. It has had slave-holders in its own -communion; and from this trial Congregationalism has, as yet, been -mostly exempt. Being thus free, ought not the testimony of -Congregationalism to have been more than equal? ought it not to have -done more than testify?—ought it not to have fought for the question? -Like the brave three hundred in Thermopylæ left to defend the liberties -of Greece, when all others had fled, should they not have thrown in -heart and soul, body and spirit? Have they done it? - -Compare the earnestness which Congregationalism has spent upon some -other subjects with the earnestness which has been spent upon this. Dr. -Taylor taught that all sin consists in sinning, and therefore that there -could be no sin till a person had sinned; and Dr. Bushnell teaches some -modifications of the doctrine of the Trinity, nobody seeming to know -precisely what. The South Carolina presbyteries teach that slavery is -approved by God, and sanctioned by the example of patriarchs and -prophets. Supposing these, now, to be all heresies, which of them is the -worst?—which will bring the worst practical results? And, if -Congregationalism had fought this slavery heresy as some of her leaders -fought Dr. Bushnell and Dr. Taylor, would not the style of battle have -been more earnest? Have not both these men been denounced as dangerous -heresiarchs, and as preaching doctrines that tend to infidelity? And -pray where does this other doctrine tend? As sure as there is a God in -heaven is the certainty that, if the Bible really did defend slavery, -fifty years hence would see every honorable and high-minded man an -infidel. - -Has, then, the past influence of Congregationalism been according to the -nature of the exigency and the weight of the subject? But the late -convention of Congregationalists at Albany, including ministers both -from New England and the Western States, did take a stronger and more -decided ground. Here is their resolution: - - _Resolved_, That, in the opinion of this convention, it is the - tendency of the gospel, wherever it is preached in its purity, to - correct all social evils, and to destroy sin in all its forms; and - that it is the duty of Missionary Societies to grant aid to churches - in slave-holding states in the support of such ministers only as - shall so preach the gospel, and inculcate the principles and - application of gospel discipline, that, with the blessing of God, it - shall have its full effect in awakening and enlightening the moral - sense in regard to slavery, and in bringing to pass the speedy - abolition of that stupendous wrong; and that wherever a minister is - not permitted so to preach, he should, in accordance with the - directions of Christ, “depart out of that city.” - -This resolution is a matter of hope and gratulation in many respects. It -was passed in a very large convention,—the largest ever assembled in -this country, fully representing the Congregationalism of the United -States,—and the occasion of its meeting was considered, in some sort, as -marking a new era in the progress of this denomination. - -The resolution was passed unanimously. It is decided in its expression, -and looks to practical action, which is what is wanted. It says it will -support no ministers in slave states whose preaching does not tend to -destroy slavery; and that, if they are not allowed to preach freely on -the subject, they must depart. - -That the ground thus taken will be efficiently sustained, may be -inferred from the fact that the Home Missionary Society, which is the -organ of this body, as well as of the New School Presbyterian Church, -has uniformly taken decided ground upon this subject in their -instructions to missionaries sent into slave states. These instructions -are ably set forth in their report of March, 1853. When application was -made to them, in 1850, from a slave state, for missionaries who would -let slavery alone, they replied to them, in the most decided language, -that it could not be done; that, on the contrary, they must understand -that one grand object in sending missionaries to slave states is, as far -as possible, to redeem society from all forms of sin; and that, “if -utter silence respecting slavery is to be maintained, one of the -greatest inducements to send or retain missionaries in the slave states -is taken away.” - -The society furthermore instructed their missionaries, if they could not -be heard on this subject in one city or village, to go to another; and -they express their conviction that their missionaries have made progress -in awakening the consciences of the people. They say that they do not -suffer the subject to sleep; that they do not let it alone because it is -a delicate subject, but they discharge their consciences, whether their -message be well received, or whether, as in some instances, it subjects -them to opposition, opprobrium, and personal danger; and that where -their endeavors to do this have not been tolerated, they have, in -repeated cases, at great sacrifice, resigned their position, and -departed to other fields. In their report of this year they also quote -letters from ministers in slave-holding states, by which it appears that -they have actually secured, in the face of much opposition, the right -publicly to preach and propagate their sentiments upon this subject. - -One of these missionaries says, speaking of slavery, “We are determined -to remove this great difficulty in our way, or die in the attempt. As -Christians and as freemen, we will suffer this libel on our religion and -institutions to exist no longer.” - -This is noble ground. - -And, while we are recording the protesting power, let us not forget the -Scotch seceders and covenanters, who, with a pertinacity and decision -worthy of the children of the old covenant, have kept themselves clear -from the sin of slavery, and have uniformly protested against it. Let us -remember, also, that the Quakers did pursue a course which actually -freed all their body from the sin of slave-holding, thus showing to all -other denominations that what has been done once can be done again. -Also, in all denominations, individual ministers and Christians, in -hours that have tried men’s souls, have stood up to bear their -testimony. Albert Barnes, in Philadelphia, standing in the midst of a -great, rich church, on the borders of a slave state, and with all those -temptations to complicity which have silenced so many, has stood up, in -calm fidelity, and declared the whole counsel of God upon this subject. -Nay, more: he recorded his solemn protest, that “NO INFLUENCES OUT OF -THE CHURCH COULD SUSTAIN SLAVERY AN HOUR, IF IT WERE NOT SUSTAINED IN -IT;” and, in the last session of the General Assembly, which met at -Washington, disregarding all suggestions of policy, he boldly held the -Presbyterian Church up to the strength of her past declarations, and -declared it her duty to attempt the entire abolition of slavery -throughout the world. So, in darkest hour, Dr. Channing bore a noble -testimony in Boston, for which his name shall ever live. So, in -Illinois, E. P. Lovejoy and Edward Beecher, with their associates, -formed the Illinois Anti-slavery Society, amid mobs and at the hazard of -their lives; and, a few hours after, Lovejoy was shot down in attempting -to defend the twice-destroyed anti-slavery press. In the Old-school -Presbyterian Church, William and Robert Breckenridge, President Young, -and others, have preached in favor of emancipation in Kentucky. Le Roy -Sunderland, in the Methodist Church, kept up his newspaper under ban of -his superiors, and with a bribe on his life of fifty thousand dollars, -Torrey, meekly patient, died in a prison, saying, “If I am a guilty man -I am a very guilty one, for I have helped four hundred slaves to -freedom, who but for me would have died slaves.” Dr. Nelson was expelled -by mobs from Missouri for the courageous declaration of the truth on -slave soil. All these were in the ministry. Nor are these all. Jesus -Christ has not wholly deserted us yet. There have been those who have -learned how joyful it is to suffer shame and brave death in a good -cause. - -Also there have been private Christians who have counted nothing too -dear for this sacred cause. Witness Richard Dillingham, and John -Garrett, and a host of others, who took joyfully the spoiling of their -goods. - -But yet, notwithstanding this, the awful truth remains, that the whole -of what has been done by the church has not, as yet, perceptibly abated -the evil. The great system is stronger than ever. It is confessedly the -dominant power of the nation. The whole power of the government, and the -whole power of the wealth, and the whole power of the fashion, and the -practical organic workings of the large bodies of the church, are all -gone one way. The church is familiarly quoted as being on the side of -slavery. Statesmen on both sides of the question have laid that down as -a settled fact. Infidels point to it with triumph; and America, too, is -beholding another class of infidels,—a class that could have grown up -only under such an influence. Men, whose whole life is one study and -practice of benevolence, are now ranked as infidels, because the -position of church organizations misrepresents Christianity, and they -separate themselves from the church. We would offer no excuse for any -infidels who take for their religion mere anti-slavery zeal, and, under -this guise, gratify a malignant hatred of real Christianity. But such -defences of slavery from the Bible as some of the American clergy have -made are exactly fitted to make infidels of all honorable and -high-minded men. The infidels of olden times were not much to be -dreaded, but such infidels as these are not to be despised. Woe to the -church when the moral standard of the infidel is higher than the -standard of the professed Christian! for the only armor that ever proved -invincible to infidelity is the _armor of righteousness_. - -Let us see how the church organizations work now, practically. What do -Bruin & Hill, Pulliam & Davis, Bolton, Dickins & Co., and Matthews, -Branton & Co., depend upon to keep their slave-factories and -slave-barracoons full, and their business brisk? Is it to be supposed -that they are not men like ourselves? Do they not sometimes tremble at -the awful workings of fear, and despair, and agony, which they witness -when they are tearing asunder living hearts in the depths of those -fearful slave-prisons? What, then, keeps down the consciences of these -traders? It is the public sentiment of the community where they live; -and that public sentiment is made by ministers and church-members. The -trader sees plainly enough a logical sequence between the declarations -of the church and the practice of his trade. He sees plainly enough -that, if slavery is sanctioned by God, and it is right to set it up in a -new territory, it is right to take the means to do this; and, as slaves -do not grow on bushes in Texas, it is necessary that there should be -traders to gather up coffles and carry them out there;—and, as they -cannot always take whole families, it is necessary that they should part -them; and, as slaves will not go by moral suasion, it is necessary that -they should be forced; and, as gentle force will not do, they must whip -and torture. Hence come gags, thumb-screws, cowhides, blood,—all -_necessary_ measures of carrying out what Christians say God sanctions. - -So goes the argument one way. Let us now trace it back the other. The -South Carolina and Mississippi Presbyteries maintain opinions which, in -their legitimate results, endorse the slave-trader. The Old School -General Assembly maintains fellowship with these Presbyteries, without -discipline or protest. The New School Assembly signifies its willingness -to reünite with the Old, while, at the same time, it declares the system -of slavery an abomination, a gross violation of the most sacred rights, -and so on. Well, now the chain is as complete as need be. All parts are -in; every one standing in his place, and saying just what is required, -and no more. The trader does the repulsive work, the Southern church -defends him, the Northern church defends the South. Every one does as -much for slavery as would be at all expedient, considering the latitude -they live in. This is the practical result of the thing. - -The melancholy part of the matter is, that while a large body of New -School men, and many Old School, are decided anti-slavery men, this -denominational position carries their influence on the other side. As -goes the General Assembly, so goes their influence. The following -affecting letter on this subject was written by that eminently pious -man, Dr. Nelson, whose work on Infidelity is one of the most efficient -popular appeals that has ever appeared: - - I have resided in North Carolina more than forty years, and been - intimately acquainted with the system, and I can scarcely even think - of its operations without shedding tears. It causes me excessive - grief to think of my own poor slaves, for whom I have for years been - trying to find a free home. It strikes me with equal astonishment - and horror to hear Northern people make light of slavery. Had they - seen and known as much of it as I, they could not thus treat it, - unless callous to the deepest woes and degradation of humanity, and - dead both to the religion and philanthropy of the gospel. But many - of them are doing just what the hardest-hearted tyrants of the South - most desire. Those tyrants would not, on any account, have them - advocate or even apologize for slavery in an _unqualified_ manner. - This would be bad policy with the North. I wonder that Gerritt Smith - should understand slavery so much better than most of the Northern - people. How true was his remark, on a certain occasion, namely, that - the South are laughing in their sleeves, to think what dupes they - make of most of the people at the North in regard to the real - character of slavery! Well did Mr. Smith remark that the system, - carried out on its fundamental principle, would as soon enslave any - laboring white man as the African. But, _if it were not for the - support of the North, the fabric of blood would fall at once_. And - of all the efforts of public bodies at the North to sustain slavery, - the Connecticut General Association has made the best one. I have - never seen anything so well constructed in that line as their - resolutions of June, 1836. The South certainly could not have asked - anything more effectual. But, of all Northern periodicals, the _New - York Observer_ must have the preference, as an efficient support of - slavery. I am not sure but it does more than all things combined to - keep the dreadful system alive. It is just the succor demanded by - the South. Its abuse of the abolitionists is music in Southern ears, - which operates as a charm. But nothing is equal to its harping upon - the “religious privileges and instruction” of the slaves of the - South. And nothing could be so false and injurious (to the cause of - freedom and religion) as the impression it gives on that subject. I - say what I know when I speak in relation to this matter. I have been - intimately acquainted with the religious opportunities of slaves,—in - the constant habit of hearing the sermons which are preached to - them. And I solemnly affirm, that, during the forty years of my - residence and observation in this line, I never heard a single one - of these sermons but what was taken up with the obligations and - duties of slaves to their masters. Indeed, I never heard a sermon to - slaves but what made obedience to masters by the slaves the - fundamental and supreme law of religion. Any candid and intelligent - man can decide whether such preaching is not, as to religious - purposes, worse than none at all. - - Again: it is wonderful how the credulity of the North is subjected - to imposition in regard to the _kind treatment_ of slaves. For - myself, I can clear up the apparent contradictions found in writers - who have resided at or visited the South. The “majority of - slave-holders,” say some, “treat their slaves with kindness.” Now, - this may be true in certain states and districts setting aside all - questions of treatment except such as refer to the _body_. And yet, - while the “majority of slave-holders” in a certain section may be - kind, the majority of _slaves_ in that section will be treated with - cruelty. This is the truth in many such cases, that while there may - be thirty men who may have but one slave apiece, and that a - house-servant, a _single_ man in their neighborhood may have a - hundred slaves,—all field-hands, half-fed, worked excessively, and - whipped most cruelly. This is what I have often seen. To give a - case, to show the awful influence of slavery upon the master, I will - mention a Presbyterian elder, who was esteemed one of the best men - in the region,—a very kind master. I was called to his death-bed to - write his will. He had what was considered a favorite house-servant, - a female. After all other things were disposed of, the elder paused, - as if in doubt what to do with “Su.” I entertained pleasing - expectations of hearing the word “liberty” fall from his lips; but - who can tell my surprise when I heard the master exclaim, “What - shall be done with Su? I am afraid she will never be under a master - severe enough for her.” Shall I say that both the dying elder and - his “Su” were members of the same church, the latter statedly - receiving the emblems of a Saviour’s dying love from the former! - -All this temporizing and concession has been excused on the plea of -brotherly love. What a plea for us Northern freemen! Do we think the -slave-system such a happy, desirable thing for our brothers and sisters -at the South? Can we look at our common schools, our neat, thriving -towns and villages, our dignified, intelligent, self-respecting farmers -and mechanics, all concomitants of free labor, and think slavery any -blessing to our Southern brethren? That system which beggars all the -lower class of whites, which curses the very soil, which eats up -everything before it, like the palmer-worm, canker and locust,—which -makes common schools an impossibility, and the preaching of the gospel -almost as much so,—this system a blessing! Does brotherly love require -us to help the South preserve it? - -Consider the educational influences under which such children as Eva and -Henrique must grow up there! We are speaking of what many a Southern -mother feels, of what makes many a Southern father’s heart sore. Slavery -has been spoken of in its influence on the family of the slave. There -are those, who never speak, who could tell, if they would, its influence -on the family of the master. It makes one’s heart ache to see generation -after generation of lovely, noble children exposed to such influences. -What a country the South might be, could she develop herself without -this curse! If the Southern character, even under all these -disadvantages, retains so much that is noble, and is fascinating even in -its faults, what might it do with free institutions? - -Who is the real, who is the true and noble lover of the South?—they who -love her with all these faults and incumbrances, or they who fix their -eyes on the bright ideal of what she might be, and say that these faults -are no proper part of her? Is it true love to a friend to accept the -ravings of insanity as a true specimen of his mind? Is it true love to -accept the disfigurement of sickness as a specimen of his best -condition? Is it not truer love to say, “This curse is no part of our -brother; it dishonors him; it does him injustice; it misrepresents him -in the eyes of all nations. We love his better self, and we will have no -fellowship with his betrayer. This is the part of true, generous, -Christian love.” - -But will it be said. “The abolition enterprise was begun in a wrong -spirit, by reckless, meddling, impudent fanatics”? Well, supposing that -this were true, how came it to be so? If the church of Christ had begun -it _right_, these so-called fanatics would not have begun it _wrong_. In -a deadly pestilence, if the right physicians do not prescribe, everybody -will prescribe,—men, women and children, will prescribe,—because -something must be done. If the Presbyterian Church in 1818 had pursued -the course the Quakers did, there never would have been any fanaticism. -The Quakers did all by brotherly love. They melted the chains of Mammon -only in the fires of a divine charity. When Christ came into Jerusalem, -after all the mighty works that he had done, while all the so-called -better classes were non-committal or opposed, the multitude cut down -branches of palm-trees and cried Hosanna! There was a most indecorous -tumult. The very children caught the enthusiasm, and were crying -Hosannas in the temple. This was contradictory to all ecclesiastical -rules. It was a highly improper state of things. The Chief Priests and -Scribes said unto Jesus, “Master, speak unto these that they hold their -peace.” That gentle eye flashed as he answered, “I TELL YOU, IF THESE -SHOULD HOLD THEIR PEACE, THE VERY STONES WOULD CRY OUT.” - -Suppose a fire bursts out in the streets of Boston, while the regular -conservators of the city, who have the keys of the fire-engines, and the -regulation of fire-companies, are sitting together in some distant part -of the city, consulting for the public good. The cry of fire reaches -them, but they think it a false alarm. The fire is no less real, for all -that. It burns, and rages, and roars, till everybody in the neighborhood -sees that something must be done. A few stout leaders break open the -doors of the engine-houses, drag out the engines, and begin, regularly -or irregularly, playing on the fire. But the destroyer still advances. -Messengers come in hot haste to the hall of these deliberators, and, in -the unselect language of fear and terror, revile them for not coming -out. - -“Bless me!” says a decorous leader of the body, “what horrible language -these men use!” - -“They show a very bad spirit,” remarks another; “we can’t possibly join -them in such a state of things.” - -Here the more energetic members of the body rush out, to see if the -thing be really so: and in a few minutes come back, if possible more -earnest than the others. - -“O! there is a fire!—a horrible, dreadful fire! The city is -burning,—men, women, children, all burning, perishing! Come out, come -out! As the Lord liveth, there is but a step between us and death!” - -“I am not going out; everybody that goes gets crazy,” says one. - -“I’ve noticed,” says another, “that as soon as anybody goes out to look, -he gets just so excited.—I won’t look.” - -But by this time the angry fire has burned into their very neighborhood. -The red demon glares into their windows. And now, fairly aroused, they -get up and begin to look out. - -“Well, there _is_ a fire, and no mistake!” says one. - -“Something ought to be done,” says another. - -“Yes,” says a third; “if it wasn’t for being mixed up with such a crowd -and rabble of folks, I’d go out.” - -“Upon my word,” says another, “there are _women_ in the ranks, carrying -pails of water! There, one woman is going up a ladder to get those -children out. What an indecorum! If they’d manage this matter properly, -we would join them.” - -And now come lumbering over from Charlestown the engines and -fire-companies. - -“What impudence of Charlestown,” say these men, “to be sending over -here,—just as if we could not put our own fires out! They have fires -over there, as much as we do.” - -And now the flames roar and burn, and shake hands across the streets. -They leap over the steeples, and glare demoniacally out of the -church-windows. - -“For Heaven’s sake, DO SOMETHING!” is the cry. “Pull down the houses! -Blow up those blocks of stores with gunpowder! _Anything_ to stop it.” - -“See, now, what ultra, radical measures they are going at,” says one of -these spectators. - -Brave men, who have rushed into the thickest of the fire, come out, and -fall dead in the street. - -“They are impracticable enthusiasts. They have thrown their lives away -in foolhardiness,” says another. - -So, church of Christ, burns that awful fire! Evermore burning, burning, -burning, over church and altar; burning over senate-house and forum; -burning up liberty, burning up religion! No _earthly_ hands kindled that -fire. From its sheeted flame and wreaths of sulphurous smoke glares out -upon thee the eye of that ENEMY who was a murderer from the beginning. -It is a fire that BURNS TO THE LOWEST HELL! - -Church of Christ, there _was_ an hour when this fire might have been -extinguished by thee. Now, thou standest like a mighty man -astonished,—like a mighty man that cannot save. But the Hope of Israel -is not dead. The Saviour thereof in time of trouble is yet alive. - -If every church in our land were hung with mourning,—if every Christian -should put on sack-cloth,—if “the priest should weep between the porch -and the altar,” and say, “Spare thy people, O Lord, and give not thy -heritage to reproach!”—that were not too great a mourning for such a -time as this. - -O, church of Jesus! consider what hath been said in the midst of thee. -What a heresy hast thou tolerated in thy bosom! _Thy_ God the defender -of slavery!—_thy_ God the patron of slave-law! Thou hast suffered the -character of thy God to be slandered. Thou hast suffered false witness -against thy Redeemer and thy Sanctifier. The Holy Trinity of heaven has -been foully traduced in the midst of thee; and that God whose throne is -awful in justice has been made the patron and leader of oppression. - -This is a sin against every Christian on the globe. - -Why do we love and adore, beyond all things, our God? Why do we say to -him, from our inmost souls, “Whom have I in heaven but thee, and there -is none upon earth I desire beside thee”? Is this a bought up -worship?—is it a cringing and hollow subserviency, because he is great -and rich and powerful, and we _dare_ not do otherwise? His eyes are a -flame of fire;—he reads the inmost soul, and will accept no such -service. From our souls we adore and love him, because he is holy and -just and good, and will not at all acquit the wicked. We love him -because he is the father of the fatherless, the judge of the -widow;—because he lifteth all who fall, and raiseth them that are bowed -down. We love Jesus Christ, because he is the _Lamb without spot_, the -one altogether lovely. We love the Holy Comforter, because he comes to -convince the world of sin, and of righteousness, and of judgment. O, -holy church universal, throughout all countries and nations! O, ye great -cloud of witnesses, of all people and languages and tongues!—differing -in many doctrines, but united in crying Worthy is the Lamb that was -slain, for he hath redeemed us from all iniquity!—_awake!_—arise up!—be -not silent! Testify against this heresy of the latter day, which, if it -were possible, is deceiving the very elect. Your God, your glory, is -slandered. Answer with the voice of many waters and mighty thunderings! -Answer with the innumerable multitude in heaven, who cry, day and night, -Holy, holy, holy! _just_ and _true_ are thy ways, O King of saints! - ------ - -Footnote 25: - - This resolution is given in Birney’s pamphlet. - -Footnote 26: - - The synods were also made courts of last appeal in judicial cases. - -Footnote 27: - - Speech of W. Phillips, Boston. - -Footnote 28: - - Minutes of the New School Assembly, p. 188. - -Footnote 29: - - These two resolutions are given on the authority of Goodel’s History. - I do not find them in the Minutes. - - - - - CHAPTER III. - MARTYRDOM. - - -At the time when the Methodist and Presbyterian Churches passed the -anti-slavery resolutions which we have recorded, the system of slavery -could probably have been extirpated by the church with comparatively -little trouble. Such was the experience of the Quakers, who tried the -experiment at that time, and succeeded. The course they pursued was the -simplest possible. They districted their church, and appointed regular -committees, whose business it was to go from house to house, and urge -the rules of the church individually on each slave-holder, one by one. -This was done in a spirit of such simplicity and brotherly love that -very few resisted the appeal. They quietly yielded up, in obedience to -their own consciences, and the influence of their brethren. This mode of -operation, though gentle, was as efficient as the calm sun of summer, -which, by a few hours of patient shining, dissolves the iceberg on which -all the storms of winter have beat in vain. O, that so happy a course -had been thought of and pursued by all the other denominations! But the -day is past when this monstrous evil would so quietly yield to gentle -and persuasive measures. - -At the time that the Quakers made their attempt, this Leviathan in the -reeds and rushes of America was young and callow, and had not learned -his strength. Then he might have been “drawn out with a hook;” then they -might have “made a covenant with him, and taken him for a servant -forever;” but now Leviathan is full-grown. “Behold, the hope of him is -vain. Shall not men be cast down even at the sight of him? None is so -fierce that dare stir him up. His scales are his pride, shut up together -as with a close seal; one is so near to another that no air can come -between them. The flakes of his flesh are joined together. They are firm -in themselves, they cannot be moved. His heart is as firm as a stone, -yea, as hard as the nether millstone. The sword of him that layeth at -him cannot hold. He esteemeth iron as straw, and brass as rotten wood. -Arrows cannot make him flee; sling-stones are turned with him into -stubble. He laugheth at the shaking of a spear. Upon the earth there is -not his like: he is king over all the children of pride.” - -There are those who yet retain the delusion that, somehow or other, -without any very particular effort or opposition, by a soft, genteel, -rather apologetic style of operation, Leviathan is to be converted, -baptized and Christianized. They can try it. Such a style answers -admirably as long as it is understood to mean nothing. But just the -moment that Leviathan finds they are in earnest, then they will see the -consequences. The debates of all the synods in the United States, as to -whether he is an evil _per se_, will not wake him. In fact, they are -rather a pleasant humdrum. Nor will any resolutions that they “behold -him with regret” give him especial concern; neither will he be much -annoyed by the expressed expectation that he is to die somewhere about -the millennium. Notwithstanding all the recommendations of synods and -conferences, Leviathan himself has but an indifferent opinion of his own -Christianity, and an impression that he would not be considered quite in -keeping with the universal reign of Christ on earth; but he doesn’t much -concern himself about the prospect of giving up the ghost at so very -remote a period. - -But let any one, either North or South, take the sword of the Spirit and -make one pass under his scales that he shall feel, and then he will know -what sort of a conflict Christian had with Apollyon. Let no one, either -North or South, undertake this warfare, to whom fame, or ease, or -wealth, or anything that this world has to give, are too dear to be -sacrificed. Let no one undertake it who is not prepared to hate his own -good name, and, if need be, his life also. For this reason, we will give -here the example of one martyr who died for this cause; for it has been -well said that “the blood of the martyr is the seed of the church.” - -The Rev. Elijah P. Lovejoy was the son of a Maine woman, a native of -that state which, barren in all things else, is fruitful in noble -sentiments and heroic deeds. Of his early days we say nothing. Probably -they were like those of other Maine boys. We take up his history where -we find him a clergyman in St. Louis, Mo., editing a religious -newspaper. Though professing not to be a technical abolitionist, he took -an open and decided stand against slavery. This aroused great -indignation, and called forth threats of violence. Soon after, a mob, -composed of the most respectable individuals of the place, burned alive -a negro-man in the streets of St. Louis, for stabbing the officers who -came to arrest him. This scene of protracted torture lasted till the -deed was completed, and the shrieks of the victim for a more merciful -death were disregarded. In his charge to the grand jury, Judge Lawless -decided that no legal redress could be had for this outrage, because, -being the act of an infuriated multitude, it was above the law. Elijah -Lovejoy expressed, in determined language, his horror of the transaction -and of the decision. For these causes, his office was torn down and -destroyed by the mob. Happening to be in St. Charles, a mob of such men -as only slavery could raise attacked the house to take his life. His -distracted wife kept guard at his door, struggling with men armed with -bludgeons and bowie-knives, who swore that they would have his heart’s -blood. A woman’s last despair, and the aid of friends, repelled the -first assault; but when the mob again returned, he made his escape. -Lovejoy came to Alton, Illinois, and there set up his paper. The mob -followed him. His press was twice destroyed, and he was daily threatened -with assassination. - -Before his press was destroyed the third time, a call was issued in his -paper for a convention of the enemies of slavery and friends of free -inquiry in Illinois, for the purpose of considering and recommending -measures adapted to meet the existing crisis. This call was signed by -about two hundred and fifty persons from different parts of the state, -among whom was the Rev. E. Beecher, then President of Illinois College. -This gathering brought together a large number. When they met for -discussion, the mobocrats came also among them, and there was a great -ferment. The mob finally out-voted and dissolved the convention. It was -then resolved to form an anti-slavery society, and to issue a -declaration of sentiments, and an address to the people of the state. -Threats were expressed that, if Mr. Lovejoy continued to print his -paper, the mob would destroy his expected press. In this state of -excitement, Mr. Beecher, at the request of the society, preached two -sermons, setting forth the views and course of conduct which were -contemplated in the proposed movement. They were subsequently set forth -in a published document, an extract from which will give the reader an -idea of what they were: - - 1. We shall endeavor to induce all our fellow-citizens to elevate - their minds above all selfish, pecuniary, political, and local - interests; and, from a deep sense of the presence of God, to regard - solely the eternal and immutable principles of truth, which no human - legislature or popular sentiment can alter or remove. - - 2. We shall endeavor to present the question as one between this - community and God,—a subject on which He deeply feels, and on which - we owe great and important duties to Him and to our fellow-citizens. - - 3. We shall endeavor, as far as possible, to allay the violence of - party strife, to remove all unholy excitement, and to produce mutual - confidence and kindness, and a deep interest in the welfare of all - parts of our nation; and a strong desire to preserve its union and - promote its highest welfare. - - Our entire reliance is upon truth and love, and the influences of - the Holy Spirit. We desire to compel no one to act against his - judgment or conscience by an oppressive power of public sentiment; - but to arouse all men to candid thought, and impartial inquiry in - the fear of God, we do desire. - - And, to accomplish this end, we shall use the same means that are - used to enlighten and elevate the public mind on all other great - moral subjects,—personal influence, public address, the pulpit and - the press. - - 4. We shall endeavor to produce a new and radical investigation of - the principles of human rights, and of the relations of all just - legislation to them, deriving our principles from the nature of the - human mind, the relations of man to God, and the revealed will of - the Creator. - - 5. We shall then endeavor to examine the slave-laws of our land in - the light of these principles, and to prove that they are - essentially sinful, and that they are at war alike with the will of - God and all the interests of the master, the slave, and the - community at large. - - 6. We shall then endeavor to show in what manner communities where - such laws exist may relieve themselves at once, in perfect safety - and peace, both of the guilt and dangers of the system. - - 7. And, until communities can be aroused to do their duties, we - shall endeavor to illustrate and enforce the duties of individual - slave-holders in such communities. - -To views presented in this spirit and manner one would think there could -have been no rational objection. The only difficulty with them was, -that, though calm and kind, they were felt to be in earnest; and at once -Leviathan was wide awake. - -The next practical question was, Shall the third printing-press be -defended, or shall it also be destroyed? - -There was a tremendous excitement, and a great popular tumult. The -timid, prudent, peace-loving majority, who are to be found in every -city, who care not what principles prevail, so they promote their own -interest, were wavering and pusillanimous, and thus encouraged the mob. -Every motive was urged to induce Mr. Beecher and Mr. Lovejoy to forego -the attempt to reëstablish the press. The former was told that a price -had been set on his head in Missouri,—a fashionable mode of meeting -argument in the pro-slavery parts of this country. Mr. Lovejoy had been -so long threatened with assassination, day and night, that the argument -with him was something musty. Mr. Beecher was also told that the -interests of the college of which he was president would be sacrificed, -and that, if he chose to risk his own safety, he had no right to risk -those interests. But Mr. Beecher and Mr. Lovejoy both felt that the very -foundation principle of free institutions had at this time been -seriously compromised, all over the country, by yielding up the right of -free discussion at the clamors of the mob; that it was a precedent of -very wide and very dangerous application. - -In a public meeting, Mr. Beecher addressed the citizens on the right of -maintaining free inquiry, and of supporting every man in the right of -publishing and speaking his conscientious opinions. He read to them some -of those eloquent passages in which Dr. Channing had maintained the same -rights in very similar circumstances in Boston. He read to them extracts -from foreign papers, which showed how the American character suffered in -foreign lands from the prevalence in America of Lynch law and mob -violence. He defended the right of Mr. Lovejoy to print and publish his -conscientious opinions; and, finally, he read from some Southern -journals extracts in which they had strongly condemned the course of the -mob, and vindicated Mr. Lovejoy’s right to express his opinions. He then -proposed to them that they should pass resolutions to the following -effect: - - That the free communication of opinion is one of the invaluable - rights of man; and that every citizen may freely speak, write or - print, on any subject, being responsible for the abuse of the - liberty. - - That maintenance of these principles should be independent of all - regard to persons and sentiments. - - That they should be especially maintained with regard to unpopular - sentiments, since no others need the protection of law. - - That on these grounds alone, and without regard to political and - moral differences, we agree to protect the press and property of the - editor of the _Alton Observer_, and support him in his right to - publish whatever he pleases, holding him responsible only to the - laws of the land. - -These resolutions, so proposed, were to be taken into consideration at a -final meeting of the citizens, which was to be held the next day. - -That meeting was held. Their first step was to deprive Mr. Beecher, and -all who were not citizens of that county, of the right of debating on -the report to be presented. The committee then reported that they deeply -regretted the excited state of feeling; that they cherished strong -confidence that the citizens would refrain from undue excitements; that -the exigences of the time required a course of moderation and -compromise; and that, while there was no disposition to prevent free -discussion in general, they deemed it indispensable to the public -tranquillity that Mr. Lovejoy should not publish a paper in that city; -not wishing to reflect in the slightest degree upon Mr. Lovejoy’s -character and motives. All that the meeting waited for now was, to hear -whether Mr. Lovejoy would comply with their recommendation. - -One of the committee arose, and expressed his sympathy for Mr. Lovejoy, -characterizing him as an unfortunate individual, hoping that they would -all consider that he had a wife and family to support, and trusting that -they would disgrace him as little as possible; but that he and all his -party would see the necessity of making a compromise, and departing from -Alton. What followed is related in the words of Mr. Beecher, who was -present at the meeting: - - As Brother Lovejoy rose to reply to the speech above mentioned, I - watched his countenance with deep interest, not to say anxiety. I - saw no tokens of disturbance. With a tranquil, self-possessed air, - he went up to the bar within which the chairman sat, and, in a tone - of deep, tender and subdued feeling, spoke as follows: - - “I feel, Mr. Chairman, that this is the most solemn moment of my - life. I feel, I trust, in some measure the responsibilities which at - this hour I sustain to these my fellow-citizens, to the church of - which I am a minister, to my country, and to God. And let me beg of - you, before I proceed further, to construe nothing I shall say as - being disrespectful to this assembly. I have no such feeling; far - from it. And if I do not act or speak according to their wishes at - all times, it is because I cannot conscientiously do it. - - “It is proper I should state the whole matter, as I understand it, - before this audience. I do not stand here to argue the question as - presented by the report of the committee. My only wonder is that the - honorable gentleman the chairman of that committee, for whose - character I entertain great respect, though I have not the pleasure - of his personal acquaintance,—my only wonder is how that gentleman - could have brought himself to submit such a report. - - “Mr. Chairman, I do not admit that it is the business of this - assembly to decide whether I shall or shall not publish a newspaper - in this city. The gentlemen have, as the lawyers say, made a wrong - issue. I have the _right_ to do it. I know that I have the right - freely to speak and publish my sentiments, subject only to the laws - of the land for the abase of that right. This right was given me by - my Maker; and is solemnly guaranteed to me by the constitution of - these United States, and of this state. What I wish to know of you - is, whether you will protect me in the exercise of this right; or - whether, as heretofore, I am to be subjected to personal indignity - and outrage. These resolutions, and the measures proposed by them, - are spoken of as a compromise—a compromise between two parties. Mr. - Chairman, this is not so. There is but one party here. It is simply - a question whether the law shall be enforced, or whether the mob - shall be allowed, as they now do, to continue to trample it under - their feet, by violating with impunity the rights of an innocent - individual. - - “Mr. Chairman, what have I to compromise? If freely to forgive those - who have so greatly injured me, if to pray for their temporal and - eternal happiness, if still to wish for the prosperity of your city - and state, notwithstanding all the indignities l have suffered in - it,—if this be the compromise intended, then do I willingly make it. - My rights have been shamefully, wickedly outraged; this I know, and - feel, and can never forget. But I can and do freely forgive those - who have done it. - - “But if by a compromise is meant that I should cease from doing that - which duty requires of me, I cannot make it. And the reason is, that - I fear God more than I fear man. Think not that I would lightly go - contrary to public sentiment around me. The good opinion of my - fellow-men is dear to me, and I would sacrifice anything but - principle to obtain their good wishes; but when they ask me to - surrender this, they ask for more than I can, than I dare give. - Reference is made to the fact that I offered a few days since to - give up the editorship of the _Observer_ into other hands. This is - true; I did so because it was thought or said by some that perhaps - the paper would be better patronized in other hands. They declined - accepting my offer, however, and since then we have heard from the - friends and supporters of the paper in all parts of the state. There - was but one sentiment among them, and this was that the paper could - be sustained in no other hands than mine. It is also a very - different question, whether I shall voluntarily, or at the request - of friends, yield up my post; or whether I shall forsake it at the - demand of a mob. The former I am at all times ready to do, when - circumstances occur to require it; as I will never put my personal - wishes or interests in competition with the cause of that Master - whose minister I am. But the latter, be assured. I NEVER will do. - God, in his providence,—so say all my brethren, and so I think,—has - devolved upon me the responsibility of maintaining my ground here; - and, Mr. Chairman, I am determined to do it. A voice comes to me - from Maine, from Massachusetts, from Connecticut, from New-York, - from Pennsylvania,—yea, from Kentucky, from Mississippi, from - Missouri,—calling upon me, in the name of all that is dear in heaven - or earth, to stand fast; and, by the help of God, I WILL STAND. I - know I am but one, and you are many. My strength would avail but - little against you all. You can crush me, if you will; but I shall - die at my post, for I cannot and will not forsake it. - - “Why should I flee from Alton? Is not this a free state? When - assailed by a mob at St. Louis, I came hither, as to the home of - freedom and of the laws. The mob has pursued me here, and why should - I retreat again? Where can I be safe, if not here? Have not I a - right to claim the protection of the laws? What more can I have in - any other place? Sir, the very act of retreating will embolden the - mob to follow me wherever I go. No, sir, there is no way to escape - the mob, but to abandon the path of duty; and that, God helping me, - I will never do. - - “It has been said here, that my hand is against every man, and every - man’s hand against me. The last part of the declaration is too - painfully true. I do indeed find almost every hand lifted against - _me_; but against whom in this place has my hand been raised? I - appeal to every individual present; whom of you have I injured? - Whose character have I traduced? Whose family have I molested? Whose - business have I meddled with? If any, let him rise here and testify - against me.—No one answers. - - “And do not your resolutions say that you find nothing against my - private or personal character? And does any one believe that, if - there was anything to be found, it would not be found and brought - forth? If in anything I have offended against the law, I am not so - popular in this community as that it would be difficult to convict - me. You have courts and judges and juries; they find nothing against - me. And now you come together for the purpose of driving out a - confessedly innocent man, for no cause but that he dares to think - and speak as his conscience and his God dictate. Will conduct like - this stand the scrutiny of your country, of posterity, above all, of - the judgment-day? For remember, the Judge of that day is no - respecter of persons. Pause, I beseech you, and reflect! The present - excitement will soon be over; the voice of conscience will at last - be heard. And in some season of honest thought, even in this world, - as you review the scenes of this hour, you will be compelled to say, - ‘He was right; he was right.’ - - “But you have been exhorted to be lenient and compassionate, and in - driving me away to affix no unnecessary disgrace upon me. Sir, I - reject all such compassion. You cannot disgrace me. Scandal and - falsehood and calumny have already done their worst. My shoulders - have borne the burthen till it sits easy upon them. You may hang me - up, as the mob hung up the individuals of Vicksburg! You may burn me - at the stake, as they did McIntosh at St. Louis; or you may tar and - feather me, or throw me into the Mississippi, as you have often - threatened to do; but you cannot disgrace me. I, and I alone, can - disgrace myself; and the deepest of all disgrace would be, at a time - like this, to deny my Master by forsaking his cause. He died for me; - and I were most unworthy to bear his name, should I refuse, if need - be, to die for him. - - “Again, you have been told that I have a family, who are dependent - on me; and this has been given as a reason why I should be driven - off as gently as possible. It is true, Mr. Chairman, I am a husband - and a father; and this it is that adds the bitterest ingredient to - the cup of sorrow I am called to drink. I am made to feel the wisdom - of the apostle’s advice; ‘It is better not to marry.’ I know, sir, - that in this contest I stake not my life only, but that of others - also. I do not expect my wife will ever recover the shock received - at the awful scenes through which she was called to pass at St. - Charles. And how was it the other night, on my return to my house? I - found her driven to the garret, through fear of the mob, who were - prowling round my house. And scarcely had I entered the house ere my - windows were broken in by the brickbats of the mob, and she so - alarmed that it was impossible for her to sleep or rest that night. - I am hunted as a partridge upon the mountains; I am pursued us a - felon through your streets; and to the guardian power of the law I - look in vain for that protection against violence which even the - vilest criminal may claim. - - “Yet think not that I am unhappy. Think not that I regret the choice - that I have made. While all around me is violence and tumult, all is - peace within. An approving conscience, and the rewarding smile of - God, is a full recompense for all that I forego and all that I - endure. Yes, sir, I enjoy a peace which nothing can destroy. I sleep - sweetly and undisturbed, except when awaked by the brickbats of the - mob. - - “No, sir, I am not unhappy. I have counted the cost, and stand - prepared freely to offer up my all in the service of God. Yes, sir, - I am fully aware of all the sacrifice I make, in here pledging - myself to continue this contest to the last.—(Forgive these tears—I - had not intended to shed them, and they flow not for myself but - others.) But I am commanded to forsake father and mother and wife - and children for Jesus’ sake; and as his professed disciple I stand - prepared to do it. The time for fulfilling this pledge in my case, - it seems to me, has come. Sir, I dare not flee away from Alton. - Should I attempt it, I should feel that the angel of the Lord, with - his flaming sword, was pursuing me wherever I went. It is because I - fear God that I am not afraid of all who oppose me in this city. No, - sir, the contest has commenced here; and here it must be finished. - Before God and you all, I here pledge myself to continue it, if need - be, till death. If I fall, my grave shall be made in Alton.” - -In person Lovejoy was well formed, in voice and manners refined; and the -pathos of this last appeal, uttered in entire simplicity, melted every -one present, and produced a deep silence. It was one of those moments -when the feelings of an audience tremble in the balance, and a grain may -incline them to either side. A proposition to support him might have -carried, had it been made at that moment. The charm was broken by -another minister of the gospel, who rose and delivered a homily on the -necessity of compromise, recommending to Mr. Lovejoy especial attention -to the example of Paul, who was let down in a basket from a window in -Damascus; as if Alton had been a heathen city under a despotic -government! The charm once broken, the meeting became tumultuous and -excited, and all manner of denunciations were rained down upon -abolitionists. The meeting passed the resolutions reported by the -committee, and refused to resolve to aid in sustaining the law against -illegal violence; and the mob perfectly understood that, do what they -might, they should have no disturbance. It being now understood that Mr. -Lovejoy would not retreat, it was supposed that the crisis of the matter -would develop itself when his printing-press came on shore. - -During the following three days there seemed to be something of a -reäction. One of the most influential of the mob-leaders was heard to -say that it was of no use to go on destroying presses, as there was -money enough on East to bring new ones, and that they might as well let -the fanatics alone. - -This somewhat encouraged the irresolute city authorities, and the -friends of the press thought, if they could get it once landed, and safe -into the store of Messrs. Godfrey & Gilman, that the crisis would be -safely passed. They therefore sent an express to the captain to delay -the landing of the boat till three o’clock in the morning, and the -leaders of the mob, after watching till they were tired, went home; the -press was safely landed and deposited, and all supposed that the trouble -was safely passed. Under this impression Mr. Beecher left Alton, and -returned home. - -We will give a few extracts from Mr. Beecher’s narrative, which describe -his last interview with Mr. Lovejoy on that night, after they had landed -and secured the press: - - Shortly after the hour fixed on for the landing of the boat, Mr. - Lovejoy arose, and called me to go with him to see what was the - result. The moon had set and it was still dark, but day was near; - and here and there a light was glimmering from the window of some - sick room, or of some early riser. The streets were empty and - silent, and the sounds of our feet echoed from the walls as we - passed along. Little did he dream, at that hour, of the contest - which the next night would witness; that these same streets would - echo with the shouts of an infuriate mob, and be stained with his - own heart’s blood. - - We found the boat there, and the press in the warehouse; aided in - raising it to the third story. We were all rejoiced that no conflict - had ensued, and that the press was safe; and all felt that the - crisis was over. We were sure that the store could not be carried by - storm by so few men as had ever yet acted in a mob; and though the - majority of the citizens would not aid to defend the press, we had - no fear that they would aid in an attack. So deep was this feeling - that it was thought that a small number was sufficient to guard the - press afterward; and it was agreed that the company should be - divided into sections of six, and take turns on successive nights. - As they had been up all night, Mr. Lovejoy and myself offered to - take charge of the press till morning; and they retired. - - The morning soon began to dawn; and that morning I shall never - forget. Who that has stood on the banks of the mighty stream that - then rolled before me can forget the emotions of sublimity that - filled his heart, as in imagination he has traced those channels of - intercourse opened by it and its branches through the illimitable - regions of this western world? I thought of future ages, and of the - countless millions that should dwell on this mighty stream; and that - nothing but the truth would make them free. Never did I feel as then - the value of the right for which we were contending thoroughly to - investigate and fearlessly to proclaim that truth. O, the sublimity - of moral power! By it God sways the universe. By it he will make the - nations free. - - I passed through the scuttle to the roof, and ascended to the - highest point of the wall. The sky and the river were beginning to - glow with approaching day, and the busy hum of business to be heard. - I looked with exultation on the scenes below. I felt that a - bloodless battle had been gained for God and for the truth; and that - Alton was redeemed from eternal shame. And as all around grew - brighter with approaching day, I thought of that still brighter sun, - even now dawning on the world, and soon to bathe it with floods of - glorious light. - - Brother Lovejoy, too, was happy. He did not exult; he was tranquil - and composed, but his countenance indicated the state of his mind. - It was a calm and tranquil joy, for he trusted in God that the point - was gained: that the banner of an unfettered press would soon wave - over that mighty stream. - - Vain hopes! How soon to be buried in a martyr’s grave! Vain, did I - say? No: they are not vain. Though dead he still speaketh; and a - united world can never silence his voice. - -The conclusion of the tragedy is briefly told. A volunteer company, of -whom Lovejoy was one, was formed to act under the mayor in defence of -the law. The next night the mob assailed the building at ten o’clock. -The store consisted of two stone buildings in one block, with doors and -windows at each end, but no windows at the sides. The roof was of wood. -Mr. Gilman, opening the end door of the third story, asked what they -wanted. They demanded the press. He refused to give it up, and earnestly -entreated them to go away without violence, assuring them that, as the -property had been committed to their charge, they should defend it at -the risk of their lives. After some ineffectual attempts, the mob -shouted to set fire to the roof. Mr. Lovejoy, with some others, went out -to defend it from this attack, and was shot down by the deliberate aim -of one of the mob. After this wound he had barely strength to return to -the store, went up one flight of stairs, fell and expired. - -Those within then attempted to capitulate, but were refused with curses -by the mob, who threatened to burn the store, and shoot them as they -came out. At length the building was actually on fire, and they fled -out, fired on as they went by the mob. So terminated the Alton tragedy. - -When the noble mother of Lovejoy heard of his death, she said, “It is -well. I had rather he would die so than forsake his principles.” All is -not over with America while such mothers are yet left. Was she not -blessed who could give up such a son in such a spirit? Who was that -woman whom God pronounced blessed above all women? Was it not she who -saw her dearest crucified? So differently does God see from what man -sees. - - - - - CHAPTER IV. - SERVITUDE IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH COMPARED WITH AMERICAN SLAVERY. - - “Look now upon _this_ picture!——and on _this_.” - - HAMLET. - - -It is the standing claim of those professors of religion at the South -who support slavery that they are pursuing the same course in relation -to it that Christ and his apostles did. Let us consider the course of -Christ and his apostles, and the nature of the kingdom which they -founded, and see if this be the fact. - -Napoleon said, “Alexander, Cæsar, Charlemagne and myself, have founded -empires; but upon what did we rest the creation of our genius? Upon -force. Jesus Christ alone founded his empire upon LOVE.” - -The desire to be above others in power, rank and station, is one of the -deepest in human nature. If there is anything which distinguishes man -from other creatures, it is that he is _par excellence_ an _oppressive -animal_. On this principle, as Napoleon observed, all empires have been -founded; and the idea of founding a kingdom in any other way had not -even been thought of when Jesus of Nazareth appeared. - -When the serene Galilean came up from the waters of Jordan, crowned and -glorified by the descending Spirit, and began to preach, saying, “The -_kingdom_ of God is at hand,” what expectations did he excite? Men’s -heads were full of armies to be marshalled, of provinces to be -conquered, of cabinets to be formed, and offices to be distributed. -There was no doubt at all that he could get all these things for them, -for had he not miraculous power? - -Therefore it was that Jesus of Nazareth was very popular, and drew -crowds after him. - -Of these, he chose, from the very lowest walk of life, twelve men of the -best and most honest heart which he could find, that he might make them -his inseparable companions, and mould them, by his sympathy and -friendship, into some capacity to receive and transmit his ideas to -mankind. - -But they too, simple-hearted and honest though they were, were -bewildered and bewitched by the common vice of mankind; and, though they -loved him full well, still had an eye on the offices and ranks which he -was to confer, when, as they expected, this miraculous kingdom should -blaze forth. - -While his heart was struggling and laboring, and nerving itself by -nights of prayer to meet desertion, betrayal, denial, rejection, by his -beloved people, and ignominious death, _they_ were forever wrangling -about the offices in the new kingdom. Once and again, in the plainest -way, he told them that no such thing was to be looked for; that there -was to be no distinction in his kingdom, except the distinction of pain, -and suffering, and self-renunciation, voluntarily assumed for the good -of mankind. - -His words seemed to them as idle tales. In fact, they considered him as -a kind of a myth,—a mystery,—a strange, supernatural, inexplicable -being, forever talking in parables, and saying things which they could -not understand. - -One thing only they held fast to: he was a king, he would have a -kingdom; and he had told them that they should sit on twelve thrones, -judging the twelve tribes of Israel. - -And so, when he was going up to Jerusalem to die,—when that anguish long -wrestled with in the distance had come, almost face to face, and he was -walking in front of them, silent, abstracted, speaking occasionally in -broken sentences, of which they feared to ask the meaning,—they, behind, -beguiled the time with the usual dispute of “who should be greatest.” - -The mother of James and John came to him, and, breaking the mournful -train of revery, desired a certain thing of him,—that her two sons might -sit at his right hand and his left, as prime ministers, in the new -kingdom. With his sad, far-seeing eye still fixed upon Gethsemane and -Calvary, he said, “Ye know not what ye ask. Are ye able to drink of the -cup which I shall drink of, and to be baptized with the baptism -wherewith I shall be baptized?” - -James and John were both quite certain that they were able. They were -willing to fight through anything for the kingdom’s sake. The ten were -very indignant. Were they not as willing as James and John? And so there -was a contention among them. - -“But Jesus called them to him and said, Ye know that the princes of the -Gentiles exercise dominion over them, and their great ones exercise -authority upon them; but it shall not be so among you. - -“Whosoever will be great among you, let him be your minister; and -whosoever will be chief among you, let him be your servant,—yea, the -servant of all. For even the Son of Man came not to be ministered unto, -but to minister, and to give his life a ransom for many.” - -Let us now pass on to another week in this history. The disciples have -seen their Lord enter triumphantly into Jerusalem, amid the shouts of -the multitude. An indescribable something in his air and manner -convinces them that a great crisis is at hand. He walks among men as a -descended God. Never were his words so thrilling and energetic. Never -were words spoken on earth which so breathe and burn as these of the -last week of the life of Christ. All the fervor and imagery and fire of -the old prophets seemed to be raised from the dead, etherealized and -transfigured in the person of this Jesus. They dare not ask him, but -they are _certain_ that the kingdom must be coming. They feel, in the -thrill of that mighty soul, that a great cycle of time is finishing, and -a new era in the world’s history beginning. Perhaps at this very feast -of the Passover is the time when the miraculous banner is to be -unfurled, and the new, immortal kingdom proclaimed. Again the ambitious -longings arise. This new kingdom shall have ranks and dignities. And who -is to sustain them? While therefore their Lord sits lost in thought, -revolving in his mind that simple ordinance of love which he is about to -constitute the sealing ordinance of his kingdom, it is said again, -“There was a strife among them which should be accounted the greatest.” - -This time Jesus does not remonstrate. He expresses no impatience, no -weariness, no disgust. What does he, then? Hear what St. John says: - -“Jesus knowing that the Father had given all things into his hands, and -that he was come from God and went to God, he riseth from supper, and -laid aside his garments, and took a towel and girded himself. After -that, he poureth water into a basin, and began to wash the disciples’ -feet, and to wipe them with the towel wherewith he was girded.” “After -he had washed their feet and had taken his garments and was sat down -again, he said unto them, Know ye what I have done to you? Ye call me -Master and Lord: and ye say well, for so I am. If I, then, your Lord and -Master, have washed your feet, ye also ought to wash one another’s feet; -for I have given you an example that ye should do as I have done to -you.” - -“Verily, verily I say unto you, the servant is not greater than his -lord, neither he that is sent greater than he that sent him. If ye know -these things, happy are ye if ye do them.” - -Here, then, we have the king, and the constitution of the kingdom. The -king on his knees at the feet of his servants, performing the lowest -menial service, with the announcement, “I have given you an example, -that ye should do as I have done to you.” - -And when, after the descent of the Holy Ghost, all these immortal words -of Christ, which had lain buried like dead seed in the heart, were -quickened and sprang up in celestial verdure, then these twelve became, -each one in his place, another Jesus, filled with the spirit of him who -had gone heavenward. The primitive church, as organized by them, was a -brotherhood of strict equality. There was no more contention who should -be greatest; the only contention was, who should suffer and serve the -most. The Christian church was an _imperium in imperio_; submitting -outwardly to the laws of the land, but professing inwardly to be -regulated by a higher faith and a higher law. They were dead to the -world, and the world to them. Its customs were not their customs; its -relations not their relations. All the ordinary relations of life, when -they passed into the Christian church, underwent a quick, immortal -change; so that the transformed relation resembled the old and heathen -one no more than the glorious body which is raised in incorruption -resembles the mortal one which was sown in corruption. The relation of -marriage was changed, from a tyrannous dominion of the stronger sex over -the weaker, to an intimate union, symbolizing the relation of Christ and -the church. The relation of parent and child, purified from the harsh -features of heathen law, became a just image of the love of the heavenly -Father; and the relation of master and servant, in like manner, was -refined into a voluntary relation between two equal brethren, in which -the servant faithfully performed his duties _as to the Lord_, and the -master gave him a full compensation for his services. - -No one ever doubted that such a relation as this is an innocent one. It -exists in all free states. It is the relation which exists between -employer and employed generally, in the various departments of life. It -is true, the master was never called upon to perform the legal act of -enfranchisement,—and why? Because the very nature of the kingdom into -which the master and slave had entered enfranchised him. It is not -necessary for a master to write a deed of enfranchisement when he takes -his slaves into Canada, or even into New York or Pennsylvania. The -moment the master and slave stand together on this soil, their whole -relations to each other are changed. The master may remain master, and -the servant a servant; but, according to the constitution of the state -they have entered, the service must be a voluntary one on the part of -the slave, and the master must render a just equivalent. When the water -of baptism passed over the master and the slave, both alike came under -the great constitutional law of Christ’s empire, which is this: - -“Whosoever will be great among you, let him be your minister; and -whosoever will be chief among you, let him be your servant, yea, the -servant of all.” Under such a law, servitude was dignified and made -honorable, but slavery was made an impossibility. - -That the church was essentially, and in its own nature, such an -institution of equality, brotherhood, love and liberty, as made the -existence of a slave, in the character of a slave, in it, a -contradiction and an impossibility, is evident from the general scope -and tendency of all the apostolic writings, particularly those of Paul. - -And this view is obtained, not from a dry analysis of Greek words, and -dismal discussions about the meaning of _doulos_, but from a full tide -of celestial, irresistible spirit, full of life and love, that breathes -in every description of the Christian church. - -To all, whether bond or free, the apostle addresses these inspiring -words: “There is one body, and one spirit, even as ye are called in one -hope of your calling; one Lord, one faith, one baptism, one God and -Father of all, who is above all, and through all, and in you all.” “For -through him we all have access, by one Spirit, unto the Father.” “Now, -therefore, ye are no more strangers and foreigners, but fellow-citizens -with the saints, and of the household of God, and are built upon the -foundation of the apostles and prophets, Jesus Christ, himself, being -the chief corner-stone.” “Ye are all the children of God, by faith in -Jesus Christ; there is neither Jew nor Greek, there is neither bond nor -free, there is neither male nor female, for ye are all one in Christ -Jesus.” - -“For, as the body is one, and hath many members, and all the members of -that one body, being many, are one body, so also is Christ; for by one -Spirit are we all baptized into one body, whether we be Jews or -Gentiles, whether we be bond or free; and whether one member suffer, all -the members suffer with it, or one member be honored, all the members -rejoice with it.” - -It was the theory of this blessed and divine unity, that whatever gift, -or superiority, or advantage, was possessed by one member, was possessed -by every member. Thus Paul says to them, “All things are yours; whether -Paul, or Apollos, or Cephas, or life, or death, all are yours, and ye -are Christ’s, and Christ is God’s.” - -Having thus represented the church as one living body, inseparably -united, the apostle uses a still more awful and impressive simile. The -church, he says, is one body, and that body is the fulness of Him who -filleth all in all. That is, He who filleth all in all seeks this church -to be the associate and complement of himself, even as a wife is of the -husband. This body of believers is spoken of as a bright and mystical -bride, in the world, but not of it; spotless, divine, immortal, raised -from the death of sin to newness of life, redeemed by the blood of her -Lord, and to be presented at last unto him, a glorious church, not -having spot or wrinkle, or any such thing. - -A delicate and mysterious sympathy is supposed to pervade this church, -like that delicate and mysterious tracery of nerves that overspreads the -human body; the meanest member cannot suffer without the whole body -quivering in pain. Thus says Paul, who was himself a perfect realization -of this beautiful theory: “Who is weak, and I am not weak? Who is -offended, and I burn not?” “To whom ye forgive anything, I forgive -also.” - -But still further, individual Christians were reminded, in language of -awful solemnity, “What! know ye not that your body is the temple of the -Holy Ghost, which is in you, which ye have of God, and that ye are not -your own?” And again, “Ye are the temple of the living God; as God hath -said, I will dwell in them and walk in them.” Nor was this sublime -language in those days passed over as a mere idle piece of rhetoric, but -was the ever-present consciousness of the soul. - -Every Christian was made an object of sacred veneration to his brethren, -as the temple of the living God. The soul of every Christian was hushed -into awful stillness, and inspired to carefulness, watchfulness and -sanctity, by the consciousness of an indwelling God. Thus Ignatius, who -for his preëminent piety was called, _par excellence_, by his church, -“Theophorus, _the_ God-bearer,” when summoned before the Emperor Trajan, -used the following remarkable language: “No one can call Theophorus an -evil spirit * * * * for, bearing in my heart Christ the king of heaven, -I bring to nothing the arts and devices of the evil spirits.” - -“Who, then, is ‘the God-bearer’?” asked Trajan. - -“He who carries Christ in his heart,” was the reply. * * * * - -“Dost thou mean him whom Pontius Pilate crucified?” - -“He is the one I mean,” replied Ignatius. * * * - -“Dost thou then bear the crucified one in thy heart?” asked Trajan. - -“Even so,” said Ignatius; “for it is written, ‘I will dwell in them and -rest in them.’” - -So perfect was the identification of Christ with the individual -Christian in the primitive church, that it was a familiar form of -expression to speak of an injury done to the meanest Christian as an -injury done to Christ. So St. Paul says, “When ye sin so against the -weak brethren, and wound their weak consciences, ye sin against Christ.” -He says of himself, “I live, yet not I, but Christ liveth in me.” - -See, also, the following extracts from a letter by Cyprian, Bishop of -Carthage, to some poor Numidian churches, who had applied to him to -redeem some of their members from slavery among bordering savage tribes. -(Neander Denkw. I. 340.) - - We could view the captivity of our brethren no otherwise than as our - own, since we belong to one body, and not only love, but religion, - excites us to redeem in our brethren the members of our own body. We - must, even if affection were not sufficient to induce us to keep our - brethren,—we must reflect that the temples of God are in captivity, - and these temples of God ought not, by our neglect, long to remain - in bondage. * * * - - Since the apostle says “as many of you as are baptized have put on - Christ,” so in our captive brethren we must see before us CHRIST, - who hath ransomed us from the danger of captivity, who hath redeemed - us from the danger of death; _Him_ who hath freed us from the abyss - of Satan, and who now remains and dwells in us, to free _Him_ from - the hands of barbarians! With a small sum of money to ransom _Him_ - who hath ransomed us by his cross and blood; and who hath permitted - this to take place that our faith may be proved thereby! - -Now, because the Greek word _doulos_ may mean a slave, and because it is -evident that there were men in the Christian church who were called -_douloi_, will anybody say, in the whole face and genius of this -beautiful institution, that these men were held actually as slaves in -the sense of Roman and American law? Of all dry, dull, hopeless -stupidities, this is the most stupid. Suppose Christian masters did have -servants who were called _douloi_, as is plain enough they did, is it -not evident that the word _douloi_ had become significant of something -very different in the Christian church from what it meant in Roman law? -It was not the business of the apostles to make new dictionaries; they -did not change words,—they changed things. The baptized, regenerated, -new-created _doulos_, of one body and one spirit with his master, made -one with his master, even as Christ is one with the Father, a member -with him of that church which is the fulness of Him who filleth all in -all,—was his relation to his Christian master like that of an American -slave to his master? Would he who regarded his weakest brother as being -one with Christ hold his brother as a chattel personal? Could he hold -Christ as a chattel personal? Could he sell Christ for money? Could he -hold the temple of the Holy Ghost as his property, and gravely defend -his right to sell, lease, mortgage or hire the same, at his convenience, -as that right has been argued in the slave-holding pulpits of America? - -What would have been said at such a doctrine announced in the Christian -church? Every member would have stopped his ears, and cried out, -“Judas!” If he was pronounced accursed who thought that the gift of the -Holy Ghost might be purchased with money, what would have been said of -him who held that the very temple of the Holy Ghost might be bought and -sold, and Christ the Lord become an article of merchandise? Such an idea -never was thought of. It could not have been refuted, for it never -existed. It was an unheard-of and unsupposable work of the devil, which -Paul never contemplated as even possible, that one Christian could claim -a right to hold another Christian as merchandise, and to trade in the -“member of the body, flesh and bones” of Christ. Such a horrible -doctrine never polluted the innocence of the Christian church even in -thought. - -The directions which Paul gives to Christian masters and servants -sufficiently show what a redeeming change had passed over the -institution. In 1st Timothy, St. Paul gives the following directions, -first to those who have heathen masters, second, to those who have -Christian masters. That concerning heathen masters is thus expressed: -“Let as many servants as are under the _yoke_ count their own masters -worthy of all honor, that the name of God and his doctrine be not -blasphemed.” In the next verse the direction is given to the servants of -Christian masters: “They that have believing masters, let them not -despise them because they are brethren, but rather do them service -because they are faithful and beloved, partakers of the benefit.” -Notice, now, the contrast between these directions. The servant of the -heathen master is said to be under the yoke, and it is evidently implied -that the servant of the Christian master was not under the yoke. The -servant of the heathen master was under the severe Roman law; the -servant of the Christian master is an equal, and a brother. In these -circumstances, the servant of the heathen master is commanded to obey -for the sake of recommending the Christian religion. The servant of the -Christian master, on the other hand, is commanded not to despise his -master because he is his brother; but he is to do him service because -his master is faithful and beloved, a partaker of the same glorious -hopes with himself. Let us suppose, now, a clergyman, employed as a -chaplain on a cotton plantation, where most of the members on the -plantation, as we are informed is sometimes the case, are members of the -same Christian church as their master, should assemble the hands around -him and say, “Now, boys, I would not have you despise your master -because he is your brother. It is true you are all one in Christ Jesus; -there is no distinction here; there is neither Jew nor Greek, neither -negro nor white man, neither bond nor free, but ye are all brethren,—all -alike members of Christ, and heirs of the same kingdom; but you must not -despise your master on this account. You must love him as a brother, and -be willing to do all you can to serve him; because you see he is a -partaker of the same benefit with you, and the Lord loves him as much as -he does you.” Would not such an address create a certain degree of -astonishment both with master and servants; and does not the fact that -it seems absurd show that the relation of the slave to his master in -American law is a very different one from what it was in the Christian -church? But again, let us quote another passage, which slave-owners are -much more fond of. In Colossians 4:22 and 5:1,—“Servants, obey, in all -things, your masters, according to the flesh; not with eye-service as -men-pleasers, but in singleness of heart as fearing God; and whatsoever -ye do, do it heartily as unto the Lord, and not unto men, knowing that -of the Lord ye shall receive the reward of the inheritance, for ye serve -the Lord Christ.” “Masters, give unto servants that which is just and -equal, knowing that ye also have a Master in heaven.” - -Now, there is nothing in these directions to servants which would show -that they were chattel servants in the sense of slave-law; for they will -apply equally well to every servant in Old England and New England; but -there is something in the direction to masters which shows that they -were not considered chattel servants by the church, because the master -is commanded to give unto them that which is just and equal, as a -consideration for their service. Of the words “just and equal,” “just” -means that which is legally theirs, and “equal” means that which is in -itself equitable, irrespective of law. - -Now, we have the undoubted testimony of all legal authorities on -American slave-law that American slavery does not _pretend_ to be -founded on what is just or equal either. Thus Judge Ruffin says: “Merely -in the abstract it may well be asked which power of the master accords -with right. The answer will probably sweep away all of them;” and this -principle, so unequivocally asserted by Judge Ruffin, is all along -implied and taken for granted, as we have just seen, in all the -reasonings upon slavery and the slave-law. It would take very little -legal acumen to see that the enacting of these words of Paul into a -statute by any state would be a practical abolition of slavery in that -state. - -But it is said that St. Paul sent Onesimus back to his master. Indeed! -but _how_? When, to our eternal shame and disgrace, the horrors of the -fugitive slave-law were being enacted in Boston, and the very Cradle of -Liberty resounded with the groans of the slave, and men harder-hearted -than Saul of Tarsus made havoc of the church, entering into every house, -haling men and women, committing them to prison; when whole churches of -humble Christians were broken up and scattered like flocks of trembling -sheep; when husbands and fathers were torn from their families, and -mothers, with poor, helpless children, fled at midnight, with bleeding -feet, through snow and ice, towards Canada;—in the midst of these -scenes, which have made America a by-word and a hissing and an -astonishment among all nations, there were found men, Christian men, -ministers of the gospel of Jesus, even,—alas! that this should ever be -written,—who, standing in the pulpit, in the name and by the authority -of Christ, justified and sanctioned these enormities, and used this most -loving and simple-hearted letter of the martyr Paul to justify these -unheard-of atrocities! - -He who said, “Who is weak and I am not weak? Who is offended and I burn -not?”—he who called the converted slave his own body, the son begotten -in his bonds, and who sent him to the brother of his soul with the -direction, “Receive him as myself, not now as a slave, but above a -slave, a brother beloved,”—this beautiful letter, this outgush of -tenderness and love passing the love of woman, was held up to be pawed -over by the polluted hobgoblin-fingers of slave-dealers and -slave-whippers as their _lettre de cachet_, signed and sealed in the -name of Christ and his apostles, giving full authority to carry back -slaves to be tortured and whipped, and sold into perpetual bondage, as -were Henry Long and Thomas Sims! Just as well might a mother’s letter, -when, with prayers and tears, she commits her first and only child to -the cherishing love and sympathy of some trusted friend, be used as an -inquisitor’s warrant for inflicting imprisonment and torture upon that -child. Had not every fragment of the apostle’s body long since mouldered -to dust, his very bones would have moved in their grave, in protest -against such slander on the Christian name and faith. And is it come to -this. O Jesus Christ! have such things been done in thy name, and art -thou silent yet? Verily, thou art a God that hidest thyself, O God of -Israel, the Saviour! - - - - - CHAPTER V. - - -But why did not the apostles preach against the legal relation of -slavery, and seek its overthrow in the state? This question is often -argued as if the apostles were in the same condition with the clergy of -Southern churches, members of republican institutions, law-makers, and -possessed of all republican powers to agitate for the repeal of unjust -laws. - -Contrary to all this, a little reading of the New Testament will show us -that the apostles were almost in the condition of outlaws, under a -severe and despotic government, whose spirit and laws they reprobated as -unchristian, and to which they submitted, just as they exhorted the -slave to submit, as to a necessary evil. - -Hear the apostle Paul thus enumerating the political privileges incident -to the ministry of Christ. Some false teachers had risen in the church -at Corinth, and controverted his teachings, asserting that they had -greater pretensions to authority in the Christian ministry than he. St. -Paul, defending his apostolic position, thus speaks: “Are they ministers -of Christ? (I speak as a fool) I am more; in labors more abundant, in -stripes above measure, in prisons more frequent, in deaths oft. Of the -Jews five times received I forty stripes save one. Thrice was I beaten -with rods, once was I stoned, thrice I suffered shipwreck, a night and a -day have I been in the deep; in journeyings often, in perils of waters, -in perils of robbers, in perils by mine own countrymen, in perils by the -heathen, in perils in the city, in perils in the wilderness, in perils -in the sea, in perils among false brethren: in weariness and -painfulness, in watchings often, in hunger and thirst, in fastings -often, in cold and nakedness.” - -What enumeration of the hardships of an American slave can more than -equal the hardships of the great apostle to the Gentiles? He had nothing -to do with laws except to suffer their penalties. They were made and -kept in operation without asking him, and the slave did not suffer any -more from them than he did. - -It would appear that the clergymen of the South, when they imitate the -example of Paul, in letting entirely alone the civil relation of the -slave, have left wholly out of their account how different is the -position of an American clergyman, in a republican government, where he -himself helps make and sustain the laws, from the condition of the -apostle, under a heathen despotism, with whose laws he could have -nothing to do. - -It is very proper for an outlawed slave to address to other outlawed -slaves exhortations to submit to a government which neither he nor they -have any power to alter. - -We read, in sermons which clergymen at the South have addressed to -slaves, exhortations to submission, and patience, and humility, in their -enslaved condition, which would be exceedingly proper in the mouth of an -apostle, where he and the slaves were alike fellow-sufferers under a -despotism whose laws they could not alter, but which assume quite -another character when addressed to the slave by the very men who make -the laws that enslave them. - -If a man has been waylaid and robbed of all his property, it would be -very becoming and proper for his clergyman to endeavor to reconcile him -to his condition, as, in some sense, a dispensation of Providence; but -if the man who robs him should come to him, and address to him the same -exhortations, he certainly will think that that is quite another phase -of the matter. - -A clergyman of high rank in the church, in a sermon to the negroes, thus -addresses them: - - Almighty God hath been pleased to make you slaves here, and to give - you nothing but labor and poverty in this world, which you are - obliged to submit to, as it is his will that it should be so. And - think within yourselves what a terrible thing it would be, after all - your labors and sufferings in this life, to be turned into hell in - the next life; and, after wearing out your bodies in service here, - to go into a far worse slavery when this is over, and your poor - souls be delivered over into the possession of the devil, to become - his slaves forever in hell, without any hope of ever getting free - from it. If, therefore, you would be God’s freemen in heaven, you - must strive to be good and serve him here on earth. Your bodies, you - know, are not your own; they are at the disposal of those you belong - to; but your precious souls are still your own, which nothing can - take from you, if it be not your own fault. Consider well, then, - that if you lose your souls by leading idle, wicked lives here, you - have got nothing by it in this world, and you have lost your all in - the next. For your idleness and wickedness is generally found out, - and your bodies suffer for it here; and, what is far worse, if you - do not repent and amend, your unhappy souls will suffer for it - hereafter. - -Now, this clergyman was a man of undoubted sincerity. He had read the -New Testament, and observed that St. Paul addressed exhortations -something like this to slaves in his day. - -But he entirely forgot to consider that Paul had not the rights of a -republican clergyman; that he was not a maker and sustainer of those -laws by which the slaves were reduced to their condition, but only a -fellow-sufferer under them. A case may be supposed which would -illustrate this principle to the clergyman. Suppose that he were -travelling along the highway, with all his worldly property about him, -in the shape of bank-bills. An association of highwaymen seize him, bind -him to a tree, and take away the whole of his worldly estate. This they -would have precisely the same right to do that the clergyman and his -brother republicans have to take all the earnings and possessions of -their slaves. The property would belong to these highwaymen by exactly -the same kind of title,—not because they have earned it, but simply -because they have got it and are able to keep it. - -The head of this confederation, observing some dissatisfaction upon the -face of the clergyman, proceeds to address him a religious exhortation -to patience and submission, in much the same terms as he had before -addressed to the slaves. “Almighty God has been pleased to take away -your entire property, and to give you nothing but labor and poverty in -this world, which you are obliged to submit to, as it is his will that -it should be so. Now, think within yourself what a terrible thing it -would be, if, having lost all your worldly property, you should, by -discontent and want of resignation, lose also your soul; and, having -been robbed of all your property here, to have your poor soul delivered -over to the possession of the devil, to become his property forever in -hell, without any hope of ever getting free from it. Your property now -is no longer your own; we have taken possession of it; but your precious -soul is still your own, and nothing can take it from you but your own -fault. Consider well, then, that if you lose your soul by rebellion and -murmuring against this dispensation of Providence, you will get nothing -by it in this world, and will lose your all in the next.” - -Now, should this clergyman say, as he might very properly, to these -robbers,—“There is no necessity for my being poor in this world, if you -will only give me back my property which you have taken from me,” he is -only saying precisely what the slaves to whom he has been preaching -might say to him and his fellow-republicans. - - - - - CHAPTER VI. - - -But it may still be said that the apostles might have commanded -Christian masters to perform the act of legal emancipation in all cases. -Certainly they might, and it is quite evident that they did not. - -The professing primitive Christian regarded and treated his slave as a -brother, but in the eye of the law he was still his chattel personal,—a -thing, and not a man. Why did not the apostles, then, strike at the -legal relation? Why did they not command every Christian convert to -sunder that chain at once? In answer, we say that every attempt at -reform which comes from God has proceeded uniformly in this manner,—to -destroy the _spirit_ of an abuse first, and leave the _form_ of it to -drop away, of itself, afterwards,—to girdle the poisonous tree, and -leave it to take its own time for dying. - -This mode of dealing with abuses has this advantage, that it is -compendious and universal, and can apply to that particular abuse in all -ages, and under all shades and modifications. If the apostle, in that -outward and physical age, had merely attacked the legal relation, and -had rested the whole burden of obligation on dissolving that, the -corrupt and selfish principle might have run into other forms of -oppression equally bad, and sheltered itself under the technicality of -avoiding legal slavery. God, therefore, dealt a surer blow at the -monster, by singling out the precise spot where his heart beat, and -saying to his apostles, “Strike there!” - -Instead of saying to the slave-holder, “manumit your slave,” it said to -him. “treat him as your brother,” and left to the slave-holder’s -conscience to say how much was implied in this command. - -In the directions which Paul gave about slavery, it is evident that he -considered the legal relation with the same indifference with which a -gardener treats a piece of unsightly bark, which he perceives the -growing vigor of a young tree is about to throw off by its own vital -force. He looked upon it as a part of an old, effete system of -heathenism, belonging to a set of laws and usages which were waxing old -and ready to vanish away. - -There is an argument which has been much employed on this subject, and -which is specious. It is this. That the apostles treated slavery as one -of the lawful relations of life, like that of parent and child, husband -and wife. - -The argument is thus stated: The apostles found all the relations of -life much corrupted by various abuses. - -They did not attack the _relations_, but reformed the _abuses_, and thus -restored the relations to a healthy state. - -The mistake here lies in assuming that slavery is the lawful relation. -Slavery is the corruption of a lawful relation. The lawful relation is -_servitude_, and slavery is the _corruption_ of servitude. - -When the apostles came, all the relations of life in the Roman empire -were thoroughly permeated with the principle of slavery. The relation of -child to parent was slavery. The relation of wife to husband was -slavery. The relation of servant to master was slavery. - -The power of the father over his son, by Roman law, was very much the -same with the power of the master over his slave.[30] He could, at his -pleasure, scourge, imprison, or put him to death. The son could possess -nothing but what was the property of his father; and this unlimited -control extended through the whole lifetime of the father, unless the -son were formally liberated by an act of manumission three times -repeated, while the slave could be manumitted by performing the act only -once. Neither was there any law obliging the father to manumit;—he could -retain this power, if he chose, during his whole life. - -Very similar was the situation of the Roman wife. In case she were -accused of crime, her husband assembled a meeting of her relations, and -in their presence sat in judgment upon her, awarding such punishment as -he thought proper. - -For unfaithfulness to her marriage-vow, or for drinking wine, Romulus -allowed her husband to put her to death.[31] From this slavery, unlike -the son, the wife could never be manumitted; no legal forms were -provided. It was lasting as her life. - -The same spirit of force and slavery pervaded the relation of master and -servant, giving rise to that severe code of slave-law, which, with a few -features of added cruelty, Christian America, in the nineteenth century, -has reënacted. - -With regard, now, to all these abuses of proper relations, the gospel -pursued one uniform course. It did not command the Christian father to -perform the legal act of emancipation to his son; but it infused such a -divine spirit into the paternal relation, by assimilating it to the -relation of the heavenly Father, that the Christianized Roman would -regard any use of his barbarous and oppressive legal powers as entirely -inconsistent with his Christian profession. So it ennobled the marriage -relation by comparing it to the relation between Christ and his church; -commanding the husband to love his wife, even as Christ loved the -church, and gave himself for it. It said to him, “No man ever yet hated -his own flesh, but nourisheth and cherisheth it, even as the Lord the -church;” “so ought every one to love his wife, even as himself.” Not an -allusion is made to the barbarous, unjust power which the law gave the -husband. It was perfectly understood that a Christian husband could not -make use of it in conformity with these directions. - -In the same manner Christian masters were exhorted to give to their -servants that which is just and equitable; and, so far from coercing -their services by force, to forbear even threatenings. The Christian -master was directed to receive his Christianized slave, “NOT now as a -slave, but above a slave, a brother beloved;” and, as in all these other -cases, nothing was said to him about the barbarous powers which the -Roman law gave him, since it was perfectly understood that he could not -at the same time treat him as a brother beloved and as a slave in the -sense of Roman law. - -When, therefore, the question is asked, why did not the apostles seek -the abolition of slavery, we answer, they did seek it. They sought it by -the safest, shortest, and most direct course which could possibly have -been adopted. - ------ - -Footnote 30: - - See Adams’ Roman Antiquities. - -Footnote 31: - - Dionys, Hal. II. 25. - - - - - CHAPTER VII. - - -But did Christianity abolish slavery as a matter of fact? We answer, it -did. - -Let us look at these acknowledged facts. At the time of the coming of -Christ, slavery extended over the whole civilized world. Captives in war -were uniformly made slaves, and, as wars were of constant occurrence, -the ranks of slavery were continually being reinforced; and, as slavery -was hereditary and perpetual, there was every reason to suppose that the -number would have gone on increasing indefinitely, had not some -influence operated to stop it. This is one fact. - -Let us now look at another. At the time of the Reformation, -chattel-slavery had entirely ceased throughout all the civilized -countries of the world;—by no particular edict, by no special laws of -emancipation, but by the steady influence of some gradual, unseen power, -this whole vast system had dissolved away, like the snow-banks of -winter. - -These two facts being conceded, the inquiry arises, What caused this -change? If, now, we find that the most powerful organization in the -civilized world at that time did pursue a system of measures which had a -direct tendency to bring about such a result, we shall very naturally -ascribe it to that organization. - -The Spanish writer, Balmes, in his work entitled “Protestantism compared -with Catholicity,” has one chapter devoted to the anti-slavery course of -the church, in which he sets forth the whole system of measures which -the church pursued in reference to this subject, and quotes, in their -order, all the decrees of councils. The decrees themselves are given in -an appendix at length, in the original Latin. We cannot but sympathize -deeply in the noble and generous spirit in which these chapters are -written, and the enlarged and vigorous ideas which they give of the -magnanimous and honorable nature of Christianity. They are evidently -conceived by a large and noble soul, capable of understanding such -views,—a soul grave, earnest, deeply religious, though evidently -penetrated and imbued with the most profound conviction of the truth of -his own peculiar faith. - -We shall give a short abstract, from M. Balmes, of the early course of -the church. In contemplating the course which the church took in this -period, certain things are to be borne in _mind_ respecting the -character of the times. - -The process was carried on during that stormy and convulsed period of -society which succeeded the breaking up of the Roman empire. At this -time, all the customs of society were rude and barbarous. Though -Christianity, as a system, had been nominally very extensively embraced, -yet it had not, as in the case of its first converts, penetrated to the -heart, and regenerated the whole nature. Force and violence was the -order of the day, and the Christianity of the savage northern tribes, -who at this time became masters of Europe, was mingled with the -barbarities of their ancient heathenism. To root the institution of -slavery out of such a state of society, required, of course, a very -different process from what would be necessary under the enlightened -organization of modern times. - -No power but one of the peculiar kind which the Christian church then -possessed could have effected anything in this way. The Christian church -at this time, far from being in the outcast and outlawed state in which -it existed in the time of the apostles, was now an organization of great -power, and of a kind of power peculiarly adapted to that rude and -uncultured age. It laid hold of all those elements of fear, and mystery, -and superstition, which are strongest in barbarous ages, as with -barbarous individuals, and it visited the violations of its commands -with penalties the more dreaded that they related to some awful future, -dimly perceived and imperfectly comprehended. - -In dealing with slavery, the church did not commence by a proclamation -of universal emancipation, because, such was the barbarous and unsettled -nature of the times, so fierce the grasp of violence, and so many the -causes of discord, that she avoided adding to the confusion by infusing -into it this element;—nay, a certain council of the church forbade, on -pain of ecclesiastical censure, those who preached that slaves ought -immediately to leave their masters. - -The course was commenced first by restricting the power of the master, -and granting protection to the slave. The Council of Orleans, in 549, -gave to a slave threatened with punishment the privilege of taking -sanctuary in a church, and forbade his master to withdraw him thence, -without taking a solemn oath that he would do him no harm; and, if he -violated the spirit of this oath, he was to be suspended from the church -and the sacraments,—a doom which in those days was viewed with such a -degree of superstitious awe, that the most barbarous would scarcely dare -to incur it. The custom was afterwards introduced of requiring an oath -on such occasions, not only that the slave should be free from corporeal -infliction, but that he should not be punished by an extra imposition of -labor, or by any badge of disgrace. When this was complained of, as -being altogether too great a concession on the side of the slave, the -utmost that could be extorted from the church, by way of retraction, was -this,—that in cases of very _heinous offence_ the master should not be -required to make the two latter promises. - -There was a certain punishment among the Goths which was more dreaded -than death. It was the shaving of the hair. This was considered as -inflicting a lasting disgrace. If a Goth once had his hair shaved, it -was all over with him. The fifteenth canon of the Council of Merida, in -666, forbade ecclesiastics to inflict this punishment upon their slaves, -as also all other kind of violence, and ordained that if a slave -committed an offence, he should not be subject to private vengeance, but -be delivered up to the secular tribunal, and that the bishops should use -their power only to procure a moderation of the sentence. This was -substituting public justice for personal vengeance—a most important -step. The church further enacted, by two councils, that the master who, -of his own authority, should take the life of his slave, should be cut -off for two years from the communion of the church,—a condition, in the -view of those times, implying the most awful spiritual risk, separating -the man in the eye of society from all that was sacred, and teaching him -to regard himself, and others to regard him, as a being loaded with the -weight of a must tremendous sin. - -Besides the protection given to life and limb, the church threw her -shield over the family condition of the slave. By old Roman law, the -slave could not contract a legal, inviolable marriage. The church of -that age availed itself of the catholic idea of the sacramental nature -of marriage to conflict with this heathenish doctrine. Pope Adrian I. -said, “According to the words of the apostle, as in Jesus Christ we -ought not to deprive either slaves or freemen of the sacraments of the -church so it is not allowed in any way to prevent the _marriage_ of -slaves; and if their marriages have been contracted _in spite of the -opposition and repugnance of their masters_, nevertheless they _ought -not to be dissolved_.” St. Thomas was of the same opinion, for he openly -maintains that, with respect to contracting marriage, “_slaves are not -obliged to obey their masters_.” - -It can easily be seen what an effect was produced when the personal -safety and family ties of the slaves were thus proclaimed sacred by an -authority which no man living dared dispute. It elevated the slave in -the eyes of his master, and awoke hope and self-respect in his own -bosom, and powerfully tended to fit him for the reception of that -liberty to which the church by many avenues was constantly seeking to -conduct him. - -Another means which the church used to procure emancipation was a -jealous care of the freedom of those already free. - -Every one knows how in our Southern States the boundaries of slavery are -continually increasing, for want of some power there to perform the same -kind office. The liberated slave, travelling without his papers, is -continually in danger of being taken up, thrown into jail, and sold to -pay his jail-fees. He has no bishop to help him out of his troubles. In -no church can he take sanctuary. Hundreds and thousands of helpless men -and women are every year engulfed in slavery in this manner. - -The church, at this time, took all enfranchised slaves under her -particular protection. The act of enfranchisement was made a religious -service, and was solemnly performed in the church; and then the church -received the newly-made freeman to her protecting arms, and guarded his -newly-acquired rights by her spiritual power. The first Council of -Orange, held in 441, ordained in its seventh canon that the church -should check by ecclesiastical censures whoever desired to reduce to any -kind of servitude slaves who had been emancipated within the enclosure -of the church. A century later, the same prohibition was repeated in the -seventh canon of the fifth Council of Orleans, held in 549. The -protection given by the church to freed slaves was so manifest and known -to all, that the custom was introduced of especially recommending them -to her, either in lifetime or by will. The Council of Agde, in -Languedoc, passed a resolution commanding the church, in all cases of -necessity, to undertake the defence of those to whom their masters had, -in a lawful way, given liberty. - -Another anti-slavery measure which the church pursued with distinguished -zeal had the same end in view, that is, the _prevention of the increase -of slavery_. It was the ransoming of captives. As at that time it was -customary for captives in war to be made slaves of, unless ransomed, and -as, owing to the unsettled state of society, wars were frequent, slavery -might have been indefinitely prolonged, had not the church made the -greatest efforts in this way. The ransoming of slaves in those days held -the same place in the affections of pious and devoted members of the -church that the enterprise of converting the heathen now does. Many of -the most eminent Christians, in their excess of zeal, even sold -themselves into captivity that they might redeem distressed families. -Chateaubriand describes a Christian priest in France who voluntarily -devoted himself to slavery for the ransom of a Christian soldier, and -thus restored a husband to his desolate wife, and a father to three -unfortunate children. Such were the deeds which secured to men in those -days the honor of saintship. Such was the history of St. Zachary, whose -story drew tears from many eyes, and excited many hearts to imitate so -sublime a charity. In this they did but imitate the spirit of the early -Christians; for the apostolic Clement says, “We know how many among -ourselves have given up themselves unto bonds, that thereby they might -free others from them.” (1st letter to the Corinthians, § 55, or ch. -XXI. V. 20.) One of the most distinguished of the Frankish bishops was -St. Eloy. He was originally a goldsmith of remarkable skill in his art, -and by his integrity and trustworthiness won the particular esteem and -confidence of King Clotaire I., and stood high in his court. Of him -Neander speaks as follows. “The cause of the gospel was to him the -dearest interest, to which everything else was made subservient. While -working at his art, he always had a Bible open before him. The abundant -income of his labors he devoted to religious objects and deeds of -charity. Whenever he heard of captives, who in these days _were often -dragged off in troops as slaves that were to be sold at auction_, he -hastened to the spot and paid down their price.” Alas for our -slave-coffles!—there are no such bishops now! “Sometimes, by his means, -a hundred at once, men and women, thus obtained their liberty. He then -left it to their choice, either to return home, or to remain with him as -free Christian brethren, or to become monks. In the first case, he gave -them money for their journey; in the last, which pleased him most, he -took pains to procure them a handsome reception into some monastery.” - -So great was the zeal of the church for the ransom of unhappy captives, -that even the ornaments and sacred vessels of the church were sold for -their ransom. By the fifth canon of the Council of Macon, held in 585, -it appears that the priests devoted church property to this purpose. The -Council of Rheims, held in 625, orders the punishment of suspension on -the bishop who shall destroy the sacred vessels FOR ANY OTHER MOTIVE -THAN THE RANSOM OF CAPTIVES; and in the twelfth canon of the Council of -Verneuil, held in 844, we find that the property of the church was still -used for this benevolent purpose. - -When the church had thus redeemed the captive, she still continued him -under her special protection, giving him letters of recommendation which -should render his liberty safe in the eyes of all men. The Council of -Lyons, held in 583, enacts that bishops shall state, in the letters of -recommendation which they give to redeemed slaves, the date and price of -their ransom. The zeal for this work was so ardent that some of the -clergy even went so far as to induce captives to run away. A council -called that of St. Patrick, held in Ireland, condemns this practice, and -says that the clergyman who desires to ransom captives must do so with -his own money, for to induce them to run away was to expose the clergy -to be considered as robbers, which was a dishonor to the church. The -disinterestedness of the church in this work appears from the fact that, -when she had employed her funds for the ransom of captives she never -exacted from them any recompense, even when they had it in their power -to discharge the debt. In the letters of St. Gregory, he reässures some -persons who had been freed by the church, and who feared that they -should be called upon to refund the money which had been expended on -them. The Pope orders that no one, at any time, shall venture to disturb -them or their heirs, because the sacred canons allow the employment of -the goods of the church for the ransom of captives. (L. 7, Ep. 14.) -Still further to guard against the increase of the number of slaves, the -Council of Lyons, in 566, excommunicated those who unjustly retained -free persons in slavery. - -If there were any such laws in the Southern States, and all were -excommunicated who are doing this, there would be quite a sensation, as -some recent discoveries show. - -In 625, the Council of Rheims decreed excommunication to all those who -pursue free persons in order to reduce them to slavery. The -twenty-seventh canon of the Council of London, held 1102, forbade the -barbarous custom of trading in men, like animals; and the seventh canon -of the Council of Coblentz, held 922, declares that he who takes away a -Christian to sell him is guilty of homicide. A French council, held in -Verneuil in 616, established the law that all persons who had been sold -into slavery on account of poverty or debt should receive back their -liberty by the restoration of the price which had been paid. It will -readily be seen that this opened a wide field for restoration to liberty -in an age where so great a Christian zeal had been awakened for the -redeeming of slaves, since it afforded opportunity for Christians to -interest themselves in raising the necessary ransom. - -At this time the Jews occupied a very peculiar place among the nations. -The spirit of trade and commerce was almost entirely confined to them, -and the great proportion of the wealth was in their hands, and, of -course, many slaves. The regulations which the church passed relative to -the slaves of Jews tended still further to strengthen the principles of -liberty. They forbade Jews to compel Christian slaves to do things -contrary to the religion of Christ. They allowed Christian slaves, who -took refuge in the church, to be ransomed, by paying their masters the -proper price. - -This produced abundant results in favor of liberty, inasmuch as they -gave Christian slaves the opportunity of flying to churches, and there -imploring the charity of their brethren. They also enacted that a Jew -who should pervert a Christian slave should be condemned to lose all his -slaves. This was a new sanction to the slave’s conscience, and a new -opening for liberty. After that, they proceeded to forbid Jews to have -Christian slaves, and it was allowed to ransom those in their possession -for twelve sous. As the Jews were among the greatest traders of the -time, the forbidding them to keep slaves was a very decided step toward -general emancipation. - -Another means of lessening the ranks of slavery was a decree passed in a -council at Rome, in 595, presided over by Pope Gregory the Great. This -decree offered liberty to all who desired to embrace the monastic life. -This decree, it is said, led to great scandal, as slaves fled from the -houses of their masters in great numbers, and took refuge in -monasteries. - -The church also ordained that any slave who felt a calling to enter the -ministry, and appeared qualified therefor, should be allowed to pursue -his vocation: and enjoined it upon his master to liberate him, since the -church could not permit her minister to wear the yoke of slavery. It is -to be presumed that the phenomenon, on page 176, of a preacher with both -toes cut off and branded on the breast, advertised as a runaway in the -public papers, was not one which could have occurred consistently with -the Christianity of that period. - -Under the influence of all these regulations, it is not surprising that -there are documents cited by M. Balmes which go to show the following -things. First, that the number of slaves thus liberated was very great, -as there was universal complaint upon this head. - -Second, that the bishops were complained of as being _always in favor of -the slaves_, as carrying their protection to very great lengths, -laboring in all ways to realize the doctrine of man’s equality; and it -is affirmed in the documents that complaint is made that there is hardly -a bishop who cannot be charged with reprehensible compliances in favor -of slaves, and that slaves were aware of this spirit of protection, and -were ready to throw off their chains, and cast themselves into the -church. - -It is not necessary longer to extend this history. It is as perfectly -plain whither such a course tends, as it is whither the course pursued -by the American clergy at the South tends. We are not surprised that -under such a course, on the one hand, the number of slaves decreased, -till there were none in modern Europe. We are not surprised by such a -course, on the other hand, that they have increased until there are -three millions in America. - -Alas for the poor slave! What church befriends him? In what house of -prayer can he take sanctuary? What holy men stand forward to rebuke the -wicked law that denies him legal marriages? What pious bishops visit -slave-coffles to redeem men, women and children, to liberty? What holy -exhortations in churches to buy the freedom of wretched captives? When -have church velvets been sold, and communion-cups melted down, to -liberate the slave? Where are the pastors, inflamed with the love of -Jesus, who have sold themselves into slavery to restore separated -families? Where are those honorable complaints of the world that the -church is always on the side of the oppressed?—that the slaves feel the -beatings of her generous heart, and long to throw themselves into her -arms? Love of brethren, holy charities, love of Jesus,—where are ye?—Are -ye fled forever? - - - - - CHAPTER VIII. - “Masters, give unto your servants that which is just and equal.” - - -From what has been said in the last chapter, it is presumed that it will -appear that the Christian church of America by no means occupies that -position, with regard to slavery, that the apostles did, or that the -church of the earlier ages did. - -However they may choose to interpret the language of the apostles, the -fact still remains undeniable, that the church organization which grew -up immediately after these instructions did intend and did effect the -abolition of slavery. - -But we wish to give still further consideration to one idea which is -often put forward by those who defend American slavery. It is this. That -the institution is not of itself a sinful one, and that the only sin -consists in the neglect of its relative duties. All that is necessary, -they say, is to _regulate_ the institution by the precepts of the -gospel. They admit that no slavery is defensible which is not so -regulated. - -If, therefore, it shall appear that American slave-law _cannot_ be -regulated by the precepts of the gospel, without such alterations as -will entirely do away the whole system, then it will appear that it is -an unchristian institution, against which every Christian is bound to -remonstrate, and from which he should entirely withdraw. - -The Roman slave-code was a code made by heathen,—by a race, too, -proverbially stern and unfeeling. It was made in the darkest ages of the -world, before the light of the gospel had dawned. Christianity gradually -but certainly abolished it. Some centuries later, a company of men, from -Christian nations, go to the continent of Africa; there they kindle -wars, sow strifes, set tribes against tribes with demoniac violence, -burn villages, and in the midst of these diabolical scenes kidnap and -carry off, from time to time, hundreds and thousands of miserable -captives. Such of those as do not die of terror, grief, suffocation, -ship-fever, and other horrors, are, from time to time, landed on the -shores of America. Here they are. And now a set of Christian legislators -meet together to construct a system and laws of servitude, with regard -to these unfortunates, which is hereafter to be considered as a -Christian institution. - -Of course, in order to have any valid title to such a name, the -institution must be regulated by the principles which Christ and his -apostles have laid down for the government of those who assume the -relation of masters. The New Testament sums up these principles in a -single sentence: “Masters, give unto your servants that which is just -and equal.” - -But, forasmuch as there is always some confusion of mind in regard to -what is just and equal in our neighbor’s affairs, our Lord has given -this direction, by which we may arrive at infallible certainty. “All -things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to -them.” - -It is, therefore, evident that if Christian legislators are about to -form a Christian system of servitude, they must base it on these two -laws, one of which is a particular specification under the other. - -Let us now examine some of the particulars of the code which they have -formed, and see if it bear this character. - -First, they commence by declaring that their brother shall no longer be -considered as a person, but deemed, sold, taken, and reputed, as a -chattel personal.—This is “just and equal!” - -This being the fundamental principle of the system, the following are -specified as its consequences: - -1. That he shall have no right to hold property of any kind, under any -circumstances.—Just and equal! - -2. That he shall have no power to contract a legal marriage, or claim -any woman in particular for his wife.—Just and equal! - -3. That he shall have no right to his children, either to protect, -restrain, guide or educate.—Just and equal! - -4. That the power of his master over him shall be ABSOLUTE, without any -possibility of appeal or redress in consequence of any injury whatever. - -To secure this, they enact that he shall not be able to enter suit in -any court for any cause.—Just and equal! - -That he shall not be allowed to bear testimony in any court where any -white person is concerned.—Just and equal! - -That the owner of a servant, for “malicious, cruel, and excessive -beating of his slave, cannot be indicted.”—Just and equal! - -It is further decided, that by no indirect mode of suit, through a -guardian, shall a slave obtain redress for ill-treatment. (Dorothea _v._ -Coquillon et al, 9 Martin La. Rep. 350.)—Just and equal! - -5. It is decided that the slave shall not only have no legal redress for -injuries inflicted by his master, but shall have no redress for those -inflicted by any other person, unless the injury impair his property -value.—Just and equal! - -Under this head it is distinctly asserted as follows: - -“There can be no offence against the peace of the state, by the mere -beating of a slave, unaccompanied by any circumstances of cruelty, or an -intent to kill and murder. The peace of the state is not thereby -broken.” (State _v._ Maner, 2 Hill’s Rep. S. C.)—Just and equal! - -If a slave strike a white, he is to be condemned to death; but if a -master kill his slave by torture, no white witnesses being present, he -may clear himself by his own oath. (Louisiana.)—Just and equal! - -The law decrees fine and imprisonment to the person who shall release -the servant of another from the torture of the iron collar. -(Louisiana.)—Just and equal! - -It decrees a much smaller fine, without imprisonment, to the man who -shall torture him with red-hot irons, cut out his tongue, put out his -eyes, and scald or maim him. (Ibid.)—Just and equal! - -It decrees the same punishment to him who teaches him to write as to him -who puts out his eyes.—Just and equal! - -As it might be expected that only very ignorant and brutal people could -be kept in a condition like this, especially in a country where every -book and every newspaper are full of dissertations on the rights of man, -they therefore enact laws that neither he nor his children, to all -generations, shall learn to read and write.—Just and equal! - -And as, if allowed to meet for religious worship, they might concert -some plan of escape or redress, they enact that “no congregation of -negroes, under pretence of divine worship, shall assemble themselves; -and that every slave found at such meetings shall be immediately -corrected, _without trial_, by receiving on the bare back twenty-five -stripes with a whip, switch or cowskin.” (Law of Georgia. Prince’s -Digest, p. 447.)—Just and equal! - -Though the servant is thus kept in ignorance, nevertheless in his -ignorance he is punished more severely for the same crimes than -freemen.—Just and equal! - -By way of protecting him from over-work, they enact that he shall not -labor more than five hours longer than convicts at hard labor in a -penitentiary! - -They also enact that the master or overseer, not the slave, shall decide -when he is too sick to work.—Just and equal! - -If any master, compassionating this condition of the slave, desires to -better it, the law takes it out of his power, by the following -decisions: - -1. That all his earnings shall belong to his master, notwithstanding his -master’s promise to the contrary; thus making them liable for his -master’s debts.—Just and equal! - -2. That if his master allow him to keep cattle for his own use, it shall -be lawful for any man to take them away, and enjoy half the profits of -the seizure.—Just and equal! - -3. If his master sets him free, he shall be taken up and sold -again.—Just and equal! - -4. If any man or woman runs away from this state of things, and, after -proclamation made, does not return, any two justices of the peace may -declare them outlawed, and give permission to any person in the -community to kill them by any ways or means they think fit.—Just and -equal! - -Such are the laws of that system of slavery which has been made up by -Christian masters late in the Christian era, and is now defended by -Christian ministers as an eminently benign institution. - -In this manner Christian legislators have expressed their understanding -of the text, “Masters, give unto your servants that which is just and -equal,” and of the text, “All things whatsoever ye would that men should -do to you, do ye even so to them.” - -It certainly presents the most extraordinary view of justice and equity, -and is the most remarkable exposition of the principle of doing to -others as we would others should do to us that it has ever been the good -fortune of the civilized world to observe. This being the _institution_, -let any one conjecture what its abuses must be; for we are gravely told, -by learned clergymen, that they do not feel called upon to interfere -with the _system_, but only with its _abuses_. We should like to know -what abuse could be specified that is not provided for and expressly -protected by slave-law. - -And yet, Christian republicans, who, with full power to repeal this law, -are daily sustaining it, talk about there being no harm in slavery, if -they regulate it according to the apostle’s directions, and give unto -their servants that which is just and equal. Do they think that, if the -Christianized masters of Rome and Corinth had made such a set of rules -as this for the government of their slaves, Paul would have accepted it -as a proper exposition of what he meant by just and equal? - -But the Presbyteries of South Carolina say, and all the other religious -bodies at the South say, that the church of our Lord Jesus Christ has no -right to interfere with civil institutions. What is this church of our -Lord Jesus Christ, that they speak of? Is it not a collection of -republican men, who have constitutional power to alter these laws, and -whose duty it is to alter them, and who are disobeying the apostle’s -directions every day till they do alter them? Every minister at the -South is a voter as much as he is a minister; every church-member is a -voter as much as he is a church-member; and ministers and church-members -are among the masters who are keeping up this system of atrocity, when -they have full republican power to alter it; and yet they talk about -giving their servants that which is just and equal! If they are going to -give their servants that which is just and equal, let them give them -back their manhood; they are law-makers, and can do it. Let them give to -the slave the right to hold property, the right to form legal marriage, -the right to read the word of God, and to have such education as will -fully develop his intellectual and moral nature; the right of free -religious opinion and worship; let them give him the right to bring suit -and to bear testimony; give him the right to have some vote in the -government by which his interests are controlled. This will be something -more like giving him that which _is_ “just and equal.” - -Mr. Smylie, of Mississippi, says that the planters of Louisiana and -Mississippi, when they are giving from twenty to twenty-five dollars a -barrel for pork, give their slaves three or four pounds a week; and -intimates that, if that will not convince people that they are doing -what is just and equal, he does not know what will. - -Mr. C. C. Jones, after stating in various places that he has no -intention ever to interfere with the civil condition of the slave, -teaches the negroes, in his catechism, that the master gives to his -servant that which is just and equal, when he provides for them good -houses, good clothing, food, nursing, and religious instruction. - -This is just like a man who has stolen an estate which belongs to a -family of orphans. Out of its munificent revenues, he gives the orphans -comfortable food, clothing, &c., while he retains the rest for his own -use, declaring that he is thus rendering to them that which is just and -equal. - -If the laws which regulate slavery were made by a despotic sovereign, -over whose movements the masters could have no control, this mode of -proceeding might be called just and equal; but, as they are made and -kept in operation by these Christian masters, these ministers and -church-members, in common with those who are not so, they are every one -of them refusing to the slave that which is just and equal, so long as -they do not seek the repeal of these laws; and, if they cannot get them -repealed, it is their duty to take the slave out from under them, since -they are constructed with such fatal ingenuity as utterly to nullify all -that the master tries to do for their elevation and permanent benefit. - -No man would wish to leave his own family of children as slaves under -the care of the kindest master that ever breathed; and what he would not -wish to have done to his own children, he ought not to do to other -people’s children. - -But, it will be said that it is not becoming for the Christian church to -enter into political matters. Again, we ask, what is the Christian -church? Is it not an association of republican citizens, each one of -whom has his rights and duties as a legal voter? - -Now, suppose a law were passed which depreciated the value of cotton or -sugar three cents in the pound, would these men consider the fact that -they are church-members as any reason why they should not agitate for -the repeal of such law? Certainly not. Such a law would be brittle as -the spider’s web; it would be swept away before it was well made. Every -law to which the majority of the community does not assent is, in this -country, immediately torn down. - -Why, then, does this monstrous system stand from age to age? Because the -community CONSENT TO IT. They _reënact_ these unjust laws every day, by -their silent permission of them. - -The kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ is not of this world, say the South -Carolina Presbyteries; therefore, the church has no right to interfere -with any civil institution; but yet all the clergy of Charleston could -attend in a body to give sanction to the proceedings of the great -Vigilance Committee. They could not properly exert the least influence -_against_ slavery, because it is a civil institution, but they could -give the whole weight of their influence in _favor_ of it. - -Is it not making the kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ quite as much of -this world, to patronize the oppressor, as to patronize the slave? - - - - - CHAPTER IX. - IS THE SYSTEM OF RELIGION WHICH IS TAUGHT THE SLAVE THE GOSPEL? - - -The ladies of England, in their letter to the ladies of America, spoke -in particular of the denial of the gospel to the slave. This has been -indignantly resented in this country, and it has been claimed that the -slaves do have the gospel communicated to them very extensively. - -Whoever reads Mr. Charles C. Jones’ book on the religious instruction of -the negroes will have no doubt of the following facts: - -1. That from year to year, since the introduction of the negroes into -this country, various pious and benevolent individuals have made efforts -for their spiritual welfare. - -2. That these efforts have increased, from year to year. - -3. That the most extensive and important one came into being about the -time that Mr. Jones’ book was written, in the year 1842, and extended to -some degree through the United States. The fairest development of it was -probably in the State of Georgia, the sphere of Mr. Jones’ immediate -labor, where the most gratifying results were witnessed, and much very -amiable and commendable Christian feeling elicited on the part of -masters. - -4. From time to time, there have been prepared, for the use of the -slave, catechisms, hymns, short sermons, &c. &c., designed to be read to -them by their masters, or taught them orally. - -5. It will appear to any one who reads Mr. Jones’ book that, though -written by a man who believed the system of slavery sanctioned by God, -it manifests a spirit of sincere and earnest benevolence, and of -devotedness to the cause he has undertaken, which cannot be too highly -appreciated. - -It is a very painful and unpleasant task to express any qualification or -dissent with regard to efforts which have been undertaken in a good -spirit, and which have produced, in many respects, good results; but, in -the reading of Mr. Jones’ book, in the study of his catechism, and of -various other catechisms and sermons which give an idea of the religious -instruction of the slaves, the writer has often been painfully impressed -with the idea that, however imbued and mingled with good, it is not the -_true and pure gospel system_ which is given to the slave. As far as the -writer has been able to trace out what is communicated to him, it -amounts in substance to this; that his master’s authority over him, and -property in him, to the full extent of the enactment of slave-law, is -recognized and sustained by the tremendous authority of God himself. He -is told that his master is God’s overseer; that he owes him a blind, -unconditional, unlimited submission; that he must not allow himself to -grumble, or fret, or murmur, at anything in his conduct; and, in case he -does so, that his murmuring is not against his master, but against God. -He is taught that it is God’s will that he should have nothing but labor -and poverty in this world; and that, if he frets and grumbles at this, -he will get nothing by it in this life, and be sent to hell forever in -the next. Most vivid descriptions of hell, with its torments, its worms -ever feeding and never dying, are held up before him; and he is told -that this eternity of torture will be the result of insubordination -here. It is no wonder that a slave-holder once said to Dr. Brisbane, of -Cincinnati, that religion had been worth more to him, on his plantation, -than a wagon-load of cowskins. - -Furthermore, the slave is taught that to endeavor to evade his master by -running away, or to shelter or harbor a slave who has run away, are sins -which will expose him to the wrath of that omniscient Being, whose eyes -are in every place. - -As the slave is a movable and merchantable being, liable, as Mr. Jones -calmly remarks, to “all the vicissitudes of property,” this system of -instruction, one would think, would be in something of a dilemma, when -it comes to inculcate the Christian duties of the family state. - -When Mr. Jones takes a survey of the field, previous to commencing his -system of operations, he tells us, what we suppose every rational person -must have foreseen, that he finds among the negroes an utter -demoralization upon this subject; that polygamy is commonly practised, -and that the marriage-covenant has become a mere temporary union of -interest, profit or pleasure, formed without reflection, and dissolved -without the slightest idea of guilt. - -That this state of things is the necessary and legitimate result of the -system of laws which these Christian men have made and are still keeping -up over their slaves, any sensible person will perceive; and any one -would think it an indispensable step to any system of religious -instruction here, that the negro should be placed in a situation where -he _can_ form a legal marriage, and _can_ adhere to it after it is -formed. - -But Mr. Jones and his coadjutors commenced by declaring that it was not -their intention to interfere, in the slightest degree, with the legal -position of the slave. - -We should have thought, then, that it would not have been possible, if -these masters intended to keep their slaves in the condition of chattels -personal, liable to a constant disruption of family ties, that they -could have the heart to teach them the strict morality of the gospel -with regard to the marriage relation. - -But so it is, however. If we examine Mr. Jones’ catechism, we shall find -that the slave is made to repeat orally that one man can be the husband -of but one woman, and if, during her lifetime, he marries another, God -will punish him forever in hell. - -Suppose a conscientious woman, instructed in Mr. Jones’ catechism, by -the death of her master is thrown into the market for the division of -the estate, like many cases we may read of in the Georgia papers every -week. She is torn from her husband and children, and sold at the other -end of the Union, never to meet them again, and the new master commands -her to take another husband;—what, now, is this woman to do? If she take -the husband, according to her catechism she commits adultery, and -exposes herself to everlasting fire; if she does not take him, she -disobeys her master, who, she has been taught, is God’s overseer; and -she is exposed to everlasting fire on that account, and certainly she is -exposed to horrible tortures here. - -Now, we ask, if the teaching that has involved this poor soul in such a -labyrinth of horrors can be called the gospel? - -Is it the gospel,—is it glad tidings in any sense of the words? - -In the same manner, this catechism goes on to instruct parents to bring -up their children in the nurture and admonition of the Lord, that they -should guide, counsel, restrain and govern them. - -Again, these teachers tell them that they should search the Scriptures -most earnestly, diligently and continually, at the same time declaring -that it is not their intention to interfere with the laws which forbid -their being taught to read. Searching the Scriptures, slaves are told, -means coming to people who are willing to read to them. Yes, but if -there be no one willing to do this, what then? Any one whom this -catechism has thus instructed is sold off to a plantation on Red river, -like that where Northrop lived; no Bible goes with him; his Christian -instructors, in their care not to interfere with his civil condition, -have deprived him of the power of reading; and in this land of darkness -his oral instruction is but as a faded dream. Let any of us ask for what -sum we would be deprived of all power of ever reading the Bible for -ourselves, and made entirely dependent on the reading of -others,—especially if we were liable to fall into such hands as slaves -are,—and then let us determine whether a system of religious -instruction, which begins by declaring that it has no intention to -interfere with this cruel legal deprivation, is the gospel! - -The poor slave, darkened, blinded, perplexed on every hand, by the -influences which the legal system has spread under his feet, is, -furthermore, strictly instructed in a perfect system of morality. He -must not even covet anything that is his master’s; he must not murmur or -be discontented; he must consider his master’s interests as his own, and -be ready to sacrifice himself to them; and this he must do, as he is -told, not only to the good and gentle, but also to the froward. He must -forgive all injuries, and do exactly right under all perplexities; thus -is the obligation on his part expounded to him, while his master’s -reciprocal obligations mean only to give him good houses, clothes, food, -&c. &c., leaving every master to determine for himself what is _good_ in -relation to these matters. - -No wonder, when such a system of utter injustice is justified to the -negro by all the awful sanctions of religion, that now and then a strong -soul rises up against it. We have known under a black skin shrewd minds, -unconquerable spirits, whose indignant sense of justice no such -representations could blind. - -That Mr. Jones has met such is evident; for, speaking of the trials of a -missionary among them, he says (p. 127): - - He discovers Deism, Scepticism, Universalism. As already stated, the - various perversions of the gospel, and all the strong objections - against the truth of God,—objections which he may, perhaps, have - considered peculiar only to the cultivated minds, the ripe - scholarship and profound intelligence, of _critics_ and - _philosophers_!—extremes here meet on the natural and common ground - of a darkened understanding and a hardened heart. - -Again, in the Tenth Annual Report of the “Association for the Religious -Instruction of the Negroes in Liberty County Georgia,” he says: - - Allow me to relate a fact which occurred in the spring of this year, - illustrative of the character and knowledge of the negroes at this - time. I was preaching to a large congregation on the _Epistle to - Philemon_; and when I insisted upon fidelity and obedience as - Christian virtues in servants, and, upon the authority of Paul, - condemned the practice of _running away_, one-half of my audience - deliberately walked off with themselves, and those that remained - looked anything but satisfied, either with the preacher or his - doctrine. After dismission, there was no small stir among them: some - solemnly declared that there was no such epistle in the Bible; - others, “that it was not the gospel;” others, “that I preached to - please masters;” others, “that they did not care if they ever heard - me preach again.”—pp. 24, 25. - -Lundy Lane, an intelligent fugitive who has published his memoirs, says -that on one occasion they (the slaves) were greatly delighted with a -certain preacher, until he told them that God had ordained and created -them expressly to make slaves of. He says that after that they all left -him, and went away, because they thought, with the Jews, “This is a hard -saying; who can hear it?” - -In these remarks on the perversion of the gospel as presented to the -slave, we do not mean to imply that much that is excellent and valuable -is not taught him. We mean simply to assert that, in so far as the -system taught justifies the slave-system, so far necessarily it vitiates -the fundamental ideas of justice and morality; and, so far as the -obligations of the gospel are inculcated on the slave in their purity, -they bring him necessarily in conflict with the authority of the system. -As we have said before, it is an attempt to harmonize light with -darkness, and Christ with Belial. Nor is such an attempt to be justified -and tolerated, because undertaken in the most amiable spirit by amiable -men. Our admiration of some of the laborers who have conducted this -system is very great; so also is our admiration of many of the Jesuit -missionaries who have spread the Roman Catholic religion among our -aboriginal tribes. Devotion and disinterestedness could be carried no -further than some of both these classes of men have carried them. - -But, while our respect for these good men must not seduce us as -Protestants into an admiration of the system which they taught, so our -esteem for our Southern brethren must not lead us to admit that a system -which fully justifies the worst kind of spiritual and temporal despotism -can properly represent the gospel of him who came to preach deliverance -to the captives. - -To prove that we have not misrepresented the style of instruction, we -will give some extracts from various sermons and discourses. - -In the first place, to show how explicitly religious teachers disclaim -any intention of interfering in the legal relation (see Mr. Jones’ work, -p. 157): - - By law or custom, they are excluded from the advantages of - education; and, by consequence, from the reading of the word of God; - and this immense mass of immortal beings is thrown, for religious - instruction, upon _oral_ communications entirely. And upon whom? - Upon their _owners_. And their owners, especially of late years, - claim to be the _exclusive guardians_ of their religious - instruction, and the almoners of divine mercy towards them, thus - assuming the responsibility of their _entire_ Christianization! - - All approaches to them from abroad are rigidly guarded against, and - no ministers are allowed to break to them the bread of life, except - such as have _commended themselves to the affection and confidence - of their owners_. I do not condemn this course of self-preservation - on the part of our citizens; I merely mention it to show their - _entire dependence_ upon ourselves. - -In answering objections of masters to allowing the religious instruction -of the negroes, he supposes the following objection, and gives the -following answer: - - If we suffer our negroes to be instructed, the tendency will be to - change the civil relations of society as now constituted. - - To which let it be replied, that we separate entirely their - _religious_ and their _civil_ condition, and contend that the one - may be attended to without interfering with the other. Our - _principle_ is that laid down by the holy and just One: “Render unto - Cæsar the things which are Cæsar’s, and unto God the things which - are God’s.” And Christ and his apostles are our _example_. Did they - deem it proper and consistent with the good order of society to - preach the gospel to the servants? They did. In discharge of this - duty, did they interfere with their civil condition? They did not. - -With regard to the description of heaven and the torments of hell, the -following is from Mr. Jones’ catechism, pp. 83, 91, 92: - - _Q._ Are there two places only spoken of in the Bible to which the - souls of men go after death?—_A._ Only two. - - _Q._ Which are they?—_A._ Heaven and hell. - - * * * * * - - _Q._ After the Judgment is over, into what place do the righteous - go?—_A._ Into heaven. - - _Q._ What kind of a place is heaven?—_A._ A most glorious and happy - place. - - * * * * * - - _Q._ Shall the righteous in heaven have any more hunger, or thirst, - or nakedness, or heat, or cold? Shall they have any more sin, or - sorrow, or crying, or pain, or death?—_A._ No. - - _Q._ Repeat “And God shall wipe away all tears from their - eyes.”—_A._ “And God shall wipe away all tears from their eyes, and - there shall be no more death, neither sorrow nor crying; neither - shall there be any more pain; for the former things are passed - away.” - - _Q._ Will heaven be their everlasting home?—_A._ Yes. - - _Q._ And shall the righteous grow in knowledge and holiness and - happiness for ever and ever?—_A._ Yes. - - _Q._ To what place should we wish and strive to go, more than to all - other places?—_A._ Heaven. - - * * * * * - - _Q._ Into what place are the wicked to be cast?—_A._ Into hell. - - _Q._ Repeat “The wicked shall be turned.”—_A._ “The wicked shall be - turned into hell, and all the nations that forget God.” - - _Q._ What kind of a place is hell?—_A._ A place of dreadful - torments. - - _Q._ What does it burn with?—_A._ Everlasting fire. - - _Q._ Who are cast into hell besides wicked men?—_A._ The devil and - his angels. - - _Q._ What will the torments of hell make the wicked do?—_A._ Weep - and wail and gnash their teeth. - - _Q._ What did the rich man beg for when he was tormented in the - flame?—_A._ A drop of cold water to cool his tongue. - - _Q._ Will the wicked have any good thing in hell? the least comfort? - the least relief from torment?—_A._ No. - - _Q._ Will they ever come out of hell?—_A._ No, never. - - _Q._ Can any go from heaven to hell, or from hell to heaven?—_A._ - No. - - _Q._ What is fixed between heaven and hell?—_A._ A great gulf. - - _Q._ What is the punishment of the wicked in hell called?—_A._ - Everlasting punishment. - - _Q._ Will this punishment make them better?—_A._ No. - - _Q._ Repeat “It is a fearful thing.”—_A._ “It is a fearful thing to - fall into the hands of the living God.” - - _Q._ What is God said to be to the wicked?—_A._ A consuming fire. - - _Q._ What place should we strive to escape from above all - others?—_A._ Hell. - -The Rev. Alex. Glennie, rector of Allsaints parish, Waccamaw, South -Carolina, has for several years been in the habit of preaching with -express reference to slaves. In 1844 he published in Charleston a -selection of these sermons, under the title of “Sermons preached on -Plantations to Congregations of Negroes.” This book contains twenty-six -sermons, and in twenty-two of them there is either a more or less -extended account, or a reference to eternal misery in hell as a motive -to duty. He thus describes the day of judgment (Sermon 15, p. 90): - - When all people shall be gathered before him, “he shall separate - them, one from another, as a shepherd divideth his sheep from the - goats; and he shall set the sheep on the right hand, but the goats - on the left.” That, my brethren, will be an awful time, when this - separation shall be going on; when the holy angels, at the command - of the great Judge, shall be gathering together all the obedient - followers of Christ, and be setting them on the right hand of the - Judgment-seat, and shall place all the remainder on the left. - Remember that each of you must be present; remember that the Great - Judge can make no mistake; and that you shall be placed on one side - or on the other, according as in this world you have believed in and - obeyed him or not. How full of joy and thanksgiving will you be, if - you shall find yourself placed on the right hand! but how full of - misery and despair, if the left shall be appointed as your portion! - * * * * - - But what shall he say to the wicked on the left hand? To them he - shall say, “Depart from me, ye cursed, into everlasting fire, - prepared for the devil and his angels.” He will tell them to depart; - they did not, while here, seek him by repentance and faith; they did - not obey him, and now he will drive them from him. He will call them - cursed. - - (Sermon 1, p. 42.) The death which is the wages of sin is this - everlasting fire prepared for the devil and his angels. It is a fire - which shall last forever; and the devil and his angels, and all - people who will not love and serve God, shall there be punished - forever. The Bible says, “The smoke of their torment ascendeth up - for ever and ever.” The fire is not quenched, it never goes out, - “their worm dieth not;” their punishment is spoken of as a worm - always feeding upon but never consuming them; it never can stop. - -Concerning the absolute authority of the master, take the following -extract from Bishop Mead’s sermon. (Brooke’s Slavery, pp. 30, 31, 32.) - - Having thus shown you the chief duties you owe to your great Master - in heaven, I now come to lay before you the duties you owe to your - masters and mistresses here upon earth; and for this you have one - general rule that you ought always to carry in your minds, and that - is, to do all service for them as if you did it for God himself. - Poor creatures! you little consider, when you are idle and - neglectful of your masters’ business, when you steal and waste and - hurt any of their substance, when you are saucy and impudent, when - you are telling them lies and deceiving them; or when you prove - stubborn and sullen, and will not do the work you are set about - without stripes and vexation; you do not consider, I say, that _what - faults you are guilty of towards your masters and mistresses are - faults done against God himself_, who hath set your masters and - mistresses over you in his own stead, and expects that you will do - for them just as you would do for Him. And, pray, do not think that - I want to deceive you when I tell you that _your masters and - mistresses are God’s overseers_; and that, if you are faulty towards - them, God himself will punish you severely for it in the next world, - unless you repent of it, and strive to make amends by your - faithfulness and diligence for the time to come; for God himself - hath declared the same. - - Now, from this general rule,—namely, that you are to do all service - for your masters and mistresses as if you did it for God - himself,—there arise several other rules of duty towards your - masters and mistresses, which I shall endeavor to lay out in order - before you. - - And, in the first place, you are to be obedient and subject to your - masters in all things.... And Christian ministers are commanded to - “exhort servants to be obedient unto their own masters, and to - please them well in all things, not answering them again, or - gainsaying.” You see how strictly God requires this of you, that - whatever your masters and mistresses order you to do, you must set - about it immediately, and faithfully perform it, without any - disputing or grumbling, and take care to please them well in all - things. And for your encouragement he tells you that he will reward - you for it in heaven; because, while you are honestly and faithfully - doing your master’s business here, you are serving your Lord and - Master in heaven. You see also that you are not to take any - exceptions to the behavior of your masters and mistresses; and that - you are to be subject and obedient, not only to such as are good, - and gentle, and mild, towards you, but also to such as may be - froward, peevish, and hard. For you are not at liberty to choose - your own masters; but into whatever hands God hath been pleased to - put you, you must do your duty, and God will reward you for it. - - * * * * * - - _You are to be faithful and honest to your masters and mistresses, - not purloining or wasting their goods or substance, but showing all - good fidelity in all things...._ Do not your masters, under God, - provide for you? And how shall they be able to do this, to feed and - to clothe you, unless you take honest care of everything that - belongs to them? _Remember that God requires this of you; and, if - you are not afraid of suffering for it here, you cannot escape the - vengeance of Almighty God, who will judge between you and your - masters, and make you pay severely in the next world for all the - injustice you do them here._ And though you could manage so - cunningly as to escape the eyes and hands of man, yet think what a - dreadful thing it is to fall into the hands of the living God, who - is able to cast both soul and body into hell! - - _You are to serve your masters with cheerfulness, reverence, and - humility. You are to do your masters’ service with good will, doing - it as the will of God from the heart, without any sauciness or - answering again._ How many of you do things quite otherwise, and, - instead of going about your work with a good will and a good heart, - dispute and grumble, give saucy answers, and behave in a surly - manner! There is something so becoming and engaging in a modest, - cheerful, good-natured behavior, that a little work done in that - manner seems better done, and gives far more satisfaction, than a - great deal more, that must be done with fretting, vexation, and the - lash always held over you. It also gains the good will and love of - those you belong to, and makes your own life pass with more ease and - pleasure. Besides, you are to consider that this grumbling and - ill-will do not affect your masters and mistresses only. They have - ways and means in their hands of forcing you to do your work, - whether you are willing or not. _But your murmuring and grumbling is - against God, who hath placed you in that service, who will punish - you severely in the next world for despising his commands._ - -A very awful query here occurs to the mind. If the poor, ignorant slave, -who wastes his master’s temporal goods to answer some of his own present -purposes, be exposed to this heavy retribution, what will become of -those educated men, who, for their temporal convenience, make and hold -in force laws which rob generation after generation of men, not only of -their daily earnings, but of all their rights and privileges as immortal -beings? - -The Rev. Mr. Glennie, in one of his sermons, as quoted by Mr. Bowditch, -p. 137, assures his hearers that none of them will be able to say, in -the day of judgment, “I had no way of hearing about my God and Saviour.” - -Bishop Meade, as quoted by Brooke, pp. 34, 35, thus expatiates to slaves -on the advantages of their condition. One would really think, from -reading this account, that every one ought to make haste and get himself -sold into slavery, as the nearest road to heaven. - - _Take care that you do not fret or murmur, grumble or repine at your - condition; for this will not only make your life uneasy, but will - greatly offend Almighty God._ Consider that it is not yourselves, it - is not the people that you belong to, it is not the men that have - brought you to it, but _it is the will of God, who hath by his - providence made you servants, because, no doubt, he knew that - condition would be best for you in this world, and help you the - better towards heaven, if you would but do your duty in it_. So that - any discontent at your not being free, or rich, or great, as you see - some others, is quarrelling with your heavenly Master, and finding - fault with God himself, who hath made you what you are, and hath - promised you as large a share in the kingdom of heaven as the - greatest man alive, if you will but behave yourself aright, and do - the business he hath set you about in this world honestly and - cheerfully. Riches and power have proved the ruin of many an unhappy - soul, by drawing away the heart and affections from God, and fixing - them on mean and sinful enjoyments; so that, when God, who knows our - hearts better than we know them ourselves, sees that they would be - hurtful to us, and therefore keeps them from us, it is the greatest - mercy and kindness he could show us. - - You may perhaps fancy that, if you had riches and freedom, you could - do your duty to God and man with greater pleasure than you can now. - But, pray, consider that, if you can but save your souls, through - the mercy of God, you will have spent your time to the best of - purposes in this world; and he that at last can get to heaven has - performed a noble journey, let the road be ever so rugged and - difficult. Besides, you really have a great advantage over most - white people, who have not only the care of their daily labor upon - their hands, but the care of looking forward and providing - necessaries for to-morrow and next day, and of clothing and bringing - up their children, and of getting food and raiment for as many of - you as belong to their families, which often puts them to great - difficulties, and distracts their minds so as to break their rest, - and take off their thoughts from the affairs of another world. - Whereas, you are quite eased from all these cares, and have nothing - but your daily labor to look after and, when that is done, take your - needful rest. Neither is it necessary for you to think of laying up - anything against old age, as white people are obliged to do; for the - laws of the country have provided that you shall not be turned off - when you are past labor, but shall be maintained, while you live, by - those you belong to, whether you are able to work or not. - -Bishop Meade further consoles slaves thus for certain incidents of their -lot, for which they may think they have more reason to find fault than -for most others. The reader must admit that he takes a very -philosophical view of the subject. - - There is only one circumstance which may appear grievous, that I - shall now take notice of, and that is correction. - - Now, when correction is given you, you either deserve it, or you do - not deserve it. But, whether you really deserve it or not, it is - your duty, and Almighty God requires, that you bear it patiently You - may perhaps think that this is hard doctrine; but if you consider it - right, you must needs think otherwise of it. Suppose, then, that you - deserve correction; you cannot but say that it is just and right you - should meet with it. Suppose you do not, or at least you do not - deserve so much, or so severe a correction, for the fault you have - committed; you perhaps have escaped a great many more, and at last - paid for all. Or, suppose you are quite innocent of what is laid to - your charge, and suffer wrongfully in that particular thing; is it - not possible you may have done some other bad thing which was never - discovered, and that Almighty God, who saw you doing it, would not - let you escape without punishment, one time or another? And ought - you not, in such a case, to give glory to him, and be thankful that - he would rather punish you in this life for your wickedness, than - destroy your souls for it in the next life? But, suppose even this - was not the case (a case hardly to be imagined), and that you have - by no means, known or unknown, deserved the correction you suffered; - there is this great comfort in it, that, if you bear it patiently, - and leave your cause in the hands of God, he will reward you for it - in heaven, and the punishment you suffer unjustly here shall turn to - your exceeding great glory hereafter. - -That Bishop Meade has no high opinion of the present comforts of a life -of slavery, may be fairly inferred from the following remarks which he -makes to slaves: - - Your own poor circumstances in this life ought to put you - particularly upon this, and taking care of your souls; for you - cannot have the pleasures and enjoyments of this life like rich free - people, who have estates and money to lay out as they think fit. If - others will run the hazard of their souls, they have a chance of - getting wealth and power, of heaping up riches, and enjoying all the - ease, luxury and pleasure their hearts should long after. But you - can have none of these things; so that, if you sell your souls, for - the sake of what poor matters you can get in this world, you have - made a very foolish bargain indeed. - -This information is certainly very explicit and to the point. He -continues: - - Almighty God hath been pleased to make you slaves here, and to give - you nothing but labor and poverty in this world, which you are - obliged to submit to, as it is his will that it should be so. And - think within yourselves, what a terrible thing it would be, after - all your labors and sufferings in this life, to be turned into hell - in the next life, and, after wearing out your bodies in service - here, to go into a far worse slavery when this is over, and your - poor souls be delivered over into the possession of the devil, to - become his slaves forever in hell, without any hope of ever getting - free from it! If, therefore, you would be God’s freemen in heaven, - you must strive to be good, and serve him here on earth. Your - bodies, you know, are not your own; they are at the disposal of - those you belong to; but your precious souls are still your own, - which nothing can take from you, if it be not your own fault. - Consider well, then, that if you lose your souls by leading idle, - wicked lives here, you have got nothing by it in this world, and you - have lost your all in the next. For your idleness and wickedness is - generally found out, and your bodies suffer for it here; and, what - is far worse, if you do not repent and amend, your unhappy souls - will suffer for it hereafter. - -Mr. Jones, in that part of the work where he is obviating the objections -of masters to the Christian instruction of their slaves, supposes the -master to object thus: - - You teach them that “God is no respecter of persons;” that “He hath - made of one blood, all nations of men;” “Thou shalt love thy - neighbor as thyself;” “All things whatsoever ye would that men - should do to you, do ye even so to them;” what use, let me ask, - would they make of these sentences from the gospel? - -Mr. Jones says: - - Let it be replied, that the effect urged in the objection might - result from _imperfect_ and _injudicious_ religious instruction; - indeed, religious instruction may be communicated _with the express - design_, on the part of the instructor, to produce the effect - referred to, instances of which have occurred. - - But who will say that neglect of duty and insubordination are the - _legitimate_ effects of the gospel, purely and sincerely imparted to - servants? Has it not in all ages been viewed as the greatest - civilizer of the human race? - -How Mr. Jones would interpret the golden rule to the slave, so as to -justify the slave-system, we cannot possibly tell. We can, however, give -a specimen of the manner in which it has been interpreted in Bishop -Meade’s sermons, p. 116. (Brooke’s Slavery, &c., pp. 32, 33.) - - “All things whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye - even so unto them;” that is, do by all mankind just as you would - desire they should do by you, if you were in their place, and they - in yours. - - Now, to suit this rule to your particular circumstances, suppose you - were masters and mistresses, and had servants under you: would you - not desire that your servants should do their business faithfully - and honestly, as well when your back was turned as while you were - looking over them? Would you not expect that they should take notice - of what you said to them? that they should behave themselves with - respect towards you and yours, and be as careful of everything - belonging to you as you would be yourselves? You are servants: do, - therefore, as you would wish to be done by, and you will be both - good servants to your masters, and good servants to God, who - requires this of you, and will reward you well for it, if you do it - for the sake of conscience, in obedience to his commands. - -The reverend teachers of such expositions of scripture do great -injustice to the natural sense of their sable catechumens, if they -suppose them incapable of detecting such very shallow sophistry, and of -proving conclusively that “it is a poor rule that wont work both ways.” -Some shrewd old patriarch, of the stamp of those who rose up and went -out at the exposition of the Epistle to Philemon, and who show such -great acuteness in bringing up objections against the truth of God, such -as would be thought peculiar to cultivated minds, might perhaps, if he -dared, reply to such an exposition of scripture in this way: “Suppose -you were a slave,—could not have a cent of your own earnings during your -whole life, could have no legal right to your wife and children, could -never send your children to school, and had, as you have told us, -nothing but labor and poverty in this life,-how would you like it? Would -you not wish your Christian master to set you free from this condition?” -We submit it to every one who is no respecter of persons, whether this -interpretation of Sambos is not as good as the bishops. And if not, why -not? - -To us, with our feelings and associations, such discourses as these of -Bishop Meade appear hard-hearted and unfeeling to the last degree. We -should, however, do great injustice to the character of the man, if we -supposed that they prove him to have been such. They merely go to show -how perfectly use may familiarize amiable and estimable men with a -system of oppression, till they shall have lost all consciousness of the -wrong which it involves. - -That Bishop Meades, reasonings did not thoroughly convince himself is -evident from the fact that, after all his representations of the -superior advantages of slavery as a means of religious improvement, he -did, at last, emancipate his own slaves. - -But, in addition to what has been said, this whole system of religious -instruction is darkened by one hideous shadow,—THE SLAVE-TRADE. What -does the Southern church do with her catechumens and communicants? Read -the advertisements of Southern newspapers, and see. In every city in the -slave-raising states behold the dépôts, kept constantly full of assorted -negroes from the ages of ten to thirty! In every slave-consuming state -see the receiving-houses, whither these poor wrecks and remnants of -families are constantly borne! Who preaches the gospel to the -slave-coffles? Who preaches the gospel in the slave-prisons? If we -consider the tremendous extent of this internal trade,—if we read papers -with columns of auction advertisements of human beings, changing hands -as freely as if they were dollar-bills instead of human creatures,—we -shall then realize how utterly all those influences of religious -instruction must be nullified by leaving the subjects of them exposed -“to all the vicissitudes of property.” - - - - - CHAPTER X. - WHAT IS TO BE DONE? - - -The thing to be done, of which I shall chiefly speak, is that the whole -American church, of all denominations, should unitedly come up, not _in -form_, but _in fact_, to the noble purpose avowed by the Presbyterian -Assembly of 1818, to seek the ENTIRE ABOLITION OF SLAVERY THROUGHOUT -AMERICA AND THROUGHOUT CHRISTENDOM. - -To this noble course the united voice of Christians in all other -countries is urgently calling the American church. Expressions of this -feeling have come from Christians of all denominations in England, in -Scotland, in Ireland, in France, in Switzerland, in Germany, in Persia, -in the Sandwich Islands, and in China. All seem to be animated by one -spirit. They have loved and honored this American church. They have -rejoiced in the brightness of her rising. Her prosperity and success -have been to them as their own, and they have had hopes that God meant -to confer inestimable blessings through her upon all nations. The -American church has been to them like the rising of a glorious sun, -shedding healing from his wings, dispersing mists and fogs, and bringing -songs of birds and voices of cheerful industry, and sounds of gladness, -contentment and peace. But, lo! in this beautiful orb is seen a -disastrous spot of dim eclipse, whose gradually widening shadow -threatens a total darkness. Can we wonder that the voice of remonstrance -comes to us from those who have so much at stake in our prosperity and -success? We have sent out our missionaries to all quarters of the globe; -but how shall they tell their heathen converts the things that are done -in Christianized America? How shall our missionaries in Mahometan -countries hold up their heads, and proclaim the superiority of our -religion, when we tolerate barbarities which they have repudiated! - -A missionary among the Karens, in Asia, writes back that his course is -much embarrassed by a suspicion that is afloat among the Karens that the -Americans intend to steal and sell them. He says: - - I dread the time when these Karens will be able to read our books, - and get a full knowledge of all that is going on in our country. - Many of them are very inquisitive now, and often ask me questions - that I find it very difficult to answer. - -No, there is no resource. The church of the United States is shut up, in -the providence of God, to one work. She can never fulfil her mission -till this is done. So long as she neglects this, it will lie in the way -of everything else which she attempts to do - -She must undertake it for another reason,—because she alone can perform -the work peaceably. If this fearful problem is left to take its course -as a mere political question, to be ground out between the upper and -nether millstones of political parties, then what will avert agitation, -angry collisions, and the desperate rending the Union? No, there is no -safety but in making it a religious enterprise, and pursuing it in a -Christian spirit, and by religious means. - -If it now be asked what means shall the church employ, we answer, this -evil must be abolished by the same means which the apostles first used -for the spread of Christianity, and the extermination of all the social -evils which then filled a world lying in wickedness. Hear the apostle -enumerate them: “BY PURENESS, BY KNOWLEDGE, BY LONG-SUFFERING, BY THE -HOLY GHOST, BY LOVE UNFEIGNED, BY THE ARMOR OF RIGHTEOUSNESS ON THE -RIGHT HAND AND ON THE LEFT.” - -We will briefly consider each of these means. - -First, “by Pureness.” Christians in the Northern free states must -endeavor to purify themselves and the country from various malignant -results of the system of slavery; and, in particular, they must endeavor -to abolish that which is the most sinful,—the unchristian prejudice of -caste. - -In Hindostan there is a class called the Pariahs, with which no other -class will associate, eat or drink. Our missionaries tell the converted -Hindoo that this prejudice is unchristian; for God hath made of one -blood all who dwell on the face of the earth, and all mankind are -brethren in Christ. With what face shall they tell this to the Hindoo, -if he is able to reply, “In your own Christian country there is a class -of Pariahs who are treated no better than we treat ours. You do not -yourselves believe the things you teach us.” - -Let us look at the treatment of the free negro at the North. In the -States of Indiana and Illinois the most oppressive and unrighteous laws -have been passed with regard to him. No law of any slave state could be -more cruel in its spirit than that recently passed in Illinois, by which -every free negro coming into the state is taken up and sold for a -certain time, and then, if he do not leave the state, is sold again. - -With what face can we exhort our Southern brethren to emancipate their -slaves, if we do not set the whole moral power of the church at the -North against such abuses as this? Is this course justified by saying -that the negro is vicious and idle? This is adding insult to injury. - -What is it these Christian states do? To a great extent they exclude the -colored population from their schools; they discourage them from -attending their churches by invidious distinctions; as a general fact, -they exclude them from their shops, where they might learn useful arts -and trades; they crowd them out of the better callings where they might -earn an honorable livelihood; and, having thus discouraged every -elevated aspiration, and reduced them to almost inevitable ignorance, -idleness and vice, they fill up the measure of iniquity by making cruel -laws to expel them from their states, thus heaping up wrath against the -day of wrath. - -If we say that every Christian at the South who does not use his utmost -influence against their iniquitous slave-laws is guilty, as a republican -citizen, of sustaining those laws, it is no less true that every -Christian at the North who does not do what in him lies to procure the -repeal of such laws in the free states is, so far, guilty for their -existence. Of late years we have had abundant quotations from the Old -Testament to justify all manner of oppression. A Hindoo, who knew -nothing of this generous and beautiful book, except from such pamphlets -as Mr. Smylie’s, might possibly think it was a treatise on piracy, and a -general justification of robbery. But let us quote from it the -directions which God gives for the treatment of the stranger: “If a -stranger sojourn with you in your land, ye shall not vex him. But the -stranger that dwelleth among you shall be as one born among you: thou -shall love him as thyself.” How much more does this apply when the -stranger has been brought into our land by the injustice and cruelty of -our fathers! - -We are happy to say, however, that the number of states in which such -oppressive legislation exists is small. It is also matter of -encouragement and hope that the unphilosophical and unchristian -prejudice of caste is materially giving way, in many parts of our -country, before a kinder and more Christian spirit. - -Many of our schools and colleges are willing to receive the colored -applicant on equal terms with the white. Some of the Northern free -states accord to the colored free man full political equality and -privileges. Some of the colored people, under this encouragement, have, -in many parts of our country, become rich and intelligent. A very fair -proportion of educated men is rising among them. There are among them -respectable editors, eloquent orators, and laborious and well-instructed -clergymen. It gives us pleasure to say that among intelligent and -Christian people these men are treated with the consideration they -deserve; and, if they meet with insult and ill-treatment, it is commonly -from the less-educated class, who, being less enlightened, are always -longer under the influence of prejudice. At a recent ordination at one -of the largest and most respectable churches in New York, the moderator -of the presbytery was a black man, who began life as a slave; and it was -undoubtedly a source of gratification to all his Christian brethren to -see him presiding in this capacity. He put the questions to the -candidate in the German language, the church being in part composed of -Germans. Our Christian friends in Europe may, at least, infer from this -that, if we have had our faults in times past, we have, some of us, seen -and are endeavoring to correct them. - -To bring this head at once to a practical conclusion, the writer will -say to every individual Christian, who wishes to do something for the -abolition of slavery, begin by doing what lies in your power for the -colored people in your vicinity. Are there children excluded from -schools by unchristian prejudice? Seek to combat that prejudice by fair -arguments, presented in a right spirit. If you cannot succeed, then -endeavor to provide for the education of these children in some other -manner. As far as in you lies, endeavor to secure for them, in every -walk of life, the ordinary privileges of American citizens. If they are -excluded from the omnibus and railroad-car in the place where you -reside, endeavor to persuade those who have the control of these matters -to pursue a more just and reasonable course. Those Christians who are -heads of mechanical establishments can do much for the cause by -receiving colored apprentices. Many masters excuse themselves for -excluding the colored apprentice by saying that if they receive him all -their other hands will desert them. To this it is replied, that if they -do the thing in a Christian temper and for a Christian purpose, the -probability is that, if their hands desert at first, they will return to -them at last—all of them, at least, whom they would care to retain. - -A respectable dressmaker in one of our towns has, as a matter of -principle, taken colored girls for apprentices, thus furnishing them -with a respectable means of livelihood. Christian mechanics, in all the -walks of life, are earnestly requested to consider this subject, and see -if, by offering their hand to raise this poor people to respectability -and knowledge and competence, they may not be performing a service which -the Lord will accept as done unto himself. - -Another thing which is earnestly commended to Christians is the raising -and comforting of those poor churches of colored people, who have been -discouraged, dismembered and disheartened, by the operation of the -fugitive slave law. - -In the city of Boston is a church, which, even now, is struggling with -debt and embarrassment, caused by being obliged to buy its own deacons, -to shield them from the terrors of that law. - -Lastly, Christians at the North, we need not say, should abstain from -all _trading in slaves_, whether direct or indirect, whether by -partnership with Southern houses or by receiving immortal beings as -security for debt. It is not necessary to expand this point. It speaks -for itself. - -By all these means the Christian church at the North must secure for -itself purity from all complicity with the sin of slavery, and from the -unchristian customs and prejudices which have resulted from it. - -The second means to be used for the abolition of slavery is “Knowledge.” - -Every Christian ought thoroughly, carefully and prayerfully, to examine -this system of slavery. He should regard it as one upon which he is -bound to have right views and right opinions, and to exert a right -influence in forming and concentrating a powerful public sentiment, of -all others the most efficacious remedy. Many people are deterred from -examining the statistics on this subject, because they do not like the -men who have collected them. They say they do not like abolitionists, -and therefore they will not attend to those facts and figures which they -have accumulated. This, certainly, is not wise or reasonable. In all -other subjects which deeply affect our interests, we think it best to -take information where we can get it, whether we like the persons who -give it to us or not. - -Every Christian ought seriously to examine the extent to which our -national government is pledged and used for the support of slavery. He -should thoroughly look into the statistics of slavery in the District of -Columbia, and, above all, into the statistics of that awful system of -legalized piracy and oppression by which hundreds and thousands are -yearly torn from home and friends, and all that heart holds dear, and -carried to be sold like beasts in the markets of the South. The smoke -from this bottomless abyss of injustice puts out the light of our -Sabbath suns in the eyes of all nations. Its awful groans and wailings -drown the voice of our psalms and religious melodies. All nations know -these things of us, and shall we not know them of ourselves? Shall we -not have courage, shall we not have patience, to investigate thoroughly -our own bad case, and gain a perfect knowledge of the length and breadth -of the evil we seek to remedy? - -The third means for the abolition of slavery is “Long-suffering.” - -Of this quality there has been some lack in the attempts that have -hitherto been made. The friends of the cause have not had patience with -each other, and have not been able to treat each other’s opinions with -forbearance. There have been many painful things in the past history of -this subject; but is it not time when all the friends of the slave -should adopt the motto, “_forgetting_ the things that are behind, and -reaching forth unto those which are before”? Let not the believers of -immediate abolition call those who believe in gradual emancipation -time-servers and traitors; and let not the upholders of gradual -emancipation call the advocates of immediate abolition fanatics and -incendiaries. Surely some more brotherly way of convincing good men can -be found, than by standing afar off on some Ebal and Gerizim, and -cursing each other. The truth spoken in love will always go further then -the truth spoken in wrath: and, after all, the great object is to -persuade our Southern brethren to admit the idea of _any_ emancipation -at all. When we have succeeded in persuading them that _anything_ is -necessary to be done, then will be the time for bringing up the question -whether the object shall be accomplished by an immediate or a gradual -process. Meanwhile, let our motto be, “Whereto we have already attained, -let us walk by the same rule, let us mind the same things; and if any -man be otherwise minded, God shall reveal even this unto him.” “Let us -receive even him that is weak in the faith, but not to doubtful -disputations.” Let us not reject the good there is in any, because of -some remaining defects. - -We come now to the consideration of a power without which all others -must fail,—“the Holy Ghost.” - -The solemn creed of every Christian church, whether Roman, Greek, -Episcopal or Protestant, says, “_I believe in the Holy Ghost_.” But how -often do Christians, in all these denominations, live and act, and even -conduct their religious affairs, as if they had “never so much as heard -whether there be any Holy Ghost.” If we trust to our own reasonings, our -own misguided passions, and our own blind self-will, to effect the -reform of abuses, we shall utterly fail. There is a power, silent, -convincing, irresistible, which moves over the dark and troubled heart -of man, as of old it moved over the dark and troubled waters of Chaos, -bringing light out of darkness, and order out of confusion. - -Is it not evident to every one who takes enlarged views of human society -that a gentle but irresistible influence is pervading the human race, -prompting groanings and longings and dim aspirations for some coming era -of good? Worldly men read the signs of the times, and call this power -the _Spirit of the Age_,—but should not the church acknowledge it as the -spirit of God? - -Let it not be forgotten, however, that the gift of his most powerful -regenerating influence, at the opening of the Christian dispensation, -was conditioned on prayer The mighty movement that began on the day of -Pentecost was preceded by united, fervent persevering prayer. A similar -spirit of prayer must precede the coming of the divine Spirit, to effect -a revolution so great as that at which we aim. The most powerful -instrumentality which God has delegated to man, and around which cluster -all his glorious promises, is prayer. All past prejudices and -animosities on this subject must be laid aside, and the whole church -unite as one man in earnest, fervent prayer. Have we forgotten the -promise of the Holy Ghost? Have we forgotten that He was to abide with -us forever? Have we forgotten that it is He who is to convince the world -of sin, of righteousness and of judgment? O, divine and Holy Comforter! -Thou promise of the Father! Thou only powerful to enlighten, convince -and renew! Return, we beseech thee, and visit this vine and this -vineyard of thy planting! With thee nothing is impossible; and what we, -in our weakness, can scarcely conceive, thou canst accomplish! - -Another means for the abolition of slavery is “Love unfeigned.” - -In all moral conflicts, that party who can preserve, through every -degree of opposition and persecution, a divine, un-provokable spirit of -love, must finally conquer. Such are the immutable laws of the moral -world. Anger, wrath, selfishness and jealousy, have all a certain degree -of vitality. They often produce more show, more noise and temporary -results, than love. Still, all these passions have, in themselves, the -seeds of weakness. Love, and love only, is immortal; and when all the -grosser passions of the soul have spent themselves by their own force, -love looks forth like the unchanging star, with a light that never dies. - -In undertaking this work, we must love both the slave-holder and the -slave. We must never forget that both are our brethren. We must expect -to be misrepresented, to be slandered, and to be hated. How can we -attack so powerful an interest without it? We must be satisfied simply -with the pleasure of being true friends, while we are treated as bitter -enemies. - -This holy controversy must be one of principle, and not of sectional -bitterness. We must not suffer it to degenerate, in our hands, into a -violent prejudice against the South; and, to this end, we must keep -continually before our minds the more amiable features and attractive -qualities of those with whose principles we are obliged to conflict. If -they say all manner of evil against us, we must reflect that we expose -them to great temptation to do so when we assail institutions to which -they are bound by a thousand ties of interest and early association, and -to whose evils habit has made them in a great degree insensible. The -apostle gives us this direction in cases where we are called upon to -deal with offending brethren, “Consider thyself, lest thou also be -tempted.” We may apply this to our own case, and consider that if we had -been exposed to the temptations which surround our friends at the South, -and received the same education, we might have felt and thought and -acted as they do. But, while we cherish all these considerations, we -must also remember that it is no love to the South to countenance and -defend a pernicious system; a system which is as injurious to the master -as to the slave; a system which turns fruitful fields to deserts; a -system ruinous to education, to morals, and to religion and social -progress; a system of which many of the most intelligent and valuable -men at the South are weary, and from which they desire to escape, and by -emigration are yearly escaping. Neither must we concede the rights of -the slave; for he is also our brother, and there is a reason why we -should speak for him which does not exist in the case of his master. He -is poor, uneducated and ignorant, and cannot speak for himself. We must, -therefore, with greater jealousy, guard his rights. Whatever else we -compromise, we must not compromise the rights of the helpless, nor the -eternal principles of rectitude and morality. - -We must never concede that it is an honorable thing to deprive working -men of their wages, though, like many other abuses, it is customary, -reputable, and popular, and though amiable men, under the influence of -old prejudices, still continue to do it. Never, not even for a moment, -should we admit the thought that an heir of God and a joint heir of -Jesus Christ may lawfully be sold upon the auction-block, though it be a -common custom. We must repudiate, with determined severity, the -blasphemous doctrine of property in human beings. - -Some have supposed it an absurd refinement to talk about separating -principles and persons, or to admit that he who upholds a bad system can -be a good man. All experience proves the contrary. Systems most unjust -and despotic have been defended by men personally just and humane. It is -a melancholy consideration, but no less true, that there is almost no -absurdity and no injustice that has not, at some period of the world’s -history, had the advantage of some good man’s virtues in its support. - -It is a part of our trial in this imperfect life;—were evil systems only -supported by the evil, our moral discipline would be much less severe -than it is, and our course in attacking error far plainer. - -On the whole, we cannot but think that there was much Christian wisdom -in the remark, which we have before quoted, of a poor old slave-woman, -whose whole life had been darkened by this system, that we must “_hate -the sin, but love the sinner_.” - -The last means for the abolition of slavery is the “Armor of -Righteousness on the right hand and on the left.” - -By this we mean an earnest application of all straight-forward, -honorable and just measures, for the removal of the system of slavery. -Every man, in his place, should remonstrate against it. All its -sophistical arguments should be answered, its biblical defences unmasked -by correct reasoning and interpretation. Every mother should teach the -evil of it to her children. Every clergyman should fully and continually -warn his church against any complicity with such a sin. It is said that -this would be introducing politics into the pulpit. It is answered, that -since people will have to give an account of their political actions in -the day of judgment, it seems proper that the minister should instruct -them somewhat as to their political responsibilities. In that day Christ -will ask no man whether he was of this or that party; but he certainly -will ask him whether he gave his vote in the fear of God, and for the -advancement of the kingdom of righteousness. - -It is often objected that slavery is a distant sin, with which we have -nothing to do. If any clergyman wishes to test this fact, let him once -plainly and faithfully preach upon it. He will probably then find that -the roots of the poison-tree have run under the very hearth-stone of New -England families, and that in his very congregation are those in -complicity with this sin. - -It is no child’s play to attack an institution which has absorbed into -itself so much of the political power and wealth of this nation, and -they who try it will soon find that they wrestle “not with flesh and -blood.” No armor will do for this warfare but the “armor of -righteousness.” - -To our brethren in the South God has pointed out a more arduous -conflict. The very heart shrinks to think what the faithful Christian -must endure who assails this institution on its own ground; but it _must -be done_. How was it at the North? There was a universal effort to put -down the discussion of it here by mob law. Printing-presses were broken, -houses torn down, property destroyed. Brave men, however, stood firm; -martyr blood was shed for the right of free opinion and speech; and so -the right of discussion was established. Nobody tries that sort of -argument now,—its day is past. In Kentucky, also, they tried to stop the -discussion by similar means. Mob violence destroyed a printing-press, -and threatened the lives of individuals. But there were brave men there, -who feared not violence or threats of death; and emancipation is now -open for discussion in Kentucky. The fact is, the South _must_ discuss -the matter of slavery. She _cannot_ shut it out, unless she lays an -embargo on the literature of the whole civilized world. If it be, -indeed, divine and God-appointed, why does she so tremble to have it -touched? If it be of God, all the free inquiry in the world cannot -overthrow it. Discussion must and will come. It only requires courageous -men to lead the way. - -Brethren in the South, there are many of you who are truly convinced -that slavery is a sin, a tremendous wrong: but, if you confess your -sentiments, and endeavor to propagate your opinions, you think that -persecution, affliction, and even death, await you. How can we ask you, -then, to come forward? _We_ do not ask it. Ourselves weak, irresolute -and worldly, shall we ask you to do what perhaps we ourselves should not -dare? But we will beseech _Him_ to speak to you, who dared and endured -more than this for your sake, and who can strengthen you to dare and -endure for His. He can raise you above all temporary and worldly -considerations. He can inspire you with that love to himself which will -make you willing to leave father and mother, and wife and child, yea, to -give up life itself, for his sake. And if he ever brings you to that -place where you and this world take a final farewell of each other, -where you make up your mind solemnly to give all up for his cause, where -neither life nor death, nor things present nor things to come, can move -you from this purpose,—then will you know a joy which is above all other -joy, a peace constant and unchanging as the eternal God from whom it -springs. - -Dear brethren, is this system to go on forever in your land? Can you -think these slave-laws anything but an abomination to a just God? Can -you think this internal slave-trade to be anything but an abomination in -his sight? - -Look, we beseech you, into those awful slave-prisons which are in your -cities. Do the groans and prayers which go up from those dreary mansions -promise well for the prosperity of our country? - -Look, we beseech you, at the mournful march of the slave-coffles; follow -the bloody course of the slave-ships on your coast. What, suppose you, -does the Lamb of God think of all these things? He whose heart was so -tender that he wept, at the grave of Lazarus, over a sorrow that he was -so soon to turn into joy,—what does he think of this constant, -heart-breaking, yearly-repeated anguish? What does he think of Christian -wives forced from their husbands, and husbands from their wives? What -does he think of Christian daughters, whom his church first educates, -indoctrinates and baptizes, and then leaves to be sold as merchandise? - -Think you such prayers as poor Paul Edmondson’s, such death-bed scenes -as Emily Russell’s, are witnessed without emotion by that generous -Saviour, who regards what is done to his meanest servant as done to -himself? - -Did it never seem to you, O Christian! when you have read the sufferings -of Jesus, that you would gladly have suffered with him? Does it never -seem almost ungenerous to accept eternal life as the price of such -anguish on his part, while you bear no cross for him? Have you ever -wished you could have watched with him in that bitter conflict at -Gethsemane, when even his chosen slept? Have you ever wished that you -could have stood by him when all forsook him and fled,—that you could -have owned when Peter denied,—that you could have honored him when -buffeted and spit upon? Would you think it too much honor, could you, -like Mary, have followed him to the cross, and stood a patient sharer of -that despised, unpitied agony? _That_ you cannot do. That hour is over. -Christ, now, is exalted, crowned, glorified,—all men speak well of him; -rich churches rise to him, and costly sacrifice goes up to him. What -chance have you, among the multitude, to prove your love,—to show that -you would stand by him discrowned, dishonored, tempted, betrayed, and -suffering? Can you show it in any way but by espousing the cause of his -suffering poor? Is there a people among you despised and rejected of -men, heavy with oppression, acquainted with grief, with all the power of -wealth and fashion, of political and worldly influence, arrayed against -their cause,—Christian, you can acknowledge Christ in them! - -If you turn away indifferent from this cause,—“if thou forbear to -deliver them that are drawn unto death, and those that be ready to be -slain; if thou sayest, Behold, we knew it not, doth not he that -pondereth the heart consider it, and he that keepeth the soul, doth he -not know it, shall he not render to every man according to his works?” - -In the last judgment will He not say to you, “I have been in the -slave-prison,—in the slave-coffle. I have been sold in your markets; I -have toiled for naught in your fields; I have been smitten on the mouth -in your courts of justice; I have been denied a hearing in my own -church,—and ye cared not for it. Ye went, one to his farm, and another -to his merchandise.” And if ye shall answer, “_When_, Lord?” He shall -say unto you, “Inasmuch as ye have done it to the least of these, my -brethren, ye have done it unto me.” - - - - - APPENDIX. - FACT _vs._ FIGURES; OR, THE NINE ARAB BROTHERS. - BEING A NEW ARABIAN NIGHT’S ENTERTAINMENT. - -It is a favorite maxim that “_figures cannot lie_.” We are loth to -assail the time-honored reputation for veracity of this ancient and most -respectable race. There may have been days of pastoral innocence and -primitive simplicity, when they did not lie. When Abraham sat -contemplatively in his tent-door, with nothing to do, all the long day, -but compose psalms and pious meditations, it is likely that he had -implicit faith in this maxim, and never thought of questioning the -statistical tables of Eliezer of Damascus, with regard to the number of -camels, asses, sheep, oxen and goats, which illustrated the prairie -where he was for the time being encamped. Alas for those good old days! -Figures did not lie then, we freely admit; but we are sadly afraid, from -their behavior in recent ages, that this arose from no native innocence -of disposition, but simply from want of occasion and opportunity. In -those days, they were young and green, and had not learned what they -could do. The first inventor, who commenced making a numeration table, -with the artless primeval machine of his toes and fingers, had, like -other great inventors, very little idea of what he was doing, and what -would be the mighty uses of these very simple characters, when men got -to having republican governments, and elections, and discussions of all -sorts of unheard-of questions in politics and morals, and to -electioneering among these poor simple Arab herdsmen, the nine digits, -for their votes on all these complicated subjects. No wonder that -figures have had their heads turned! Such unprecedented power and -popularity is enough to turn any head. We are sorry to speak ill of -them; but really we must say, that, like many of our political men, they -have been found on all sides of every subject to an extent that is -really very confusing. Of course, there is no doubt of their veracity -_somewhere_; the only problem being, on which side, and where. Is any -great measure to be carried, now-a-days? Of course, the statistics, cut -and dried, in regular columns, on both sides of the question, contradict -each other point-blank as two opposite cannons; and each party marshals -behind them, firing them off with infinite alacrity, but with no -particular effect, except the bewilderment of the few old-fashioned -people, who, like Mr. Pickwick at the review, stand on the middle -ground. - -If that most respectable female person, Mrs. Partington, who, like most -unsophisticated old ladies, is a most vehement and uncompromising -abolitionist, could only hear the statistics that are to be shown up in -favor of slavery, she would take off her spectacles and wipe her eyes in -pious joy, and think that the millennium, and nothing less, had come -upon earth. Such statistics they are, about the woe, and want, and -agony, and heathenish darkness of Africa, which, by that eminent foreign -missionary operation, the slave-trade, have been turned into light and -joy and thanksgiving; here she has them, in round figures; she only -needs to put on her spectacles and look. “Here, ma’am, you have it,” -says the illustrator; “look on this side of the column: here are three -hundred million of heathen,—don’t spare the figures,—down in Africa, -sunk in heathenism—never heard the sound of the gospel—actually eating -each other alive. Now, turn to this side of the column, and here they -all are, over in America, clothed and in their right mind, going to -church with their masters, and finding the hymns in their own -hymn-books. Now, ma’am, can you doubt the beneficial results of the -slave-trade?” - -But Mrs Partington has heard something about that middle passage which -she thought was horrid. - -“By no means, my dear madam,” says the illustrator, whisking over his -papers. “I have that all in figures,—average of deaths in the first -cargoes, 25 _per cent._,—large average, certainly; they didn’t manage -the business exactly right; but then the rate of increase in a Christian -country averages twenty-five per cent. over what it would have been in -Africa. Now, Mrs. Partington, if these had been left in Africa, they -would have been all heathen; by getting them over here, you have just as -many, and all Christians to boot. Because, you see, the excess of -increase balances the percentage of loss, and we make no deduction for -interest in those cases.” - -Now, as Mrs. Partington does not know with very great clearness what -“percentage” and “average” mean, and as mental philosophers have -demonstrated that we are always powerfully affected by the unknown, she -is all the more impressed with this reasoning, on that account; being -one of the simple, old-fashioned people, who have not yet gotten over -the impression that “figures cannot lie.” - -“Well, now, really,” says she, “strange what these figures will do! I -always thought the slave-trade was monstrous wicked. But it really, -seems to be quite a missionary work.” - -The fact is, that these nomadic Arabs, the digits, are making a very -unfair use, among us, of the family reputation gotten up during the -palmy days of their innocence, when they were a breezy, contemplatively -unsophisticated race of shepherds, and, to use an American elegance of -expression, had not yet “cut their eye-teeth.” All that remains of their -Oriental origin in this country seems to be a characteristic turn for -romancing. Not an addition of slave territory has been made to the -United States, wherein these same Arab brothers have not, with grave -faces, been brought in as witnesses, to swear, by the honor of the -family, that it was absolutely essential, for the best interest of the -African race, that there should be more slavery and more slave -territory. To be sure, it was for the pecuniary gain of the _American_ -race, but that was not the point insisted on. O no! we are always very -glad when our interest coincides with that of the African race; but the -extension of slavery is not to be considered in that light principally; -it is entirely a system of Christian education, and evangelization of -one race by another. Left to himself, Quashy goes right back into -heathenism. His very body deteriorates; he becomes idiotic, insane, -deaf, dumb, blind,—everything that can be thought of. “Is this an actual -fact?” asks some incredulous Congress man, as innocent as Mrs. -Partington. “O yes! for only look; here are the statistics. Just see; -here in the town of Kittery, in Maine, are twenty-seven insane and -idiotic black people, and down here in the town of Dittery, South -Carolina, not a single one. Some simple-minded Kittery man, who -overhears this conversation in the lobby, perhaps opens his eyes, and -reflects with wonder that he never knew that there were so many black -people in the town. But the Congress man shows it to him in the census, -and he concludes to look for them when he goes home, as figures cannot -lie.” - -On the census of 1840 conclusions innumerable as to the capacity of the -colored race to subsist in freedom have been based. It has been the very -beetle, sledge-hammer and broad-axe; and when all other means fail, the -objector, with a triumphant flourish, exclaims, “There, sir, what do you -think of the census of 1840? You see, sir, the thing’s been tried, and -it’s _no go_.” We poor common folks cannot tell what to think. Some of -us suppose that we know that there were more insane and idiotic and -variously dilapidated negroes reported in certain states than their -entire negro population. But, of course, as it’s down in the census, and -as “figures never lie,” we must believe our own eyes. We can only say -what some people have thought. - -That most inconvenient and pertinacious man, John Quincy Adams, made a -good deal of trouble in Congress about this same matter. At no less than -five different times did this very persistent old gentleman rise in -Congress, with the statement that the returns of the census had been -notoriously and grossly falsified in this respect; and that he was -prepared, if leave were given, to present before the House the most -complete, direct, and overwhelming evidence to this effect. The -following is an account of Mr. Adams’ endeavors on this subject, -collected from the _Congressional Globe_, and _Niles’s Register_: - - TWENTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES. - - HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. _February 26, 1844._—Mr. Adams, on leave, - offered the following resolution: - - _Resolved_, That the Secretary of State be directed to inform this - House whether any gross errors have been discovered in the “Sixth - Census, or Enumeration of the Inhabitants of the United States, as - corrected at the Department of State in 1841,” and, if so, how these - errors originated, what they are, and what, if any, measures have - been taken to rectify them. - - HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. _May 6, 1844._—The journal having been - read, Mr. Adams moved a correction of the same by striking out from - the communication of the Secretary of State (in answer to a - resolution of this House inquiring whether any gross errors had been - discovered in the printing of the Sixth Census), as copied upon the - journal, the following words: “That no such errors had been - discovered.” - - Mr. Adams accompanied his motion with some remarks. It could not - possibly (Mr. Adams said) be a correct representation, as very gross - errors had been discovered, as he intended and would pledge himself - to show. He said they referred to the number of insane, blind, &c., - among the colored population. This had been made the subject of a - pamphlet on the annexation of Texas, and of a speech by a gentleman - from Mississippi (Mr. Hammett), which had been refuted on this - floor. The United States were at this time placed in a condition - very little short of war with Great Britain, as well as Mexico, on - the foundation of these very errors. It was important, therefore, - that the true state of facts should be made to appear. - - The Speaker remarked that whether errors existed or not would be - matter of investigation. In the opinion of the chair, there was no - error of the journal, because it contained only a faithful - transcript of the communication made by the Secretary of State. - - Mr. Adams persisted in his motion. It was (he said) the most - extraordinary communication ever made from the State Department. He - would pledge himself to produce documents to prove that gross errors - did exist. He would produce such proof as no man would be able to - contradict. - - The House refused to amend the journal. - - HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. _May 16, 1844._—Mr. Adams wished to - present a memorial from certain citizens in relation to errors which - they say have been committed in compiling and printing the last - census of the United States. - - Objection being made, he moved to suspend the rules for the purpose - of offering the resolution, and moving to refer it to a committee of - five members. The yeas and nays were ordered, and, being taken, the - rules were not suspended,—ayes 96, nays 49,—less than two-thirds - voting in the affirmative. - - HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. _Dec. 10, 1844._—Mr. Adams presented a - petition from the American Statistical Society, in relation to - certain errors in the last or sixth census. - - Mr. Adams said a petition on this subject at the last session was - referred to a select committee, and he hoped this petition would - take the same direction. He moved the appointment of a select - committee of nine members, and that the memorial be printed. - - The speaker announced that a majority had decided in favor of a - select committee. The motion to print was laid on the table. - - HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. _Dec. 13, 1844._—The following is the - Select Committee appointed, on the motion of Mr. Adams, to consider - the petition from the American Statistical Society in relation to - the errors in the sixth census: Messrs. Adams, Rhett, Rayner, - Stiles, Maclay, Brengle, Foster, Sheppard, Cary, and Caleb B. Smith. - -This was the end of the affair in Congress. _The false returns stand to -this day in the statistical tables of the census_, to convince all -cavillers of the unfitness of the negro for freedom. That the reader may -know what kind of evidence Mr. Adams had with which to sustain his -allegations, we append, as a specimen, an extract from the American -Almanac for 1845, p. 156. - - The “American Statistical Association,” established in Boston, - Mass., sent a memorial to Congress during the past winter, drawn up - by Messrs. William Brigham, Edward Jarvis, and J. W. Thornton, in - which, though they “confined their investigations to the reports - respecting education and nosology,” they exposed an extraordinary - mass of errors in the census. We can find room only for a few - extracts from this memorial. - - * * * * * - - “The most glaring and remarkable errors are found in the statements - respecting nosology, the prevalence of insanity, blindness, deafness - and dumbness, among the people of this nation. - - “The undersigned have compared these statements with information - obtained from other more reliable sources, and have found them - widely varying from the truth; and, more than all, they have - compared the statements in one part of the census with those in - another part, and have found most extraordinary discrepances. They - have also examined the original manuscript copy of the census, - deposited by the marshal of the District of Massachusetts in the - clerk’s office in Boston, and have compared this with the printed - edition of both Blair and Rives, and Thomas Allen, and found here, - too, a variance of statements. - - “Your memorialists are aware that some of these errors in respect to - Massachusetts, and perhaps also in respect to other states, were - committed by the marshals. Mr. William H. Williams, deputy marshal, - states that there were one hundred and thirty-three colored pauper - lunatics in the family of Samuel B. Woodward, in the town of - Worcester; but on another page he states that there are no colored - persons in said Woodward’s family. - - “Mr. Benali Blood, deputy marshal, states, on one page, that there - were fourteen colored pauper lunatics and two colored lunatics, who - were supported at private charge, in the family of Charles E. - Parker, in the town of Pepperell; while on another page he states - that there are no colored persons in the family of said Parker. Mr. - William M. Packson states, on one page, that there are in the family - of Jacob Cushman, in the town of Plympton, four pauper colored - lunatics, and one colored blind person; while on another page he - states that there are no colored persons in the family of said - Cushman. - - “But, on comparing the manuscript copy of the census at Boston with - the printed edition of Blair and Rives, the undersigned are - convinced that a large portion of the errors were made by the - printers, and that hardly any of the errors of the original document - are left out. The original document finds the colored insane in - twenty-nine towns, while the printed edition of Blair and Rives - places them in thirty-five towns, and each makes them more than - ten-fold greater than the state returns in regard to the paupers. - And one edition has given twenty, and the other twenty-seven, - self-supporting lunatics, in towns in which, according to private - inquiry, none are to be found. According to the original and - manuscript copy of the census, there were in Massachusetts ten deaf - and dumb and eight blind colored persons; whereas the printed - editions of the same document multiply them into seventeen of the - former and twenty-two of the latter class of unfortunates. - - “The printed copy of the census declares that there were in the - towns of Hingham and Scituate nineteen colored persons who were deaf - and dumb, blind, or insane. On the other hand, the undersigned are - informed, by the overseers of the poor and the assessors, who have - cognizance of every pauper and tax-payer in the town, that in the - last twelve years no such diseased persons have lived in the town of - Scituate; and they have equally certain proof that none such have - lived in Hingham. Moreover, the deputy marshals neither found nor - made record of such persons. - - “The undersigned have carefully compared the number of colored - insane and idiots, and of the deaf and dumb and blind, with the - whole number of the colored population, as stated in the printed - edition of the census, in every city, town, and county of the United - States; and have found the extraordinary contradictions and - improbabilities that are shown in the following tables. - - “The errors of the census are as certain, if not as manifest, in - regard to the insanity among the whites, as among the colored - people. Wherever your memorialists have been able to compare the - census with the results of the investigations of the state - governments, of individuals, or societies, they have found that the - national enumeration has fallen far short of the more probable - amount. - - “According to the census, there were in Massachusetts six hundred - and twenty-seven lunatics and idiots supported at public charge; - according to the returns of the overseers of the poor, there were - eight hundred and twenty-seven of this class of paupers. - - “The superintendents of the poor of the State of New York report one - thousand and fifty-eight pauper lunatics within that state; the - census reports only seven hundred and thirty-nine. - - “The government of New Jersey reports seven hundred and one in that - state; the census discovers only four hundred and forty-two. - - “The Medical Society of Connecticut discovered twice as many - lunatics as the census within that state. A similar discrepancy was - found in Eastern Pennsylvania, and also in some counties in - Virginia. - - “Your memorialists deem it needless to go further into detail in - this matter. Suffice it to say, that these are but specimens of the - errors that are to be found in the ‘sixth census’ in regard to - nosology and education, and they suspect also in regard to other - matters therein reported. - - “In view of these facts, the undersigned, in behalf of said - Association, conceive that such documents ought not to have the - sanction of Congress, nor ought they to be regarded as containing - true statements relative to the condition of the people and the - resources of the United States. They believe it would have been far - better to have had no census at all than such an one as has been - published; and they respectfully request your honorable body to take - such order thereon, and to adopt such measures for the correction of - the same,—or, if the same cannot be corrected, for discarding and - disowning the same,—as the good of the country shall require, and as - justice and humanity shall demand. - - “We have room for the tables for only three of the states.” [We will - caution the reader not to skip this statistical table, as he - probably never saw one like it before.] - - MAINE. - - Towns. Total col’d Inhab’ts. Col’d Insane. - Limerick, 0 4 - Lymington, 1 2 - Scarboro’, 0 6 - Poland, 0 2 - Dixfield, 0 4 - Calais, 0 1 - Industry, 0 3 - Dresden, 3 6 - Hope, 1 2 - Hartland, 0 2 - Newfield, 0 5 - - NEW HAMPSHIRE. - - Coventry, 0 1 - Haverhill, 1 1 - Holderness, 0 2 - Atkinson, 0 1 - Bath, 0 1 - Lisbon, 0 1 - Compton, 1 1 - Stratham, 0 1 - Northampton, 0 1 - New Hampton, 0 1 - Lyman, 0 1 - Littleton, 0 1 - Henniker, 0 1 - - MASSACHUSETTS. - - Freetown, 0 2 - Plympton, 2 4 - Leominster, 0 2 - Wilmington, 0 2 - Sterling, 0 2 - Danvers, 0 2 - Hingham, 2 2 - Georgetown, 1 2 - Carver, 1 1 - Northbridge, 1 1 - Ashby, 1 1 - Randolph, 1 1 - Worcester, 151[32] 133 - -Every fable, allegory and romance, must have its moral. The moral of -this ought to be deeply considered by the American people. - -_In order to gain capital for the extension of slave territory, the most -important statistical document of the United States has been boldly, -grossly, and perseveringly falsified, and stands falsified to this day._ - -Query: If state documents are falsified in support of slavery, what -confidence can be placed in _any_ representations that are made upon the -subject? - ------ - -Footnote 32: - - 36 of these under 10 years of age. - - - - - INDEX. - - - PART I. - - CHAPTER I.—INTRODUCTION p. 5 - - CHAPTER II.—HALEY. 5 - - Author’s experience.—Trader’s letter.—Kephart’s - examination.—Invoice of human beings.—Various classes of - traders. - - CHAPTER III.—MR. AND MRS. SHELBY. 8 - - Account of a well-regulated plantation.—Extract from - Ingraham. - - CHAPTER IV.—GEORGE HARRIS. 13 - - Advertisements.—Lewis Clark.—Mrs. Banton.—Story of Lewis’ - sister.—Mr. Nelson’s story.—Frederick Douglas.—Josiah - Henson’s account of the sale of his mother and her - children.—Recent incident in Boston.—Advertisements for - dead or alive. - - CHAPTER V.—ELIZA. 21 - - Author’s experience.—History of a slave-girl and her escape. - - CHAPTER VI.—UNCLE TOM. 23 - - Similar case.—Old Virginia family servant.—Bishop Meade’s - remarks.—Judge Upshur’s servant.—Instance in Brunswick, - Me.—History of Josiah Henson.—Uncle Tom’s vision.—Similar - facts.—Story of a Boston lady.—Instance of the Southern - lady on a plantation.—Story of an African woman.—Account of - old Jacob. - - CHAPTER VII.—MISS OPHELIA. 30 - - Prejudice of color—Instance in a benevolent lady.—Dr. - Pennington.—Influence of this upon slaveholders.—True - Christian socialism.—Amos Lawrence. - - CHAPTER VIII.—MARIE ST. CLARE. 33 - - The Northern Marie St. Clare.—The Southern Marie St. - Clare.—Degrading punishment of females.—Dr. Howe’s account. - - CHAPTER IX.—ST. CLARE. 35 - - Alfred and Augustine St. Clare representatives of two classes - of men.—Letter of Patrick Henry.—Southern men reproving - Northern men.—Mr. Mitchell, of Tennessee.—John Randolph of - Roanoke.—Instance of a sceptic made by the Biblical defence - of slavery.—_Baltimore Sun_ on Biblical defence of - slavery.—Specimen of pro-slavery preaching. - - CHAPTER X.—LEGREE. 39 - - No test of character required in a master.—Mr. Dickey’s - account in “Slavery as It Is.”—“Working up - slaves.”—Extracts from Mr. Weld’s book.—Agricultural - society’s testimony.—James G. Birney’s do.—Henry Clay’s - do.—Samuel Blackwell’s.—Dr. Demming’s.—Dr. Channing’s.—Rev. - Mr. Barrows’.—Rev. C. C. Jones’.—Causes of severe labor on - sugar plantations.—Professor Ingraham’s - testimony.—Periodical pressure of labor in the cotton - season.—Letter of a cotton-driver, published in the - _Fairfield Herald_.—Testimony as to slave-dwellings.—Mr. - Stephen E. Maltby.—Mr. George Avery.—William Ladd, - Esq.—Rev. Joseph M. Sadd, Esq.—Mr. George W. Westgate.—Rev. - C. C. Jones.—Extract from recent letter from a friend - travelling in the South.—Extracts with relation to the food - of the slaves.—Professor Ingraham’s anecdotes. - - CHAPTER XI.—SELECT INCIDENTS OF LAWFUL TRADE. 47 - - Separation of an aged mother from her son - authenticated.—Selling of the woman to the trader - authenticated.—Parting the infant from the mother - verified.—Suicide of slaves from grief - authenticated.—Parting of “John aged 30” from his wife - authenticated.—Case of old Prue in New Orleans - authenticated.—Story of the mulatto woman authenticated. - - CHAPTER XII.—TOPSY. 50 - - Effect of the principle of caste upon children.—Letter from - Dr. Pennington.—Instance of the Southern lady.—Story of the - devoted slave. - - CHAPTER XIII.—THE QUAKERS. 54 - - Trial of Garret and Hunn.—Imprisonment of Richard - Dillingham.—Poetry of Whittier. - - CHAPTER XIV.—SPIRIT OF ST. CLARE. 59 - - Containing various testimony from Southern papers and men in - favor of _Uncle Tom’s Cabin_. - - - PART II - - CHAPTER I p. 67 - - Accusations of the New York _Courier and Enquirer_.—Extract - from a letter from a gentleman in Richmond, Va., containing - various criticisms on slave-law.—Writer’s examination and - general conclusion. - - CHAPTER II.—WHAT IS SLAVERY? 70 - - Definitions from civil code of Louisiana.—From laws of South - Carolina.—Decision of Judge Ruffin.—Involve absolute - despotism.—Do not admit of humane decisions.—Designed only - for the security of the master, with no regard for the - welfare of the slave.—Judge Ruffin.—No redress for personal - injury that does not produce loss of service.—Case of - Cornfute _v._ Dale.—Decision with regard to - patrols.—Decisions of North and South Carolina with respect - to the assault and battery of slaves.—Decision in - Louisiana, by which, if a person injures a slave, he may, - by paying a certain price, become his owner.—Decision in - Louisiana, Berard _v._ Berard, establishing the principle - that by no mode of suit, direct or indirect, can a slave - obtain redress for ill-treatment.—Case of Jennings _v._ - Fundeberg.—Action for killing negroes.—Also Richardson _v._ - Dukes for the same.—Recognition of the fact that many - persons, by withholding from slaves proper food and - raiment, cause them to commit crimes for which they are - executed.—Is the negro a person in any sense?—Judge Clark’s - argument to prove that he is a human being.—Decision that a - woman may be given to one person, and her unborn children - to another.—Disproportioned punishment of the slave - compared with the master.—Case of State _v._ Mann, showing - that the owner or hirer of a slave cannot be punished for - indicting cruel, unwarrantable and disproportioned - punishments.—Judge Ruffin’s speech. - - CHAPTER III.—SOUTHER _v._ THE COMMONWEALTH, THE NE PLUS ULTRA OF - LEGAL HUMANITY. 79 - - Writer’s attention called to this case by _Courier and - Enquirer_.—Case presented.—Writer’s remarks.—Principles - established in this case. - - CHAPTER IV.—PROTECTIVE STATUTES. 83 - - Apprentices protected.—Outlawry.—Melodrama of Prue in the - swamp.—Harry the carpenter, a romance of real life. - - CHAPTER V.—PROTECTIVE ACTS OF SOUTH CAROLINA AND LOUISIANA.—THE - IRON COLLAR OF LOUISIANA AND NORTH CAROLINA. 87 - - CHAPTER VI.—PROTECTIVE ACTS WITH REGARD TO FOOD AND RAIMENT, - LABOR, ETC. 90 - - Illustrative drama of Tom _v._ Legree, under the law of South - Carolina.—Separation of parent and child. - - CHAPTER VII.—THE EXECUTION OF JUSTICE. 92 - - State _v._ Eliza Rowand.—The “Ægis of protection” to the - slave’s life. - - CHAPTER VIII.—THE GOOD OLD TIMES. 99 - - CHAPTER IX.—MODERATE CORRECTION AND ACCIDENTAL DEATH.—STATE _v._ - CASTLEMAN. 100 - - CHAPTER X.—PRINCIPLES ESTABLISHED.—STATE _v._ LEGREE; A CASE NOT - IN THE BOOKS. 103 - - CHAPTER XI.—THE TRIUMPH OF JUSTICE OVER LAW. 104 - - CHAPTER XII.—A COMPARISON OF THE ROMAN LAW OF SLAVERY WITH THE - AMERICAN. 107 - - CHAPTER XIII.—THE MEN BETTER THAN THEIR LAWS. 110 - - CHAPTER XIV.—THE HEBREW SLAVE-LAW COMPARED WITH THE AMERICAN - SLAVE-LAW. 115 - - CHAPTER XV.—SLAVERY IS DESPOTISM. 120 - - - PART III. - - CHAPTER I.—DOES PUBLIC OPINION PROTECT THE SLAVE? p. 124 - - CHAPTER II.—PUBLIC OPINION FORMED BY EDUCATION. 129 - - Early training.—“The spirit of the press.” - - CHAPTER III.—SEPARATION OF FAMILIES. 133 - - The facts in the case.—Humane dealers.—The exigences of - trade. - - CHAPTER IV.—THE SLAVE-TRADE. 143 - - What sustains slavery?—The FACTS again, and the comments of - Southern men.—The poetry of the slave-trade. - - CHAPTER V.—SELECT INCIDENTS OF LAWFUL TRADE; OR, FACTS STRANGER - THAN FICTION. 151 - - What “domestic sensibilities” Violet and George - had.—Testimony of a sea-captain, and of a fugitive slave. - - CHAPTER VI.—THE EDMONDSON FAMILY. 155 - - Old Milly and her household.—Liberty and equality.—The - schooner Pearl.—An American slave-ship.—Capture of - fugitives.—Indignation.—Captives imprisoned.—Voyage to New - Orleans and return.—Affecting incidents.—Final redemption. - - CHAPTER VII.—EMILY RUSSELL. 168 - - Price of her redemption.—Not raised.—Sent to the - South.—Redeemed by death.—Daniel Bell and family.—Poor Tom - Ducket.—Facsimile of his letter. - - CHAPTER VIII.—KIDNAPPING. 173 - - Causes which lead to kidnapping free negroes and - whites.—Solomon Northrop kidnapped.—Carried to Red - river.—Parallel to Uncle Tom.—Rachel Parker and sister. - - CHAPTER IX.—SLAVES AS THEY ARE, ON TESTIMONY OF OWNERS. 175 - - Color and complexion.—Scars.—Intelligence.—Sale of those - claiming to be free.—Illustrated by - advertisements.—Inferences. - - CHAPTER X.—POOR WHITE TRASH. 184 - - Slavery degrades the poor whites.—Causes and - process.—Materials for mobs.—Fierce for slavery.—Influence - of slavery on education.—Emigration from slave states.—N. - B. Watson advertised for a hunt.—John Cornutt lynched.—No - defence in law.—Justice prostrate.—Rev. E. Matthews - lynched.—Case of Jesse McBride. - - - PART IV. - - CHAPTER I.—INFLUENCE OF THE AMERICAN CHURCH ON SLAVERY. p. 193 - - Power of the clergy.—The church, what?—Influence.—Points - self-evident.—Course of ecclesiastical bodies.—Sanction of - American slavery, _as it is_, by Southern bodies.—Summary - of results. - - CHAPTER II.—AMERICAN CHURCH AND SLAVERY. 205 - - Trials for heresy.—Course as to slavery heresies.—Course of - the Methodist Church.—Course of the Presbyterian Church, - before the division.—Course of the Old School body.—Course - of the New School body.—Results.—Congregationalists.—Albany - convention.—Home Missionary Society.—The protesting - power.—Practical workings of the general system.—Pleas for - inaction.—Appeal to the church. - - CHAPTER III.—MARTYRDOM. 223 - - Power of Leviathan.—He cares more for deeds than words.—E. P. - Lovejoy at St. Louis.—At - Alton.—Convention.—Speech.—Mob.—Death. - - CHAPTER IV.—SERVITUDE IN THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH COMPARED WITH - AMERICAN SLAVERY. 228 - - Fundamental principles of the kingdom of Christ.—Relations to - slavery.—Apostolic directions.—Case of Onesimus. - - CHAPTER V.—TEACHINGS AND CONDITION OF THE APOSTLES. 234 - - Apostles and primitive Christians not law-makers.—Preaching - of modern law-makers. - - CHAPTER VI.—APOSTOLIC TEACHING ON EMANCIPATION. 235 - - CHAPTER VII.—ABOLITION OF SLAVERY BY CHRISTIANITY. 237 - - State of society.—Course of councils.—Influence of bishops - for freedom.—Redemption of captives.—Contrast. - - CHAPTER VIII.—JUSTICE AND EQUITY VERSUS SLAVERY. 241 - - Regulation of slavery impossible.—Contrast of its principles - and provisions with justice and equity. - - CHAPTER IX.—IS THE SYSTEM OF RELIGION WHICH IS TAUGHT THE SLAVE - THE GOSPEL? 244 - - Points to be conceded.—What is taught?—Principles and - discussion.—Necessary results of the system.—Specimens of - teaching and criticisms. - - CHAPTER X.—WHAT IS TO BE DONE? 250 - - Work of the church in America.—Feelings of Christians in all - other countries.—Eradication of caste, and repeal of sinful - laws against free colored people.—Various duties and - measures as to slavery.—Closing appeal. - - - - - ERRATUM. - - -Page 42, second column, after twenty-fifth line from top, insert: - -“At the rolling of sugars, an interval of from two to three months, they -(the slaves in Louisiana) work _both night and day_. Abridged of their -sleep, they scarcely retire to rest during the whole period.” - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - NEW BOOKS, - - OF RARE INTEREST AND VALUE, - - JUST PUBLISHED BY - - JOHN P. JEWETT AND COMPANY, - - BOSTON. - -Owing to the unparalleled draft upon our resources, during the past -year, on account of the unexampled sale of UNCLE TOM’S CABIN, a large -number of most valuable manuscripts were obliged to lie untouched in our -safe, waiting a favorable moment to appear in print. We have availed -ourselves of the earliest moment, and now offer them to the _readers of -good books_. Most of them are issued. Those still in press will be -published speedily. - - - THE SHADY SIDE; - - OR, LIFE IN A COUNTRY PARSONAGE. - - BY A PASTOR’S WIFE. - -This volume is designed, in a measure, as a contrast to that charming -little book, _Sunny Side_, and we doubt not that it will meet with quite -as favorable a reception as that work. It is written in an admirable -style, and he who commences its perusal will hardly be able to stop -until he has gone through. Price 75 cents. - - - COUNT STRUENZEE, THE SCEPTIC AND THE CHRISTIAN. - - TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN BY MRS. WILSON. - -This most interesting work contains the history of the last days of this -distinguished man, and the account of his numerous interviews and -conversations with his pastor, Munter, through whose instrumentality he -was led to abandon his scepticism, and embrace the religion of Jesus. -Price 62½ cents. - - - THE LAST HOURS OF CHRIST. - - BY W. G. SCHAUFFLER, MISSIONARY AT CONSTANTINOPLE. - -A portion of this most admirably written volume of Meditations on the -last hours of our Saviour upon earth was published some years since, and -met with great favor from the religions public. The work has been -re-written, and very much enlarged, and is again offered to the -community. We would not say a word in its commendation to those who have -read the volume as originally published. To those who love to go with -the Redeemer of men, to meditate in the garden of Gethsemane, or upon -the Mount of Olives, or by the Sea of Galilee, this volume will afford a -vein of sacred thought. Price $1. - - - DR. BEECHER’S THIRD VOLUME. - -We have just issued the third volume in the series of the writings of -this venerable and eloquent man, as has been lately said of him by some -one, “_the father of more brains than any other man in the country_.” -This volume contains his VIEWS OF THEOLOGY, and his celebrated Trial for -Heresy before the Presbytery and Synod of Cincinnati. With a _superb -steel Portrait_, by Andrews. Price $1. _No clergyman’s library is -complete_ without Dr. Beecher’s writings. - - - WHITE SLAVERY IN THE BARBARY STATES. - - BY HON. CHARLES SUMNER, U. S. S. - - ILLUSTRATED BY 40 SUPERB DESIGNS BY BILLINGS, ENGRAVED BY BAKER, SMITH - AND ANDREWS. - -This superb volume in its typography and illustrations, and elegant in -its composition, being one of the finest productions of its accomplished -author, is offered to the public in this most attractive form, with the -hope that thousands may peruse its glowing pages, and from them receive -fresh stimulus in their efforts to elevate humanity from degradation and -wrong. They will learn from it that in years past _white men_ as well as -blacks have felt the galling yoke of slavery. Price 50 cents. - - - JUDGE JAY’S WRITINGS ON SLAVERY. - - _In one volume, 12mo, with a Portrait._ Price $1. - -Who has rendered more efficient services to the cause of humanity than -the venerable Judge Jay? His collective writings will be among the very -best contributions to the anti-slavery literature of the country. - - - PHILOSOPHY OF MYSTERIOUS RAPPINGS; - - OR, THE DYNAMIC LAWS AND RELATIONS OF MAN - - BY DR. E. C. ROGERS. - -A learned and philosophical exposure of the modern belief in Spiritual -Manifestations, showing, most conclusively, that we need not go to the -spirit world to account for those things, but that they can all be -explained by human agency, and upon philosophical principles. Let the -believers in Spiritual Rappings read this able and conclusive work. -Price $1. - - - THE TRIAL BY JURY. - - BY LYSANDER SPOONER. - -We need not inform the public that any work from Mr. Spooner’s pen would -be one of great research and learning—his logical acuteness as a writer -is too well known. This, his last, and perhaps his greatest effort, on -the Trial by Jury, is destined to create a commotion in the world. -Jurymen will learn their rights and duties from it, and also learn to -what an alarming extent their rights have been encroached upon. We -bespeak for this able treatise a candid perusal. Price $1.25 in cloth; -$1.50 in law sheep. - - - GERMAN UNCLE TOM. - - TRANSLATED BY PROFESSOR HUTTEN. - - _One volume, octavo. Price 50 cts._ - -The English language has been exhausted in praise of this unrivalled -tale; and this translation into the German language we believe will be -as popular among the large German population in this country. - - - BOOK OF 1000 ANECDOTES: - - HUMOROUS, GRAVE AND WITTY. - - BY M. LAFAYETTE BYRN, M. D. - -There are hours when men need relaxation from the sterner labors of -life, both bodily and mental. In these seasons, such a volume as the -above is a desirable companion, and affords that relief which the mind -needs. Price $1. - - - A KEY TO UNCLE TOM’S CABIN. - - BY MRS. H. B. STOWE. - -A work which will most thoroughly establish the truth of every statement -in “Uncle Tom’s Cabin,” and a good many _not_ in that work. Price 50 -cents. - - - GIDDINGS’ SPEECHES. - -The Congressional Speeches of this distinguished and uncompromising -anti-slavery veteran, who is still battling nobly with the powers of -darkness. Complete in one volume, 12mo. With a Portrait. Price $1. - - - KEY TO UNCLE TOM, IN GERMAN. - -This work is now being translated into German by one of our best German -scholars, and will be issued soon after the publication of the English -edition. Price 50 cents. - - - WRITINGS OF PROF. BELA B. EDWARDS, D. D. - - BY REV. PROF. PARK, D. D. WITH A MEMOIR, BY DR. PARK. - -This work, which has been unavoidably delayed, will be issued in two -volumes, 12mo, about the first of April. - -The numerous admirers of Dr. Edwards will hail with pleasure this -announcement. The collected writings of such a man are an invaluable -contribution to our literature, more particularly when compiled by so -ripe a scholar as Dr. Park. The memoir glows with all the fervid -enthusiasm of the editor. Price $2.50. - - - COMPLETE ENCYCLOPÆDIA OF MUSIC. - - BY JOHN W. MOORE. - -Assisted by JOHN S. DWIGHT, Esq., the learned and accomplished Editor of -_The Journal of Music_. - -This work will occupy an unoccupied field, no such work ever having been -compiled before, either in this country or in England. It will be a -complete DICTIONARY OF ALL MUSICAL TERMS; a HISTORY OF THE SCIENCE OF -MUSIC, from the earliest times to the present; a TREATISE ON HARMONY AND -THOROUGH BASS; a DESCRIPTION OF ALL KNOWN MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS, and a -complete MUSICAL BIOGRAPHY, containing a succinct memoir of more than -=3000= of the most distinguished musical celebrities and composers who -have ever lived. To be comprised in _one large royal 8vo. volume_, of -about 1000 pages, double columns. To be published during the summer. - - * * * * * - -The above valuable works are published by - - JOHN P. JEWETT & Co., BOSTON. - - JEWETT, PROCTOR & WORTHINGTON, CLEVELAND, OHIO. - - AND FOR SALE BY BOOKSELLERS GENERALLY. - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES - - - 1. Changed ‘to be in somewhat’ to ‘to be somewhat’ on p. 121. - 2. Changed ‘to reared’ to ‘to be reared’ on p. 149. - 3. Renumbered ‘Chapter VIII’ on p. 184 to ‘Chapter X’. Previous chapter - was IX. - 4. Changed ‘had and obtained’ to ‘had been obtained’ on p. 195. - 5. Changed ‘If any man’ to ‘4. If any man’ on p. 242. - 6. Made the correction indicated in the ERRATUM. - 7. Silently corrected typographical errors. - 8. Retained anachronistic and non-standard spellings as printed. - 9. Enclosed italics font in _underscores_. -10. Enclosed bold font in =equals=. - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of A Key to Uncle Tom's Cabin, by -Harriet Beecher Stowe - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A KEY TO UNCLE TOM'S CABIN *** - -***** This file should be named 54812-0.txt or 54812-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/4/8/1/54812/ - -Produced by Richard Tonsing and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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