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diff --git a/54653-0.txt b/54653-0.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..775a1cd --- /dev/null +++ b/54653-0.txt @@ -0,0 +1,42045 @@ +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 54653 *** + +Transcriber’s note: + +Bold text is indicated by ~swung dashes~, italics by _underscores_, and +superscript by caret signs, e. g. 38^{mm}. + + + + +LIBRARY CATALOGUE SLIPS. + + +Series title. + +Smithsonian institution. _Bureau of ethnology._ + +Tenth annual report | of the | Bureau of ethnology | to the | +secretary of the Smithsonian institution | 1888-’89 | by | J. W. +Powell | director | [Vignette] | + +Washington | government printing office | 1893 + +8^o. xxx, 742 pp. 54 pl. + + +Author title. + +Powell (John Wesley). + +Tenth annual report | of the | Bureau of ethnology | to the | +secretary of the Smithsonian institution | 1888-’89 | by | J. W. +Powell | director | [Vignette] | + +Washington | government printing office | 1893 + +8^o. xxx, 742 pp. 54 pl. + +[SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION. _Bureau of ethnology._] + + +Title for subject entry. + +Tenth annual report | of the | Bureau of ethnology | to the | +secretary of the Smithsonian institution | 1888-’89 | by | J. W. +Powell | director | [Vignette] | + +Washington | government printing office | 1893 + +8^o. xxx, 742 pp. 54 pl. + +[SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION. _Bureau of ethnology._] + + + + + TENTH ANNUAL REPORT + OF THE + BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY + + TO THE + SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION + + 1888-’89 + + BY + J. W. POWELL + DIRECTOR + + [Illustration] + + WASHINGTON + GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE + 1893 + + +REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR. + + + + +CONTENTS. + + + Page. + + Letter of transmittal VII + + Introduction IX + + Publications X + + Field work X + Mound explorations X + Work of Mr. Cyrus Thomas X + Work of Mr. Gerard Fowke XI + Work of Mr. J. D. Middleton XI + Work of Mr. H. L. Reynolds XI + Work of Mr. J. W. Emmert XII + General field studies XII + Work of Col. Garrick Mallery XII + Work of Mr. W. J. Hoffman XIII + Work of Mr. H. W. Henshaw XIV + Work of Mr. James Mooney XV + Work of Mr. Jeremiah Curtin XVI + Work of Mr. A. S. Gatschet XVII + Work of Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt XVII + Work of Mr. Victor Mindeleff XVII + Work of Mr. A. M. Stephen XVII + + Office work XVIII + Work of Major J. W. Powell XVIII + Work of Mr. H. W. Henshaw XVIII + Work of Col. Garrick Mallery XVIII + Work of Mr. J. Owen Dorsey XVIII + Work of Mr. A. S. Gatschet XIX + Work of Mr. Jeremiah Curtin XIX + Work of Mr. James Mooney XIX + Work of Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt XX + Work of Mr. J. C. Pilling XX + Work of Mr. W. H. Holmes XXI + Work of Mr. Cyrus Thomas XXII + Work of Mr. H. L. Reynolds XXII + Work of Mr. Victor Mindeleff XXII + Work of Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff XXII + Work of Mr. J. K. Hillers XXIII + Work of Mr. Franz Boas XXIII + Work of Mr. Lucien M. Turner XXIV + + Necrology XXIV + Mr. James Stevenson XXIV + + Accompanying paper XXV + Picture-writing of the American Indians, by Garrick Mallery XXVI + + Financial statement XXX + + + + +LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL. + + + SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY, + _Washington, D. C., October 1, 1889_. + + +SIR: I have the honor to submit my Tenth Annual Report as Director of +the Bureau of Ethnology. + +The first part of it presents an exposition of the operations of the +Bureau during the fiscal year 1888-’89; the second part consists of a +work on the Picture-writing of the American Indians, which has been in +preparation for several years. + +I desire to express my thanks for your earnest support and your valuable +counsel relating to the work under my charge. + +I am, with respect, your obedient servant, + +[Illustration: signature] + + _Director_. + + Prof. S. P. LANGLEY, + _Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution_. + + + + + TENTH ANNUAL REPORT + OF THE + BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. + +BY J. W. POWELL, DIRECTOR. + + +INTRODUCTION. + +Research among the North American Indians, in obedience to acts of +Congress, was continued during the fiscal year 1888-’89. + +The explanation presented in several former annual reports of the +general plan upon which the work of the Bureau has been performed +renders a detailed repetition superfluous. The lines of investigation +which from time to time have appeared to be the most useful or the +most pressing have been confided to persons trained in or known to be +specially adapted to their pursuit. The results of their labors are +presented in the three series of publications of the Bureau which are +provided for by law. A brief statement of the work upon which each one +of the special students was actively engaged during the fiscal year is +furnished below; but it should be noted that this statement does not +specify all the studies made or services rendered by them. + +The assistance of explorers, writers, and students who are not and may +not desire to be officially connected with the Bureau is again invited. +Their contributions, whether in suggestions or extended communications, +will always be gratefully acknowledged and will receive proper credit. +They may be published as Congress will allow, either in the series of +annual reports or in monographs or bulletins. Several valuable papers of +this class have already been contributed and published. + +The report now submitted consists of three principal divisions. The +first relates to the publications made during the fiscal year; the +second, to the work prosecuted in the field; the third, to the office +work, which chiefly consists of the preparation for publication of the +results of field work, with the corrections and additions obtained from +exhaustive researches into the literature of the subjects discussed and +by correspondence relative to them. + + +PUBLICATIONS. + +The publications actually issued and distributed during the year were as +follows, all octavo: + +Bibliography of the Iroquoian Languages, by James C. Pilling; pages i-vi ++ 1-208. Facsimile reproductions, at pages 44 and 56, of title pages of +early publications relating to Indian languages, and, at page 72, of the +Cherokee alphabet. + +Textile Fabrics of Ancient Peru, by William H. Holmes; pages 1-17, Figs. +1-11. + +The Problem of the Ohio Mounds, by Cyrus Thomas; pages 1-54, Figs. 1-8. + + +FIELD WORK. + +The field work of the year is divided into (1) mound explorations +and (2) general field studies, the latter being directed chiefly to +archeology, linguistics, and pictography. + + +MOUND EXPLORATIONS. + + +WORK OF MR. CYRUS THOMAS. + +The work of exploring the mounds of the eastern United States was, as in +former years, under the superintendence of Mr. Cyrus Thomas. The efforts +of the division were chiefly confined to the examination of material +already collected and to the arrangement and preparation for publication +of the data on hand. Field work received less attention, therefore, +than in previous years, and was mainly directed to such investigations +as were necessary to elucidate doubtful points and to the examination +and surveys of important works which had not before received adequate +attention. + +The only assistants to Mr. Thomas whose engagements embraced the entire +year were Mr. James D. Middleton and Mr. Henry L. Reynolds. Mr. Gerard +Fowke, one of the assistants, ceased his connection with the Bureau +at the end of the second month. Mr. John W. Emmert was engaged as a +temporary assistant for a few months. + + +WORK OF MR. GERARD FOWKE. + +During the short time in which he remained with the division, Mr. Fowke +was engaged in exploring certain mounds in the Sciota valley, Ohio, a +field to which Messrs. Squier and Davis had devoted much attention. +Its reexamination was for the purpose of investigating certain typical +mounds which had not been thoroughly examined by those explorers. + + +WORK OF MR. J. D. MIDDLETON. + +Mr. Middleton was employed from July to the latter part of October in +the exploration of mounds and other ancient works in Calhoun county, +Illinois, a territory to which special interest attaches because it +seems to be on the border line of different archeologic districts. From +October until December he was engaged at Washington in preparing plats +of Ohio earthworks. During the next month he made resurveys of some of +the more important inclosures in Ohio, after which he resumed work in +the office at Washington until the latter part of March, when he was +sent to Tennessee to examine several mound groups and to determine, so +far as possible, the exact locations of the old Cherokee “over-hill +towns.” The result of the last-mentioned investigation was valuable, as +it indicated that each of these “over-hill towns” was, with possibly one +unimportant exception, in the locality of a mound group. + + +WORK OF MR. H. L. REYNOLDS. + +Near the close of October Mr. Reynolds, having already examined the +inclosures of the northern, eastern, and western sections of the mound +region, went to Ohio and West Virginia to study the different types +found there, with reference to the chapters he was preparing on the +various forms of ancient inclosures in the United States. While thus +engaged he explored a large mound connected with one of the typical +works in Paint creek valley, obtaining unexpected and important results. +The construction of this tumulus was found to be quite different from +most of those in the same section examined by Messrs. Squier and Davis. + + +WORK OF MR. J. W. EMMERT. + +Mr. Emmert devoted the few months in which he was employed to the +successful exploration of mounds in eastern Tennessee. Some important +discoveries were made and additional interesting facts were ascertained +in regard to the mounds of that section. + + +GENERAL FIELD STUDIES. + + +WORK OF COL. GARRICK MALLERY. + +Early in the month of July Col. Garrick Mallery proceeded to Maine, Nova +Scotia and New Brunswick to continue investigation into the pictographs +of the Abnaki and Micmac Indians, which had been commenced in 1887. He +first visited rocks in Maine, on the shore near Machiasport, and on Hog +island, in Holmes bay, a part of Machias bay. In both localities pecked +petroglyphs were found, accurate copies of which were taken. Some of +them had not before been reported. They are probably of Abnaki origin, +of either the Penobscot or the Passamaquoddy division, the rocks lying +on the line of water communication between the territories of those +divisions. From Maine he proceeded to Kejemkoojik lake, on the border +of Queens and Annapolis counties, Nova Scotia, and resumed the work +of drawing and tracing the large number of petroglyphs found during +the previous summer. Perfect copies were obtained of so many of them +as to be amply sufficient for study and comparison. These are incised +petroglyphs, and were made by Micmacs. The country of the Malecites, on +the St. Johns river, New Brunswick, was next visited. No petroglyphs +were discovered, but a considerable amount of information was obtained +upon the old system of pictographs on birch bark and its use. +Illustrative specimens were gathered, together with myths and legends, +which assisted in the elucidation of some of the pictographs observed +elsewhere. + + +WORK OF MR. W. J. HOFFMAN. + +Mr. W. J. Hoffman proceeded in July to visit the Red Lake and White +Earth Indian reservations in Minnesota. At Red lake he obtained copies +of birch bark records pertaining to the Midē'wiwin or Grand Medicine +Society of the Ojibwa, an order of shamans professing the power to +prophesy, to cure disease, and to confer success in the chase. The +introductory portion of the ritual of this society pertains particularly +to the Ojibwa cosmogony. At the same place he secured several birch +bark records of hunting expeditions, battles with neighboring tribes of +Indians, maps, and songs. He also investigated the former and present +practice of tattooing, and the Ojibwa works of art in colors, beads, and +quills. + +At White Earth Reservation two distinct charts of the Grand Medicine +Society were obtained, together with full explanations by two of the +chief midé or shamans, one of whom was the only fourth-degree priest in +either of the reservations. Although a considerable difference between +these three charts is apparent, their principles and the general course +of the initiation of the candidates are similar. The survival of archaic +forms in the charts and ritual indicates a considerable antiquity. Some +mnemonic songs were also obtained at this reservation. In addition to +the ritual, secured directly from the priests, in the Ojibwa language, +translations of the songs were also recorded, with musical notation. +On leaving the above reservations, Mr. Hoffman proceeded to Pipestone, +Minnesota, to copy the petroglyphs upon the cliffs of that historic +quarry. + +He then returned to St. Paul, Minnesota, to search the records of the +library of the Minnesota Historical Society for copies of pictographs +reported to have been made near La Pointe, Wisconsin. Little information +was obtained, although it is known that such pictographs, now nearly +obliterated, existed upon conspicuous cliffs and rocks near Lake +Superior, at and in the vicinity of Bayfield and Ashland. + +Mr. Hoffman afterward made an examination of the “pictured cave,” +eight miles northeast of La Crosse, Wisconsin, to obtain copies of the +characters appearing there. These are rapidly being destroyed by the +disintegration of the rock. The colors employed in delineating the +various figures were dark red and black. The figures represent human +beings, deer, and other forms not now distinguishable. + + +WORK OF MR. H. W. HENSHAW. + +Mr. H. W. Henshaw spent the months of August, September, and October on +the Pacific coast, engaged in the collection of vocabularies of several +Indian languages, with a view to their study and classification. The +Umatilla Reservation in Oregon was first visited with the object of +obtaining a comprehensive vocabulary of the Cayuse. Though there are +about four hundred of these Indians on the reservation, probably not +more than six speak the Cayuse tongue. The Cayuse have extensively +intermarried with the Umatilla, and now speak the language of the +latter, or that of the Nez Percé. An excellent Cayuse vocabulary was +obtained, and at the same time the opportunity was embraced to secure +vocabularies of the Umatilla and the Nez Percé languages. His next +objective point was the neighborhood of the San Rafael Mission, Marin +county, California, the hope being entertained that some of the Indians +formerly gathered at the mission would be found there. He learned that +there were no Indians at or near San Rafael, but subsequently found a +few on the shores of Tomales bay, to the north. A good vocabulary was +collected from one of these, which, as was expected, was subsequently +found to be related to the Moquelumnan family of the interior, to the +southeast of San Francisco bay. Later the missions of Santa Cruz and +Monterey were visited. At these points there still remain a few old +Indians who retain a certain command of their own language, though +Spanish forms their ordinary means of intercourse. The vocabularies +obtained are sufficient to prove, beyond any reasonable doubt, that +there are two linguistic families instead of one, as had been formerly +supposed, in the country above referred to. A still more important +discovery was made by Mr. Henshaw at Monterey, where an old woman was +found who succeeded in calling to mind more than one hundred words and +short phrases of the Esselen language, formerly spoken near Monterey, +but less than forty words of which had been previously known. Near the +town of Cayucas, to the south, an aged and blind Indian was visited +who was able to add somewhat to the stock of Esselen words obtained at +Monterey, and to give valuable information concerning the original home +of that tribe. As a result of the study of this material Mr. Henshaw +determines the Esselen to be a distinct linguistic family, a conclusion +first drawn by Mr. Curtin from a study of the vocabularies collected by +Galiano and Lamanon in the eighteenth century. The territory occupied by +the tribe and linguistic family lies coastwise, south of Monterey bay, +as far as the Santa Lucia mountains. + + +WORK OF MR. JAMES MOONEY. + +On July 5 Mr. James Mooney started on a second trip to the territory +of the Cherokee in North Carolina, returning after an absence of +about four months. During this time he made considerable additions +to the linguistic material already obtained by him, and was able to +demonstrate the former existence of a fourth, and perhaps even of a +fifth, well-marked Cherokee dialect in addition to the upper, lower, and +middle dialects already known. The invention of a Cherokee syllabary +which was adapted to the sounds of the upper dialect has tended to make +that dialect universal. A number of myths were collected, together with +a large amount of miscellaneous material relating to the Cherokee tribe, +and the great tribal game of ball play, with its attendant ceremonies +of dancing, conjuring, scratching the bodies of the players, and going +to water, was witnessed. A camera was utilized to secure characteristic +pictures of the players. Special attention was given to the subject +of Indian medicine, theoretic, ceremonial, and therapeutic. The most +noted doctors of the tribe were employed as informants, and nearly +five hundred specimens of medicinal and food plants were collected +and their Indian names and uses ascertained. The general result of +this investigation shows that the medical and botanical knowledge of +the Indians has been greatly overrated. A study was made of Cherokee +personal names, about five hundred of which were translated, being +all the names of Indian origin now remaining in that region. The most +important results of Mr. Mooney’s investigations were the discovery of a +large number of manuscripts containing the sacred formulas of the tribe, +written in Cherokee characters by the shamans for their own secret use, +and jealously guarded from the knowledge of all but the initiated. The +existence of such manuscripts had been ascertained during a visit in +1887, and several of them had been procured. This discovery of genuine +aboriginal material, written in an Indian language by shamans for +their own use, is believed to be unique in the history of aboriginal +investigation, and was only made possible through the invention of +the Cherokee syllabary by Sequoia in 1821. Every effort was made by +Mr. Mooney to obtain all the existing manuscripts, with the result of +securing all of that material which was in the possession of the tribe. +The whole number of formulas obtained is about six hundred. They consist +of prayers and sacred songs, explanations of ceremonies, directions for +medical treatment, and underlying theories. They relate to medicine, +love, war, hunting, fishing, self-protection, witchcraft, agriculture, +the ball play, and other similar subjects, thus forming a complete +exposition of an aboriginal religion as set forth by its priests in +their own language. + + +WORK OF MR. JEREMIAH CURTIN. + +Early in October Mr. Jeremiah Curtin left Washington for the Pacific +coast. During the remainder of the year he was occupied in Shasta and +Humboldt counties, California, in collecting vocabularies and data +connected with the Indian system of medicine. This work was continued in +different parts of Humboldt and Siskiyou counties until June 30, 1889. +Large collections of linguistic and other data were gathered and myths +were secured which show that the whole system of medicine of these +Indians and the ministration of remedies originated in and are limited +to sorcery practices. + + +WORK OF MR. A. S. GATSCHET. + +The field work of Mr. Albert S. Gatschet during the year was short. +It had been ascertained that Mrs. Alice M. Oliver, now in Lynn, +Massachusetts, formerly lived on Trespalacios bay, Texas, near the homes +of the Karánkawa, and Mr. Gatschet visited Lynn with a view of securing +as complete a vocabulary as possible of their extinct language. Mrs. +Oliver was able to recall about one hundred and sixty terms of the +language, together with some phrases and sentences. She also furnished +many valuable details regarding the ethnography of the tribe. Ten days +were spent in this work. + + +WORK OF MR. J. N. B. HEWITT. + +Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt was occupied in field work from August 1 to November +8, as follows: From the first of August to September 20 he was on the +Tuscarora reserve, in Niagara county, New York, in which locality +fifty-five legends and myths were collected. A Penobscot vocabulary +was also obtained here, together with other linguistic material. From +September 20 to November 8 Mr. Hewitt visited the Grand River reserve, +Canada, where a large amount of text was obtained, together with notes +and other linguistic material. + + +WORK OF MR. VICTOR MINDELEFF. + +Mr. Victor Mindeleff left Washington on October 23 for St. John’s, +Arizona, where he examined the Hubbell collection of ancient pottery +and secured a series of photographs and colored drawings of the more +important specimens. Thence he went to Zuñi and obtained drawings +of interior details of dwellings and other data necessary for the +completion of his studies of the architecture of this pueblo. He +returned to Washington December 7. + + +WORK OF MR. A. M. STEPHEN. + +Mr. A. M. Stephen continued work among the Tusayan pueblos under the +direction of Mr. Victor Mindeleff. He added much to the knowledge +of the traditionary history of Tusayan, and made an extensive study +of the house lore and records of house-building ceremonials. He +also reported a full nomenclature of Tusayan architectural terms as +applied to the various details of terraced-house construction, with +etymologies. He secured from the Navajo much useful information of the +ceremonial connected with the construction of their conical lodges or +“hogans,” supplementing the more purely architectural records of their +construction previously collected by Mr. Mindeleff. As opportunity +occurred he gathered typical collections of baskets and other textile +fabrics illustrative of the successive stages of their manufacture, +including specimens of raw materials and detailed descriptions of the +dyes used. These collections are intended to include also the principal +patterns in use at the present time, with the Indian explanations of +their significance. + + +OFFICE WORK. + +Major J. W. POWELL, the Director, devoted much time during the year +to the preparation of the paper to accompany a map of the linguistic +families of America north of Mexico, the scope of which has been alluded +to in previous reports. This report and map appear in the Seventh Annual +Report of the Bureau. + +Mr. HENSHAW was chiefly occupied with the administrative duties of the +office, which have been placed in his charge by the Director, and with +the completion of the linguistic map. + +Col. MALLERY, after his return from the field work elsewhere mentioned, +was engaged in the elaboration of the new information obtained and +in further continued study of and correspondence relating to sign +language and pictography. In this work he was assisted by Mr. HOFFMAN, +particularly in the sketches made by the latter during previous field +seasons, and in preparing a large number of the illustrations for the +paper on Picture-writing of the American Indians which appears in the +present volume. + +Mr. J. OWEN DORSEY did no field work during the year, but devoted much +of the time to original investigations. Samuel Fremont, an Omaha +Indian, came to Washington in October, 1888, and until February, +1889, assisted Mr. Dorsey in the revision of the entries for the +Ȼegiha-English Dictionary. Similar assistance was rendered by Little +Standing Buffalo, a Ponka Indian from the Indian Territory, in April and +May, 1889. Mr. Dorsey also completed the entries for the Ȼegiha-English +Dictionary, and a list of Ponka, Omaha, and Winnebago personal names. He +translated from the Teton dialect of the Dakota all the material of the +Bushotter collection in the Bureau of Ethnology, and prepared therefrom +a paper on Teton folklore. He also prepared a brief paper on the camping +circles of Siouan tribes, and in addition furnished an article on the +modes of predication in the Athapascan dialects of Oregon and in several +dialects of the Siouan family. He also edited the manuscript of the +Dakota grammar, texts, and ethnography, written by the late Rev. Dr. S. +R. Riggs, which has been published as Volume VII, Contributions to North +American Ethnology. In May, 1889, he began an extensive paper on Indian +personal names, based on material obtained by himself in the field, to +contain names of the following tribes, viz: Omaha and Ponka, Kansa, +Osage, Kwapa, Iowa, Oto and Missouri, and Winnebago. + +Mr. ALBERT S. GATSCHET’S office work was almost entirely restricted to +the composition and completion of his Ethnographic Sketch, Grammar, +and Dictionary of the Klamath Language of Oregon, with the necessary +appendices. These works have been published as Parts 1 and 2, Vol. II, +of Contributions to North American Ethnology. + +Mr. JEREMIAH CURTIN during the year arranged and copied myths of various +Indian families, and also transcribed Wasco, Sahaptin, and Yanan +vocabularies previously collected. + +Mr. JAMES MOONEY, on his return from the Cherokee reservation in 1888, +began at once to translate a number of the prayers and sacred songs +obtained from the shamans during his visit. The result of this work has +appeared in a paper in the Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau entitled +“Sacred formulas of the Cherokees.” Considerable time was devoted also +to the elaboration of the botanic and linguistic notes obtained in +the field. In the spring of 1889 he began the collection of material +for a monograph on the aborigines of the Middle Atlantic slope, with +special reference to the Powhatan tribes of Virginia. As a preliminary, +about one thousand circulars, requesting information in regard to local +names, antiquities, and surviving Indians, were distributed throughout +Maryland, Delaware, Virginia, and northeastern Carolina. Sufficient +information was obtained in responses to afford an excellent basis for +future work in this direction. + +Mr. JOHN N. B. HEWITT, from July 1 to August 1, was engaged in arranging +alphabetically the recorded words of the Tuscarora-English dictionary +mentioned in former reports, and in the study of adjective word forms +to determine the variety and kind of the Tuscarora moods and tenses. +After his return from the field Mr. Hewitt classified and tabulated all +the forms of the personal pronouns employed in the Tuscarora language. +Studies were also prosecuted to develop the predicative function in +the Tuscarora speech. All the terms of consanguinity and affinity as +now used among the Tuscarora were recorded and tabulated. Literal +translations of many myths collected in the field were made, and free +translations added to four of them. In all appropriate instances +linguistic notes were added relating to etymology, phonesis, and verbal +change. + +Mr. JAMES C. PILLING gave much time to bibliographies of North American +languages. The bibliography of the Iroquoian languages was completed +early in the fiscal year, and the edition was issued in February. In the +meantime a bibliography of the Muskhogean languages was compiled, the +manuscript of which was sent to the Public Printer in January, 1889, +though the edition was not delivered during the fiscal year. Early in +March, 1889, Mr. Pilling went to Philadelphia to inspect the manuscripts +belonging to the American Philosophical Society, the authorities of +which gave him every facility, and much new material was secured. In +June he visited the Astor, Lenox, and Historical Society libraries in +New York; the libraries of the Boston Athenæum, Massachusetts Historical +Society, American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, and +the Boston Public Library, in Boston; that of Harvard University, in +Cambridge; of the American Antiquarian Society, in Worcester; and the +private library of Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull, in Hartford. In Canada he +visited the library of Laval University, and the private library of Mr. +P. Gagnon, in Quebec, of St. Mary’s College and Jacques Cartier School +in Montreal, and various missions along the St. Lawrence river, to +inspect the manuscripts left by the early missionaries. The result was +the accumulation of much new material for insertion in the Algonquian +bibliography. + +Mr. WILLIAM H. HOLMES continued to edit the illustrations for the +publications of the Bureau, and besides was engaged actively in his +studies of aboriginal archeology. He completed papers upon the pottery +of the Potomac valley, and upon the objects of shell collected by the +Bureau during the last eight years, and he has others in preparation. +As curator of Bureau collections he makes the following statement of +accessions for the year: From Mr. Thomas and his immediate assistants, +working in the mound region of the Mississippi valley and contiguous +portions of the Atlantic slope, the Bureau has received one hundred and +forty-six specimens, including articles of clay, stone, shell, and bone. +Mr. Victor Mindeleff obtained sixteen specimens of pottery from the +Pueblo country. Other collections by members of the Bureau and the U. S. +Geological Survey are as follows: Shell beads and pendants (modern) from +San Buenaventura, California, by Mr. Henshaw; fragments of pottery and +other articles from the vicinity of the Cheroki agency, North Carolina, +by Mr. Mooney; a large grooved hammer from the bluff at Three Forks, +Montana, by Mr. A. C. Peale; a large series of rude stone implements +from the District of Columbia, by Mr. De Lancey W. Gill. Donations have +been received as follows: An important series of earthen vases from a +mound on Perdido bay, Alabama, given by F. H. Parsons; ancient pueblo +vases from southwestern Colorado, by William M. Davidson; a series of +spurious earthen vessels, manufactured by unknown persons in eastern +Iowa, from C. C. Jones, of Augusta, Georgia; fragments of pottery, +etc., from Romney, West Virginia, given by G. H. Johnson; fragments +of a steatite pot from Ledyard, Connecticut, by G. L. Fancher; an +interesting series of stone tools, earthen vessels, etc., from a mound +on Lake Apopka, Florida, by Thomas Featherstonhaugh; fragments of gilded +earthenware and photographs of antiquities from Mexico, by F. Plancarte; +fragments of gold ornaments from Costa Rica, by Anastasio Alfaro. +Important specimens have been received as follows: Articles of clay from +a mound on Perdido bay, Alabama, loaned by Mrs. A. T. Mosman; articles +of clay from the last mentioned locality, by A. B. Simons; pottery from +the Potomac valley, by W. Hallett Phillips, by S. V. Proudfit, and by H. +L. Reynolds; articles of gold and gold-copper alloy from Costa Rica, by +Anastasio Alfaro, Secretary of the National Museum at San Jose. + +Mr. THOMAS was chiefly occupied during the year in the preparation of +the second and third volumes of his reports upon the mounds. He also +prepared a bulletin on the Circular, Square, and Octagonal Earthworks +of Ohio, with a view of giving a summary of the recent survey by the +mound division of the principal works of the above character in southern +Ohio. A second bulletin was completed, entitled “The Problem of the Ohio +Mounds,” in which he presented evidence to show that the ancient works +of the state are due to Indians of several different tribes, and that +some, at least, of the typical works were built by the ancestors of the +modern Cherokees. + +Mr. REYNOLDS after his return from the field was engaged in the +preparation of a general map of the United States, showing the area +of the mounds and the relative frequency of their occurrence. He also +assisted Mr. Thomas in the preparation of the monograph upon the +inclosures. + +Mr. VICTOR MINDELEFF, assisted by Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff, was engaged +in preparing for publication a “Study of Pueblo Architecture” as +illustrated in the provinces of Tusayan and Cibola, material for which +he had been collecting for a number of years. This report has appeared +in the Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau. + +Mr. COSMOS MINDELEFF with the force of the modeling room at the +beginning of the fiscal year completed the exhibit of the Bureau for the +Cincinnati Exposition, and during the early part of the year he was at +Cincinnati in charge of that exhibit. Owing to restricted space it was +limited to the Pueblo culture group, but this was illustrated as fully +as the time would permit. The exhibit covered about 1,200 feet of floor +space, as well as a large amount of wall space, and consisted of models +of pueblo and cliff ruins, models of inhabited pueblos, ancient and +modern pottery, examples of weaving, basketry, etc.; a representative +series of implements of war, the chase, agriculture, and the household; +manikins illustrating costumes, and a series of large photographs +illustrative of aboriginal architecture of the pueblo region, and of +many phases of pueblo life. Upon Mr. Mindeleff’s return from Cincinnati +he resumed assistance to Mr. Victor Mindeleff upon the report on pueblo +architecture, and by the close of the fiscal year the two chapters which +had been assigned to him were completed. They consist of a review of +the literature on the pueblo region and a summary of the traditions of +the Tusayan group from material collected by Mr. A. M. Stephen. Work +was also continued on the duplicate series of models, and twelve were +advanced to various stages of completion. Some time was devoted to +repairing original models which had been exhibited at Cincinnati and +other exhibitions, and also to experiments in casting in paper, in order +in find a suitable paper for use in large models. The experiments were +successful. + +Mr. J. K. HILLERS has continued the collection of photographs of +prominent Indians in both full-face and profile, by which method all +the facial characteristics are exhibited to the best advantage. In +nearly every instance a record has been preserved of the sitter’s status +in the tribe, his age, biographic notes of interest, and in cases of +mixed bloods, the degree of intermixture of blood. The total number +of photographs obtained during the year is 27, distributed among the +following tribes, viz: Sac and Fox, 5; Dakota, 6; Omaha, 6, and mixed +bloods (Creeks), 10. + +Mr. FRANZ BOAS was employed from February to April in preparing for +convenient use a series of vocabularies of the several Salish divisions, +previously collected by him in British Columbia. + +Mr. LUCIEN M. TURNER was for two years stationed at the Hudson Bay +Company’s post, Fort Chimo, near the northern end of the peninsula of +Labrador, as a civilian observer in the employ of the Signal Service, U. +S. Army. He was appointed to that position at the request of the late +Prof. Baird, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, in order that +his skill might be made available in a complete investigation of the +ethnology and natural history of the region. Mr. Turner left Washington +in June, 1882, and returned in the autumn of 1884. During the last year +he was engaged in the preparation of a report which will appear in one +of the forthcoming annual reports of the Bureau. + + + + +NECROLOGY. + +MR. JAMES STEVENSON. + + +The officers of the Bureau of Ethnology and all persons interested in +researches concerning the North American Indians were this year called +to lament the death of Mr. James Stevenson, who had made regular and +valuable contributions to the publications and collections of the Bureau. + +Mr. Stevenson was born in Maysville, Kentucky, on the 24th of December, +1840. When but a boy of 16 he became associated with Prof. F. V. +Hayden, and accompanied him upon expeditions into the regions of the +upper Missouri and Yellowstone rivers. Although the main objects of +these expeditions were geological, his tastes led him chiefly to +the observation of the customs and dialects of the Indians, and the +facilities for such study afforded him by the winters spent among the +Blackfoot and Dakota Indians excited and confirmed the anthropologic +zeal which absorbed the greater part of his life. + +After military service during the civil war he resumed, in 1866, the +studies which had been interrupted by it, and accompanied Prof. Hayden +to the Bad Lands of Dakota. From this expedition and the action of the +Congress of the United States in 1866-’67, sprang the Hayden survey, and +during its existence Mr. Stevenson was its executive officer. In one +of the explorations from 1868 to 1878, which are too many to be here +enumerated, he climbed the Great Teton, and was the first white man +known to have reached the ancient Indian altar on its summit. + +In 1879 the Hayden survey was discontinued, the Bureau of Ethnology +was organized, and the U. S. Geological Survey was established. Mr. +Stevenson, in addition to his duties as the executive officer of the +new survey, was detailed for research in connection with the Bureau of +Ethnology. In the subsequent years he devoted the winters--from the +incoming of the field parties to their outgoing in the spring--chiefly +to business of the survey; his summers to his favorite researches. +He explored the cliff and cave dwellings of Arizona and New Mexico; +he unearthed in the Canyon de Chelly two perfect skeletons of its +prehistoric inhabitants; he investigated the religious mythology of the +Zuñi, and secured a complete collection of fetich-gods, never before +allowed out of their possession; he studied the history and religions +of the Navajo and the Tusayan, and made an invaluable collection of +pottery, costumes, and ceremonial objects, which are now prominent in +the U. S. National Museum. But in the high mesas which were the field +of his explorations in 1885 he was attacked by the “mountain fever” in +its worst form. It was his first serious illness, and his regular and +temperate life saved him for the time. But a visit to the same region +in 1887 brought on a second attack of this peculiar and distressing +disease. He came home prostrated, with symptoms of serious heart failure. + +He died at the Gilsey House, in New York city, on the 25th of July, +1888, and was buried in the cemetery of Rock Creek church, near +Washington. + + + + +ACCOMPANYING PAPER. + + +For the first time in the series of the Annual Reports of this Bureau a +single paper is submitted to exhibit the character of the investigations +undertaken and the facts collected by its officers, with the results +of their studies upon such collections. But while the paper is single +in form and in title, it includes, in its illustrations and the text +relating to them, nearly all topics into which anthropology can properly +be divided, and therefore shows more diversity than would often be +contained in a volume composed of separate papers by several authors. +Its subject-matter being essentially pictorial, it required a large +number of illustrations, twelve hundred and ninety-five figures being +furnished in the text, besides fifty-four full-page plates, which, with +their explanation and discussion, expanded the volume to such size as to +exclude other papers. + + +PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS, BY GARRICK MALLERY. + +The papers accompanying the Fourth Annual Report of this Bureau, +which was for the fiscal year 1882-’83, included one under the title +“Pictographs of the North American Indians, a Preliminary Paper, +by Garrick Mallery.” Although that work was of considerable length +and the result of much research and study, it was in fact as well +as in title preliminary. The substance and general character of the +information obtained at that time on the subject was published not +only for the benefit of students already interested in it, but also +to excite interest in that branch of study among active explorers in +the field and, indeed, among all persons engaged in anthropologic +researches. For the convenience of such workers as were invited in +general terms to become collaborators, suggestions were offered for +the examination, description, and study of the objects connected with +this branch of investigation which might be noticed or discovered by +them. The result of this preliminary publication has shown the wisdom +of the plan adopted. Since the distribution of the Fourth Annual Report +pictography in its various branches has become, far more than ever +before, a prominent feature in the publications of learned societies, in +the separate works of anthropologists, and in the notes of scientific +explorers. The present paper includes, with proper credit to the authors +quoted or cited, many contributions to this branch of study which +obviously have been induced by the preliminary paper before mentioned. + +The interest thus excited has continued to be manifested by the +publication of new information of importance, in diverse shapes and in +many languages, some of which has been received too late for proper +attention in this paper. + +Col. Mallery’s studies in pictography commenced in the field. He was +stationed with his military command at Fort Rice, on the upper Missouri +river, in the autumn of 1876, and obtained a copy of the remarkable +pictograph which he then called “A Calendar of the Dakota Nation,” and +published under that title, with interpretation and explanation, in +Vol. III, No. 1, of the series of bulletins of the U. S. Geological +and Geographical Survey of the Territories, issued April 9, 1877. This +work attracted attention, and at the request of the Secretary of the +Interior he was ordered by the Secretary of War, on June 13, 1877, +to report for duty, in connection with the ethnology of the North +American Indians, to the present Director of this Bureau, then in +charge of the Geographical and Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain +Region. Upon the organization of the Bureau of Ethnology, in 1879, +Col. Mallery was appointed ethnologist, and has continued in that duty +without intermission, supplementing field explorations by study of all +accessible anthropologic literature and by extensive correspondence. +His attention has been steadily directed to pictography and to +sign-language, which branches of study are so closely connected that +neither can be successfully pursued to the exclusion of the other, but +his researches have by no means been confined to those related subjects. + +The plan and scope of the present work may be very briefly stated as +follows: + +After some introductory definitions and explanations general remarks +are submitted upon the grand division of petroglyphs or pictures upon +rocks as distinct from other exhibitions of pictography. This division +is less susceptible of interpretation than others, but it claims special +interest and attention because the locality of production is fixed, and +also because the antiquity of workmanship may often be determined with +more certainty than can that of pictures on less enduring and readily +transportable objects. Descriptions, with illustrations, are presented +of petroglyphs in North America, including those in several provinces of +Canada, in many of the states and territories of the United States, in +Mexico, and in the West Indies. A large number from Central and South +America also appear, followed by examples from Australia, Oceanica, +Europe, Africa, and Asia, inserted chiefly for comparison with the +picture-writings in America, to which the work is specially devoted, and +therefore styled extra-limital petroglyphs. The curious forms called +cup sculptures are next discussed, followed by a chapter on pictographs +considered generally, which condenses the results of much thought. The +substances, apart from rocks, on which picture-writing is found are next +considered, and afterwards the instruments and materials by which they +are made. The subjects of pictography and the practices which elucidate +it are classified under several headings, viz: _Mnemonic_, subdivided +into (1) Knotted cords and objects tied, (2) Notched or marked sticks, +(3) Wampum, (4) Order of songs, (5) Traditions, (6) Treaties, (7) +Appointment, (8) Numeration, (9) Accounting; _Chronology_, in which the +charts at first called calendars, but now, in correct translation of +the Indian terms, styled winter-counts, are discussed and illustrated +with the care required by their remarkable characteristics; _Notices_, +which chapter embraces (1) Notice of visit, departure, and direction, +(2) Direction by drawing topographic features, (3) Notice of condition, +(4) Warning and guidance; _Communications_, including (1) Declaration +of war, (2) Profession of peace and friendship, (3) Challenge, (4) +Social and religious missives, (5) Claim or demand; _Totems, titles, +and names_, divided into (1) Pictorial tribal designations, (2) Gentile +and clan designation, (3) Significance of tattoo marks, which topic is +discussed at length, with ample illustration, and (4) Designations of +individuals, subdivided into insignia or tokens of authority, signs of +individual achievements, property marks, and personal names. Some of the +facts presented are to be correlated with the antique forms of heraldry +and others with proper names in modern civilization. + +The topic _Religion_, considered in the popular significance of that +term, is divided into (1) Symbols of the supernatural, (2) Myths and +mythic animals, (3) Shamanism, (4) Charms and amulets, (5) Religious +ceremonies, and (6) Mortuary practices. _Customs_ are divided into (1) +Cult associations, (2) Daily life and habits, (3) Games. The chapter +entitled _Historic_ presents (1) Record of expeditions, (2) Record of +battle, which includes a highly interesting Indian pictured account +of the battle of the Little Big Horn, commonly called the “Custer +massacre,” (3) Record of migration, (4) Record of notable events. The +_Biographic_ chapter gives too many minutiæ for particularization here, +but is divided into (1) Continuous record of events in life and (2) +Particular exploits or events. _Ideography_ permeates and infuses all +the matter under the other headings, but is discussed distinctively and +with evidential illustrations in the sections of (1) abstract ideas +expressed objectively, and (2) symbols and emblems. In the latter +section the author suggests that the proper mode of interpretation of +pictographs whose origin and significance are unknown is that they are +to be primarily supposed to be objective representations, but may be, +and often are, ideographic, and in a limited number of cases may have +become symbolic, but that the strong presumption without extrinsic +evidence is against the occult or esoteric symbolism often attributed to +the markings under discussion. The significance of colors is connected +with ideography and examples are given of the colors used in many parts +of the world for mere decoration, in ceremonies, for death and mourning, +for war and peace, and to designate social status. The depiction of +gesture and posture signs is next discussed, showing the intimate +relation between a thought as expressed without words by signs, and a +thought expressed without words by pictures corresponding to those signs. + +_Conventionalizing_ is divided into conventional devices, which were the +precursors of writing, and the syllabaries and alphabets evolved. The +pictographic origin of all the current alphabets of the world, often +before discussed, receives further explanation. + +While comparison by the reader between all the illustrations and the +facts recorded and the suggestions submitted about them is essential +to the utility of the work, the author gives, as representing his own +mode of study, found to be advantageous in use, a chapter on _Special +Comparison_, divided into (1) Typical style, (2) Homomorphs and +symmorphs, (3) Composite forms, (4) Artistic skill and methods. This +chapter is followed by one with which it is closely connected, styled +_Means of Interpretation_, divided into (1) Marked characters of known +significance, (2) Distinctive costumes, weapons, and ornaments, (3) +Ambiguous characters with known meanings, the latter being chiefly a +collection of separate figures which would not be readily recognized +without labels, but which are understood through reliable authority. +Finally, under the rather noncommittal title of _Controverted +Pictographs_, the subjects of fraud and error are discussed with +striking examples and useful cautions. + +From this brief paraphrase of the table of contents, it is obvious +that nearly all branches of anthropology are touched upon. It is also +to be remarked that the work is unique because it presents the several +anthropologic topics recorded by the Indians themselves according to +their unbiased conceptions, and in their own mode of writing. From this +point of view the anonymous and generally unknown pictographers may be +considered to be the primary authors of the treatise and Col. Mallery a +discoverer, compiler, and editor. But such depreciative limitation of +his functions would ignore the originality of treatment pervading the +work and the systematic classification and skillful analysis shown in it +which enhance its value and interest. + + + + +FINANCIAL STATEMENT. + +_Classification of expenditures made from the appropriation for North +American ethnology for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1889._ + + + Amount of appropriation 1888-’89 $40,000.00 + =========== + EXPENSES. + + Services $29,546.20 + Traveling expenses 3,243.45 + Transportation of property 128.05 + Field supplies 47.00 + Instruments 16.00 + Laboratory material 95.60 + Photographic material 44.20 + Books for library 202.39 + Stationery and drawing material 59.36 + Illustrations for report 114.00 + Office furniture 92.50 + Office supplies and repairs 218.75 + Correspondence 4.17 + Specimens 500.00 + Bonded railroad accounts forwarded to Treasury for settlement 61.19 + Balance on hand to meet outstanding liabilities 5,627.14 + ----------- + Total 40,000.00 + + + + +ACCOMPANYING PAPER. + + + + + SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION--BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. + + PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. + + BY + + GARRICK MALLERY. + + + + +CONTENTS. + + + Page. + + Introduction 25 + Chapter I. Petroglyphs 31 + Chapter II. Petroglyphs in North America 37 + Section 1. Petroglyphs in Canada 37 + Nova Scotia 37 + Ontario 42 + Manitoba 43 + British Columbia 44 + Section 2. Petroglyphs in the United States 45 + Alaska 47 + Arizona 48 + California 52 + Owens Valley 56 + Colorado 72 + Connecticut 75 + Georgia 76 + Idaho 77 + Illinois 77 + Iowa 80 + Kansas 80 + Kentucky 81 + Maine 81 + Maryland 83 + Massachusetts 86 + Minnesota 87 + Montana 90 + Nebraska 90 + Nevada 92 + New Mexico 96 + New York 98 + North Carolina 99 + Ohio 101 + Oregon 104 + Pennsylvania 106 + Rhode Island 113 + South Dakota 114 + Tennessee 114 + Texas 115 + Utah 116 + Virginia 121 + Washington 122 + West Virginia 124 + Wisconsin 126 + Wyoming 128 + Section 3. Petroglyphs in Mexico 131 + Section 4. Petroglyphs in the West Indies 136 + Puerto Rico 136 + The Bahama islands 137 + Guadeloupe 139 + Aruba 139 + Chapter III. Petroglyphs in Central and South America 141 + Section 1. Petroglyphs in Central America 141 + Nicaragua 141 + Guatemala 142 + Section 2. Petroglyphs in South America 142 + United States of Colombia 143 + Guiana 144 + Venezuela 147 + Brazil 150 + Argentine Republic 157 + Peru 157 + Chile 159 + Chapter IV. Extra-limital petroglyphs 161 + Section 1. Petroglyphs in Australia 161 + Section 2. Petroglyphs in Oceanica 165 + New Zealand 165 + Kei islands 167 + Easter island 169 + Section 3. Petroglyphs in Europe 171 + Great Britain and Ireland 171 + Sweden 173 + France 175 + Spain 177 + Italy 178 + Section 4. Petroglyphs in Africa 178 + Algeria 178 + Egypt 179 + South Africa 180 + Canary islands 183 + Section 5. Petroglyphs in Asia 185 + China 185 + Japan 185 + India 186 + Siberia 186 + Chapter V. Cup sculptures 189 + Chapter VI. Pictographs generally 201 + Chapter VII. Substances on which pictographs are made 205 + Section 1. The human body 205 + Section 2. Natural objects other than the human body 205 + Stone 205 + Bone 206 + Skins 206 + Feathers and quills 207 + Gourds 208 + Shells 209 + Earth and sand 210 + Copper 212 + Wood 213 + Section 3. Artificial objects 215 + Fictile fabrics 215 + Textile fabrics 215 + Chapter VIII. Instruments and materials by which pictographs + are made 218 + Section 1. Instruments for carving 218 + Section 2. Instruments for drawing 219 + Section 3. Coloring matter and its application 219 + Chapter IX. Mnemonic 223 + Section 1. Knotted cords and objects tied 223 + Section 2. Notched or marked sticks 227 + Section 3. Wampum 228 + Section 4. Order of songs 231 + Section 5. Traditions 250 + The origin of the Indians 255 + Section 6. Treaties 256 + Section 7. Appointment 257 + Section 8. Numeration 258 + Section 9. Accounting 259 + Chapter X. Chronology 265 + Section 1. Time 265 + Section 2. Winter counts 266 + Lone-Dog’s winter count 273 + Battiste Good’s winter count 287 + Chapter XI. Notices 329 + Section 1. Notice of visit, departure and direction 329 + Section 2. Direction by drawing topographic features 341 + Section 3. Notice of condition 347 + Section 4. Warning and guidance 353 + Chapter XII. Communications 358 + Section 1. Declaration of war 358 + Section 2. Profession of peace and friendship 359 + Section 3. Challenge 362 + Section 4. Social and religious missives 362 + Australian message sticks 369 + West African aroko 371 + Section 5. Claim or demand 374 + Chapter XIII. Totems, titles, and names 376 + Section 1. Pictorial tribal designations 377 + Iroquoian 377 + Eastern Algonquian 378 + Siouan and other designations 379 + Absaroka, or Crow 380 + Arapaho 381 + Arikara, or Ree 381 + Assiniboin 381 + Brulé 382 + Cheyenne 382 + Dakota, or Sioux 383 + Hidatsa, Gros Ventre or Minitari 384 + Kaiowa 384 + Mandan 385 + Mandan and Arikara 385 + Ojibwa 385 + Omaha 385 + Pawnee 386 + Ponka 386 + Shoshoni 387 + Section 2. Gentile and clan designations 388 + Section 3. Significance of tattoo 391 + Tattoo in North America 392 + On the Pacific coast 396 + Tattoo in South America 407 + Extra-limital tattoo 407 + Scarification 416 + Summary of studies on tattooing 418 + Section 4. Designations of individuals 419 + Insignia, or tokens of authority 419 + Signs of individual achievements 433 + Property marks 441 + Personal names 442 + Objective 447 + Metaphoric 453 + Animal 455 + Vegetable 458 + Chapter XIV. Religion 461 + Section 1. Symbols of the supernatural 462 + Section 2. Myths and mythic animals 468 + Thunder birds 483 + Section 3. Shamanism 490 + Section 4. Charms and amulets 501 + Section 5. Religious ceremonies 505 + Section 6. Mortuary practices 517 + Chapter XV. Customs 528 + Section 1. Cult societies 528 + Section 2. Daily life and habits 530 + Section 3. Games 547 + Chapter XVI. History 551 + Section 1. Record of expedition 552 + Section 2. Record of battle 554 + Battle of the Little Bighorn 563 + Section 3. Record of migration 566 + Section 4. Record of notable events 567 + Chapter XVII. Biography 571 + Section 1. Continuous record of events in life 571 + Section 2. Particular exploits or events 575 + Chapter XVIII. Ideography 583 + Section 1. Abstract ideas expressed pictorially 584 + After; age--old and young; bad; before; big; center; + deaf; direction; disease; fast; fear; freshet; good; high; + lean; little; lone; many, much; obscure; opposition; + possession; prisoner; short; sight; slow; tall; trade; + union; whirlwind; winter, cold, snow 585-606 + Section 2. Signs, symbols, and emblems 607 + Section 3. Significance of colors 618 + Decorative use of color 619 + Ideocrasy of colors 622 + Color in ceremonies 623 + Color relative to death and mourning 629 + Colors for war and peace 631 + Color designating social status 633 + Section 4. Gesture and posture signs depicted 637 + Water 642 + Child 643 + Negation 644 + Chapter XIX. Conventionalizing 649 + Section 1. Conventional devices 650 + Peace; war; chief; council; plenty of food; famine; + starvation; horses; horse stealing; kill and death; + shot; coming rain 650-662 + Hittite emblems 662 + Section 2. Syllabaries and alphabets 664 + The Micmac “hieroglyphics” 666 + Pictographs in alphabets 674 + Chapter XX. Special comparison 676 + Section 1. Typical style 676 + Section 2. Homomorphs and symmorphs 692 + Sky; sun and light; moon; day; night; cloud; rain; + lightning; human form; human head and face; hand; + feet and tracks; broken leg; voice and speech; dwellings; + eclipse of the sun; meteors; the cross 694-733 + Section 3. Composite forms 735 + Section 4. Artistic skill and methods 738 + Chapter XXI. Means of interpretation 745 + Section 1. Marked characters of known significance 745 + Section 2. Distinctive costumes, weapons, and ornaments 749 + Section 3. Ambiguous characters with ascertained meaning 755 + Chapter XXII. Controverted pictographs 759 + Section 1. The Grave creek stone 761 + Section 2. The Dighton rock 762 + Section 3. Imitations and forced interpretations 764 + Chapter XXIII. General conclusions 768 + List of works and authors cited 777 + + + + +ILLUSTRATIONS. + + + Page. + + PL. I-XI. Petroglyphs in Owens Valley, California 56-76 + XII. Petroglyph in Maine 82 + XIII. Petroglyphs in Nebraska 92 + XIV. The Stone of the Giants. Mexico 134 + XV. Powhatan’s mantle 210 + XVI. Peruvian quipu and birch-bark drawings 226 + XVII. Order of songs. Ojibwa 232 + XVIII. Mnemonic songs. Ojibwa 236 + XIX. Mnemonic songs. Ojibwa 244 + XX. Lone-Dog’s winter count 266 + XXI. Battiste Good’s cycles. A. D. 901-1000 290 + XXII. Battiste Good’s cycles. A. D. 1141-1280 292 + XXIII. Battiste Good’s cycles. A. D. 1421-1700 294 + XXIV. Haida double thunder-bird 400 + XXV. Haida dog-fish 402 + XXVI. Oglala chiefs 420 + XXVII. Oglala subchiefs 422 + XXVIII. Mexican military insignia 432 + XXIX. Mexican military insignia 434 + XXX. Hidatsa dancers, bearing exploit marks 440 + XXXI. Petroglyph in rock shelter, West Virginia 476 + XXXII. Wasko and mythic raven, Haida 480 + XXXIII. Mantle of invisibility 504 + XXXIV. Mexican treatment of new-born children 542 + XXXV. Education of Mexican children. Three to six years 544 + XXXVI. Education of Mexican children. Seven to ten years 546 + XXXVII. Education of Mexican children. Eleven to fourteen years 548 + XXXVIII. Adoption of profession and marriage. Mexican 550 + XXXIX. Map of Little Bighorn battlefield 564 + XL. Battle of Little Bighorn. Indian camp 566 + XLI. Battle of Little Bighorn. Soldiers charging Indian camp 568 + XLII. Battle of Little Bighorn. Sioux charging soldiers 570 + XLIII. Battle of Little Bighorn. Sioux fighting Custer’s battalion 572 + XLIV. Battle of Little Bighorn. The dead Sioux 574 + XLV. Battle of Little Bighorn. The dead Sioux 576 + XLVI. Battle of Little Bighorn. Custer’s dead cavalry 578 + XLVII. Battle of Little Bighorn. Indians leaving battle-ground 580 + XLVIII. Battle of Little Bighorn. Indians leaving battle-ground 582 + XLIX. Mexican symbols 614 + L. Tablets at Ancon, Peru 706 + LI. Thruston tablet, Tennessee 734 + LII. Pictures on Dōtaku, Japan 736 + LIII. German knights and Apache warriors 740 + LIV. Dighton rock 762 + FIG. 1-2. Palimpsests on Fairy rocks, Nova Scotia 40-41 + 3. Petroglyph on Vancouver island 44 + 4. Petroglyphs in Alaska 47 + 5-8. Petroglyphs in Arizona 48-50 + 9. Petroglyph in Shinumo canyon, Arizona 51 + 10. Petroglyph in Mound canyon, Arizona 52 + 11. Petroglyphs near Visalia, California 53 + 12-16. Petroglyphs at Tule river, California 54-57 + 17. View of Chalk grade petroglyphs, Owens valley, California 59 + 18. Petroglyphs in Death valley, California 60 + 19. Rattlesnake rock, Mojave desert, California 61 + 20. Petroglyph near San Marcos pass, California 62 + 21-22. Petroglyphs near San Marcos pass, California 62-63 + 23-28. Petroglyphs in Najowe valley, California 63-67 + 29-30. Petroglyphs near Santa Barbara, California 67-68 + 31. Petroglyphs in Azuza canyon, California 69 + 32-33. Petroglyphs in Santa Barbara county, California 70-71 + 34-35. Petroglyphs on the Rio Mancos, Colorado 73 + 36-37. Petroglyphs on the Rio San Juan 74-75 + 38. Petroglyphs in Georgia 76 + 39. Petroglyphs in Idaho, Shoshonean 77 + 40-41. The Piasa Petroglyph 78-79 + 42. Petroglyph on the Illinois river 79 + 43. Petroglyph near Alton, Illinois 80 + 44. Petroglyphs in Kansas 81 + 45. Bald Friar rock, Maryland 84 + 46. Slab from Bald Friar rock 85 + 47. Top of Bald Friar rock 85 + 48. Characters from Bald Friar rock 86 + 49. Dighton rock, Massachusetts 86 + 50. Petroglyphs at Pipestone, Minnesota 88 + 51. Petroglyphs in Brown’s valley, Minnesota 89 + 52-53. Characters from Nebraska petroglyphs 91-92 + 54. Petroglyphs on Carson river, Nevada 92 + 55. Petroglyphs at Reveillé, Nevada 94 + 56. Petroglyphs at Dead mountain, Nevada 95 + 57. Inscription rock, New Mexico 96 + 58-59. Petroglyphs at Ojo de Benado, New Mexico 97-98 + 60. Petroglyph at Esopus, New York 98 + 61. Paint rock, North Carolina 100 + 62. Petroglyphs on Paint rock, North Carolina 100 + 63. Newark Track rock, Ohio 101 + 64. Independence stone, Ohio 102 + 65. Barnesville Track rock, Ohio 103 + 66. Characters from Barnesville Track rock 103 + 67. Barnesville Track rock, No. 2 104 + 68. Petroglyphs, Wellsville, Ohio 104 + 69. Petroglyphs in Lake county, Oregon 106 + 70. Big Indian rock, Pennsylvania 107 + 71. Little Indian rock, Pennsylvania 108 + 72. Petroglyph at McCalls ferry, Pennsylvania 108 + 73. Petroglyph near Washington, Pennsylvania 109 + 74. Petroglyphs on “Indian God Rock,” Pennsylvania 110 + 75. Petroglyph at Millsboro, Pennsylvania 111 + 76. Petroglyphs near Layton, Pennsylvania 112 + 77-78. Glyphs in Fayette county, Pennsylvania 112-113 + 79. Petroglyphs in Roberts county, South Dakota 114 + 80. Petroglyphs near El Paso, Texas 116 + 81. Petroglyphs near Manti, Utah 118 + 82-85. Petroglyphs on Colorado river, Utah 118-120 + 86. Petroglyphs at Pipe Spring, Utah 120 + 87-88. Petroglyphs on Colorado river, Utah 120 + 89. Petroglyphs in Shinumo canyon, Utah 121 + 90. Petroglyphs in Tazewell county, Virginia 121 + 91. Petroglyphs in Browns cave, Wisconsin 126 + 92. Petroglyphs at Trempealeau, Wisconsin 127 + 93-95. Petroglyphs in Wind river valley, Wyoming 128-129 + 96-97. Petroglyphs near Sage creek, Wyoming 130 + 98. Petroglyphs in Mexico 132 + 99. The emperor Ahuitzotzin 134 + 100-102. Petroglyphs in the Bahamas 138-139 + 103. Petroglyph in Guadeloupe 140 + 104. Petroglyphs in Nicaragua 141 + 105. Petroglyphs in Colombia 144 + 106. Shallow carvings in Guiana 145 + 107. Sculptured rock in Venezuela 147 + 108. Rock near Caïcara, Venezuela 148 + 109. Petroglyphs of Chicagua rapids, Venezuela 149 + 110. Petroglyphs on the Cachoeira do Ribeirão, Brazil 151 + 111. The rock Itamaraca, Brazil 151 + 112. Petroglyphs on the Rio Negro, Brazil 152 + 113. Petroglyphs at Caldierão do Inferno, Brazil 152 + 114. Petroglyphs at the falls of Girão, Brazil 153 + 115. Petroglyphs at Pederneira, Brazil 153 + 116. Petroglyphs at Araras rapids, Brazil 154 + 117. Petroglyphs at Ribeirão, Brazil 154 + 118. Character at Madeira rapid, Brazil 155 + 119. Petroglyphs at Pao Grande, Brazil 155 + 120. Petroglyph in Ceará, Brazil 156 + 121-122. Petroglyphs in Morcego, Brazil 156 + 123. Petroglyphs in Inhamun, Brazil 157 + 124. Petroglyphs Pedra Lavrada, Brazil 158 + 125. Inscribed rock at Bajo de Canota, Argentine Republic 158 + 126. Petroglyphs near Araquipa, Peru 159 + 127. Petroglyph in Huaytara, Peru 159 + 128. Sculptured boulder in Chile 160 + 129. Petroglyph in Cajon de los Cipreses, Chile 160 + 130. Petroglyph on Finke river, Australia 162 + 131. Petroglyph in Depuch island, Australia 163 + 132. Petroglyph at Bantry bay, Australia 164 + 133. Petroglyph in New Zealand 166 + 134. Petroglyphs in Kei islands 168 + 135. Petroglyphs in Easter island 169 + 136. Tablet from Easter island 170 + 137-138. Petroglyph in Bohuslän, Sweden 174-175 + 139. Petroglyph in Épone, France 176 + 140. Petroglyphs at Tyout, Algeria 179 + 141. Petroglyphs at Moghar, Algeria 180 + 142. Petroglyph in Léribé, South Africa 182 + 143. Petroglyphs in Basutoland, South Africa 183 + 144-145. Petroglyphs in the Canary islands 183-184 + 145_a_. Petroglyph in Yezo, Japan 185 + 146. Petroglyphs at Chandeshwar, India 187 + 147. Types of cup sculptures 190 + 148. Variants of cup sculptures 191 + 149. Cup sculptures at Auchnabreach, Scotland 192 + 150. Cup sculptures at Ballymenach, Scotland 193 + 151. Cup sculptures in Chiriqui 194 + 152-153. Cup sculptures in Venezuela 195 + 154-155. Cup sculptures in Brazil 195-196 + 156. Cup sculptures in India 197 + 157. Comanche drawing on shoulder blade 206 + 158. Quill pictograph 208 + 159. Pictograph on gourd 208 + 160. Pictographs on wood, Washington 214 + 161. Haida basketry hat 216 + 162. Tshimshian blanket 217 + 163. Wampum strings 228 + 164. Penn wampum belt 230 + 165. Song for medicine hunting 247 + 166. Song for beaver hunting 249 + 167. Osage chart 251 + 168. Midē' record 252 + 169. Midē' records 253 + 170. Minabō'zho 254 + 171. Midē' practicing incantation 254 + 172. Jĕssakkī'd curing a woman 254 + 173. The origin of the Indians 256 + 174. Record of treaty 257 + 175-177. Shop account 259-261 + 178-180. Book account 262 + 181. Notched sticks 263 + 182. Device denoting the succession of time. Dakota 265 + 183-196. Lone-Dog’s Winter Count 273-276 + 197. Whooping-cough. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1813-’14 276 + 198. Whooping-cough. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1813-’14 276 + 199-255. Lone-Dog’s Winter Count 276-286 + 256. Battiste Good’s Revelation 289 + 257-436. Battiste Good’s Winter Count 293-328 + 437. Petroglyphs at Oakley Springs, Arizona 329 + 438. Hunting notices 331 + 439. Alaskan notice of hunt 332 + 440. Alaskan notice of departure 332 + 441. Alaskan notice of hunt 333 + 442-444. Alaskan notice of direction 333-334 + 445. Abnaki notice of direction 335 + 446. Amalecite notice of trip 336 + 447-448. Ojibwa notice of direction 337-338 + 449. Penobscot notice of direction 338 + 450. Passamaquoddy notice of direction 339 + 451. Micmac notice of direction 341 + 452. Lean-Wolf’s map. Hidatsa 342 + 453. Chart of battlefield 343 + 454. Topographic features 344 + 455. Greenland map 345 + 456-458. Passamaquoddy wikhegan 348-350 + 459. Alaskan notice of distress 351 + 460. Alaskan notice of departure and refuge 351 + 461. Alaskan notice of departure to relieve distress 351 + 462. Ammunition wanted. Alaskan 352 + 463. Assistance wanted in the hunt. Alaskan 352 + 464-465. Starving hunters. Alaskan 352-353 + 466. No thoroughfare 354 + 467. Rock paintings in Azuza canyon, California 354 + 468. Site of paintings in Azuza canyon, California 355 + 469. Sketches from Azuza canyon 355 + 470. West African message 361 + 471. Ojibwa love letter 363 + 472. Cheyenne letter 364 + 473. Ojibwa invitations 365 + 474. Ojibwa invitation sticks 366 + 475. Summons to Midé ceremony 367 + 476. Passamaquoddy wikhegan 367 + 477. Australian message sticks 370 + 478-479. West African aroko 371 + 480-481. Jebu complaint 375 + 482. Samoyed requisition 375 + 483. Eastern Algonquian tribal designations 379 + 484-487. Absaroka tribal designations 380-381 + 488. Arapaho tribal designation 381 + 489-490. Arikara tribal designations 381 + 491. Assiniboin tribal designation 381 + 492-493. Brulé tribal designations 382 + 494-497. Cheyenne tribal designations 382-383 + 498. Dakota tribal designation 383 + 499. Hidatsa tribal designation 384 + 500-501. Kaiowa tribal designations 384 + 502. Mandan tribal designation 385 + 503. Mandan and Arikara tribal designations 385 + 504-506. Omaha tribal designations 385 + 507-509. Pawnee tribal designations 386 + 510-512. Ponka tribal designations 386-387 + 513. Tamga of Kirghise tribes 387 + 514. Dakota gentile designations 389 + 515. Kwakiutl carvings 390 + 516. Virginia tattoo designs 393 + 517. Haida tattooing. Sculpin and dragon-fly 397 + 518. Haida tattooing. Thunder-bird 398 + 519. Haida tattooing. Thunder-bird and tshimos 399 + 520. Haida tattooing. Bear 399 + 521. Haida tattooing. Mountain goat 400 + 522. Haida tattooing. Double thunder-bird 401 + 523. Haida tattooing. Double raven 401 + 524. Haida tattooing. Dog-fish 400 + 525-526. Tattooed Haidas 402-403 + 527. Two forms of skulpin. Haida 404 + 528. Frog. Haida 405 + 529. Cod. Haida 405 + 530. Squid. Haida 405 + 531. Wolf. Haida 405 + 532. Australian grave and carved trees 408 + 533. New Zealand tattooed head and chin mark 409 + 534. Tattoo design on bone. New Zealand 409 + 535. Tattooed woman. New Zealand 410 + 536. Tattoo on Papuan chief 411 + 537. Tattooed Papuan woman 412 + 538. Badaga tattoo marks 413 + 539. Chukchi tattoo marks 414 + 540. Big-Road 421 + 541. Charging-Hawk 422 + 542. Feather-on-his-head 422 + 543. White-Tail 423 + 544. White-Bear 423 + 545. Standing-Bear 423 + 546. Four horn calumet 424 + 547. Two-Strike as partisan 424 + 548. Lean-Wolf as partisan 425 + 549. Micmac headdress in pictograph 425 + 550. Micmac chieftainess in pictograph 426 + 551. Insignia traced on rocks, Nova Scotia 427 + 552. Chilkat ceremonial shirt 428 + 553. Chilkat ceremonial cloak 429 + 554. Chilkat ceremonial blanket 430 + 555. Chilkat ceremonial coat 430 + 556. Bella Coola Indians 431 + 557. Guatemala priest 431 + 558. Mark of exploit. Dakota 433 + 559. Killed with fist. Dakota 433 + 560. Killed an enemy. Dakota 434 + 561. Cut throat and scalped. Dakota 434 + 562. Cut enemy’s throat. Dakota 434 + 563. Third to strike. Dakota 434 + 564. Fourth to strike. Dakota 434 + 565. Fifth to strike. Dakota 434 + 566. Many wounds. Dakota 434 + 567-568. Marks of exploits. Hidatsa 437 + 569. Successful defense. Hidatsa 438 + 570. Two successful defenses. Hidatsa 438 + 571. Captured a horse. Hidatsa 438 + 572. Exploit marks. Hidatsa 438 + 573. Record of exploits 439 + 574. Record of exploits 439 + 575. Exploit marks as worn 439 + 576. Scalp taken 440 + 577. Scalp and gun taken 440 + 578. Boat paddle. Arikara 442 + 579. African property mark 442 + 580. Owner’s marks. Slesvick 442 + 581. Signature of Running Antelope. Dakota 445 + 582. Solinger sword makers’ marks 445 + 583-613. Personal names. Objective 447-453 + 614-621. Personal names. Metaphoric 453-454 + 622-634. Personal names. Animal 455-458 + 635-637. Personal names. Vegetable 458 + 638. Loud-Talker 459 + 639. Mexican names 460 + 640-651. Symbols of the supernatural 462-466 + 652. Dream. Ojibwa 466 + 653. Religious symbols 467 + 654. Myth of Pokinsquss 469 + 655. Myth of Atosis 470 + 656. Myth of the Weasel girls 471 + 657. The giant bird Kaloo 472 + 658. Kiwach, the strong blower 473 + 659. Story of Glooscap 474 + 660. Ojibwa shamanistic symbols 474 + 661. Baho-li-kong-ya. Arizona 476 + 662. Mythic serpents. Innuit 476 + 663. Haida wind-spirit 477 + 664. Orca. Haida 477 + 665. Bear mother. Haida 478 + 666. Thunder-bird grasping whale 479 + 667. Haokah. Dakota giant 480 + 668. Ojibwa mánidō 480 + 669. Menomoni white bear mánidō 481 + 670. Mythic wild cats. Ojibwa 482 + 671. Winnebago magic animal 482 + 672. Mythic buffalo 482 + 673-674. Thunder-birds. Dakota 483 + 675. Wingless thunder-bird. Dakota 483 + 676-677. Thunder-birds. Dakota 484 + 678. Thunder-bird. Haida 485 + 679. Thunder-bird. Twana 485 + 680. Medicine-bird. Dakota 486 + 681. Five-Thunders. Dakota 486 + 682. Thunder-pipe. Dakota 486 + 683. Micmac thunder-bird 487 + 684. Venezuelan thunder-bird 487 + 685. Ojibwa thunder-birds 487 + 686. Moki rain-bird 488 + 687. Ahuitzotl 488 + 688. Peruvian fabulous animals 488 + 689. Australian mythic personages 489 + 690. Ojibwa Midē' wigwam 493 + 691. Lodge of a Midē' 493 + 692. Lodge of a Jĕssakkī'd 493 + 693-697. Making medicine. Dakota 494 + 698. Magic killing 495 + 699. Held-a-ghost-lodge 495 + 700-701. Muzzin-ne-neence. Ojibwa 495-496 + 702. Ojibwa divination. Ojibwa 497 + 703. Shaman exorcising demon. Alaska 497 + 704. Supplication for success. Alaska 499 + 705. Skokomish tamahous 498 + 706. Mdewakantawan fetich 500 + 707. Medicine bag, as worn 501 + 708. Medicine bag, hung up 502 + 709-711. Magic arrows 503 + 712. Hunter’s charm. Australia 504 + 713. Moki masks traced on rocks. Arizona 506 + 714. Shaman’s lodge. Alaska 507 + 715. Ah-tón-we-tuck 509 + 716. On-sáw-kie 510 + 717. Medicine lodge. Micmac 510 + 718. Juggler lodge. Micmac 511 + 719. Moki ceremonial 511 + 720. Peruvian ceremony 513 + 721-723. Tartar and Mongol drums 515-517 + 724. Votive offering. Alaska 519 + 725-726. Grave posts. Alaska 520 + 727. Village and burial ground. Alaska 520 + 728. Menomoni grave post 521 + 729. Incised lines on Menomoni grave post 522 + 730. Grave boxes and posts 523 + 731. Commemoration of dead. Dakota 523 + 732. Ossuary ceremonial. Dakota 523 + 733. Kalosh grave boxes 524 + 734. New Zealand grave effigy 525 + 735. New Zealand grave post 526 + 736. Nicobarese mortuary tablet 526 + 737. The policeman 529 + 738. Ottawa pipestem 530 + 739-740. Shooting fish. Micmac 531 + 741. Lancing fish. Micmac 531 + 742. Whale hunting. Innuit 531 + 743. Hunting in canoe. Ojibwa 532 + 744. Record of hunting. Ojibwa 532 + 745. Fruit gatherers. Hidatsa 533 + 746. Hunting antelope. Hidatsa 533 + 747. Hunting buffalo. Hidatsa 534 + 748. Counting coups. Dakota 534 + 749-750. Counting coup. Dakota 535 + 751-752. Scalp displayed. Dakota 535-536 + 753. Scalped head. Dakota 536 + 754. Scalp taken. Dakota 536 + 755-757. Antelope hunting. Dakota 536-537 + 758. Wife’s punishment. Dakota 537 + 759. Decorated horse. Dakota 537 + 760. Suicide. Dakota 537 + 761. Eagle hunting. Arikara 537 + 762. Eagle hunting. Ojibwa 538 + 763. Gathering pomme blanche 538 + 764. Moving tipi 538 + 765. Claiming sanctuary 538 + 766-769. Raising war party. Dakota 540 + 770. Walrus hunting. Alaska 541 + 771. Records carved on ivory. Alaska 541 + 772-773. Haka game. Dakota 547 + 774. Haida gambling sticks 548 + 775. Pebbles from Mas d’Azil 549 + 776-781. Records of expeditions. Dakota 553-554 + 782-783. Records of battles 556 + 784. Battle of 1797. Ojibwa 557 + 785. Battle of Hard river. Winnebago 559 + 786. Battle between Ojibwa and Sioux 559 + 787. Megaque’s last battle 560 + 788-795. Records of battles. Dakota 561-563 + 796. Record of Ojibwa migration 566 + 797. Origin of Brulé. Dakota 567 + 798. Kiyuksas 568 + 799-802. First coming of traders 568 + 803. Boy scalped 568 + 804. Boy scalped alive 569 + 805. Horses killed 569 + 806-808. Annuities received 569 + 809. Mexican blankets bought 569 + 810. Wagon captured 570 + 811. Clerk killed 570 + 812. Flagstaff cut down 570 + 813. Horses taken 570 + 814. Killed two Arikara 571 + 815. Shot and scalped an Arikara 572 + 816. Killed ten men and three women 572 + 817. Killed two chiefs 573 + 818. Killed one Arikara 573 + 819. Killed two Arikara hunters 574 + 820. Killed five Arikara 574 + 821. Peruvian biography 575 + 822. Hunting record. Iroquois 575 + 823. Martial exploits. Iroquois 576 + 824. Cross-Bear’s death 576 + 825. A dangerous trading trip 577 + 826. Shoshoni raid for horses 578 + 827. Life risked for water 578 + 828. Runs by the enemy 579 + 829. Runs around 579 + 830. Goes through the camp 579 + 831. Cut through 579 + 832. Killed in tipi 579 + 833. Killed in tipi 579 + 834. Took the warpath 579 + 835. White-Bull killed 580 + 836. Brave-Bear killed 580 + 837. Brave-man killed 580 + 838. Crazy Horse killed 580 + 839. Killed for whipping wife 580 + 840. Killed for whipping wife 580 + 841-842. Close shooting 581 + 843. Lean-Wolf’s exploits. Hidatsa 581 + 844. Record of hunt. Alaska 581 + 845. Charge after 585 + 846. Killed after 585 + 847. Old-Horse 585 + 848. Old-Mexican 585 + 849. Young-Rabbit 585 + 850. Bad-Boy 585 + 851. Bad-Horn 585 + 852. Bad-Face 586 + 853. Bad. Ojibwa 586 + 854. Got-there-first 586 + 855-860. Big 586-587 + 861. Center-Feather 587 + 862. Deaf Woman 587 + 863-867. Direction 588 + 868. Whooping cough 588 + 869. Measles 589 + 870. Measles or smallpox 589 + 871. Ate buffalo and died 589 + 872. Died of “whistle” 589 + 873-874. Smallpox 589 + 875. Smallpox. Mexican 589 + 876. Died of cramps 589 + 877-878. Died in childbirth 590 + 879. Sickness. Ojibwa 590 + 880. Sickness. Chinese 590 + 881. Fast-Horse 590 + 882. Fast-Elk 590 + 883-887. Fear 591 + 888-890. River freshet 591-592 + 891. Good-Weasel 592 + 892-897. High 592-593 + 898-903. Lean 593-594 + 904-915. Little 594-595 + 916. Lone-Woman 595 + 917. Lone-Bear 596 + 918. Many shells 596 + 919. Many deer 596 + 920. Much snow 596 + 921. Great, much 596 + 922. Ring-Cloud 597 + 923. Cloud-Ring 597 + 924. Fog 597 + 925. Kills-Back 597 + 926. Keeps-the-Battle 597 + 927. Keeps-the-Battle 597 + 928. His-Fight 597 + 929. River fight 598 + 930. Owns-the-arrows 598 + 931. Has-something-sharp 598 + 932. Prisoner. Dakota 598 + 933. Takes enemy 598 + 934. Iroquois triumph 599 + 935. Prisoners. Dakota 599 + 936. Prisoners. Iroquois 600 + 937. Prisoners. Mexico 600 + 938. Short bull 600 + 939-944. Sight 600-601 + 945. Slow bear 601 + 946-954. Tall 601-602 + 955-956. Trade 603 + 957. Brothers 603 + 958. Same tribe 603 + 959. Husband and wife 604 + 960. Same tribe 604 + 961. Same tribe 604 + 962-966. Whirlwind 604-605 + 967-975. Winter, cold, snow 605-606 + 976. Peruvian garrison 607 + 977. Comet. Mexican 613 + 978. Robbery. Mexican 613 + 979. Guatemalan symbols 614 + 980. Chibcha symbols 616 + 981. Syrian symbols 616 + 982. Piaroa color stamps 621 + 983. Rock painting. Tule river, California 638 + 984-998. Gesture signs in pictographs 639-641 + 999. Water symbols 642 + 1000. Gesture sign for drink 642 + 1001. Water. Egyptian 642 + 1002. Gesture for rain 643 + 1003. Water signs. Moki 643 + 1004. Symbols for child and man 644 + 1005. Gestures for birth 644 + 1006. Negation 645 + 1007. Hand 645 + 1008. Signal of discovery 645 + 1009. Pictured gestures. Maya 646 + 1010. Pictured gestures. Guatemala 647 + 1011-1019. Peace 650-651 + 1020-1022. War 651-652 + 1023. Chief-Boy 652 + 1024. War chief. Passamaquoddy 652 + 1025-1029. Council 653-654 + 1030-1037. Plenty of food 654-655 + 1038-1043. Famine 655-656 + 1044-1046. Starvation 656 + 1047-1051. Horses 656-657 + 1052-1060. Horse stealing 657-658 + 1061-1069. Kill and death 658-660 + 1070. Killed. Dakota 660 + 1071. Life and death. Ojibwa 660 + 1072. Dead. Iroquois 660 + 1073. Dead man. Arikara 660 + 1074-1078. Shot 661 + 1079. Coming rain 662 + 1080. Hittite emblems of known sound 663 + 1081. Hittite emblems of uncertain sound 664 + 1082. Title page of Kauder’s Micmac Catechism 668 + 1083. Lord’s Prayer in Micmac “hieroglyphics” 669 + 1084-1085. Religious story. Sicasica 672 + 1086. Mo-so MS. Desgodins 673 + 1087. Pictographs in alphabets 675 + 1088. Algonquian petroglyph, Hamilton farm, West Virginia 677 + 1089. Algonquian petroglyphs, Safe Harbor, Pennsylvania 677 + 1090. Algonquian petroglyphs, Cunningham’s Island, Lake Erie 679 + 1091. Algonquian petroglyphs, Wyoming 680 + 1092. Shoshonean petroglyphs, Idaho 680 + 1093. Shoshonean petroglyphs, Utah 681 + 1094. Shoshonean rock painting, Utah 681 + 1095-1096. Arizona petroglyphs 682-683 + 1097-1098. Petroglyphs in Lower California 683 + 1099. Haida totem post 684 + 1100. New Zealand house posts 685 + 1101. New Zealand tiki 686 + 1102-1103. Nicaraguan petroglyphs 686 + 1104. Deep carvings in Guiana 687 + 1105-1106. Venezuelan petroglyphs 688 + 1107. Brazilian petroglyphs 689 + 1108. Spanish and Brazilian petroglyphs 690 + 1109-1111. Brazilian petroglyphs 690-691 + 1112. Brazilian pictograph 691 + 1113-1114. Brazilian petroglyphs 692 + 1115. Tree 693 + 1116. Grow 693 + 1117. Sky 694 + 1118. Sun. Oakley Springs 694 + 1119. Sun. Gesture sign 695 + 1120. Devices for sun 695 + 1121. Sun and light 695 + 1122. Light 695 + 1123. Light and sun 696 + 1124. Sun. Kwakiutl 696 + 1125. Sun mask. Kwakiutl 696 + 1126. Suns 696 + 1127. Gesture for moon 696 + 1128. Moon 697 + 1129. Stars 697 + 1130. Day. Ojibwa 697 + 1131. Morning. Arizona 698 + 1132. Day 698 + 1133. Days. Apache 698 + 1134. Clear, stormy. Ojibwa 699 + 1135-1139. Night 699 + 1140. Night. Ojibwa 699 + 1141. Sign for night 700 + 1142. Night. Egyptian 700 + 1143. Night. Mexican 700 + 1144. Cloud shield 700 + 1145. Clouds. Moki 700 + 1146. Cloud. Ojibwa 700 + 1147. Rain. Ojibwa 701 + 1148. Rain. Pueblo 701 + 1149. Rain. Moki 701 + 1150. Rain. Chinese 701 + 1151-1153. Lightning. Moki 701-702 + 1154. Lightning. Pueblo 702 + 1155-1158. Human form 703 + 1159. Human form. Alaska 704 + 1160. Bird man. Siberia 704 + 1161. American. Ojibwa 704 + 1162. Man. Yakut 704 + 1163. Human forms. Moki 704 + 1164. Human form. Navajo 705 + 1165. Man and woman. Moki 705 + 1166. Human form. Colombia 705 + 1167. Human form. Peru 707 + 1168. Human face. Brazil 708 + 1169-1170. Human faces. Brazil 708 + 1171. Double-faced head. Brazil 708 + 1172. Funeral urn. Marajo 709 + 1173. Marajo vase 709 + 1174. Marajo vases 710 + 1175. Human heads 711 + 1176. Hand. Ojibwa 711 + 1177. Joined hands. Moki 712 + 1178. Cave-painting. Australia 713 + 1179. Irish cross 715 + 1180. Roman standard 715 + 1181-1185. Tracks 716 + 1186. Feet 716 + 1187-1192. Broken leg. Dakota 716-717 + 1193. Broken leg. Chinese 717 + 1194-1198. Voice 717-718 + 1199. Speech. Ojibwa 719 + 1200. Talk. Mexican 719 + 1201. Talk. Maya 719 + 1202. Talk. Guatemala 720 + 1203. Dwellings 720 + 1204-1210. Dwellings. Dakota 721 + 1211. Dwellings. Moki 721 + 1212. Dwelling. Maya 722 + 1213. House. Egyptian 722 + 1214. Eclipse of the sun 722 + 1215-1223. Meteors 722-723 + 1224. Meteors. Mexican 724 + 1225. Cross. Dakota 725 + 1226. Cross. Ohio mound 725 + 1227. Dragon fly 725 + 1228. Crosses. Eskimo 727 + 1229. Cross. Tulare valley, California 727 + 1230. Crosses. Owens valley, California 728 + 1231. Cross. Innuit 729 + 1232. Crosses. Moki 729 + 1233. Crosses. Maya 729 + 1234. Crosses. Nicaragua 730 + 1235-1236. Crosses. Guatemala 730-731 + 1237. Crosses. Sword-makers’ marks 732 + 1238. Cross. Golasecca 733 + 1239-1251. Composite forms 735-736 + 1252. Wolf-man. Haida 737 + 1253. Panther-man. Haida 737 + 1254. Moose. Kejimkoojik 739 + 1255. Hand. Kejimkoojik 740 + 1256. Engravings on bamboo. New Caledonia 743 + 1257. Typical character. Guiana 745 + 1258. Moki devices 746 + 1259. Frames and arrows. Moki 746 + 1260. Blossoms. Moki 746 + 1261. Moki characters 748 + 1262. Mantis. Kejimkoojik 749 + 1263. Animal forms. Sonora 749 + 1264-1278. Weapons and ornaments. Dakota 750-752 + 1279. Weapons 753 + 1280. Australian wommera and clubs 754 + 1281. Turtle. Maya 756 + 1282. Armadillo. Yucatan 756 + 1283. Dakota drawings 756 + 1284. Ojibwa drawings 757 + 1285-1287. Grave creek stone 761-762 + 1288. Imitated pictograph 765 + 1289. Fraudulent pictograph 767 + 1290. Chinese characters 767 + + + + +PICTURE-WRITING OF THE AMERICAN INDIANS. + +BY GARRICK MALLERY. + + + + +INTRODUCTION. + + +An essay entitled “Pictographs of the North American Indians: A +Preliminary Paper,” appeared in the Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau +of Ethnology. The present work is not a second edition of that essay, +but is a continuation and elaboration of the same subject. Of the +eighty-three plates in that paper not one is here reproduced, although +three are presented with amendments; thus fifty-one of the fifty-four +plates in this volume are new. Many of the text figures, however, are +used again, as being necessary to the symmetry of the present work, but +they are now arranged and correlated so as to be much more useful than +when unmethodically disposed as before, and the number of text figures +now given is twelve hundred and ninety-five as against two hundred and +nine, the total number in the former paper. The text itself has been +rewritten and much enlarged. The publication of the “Preliminary Paper” +has been of great value in the preparation of the present work, as it +stimulated investigation and report on the subject to such an extent +that it is now impossible to publish within reasonable limits of space +all the material on hand. Indeed, after the present work had been +entirely written and sent to the Public Printer, new information came to +hand which ought to be published, but can not now be inserted. + +It is also possible to give more attention than before to the +picture-writing of the aboriginal inhabitants of America beyond the +limits of the United States. While the requirements of the acts of +Congress establishing the Bureau of Ethnology have been observed by +directing main attention to the Indians of North America, there is +sufficient notice of Central and South America to justify the present +title, in which also the simpler term “picture-writing” is used instead +of “pictographs.” + +Picture-writing is a mode of expressing thoughts or noting facts by +marks which at first were confined to the portrayal of natural or +artificial objects. It is one distinctive form of thought-writing +without reference to sound, gesture language being the other and +probably earlier form. Whether remaining purely ideographic, or +having become conventional, picture-writing is the direct and durable +expression of ideas of which gesture language gives the transient +expression. Originally it was not connected with the words of any +language. When adopted for syllabaries or alphabets, which is the +historical course of its evolution, it ceased to be the immediate +and became the secondary expression of the ideas framed in oral +speech. The writing common in civilization may properly be styled +sound-writing, as it does not directly record thoughts, but presents +them indirectly, after they have passed through the phase of sound. The +trace of pictographs in alphabets and syllabaries is discussed in the +present work under its proper heading so far as is necessary after the +voluminous treatises on the topic, and new illustrations are presented. +It is sufficient for the present to note that all the varied characters +of script and print now current are derived directly or mediately from +pictorial representations of objects. Bacon well said that “pictures are +dumb histories,” and he might have added that in the crude pictures of +antiquity were contained the germs of written words. + +The importance of the study of picture-writing depends partly upon the +result of its examination as a phase in the evolution of human culture. +As the invention of alphabetic writing is admitted to be the great +step marking the change from barbarism to civilization, the history +of its earlier development must be valuable. It is inferred from +internal evidence, though not specifically reported in history, that +picture-writing preceded and generated the graphic systems of Egypt, +Assyria, and China, but in America, especially in North America, its +use is still current. It can be studied here without any requirement +of inference or hypothesis, in actual existence as applied to records +and communications. Furthermore, the commencement of its evolution +into signs of sound is apparent in the Aztec and the Maya characters, +in which transition stage it was arrested by foreign conquest. The +earliest lessons of the genesis and growth of culture in this important +branch of investigation may, therefore, be best learned from the +western hemisphere. In this connection it should be noticed that +picture-writing is found in sustained vigor on the same continent where +sign language has prevailed and has continued in active operation to an +extent historically unknown in other parts of the world. These modes +of expression, i. e., transient and permanent thought-writing, are so +correlated in their origin and development that neither can be studied +to the best advantage without including the other. Unacquainted with +these facts, but influenced by an assumption that America must have +been populated from the eastern hemisphere, some enterprising persons +have found or manufactured American inscriptions composed of characters +which may be tortured into identity with some of the Eurasian alphabets +or syllabaries, but which sometimes suggest letters of indigenous +invention. This topic is discussed in its place. + +For the purposes of the present work there is no need to decide whether +sign-language, which is closely connected with picture-writing, preceded +articulate speech. It is sufficient to admit the high antiquity of +thought-writing in both its forms, and yet it is proper to notice a +strong current of recent opinions as indicated by Prof. Sayce (_a_) in +his address to the anthropologic section of the British Association for +the Advancement of Science, as follows: + + I see no escape from the conclusions that the chief distinctions + of race were established long before man acquired language. If the + statement made by M. de Mortillet is true, that the absence of + the mental tubercle, or bony excrescence in which the tongue is + inserted, in a skull of the Neanderthal type found at La Naulette, + indicates an absence of the faculty of speech, one race at least of + palæolithic man would have existed in Europe before it had as yet + invented an articulate language. Indeed it is difficult to believe + that man has known how to speak for any very great length of time. + * * * We can still trace through the thin disguise of subsequent + modifications and growth the elements, both lexical and grammatical, + out of which language must have arisen. * * * The beginnings of + articulate language are still too transparent to allow us to refer + them to a very remote era. * * * In fact the evidence that he is a + drawing animal * * * mounts back to a much earlier epoch than the + evidence that he is a speaking animal. + +When a system of ideographic gesture signs prevailed and at the same +time any form of artistic representation, however rude, existed, it +would be expected that the delineations of the former would appear in +the latter. It was but one more and an easy step to fasten upon bark, +skins, or rocks the evanescent air pictures that still in pigments or +carvings preserve their ideography or conventionalism in their original +outlines. A transition stage between gestures and pictographs, in which +the left hand is used as a supposed drafting surface, upon which the +index draws lines, is exhibited in the Dialogue between Alaskan Indians +in the First Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology (_a_). This device +is common among deaf-mutes, without equal archeologic importance, as it +may have been suggested by the art of writing, with which, even when not +instructed in it, they are generally acquainted. + +The execution of the drawings, of which the several forms of +picture-writing are composed, often exhibits the first crude efforts of +graphic art, and their study in that relation is of value. + +When pictures are employed for the same purpose as writing, the +conception intended to be presented is generally analyzed and only its +most essential points are indicated, with the result that the characters +when frequently repeated become conventional, and in their later form +cease to be recognizable as objective portraitures. This exhibition of +conventionalizing has its own historic import. + +It is not probable that much valuable information will ever be obtained +from ancient rock carvings or paintings, but they are important as +indications of the grades of culture reached by their authors, and +of the subjects which interested those authors, as is shown in the +appropriate chapters following. Some portions of these pictures can +be interpreted. With regard to others, which are not yet interpreted +and perhaps never can be, it is nevertheless useful to gather together +for synoptic study and comparison a large number of their forms from +many parts of the world. The present collection shows the interesting +psychologic fact that primitive or at least very ancient man made the +same figures in widely separated regions, though it is not established +that the same figures had a common significance. Indications of priscan +habitat and migrations may sometimes be gained from the general style or +type of the drawings and sculptures, which may be divided into groups, +although the influence of the environing materials must always be +considered. + +The more modern specimens of picture-writing displayed on skins, bark, +and pottery are far more readily interpreted than those on rocks, and +have already afforded information and verification as to points of +tribal history, religion, customs, and other ethnologic details. + +A criticism has been made on the whole subject of picture-writing by the +eminent anthropologist, Dr. Andree, who, in Ethnographische Parallelen +und Vergleiche (_a_), has described and figured a large number of +examples of petroglyphs, a name given by him to rock-drawings and now +generally adopted. His views are translated as follows: + + But if we take a connected view of the petroglyphs to which the + rock pictures, generally made with red paint, are equivalent, and + make a comparison of both, it becomes evident that they are usually + made for mere pastime and are the first artistic efforts of rude + nations. Nevertheless, we find in them the beginnings of writing, + and in some instances their transition to pictography as developed + among North American Indians becomes evident. + +It appears, therefore, that Dr. Andree carefully excludes the +picture-writings of the North American Indians from his general censure, +his conclusion being that those found in other parts of the world +usually occupy a lower stage. It is possible that significance may yet +be ascertained in many of the characters found in other regions, and +perhaps this may be aided by the study of those in America; but no doubt +should exist that the latter have purpose and meaning. The relegation to +a trivial origin of such pictographs as are described and illustrated +in the present work will be abandoned after a thorough knowledge of the +labor and thought which frequently were necessary for their production. +American pictographs are not to be regarded as mere curiosities. In some +localities they represent the only intellectual remains of the ancient +inhabitants. Wherever found, they bear significantly upon the evolution +of the human mind. + +Distrust concerning the actual significance of the ancient American +petroglyphs may be dispelled by considering the practical use of similar +devices by historic and living Indians for purposes as important to them +as those of alphabetic writing, these serving to a surprising extent the +same ends. This paper presents a large number of conclusive examples. +The old devices are substantially the same as the modern, though +improved and established in the course of evolution. The ideography +and symbolism displayed in these devices present suggestive studies in +psychology more interesting than the mere information or text contained +in the pictures. It must also be observed that when Indians now make +pictographs it is with intention and care--seldom for mere amusement. +Even when the labor is undertaken merely to supply the trade demand +for painted robes or engraved pipes or bark records, it is a serious +manufacture, though sometimes only imitative and not intrinsically +significant. In all other known instances in which pictures are made +without such specific intent as is indicated under the several headings +of this work, they are purely ornamental; but in such cases they are +often elaborate and artistic, not idle scrawls. + +This paper is limited in its terms to the presentation of the most +important known pictographs of the American Indians, but examples +from other parts of the world are added for comparison. The proper +classification and correlation of the matter collected has required more +labor and thought than is apparent. The scheme of the work has been +to give in an arrangement of chapters and sections some examples with +illustrations in connection with each heading in the classification. +This plan has involved a large amount of cross reference, because in +many cases a character or a group of characters could be considered +with reference to a number of different characteristics, and it was +necessary to choose under which one of the headings it should be +presented, involving reference to that from the other divisions of the +work. Sometimes the decision was determined by taste or judgment, and +sometimes required by mechanical considerations. + +It may be mentioned that the limitation of the size of the present +volume required that the space occupied by the text should be +subordinated to the large amount of illustration. It is obvious that a +work on picture-writing should be composed largely of pictures, and to +allow room for them many pages of the present writer’s views have been +omitted. Whatever may be the disadvantage of this omission it leaves to +students of the work the opportunity to form their own judgments without +bias. Indeed, this writer confesses that although he has examined and +studied in their crude shape, as they went to the printer, all the +illustrations and descriptions now presented, he expects that after +the volume shall be delivered to him in printed form with its synoptic +arrangement he will be better able than now to make appropriate remarks +on its subject-matter. Therefore he anticipates that careful readers +will judiciously correct errors in the details of the work which may +have escaped him and that they will extend and expand what is yet +limited and partial. It may be proper to note that when the writer’s +observation has resulted in agreement with published authorities or +contributors, the statements that could have been made on his own +personal knowledge have been cited, when possible, from the printed or +manuscript works of others. Quotation is still more requisite when there +is disagreement with the authorities. + +Thanks for valuable assistance are due and rendered to correspondents +and to officers of the Bureau of Ethnology and of the United States +Geological Survey, whose names are generally mentioned in connection +with their several contributions. Acknowledgment is also made now and +throughout the work to Dr. W. J. Hoffman, who has officially assisted +in its preparation during several years, by researches in the field, in +which his familiarity with Indians and his artistic skill have been of +great value. Similar recognition is due to Mr. De Lancey W. Gill, in +charge of the art department of the Bureau of Ethnology and the U. S. +Geological Survey, and to Mr. Wells M. Sawyer, his assistant, specially +detailed on the duty, for their work on the illustrations presented. +While mentioning the illustrations, it may be noted that the omission +to furnish the scale on which some of them are produced is not from +neglect, but because it was impossible to ascertain the dimensions of +the originals in the few cases where no scale or measurement is stated. +This omission is most frequently noticeable in the illustrations of +petroglyphs which have not been procured directly by the officers of +the Bureau of Ethnology. The rule in that Bureau is to copy petroglyphs +on the scale of one-sixteenth actual size. Most of the other classes of +pictographs are presented without substantial reduction, and in those +cases the scale is of little importance. + +It remains to give special notice to the reader regarding the mode +adopted to designate the authors and works cited. A decision was +formed that no footnotes should appear in the work. A difficulty in +observing that rule arose from the fact that in the repeated citation of +published works the text would be cumbered with many words and numbers +to specify titles, pages and editions. The experiment was tried of +printing in the text only the most abbreviated mention, generally by the +author’s name alone, of the several works cited, and to present a list +of them arranged in alphabetic order with cross references and catch +titles. This list appears at the end of the work with further details +and examples of its use. It is not a bibliography of the subject of +picture-writing, nor even a list of authorities read and studied in the +preparation of the work, but it is simply a special list, prepared for +the convenience of readers, of the works and authors cited in the text, +and gives the page and volume, when there is more than one volume in the +edition, from which the quotation is taken. + + + + +CHAPTER I. + +PETROGLYPHS. + + +In the plan of this work a distinction has been made between a +petroglyph, as Andree names the class, or rock-writing, as Ewbank called +it, and all other descriptions of picture-writing. The criterion for +the former is that the picture, whether carved or pecked, or otherwise +incised, and whether figured only by coloration or by coloration and +incision together, is upon a rock either in situ or sufficiently large +for inference that the picture was imposed upon it where it was found. +This criterion allows geographic classification. In presenting the +geographic distribution, prominence is necessarily (because of the +laws authorizing this work) given to the territory occupied by the +United States of America, but examples are added from various parts +of the globe, not only for comparison of the several designs, but to +exhibit the prevalence of the pictographic practice in an ancient form, +though probably not the earliest form. The rocks have preserved archaic +figures, while designs which probably were made still earlier on less +enduring substances are lost. + +Throughout the world in places where rocks of a suitable character +appear, and notably in South America, markings on them have been found +similar to those in North America, though until lately they have seldom +been reported with distinct description or with illustration. They are +not understood by the inhabitants of their vicinity, who generally +hold them in superstitious regard, and many of them appear to have +been executed from religious motives. They are now most commonly found +remaining where the population has continued to be sparse, or where +civilization has not been of recent introduction, with exceptions such +as appear in high development on the Nile. + +The superstitions concerning petroglyphs are in accord with all +other instances where peoples in all ages and climes, when observing +some phenomenon which they did not understand, accounted for it by +supernatural action. The following examples are selected as of interest +in the present connection. + +It must be premised with reference to the whole character of the +mythology and folk-lore of the Indians that, even when professed +converts to Christianity, they seem to have taken little interest in the +stories of the Christian church, whether the biblical narratives or the +lives and adventures of the saints, which are so constantly dwelt upon +throughout the Christian world that they have become folk-lore. The +general character of the Christian legends does not seem to have suited +the taste of Indians and has not at all impaired their affection for or +their belief in the aboriginal traditions. + +Among the gods or demigods of the Abnaki are those who particularly +preside over the making of petroglyphs. Their name in the plural, for +there are several personages, is Oonagamessok. They lived in caves +by the shore and were never seen, but manifested their existence by +inscriptions on the rocks. The fact that these inscribed rocks are +now very seldom found is accounted for by the statement that the +Oonagamessok have become angry at the want of attention paid to them +since the arrival of the white people and have caused the pictures to +disappear. There is no evidence to determine whether this tradition +should be explained by the fact that the ingenious shamans of the last +century would sometimes produce a miracle, carving the rocks themselves +and interpreting the marks in their own way, or by the fact that the +rock inscriptions were so old that their origin was not remembered and +an explanation was, as usual, made by ascription to a special divinity, +perhaps a chieftain famous in the old stage of mythology, or perhaps one +invented for the occasion by the class of priests who from immemorial +antiquity have explained whatever was inexplicable. + +At a rock near the mouth of the Magiguadavic river, at the time +immediately before the Passamaquoddy Indians chose their first governor +after the manner of the whites, the old Indians say there suddenly +appeared a white man’s flag carved on the rocks. The old Indians +interpreted this as a prophecy that the people would soon be abandoned +to the white man’s methods, and this came to pass shortly after. +Formerly they had a “Mayouett” or chief. Many other rock carvings are +said to have foretold what has since come to pass. Strange noises have +also been heard near them. + +The Omaha superstition is mentioned on pages 91-92 infra. + +The Mandans had an oracle stone on which figures appeared on the morning +after a night of public fasting. They were deciphered by the shaman, who +doubtless had made them. + +Mr. T. H. Lewis (_a_) gives the following tradition relating to the +incised bowlders in the upper Minnesota valley: + + In olden times there used to be an object that marked the + bowlders at night. It could be seen, but its exact shape was + indistinct. It would work making sounds like hammering, and + occasionally emit a light similar to that of a firefly. After + finishing its work it would give one hearty laugh like a woman + laughing and then disappear. The next morning the Indians would find + another pictured bowlder in the vicinity where the object had been + seen the night previous. + +Mr. J. W. Lynd (_a_) says of the Dakotas: + + The deities upon which the most worship is bestowed, if, indeed, + any particular one is nameable, are Tunkan (Inyan) the Stone God and + Wakinyan, the Thunder Bird. The latter, as being the main god of + war, receives constant worship and sacrifices; whilst the adoration + of the former is an every-day affair. The Tunkan, the Dakotas say, + is the god that dwells in stones or rocks, and is the oldest god. If + asked why it is considered the oldest, they will tell you because it + is the hardest. + +Mr. Charles Hallock, on the authority of Capt. Ed. Hunter, First +Cavalry, U. S. A., furnishes the following information respecting the +Assiniboin, Montana, rock pictures, which shows the reverence of these +Indians for the petroglyphs even when in ruins: + + Some of the rocks of the sculptured cliff cleaved off and + tumbled to the ground, whereupon the Indians assembled in force, + stuck up a pole, hung up some buffalo heads and dried meat, had a + song and dance, and carefully covered the detached fragments (which + were sculptured or painted) with cotton cloth and blankets. Jim + Brown, a scout, told Capt. Hunter that the Indians assembled at this + station at stated times to hold religious ceremonies. The pictures + are drawn on the smooth face of an outcrop or rocky projection. + +Marcano (_a_) gives an account in which superstition is mixed with +historic tradition. It is translated as follows: + + The legend of the Tamanaques, transmitted by Father Gili, has + also been invoked in favor of an ancient civilization. According + to the beliefs of this nation, there took place in days of old a + general inundation, which recalls the age of the great waters of + the Mexicans, during which the scattered waves beat against the + Encaramada. All the Tamanaques were drowned except one man and one + woman, who fled to the mountain of Tamacu or Tamanácu, situated + on the banks of Asiveru (Cuchivero). They threw above their heads + the fruits of the palm tree, Mauritia, and saw arising from their + kernels the men and women who repeopled the earth. It was during + this inundation that Amalavica, the creator of mankind, arrived on + a bark and carved the inscription of Tepumereme. Amalavica remained + long among the Tamanaques, and dwelt in Amalavica-Jeutitpe (house). + After putting everything in order he set sail and returned “to + the other shore,” whence he had come. “Did you perchance meet him + there?” said an Indian to Father Gili, after relating to him this + story. In this connection Humboldt recalls that in Mexico, too, the + monk Sahagun was asked whether he came from the other shore, whither + Quetzalcoatl had retired. + + The same traveler adds: “When you ask the natives how the + hieroglyphic characters carved on the mountains of Urbana and + Encaramada could have been traced, they reply that this was done in + the age of the great waters, at the time when their fathers were + able to reach the heights in their canoes.” + + If these legends and these petroglyphs are proof of an extinct + civilization, it is astonishing that their authors should have + left no other traces of their culture. To come to the point, is it + admissible that they were replaced by savage tribes without leaving + a trace of what they had been, and can we understand this retrograde + march of civilization when progress everywhere follows an ascending + course? These destructions of American tribes in place are very + convenient to prop up theories, but they are contrary to ethnologic + laws. + +The remarkable height of some petroglyphs has misled authors of good +repute as well as savages. Petroglyphs frequently appear on the face +of rocks at heights and under conditions which seemed to render their +production impossible without the appliances of advanced civilization, +a large outlay, and the exercise of unusual skill. An instance among +many of the same general character is in the petroglyphs at Lake Chelan, +Washington, where they are about 30 feet above the present water level, +on a perpendicular cliff, the base of which is in the lake. On simple +examination the execution of the pictographic work would seem to +involve details of wharfing, staging, and ladders if operated from the +base, and no less elaborate machinery if approached from the summit. +Strahlenberg suggests that such elevated drawings were made by the +ingenious use of stone wedges driven into the rock, thus affording +support for ascent or descent, and reports that he actually saw such +stone wedges in position on the Yenesei river. A very rough geological +theory has been presented by others to account for the phenomena by the +rise of the rocks to a height far above the adjacent surface at a time +later than their carving. + +But in the many cases observed in America it is not necessary to propose +either the hypothesis involving such elaborate work as is suggested or +one postulating enormous geological changes. The escarpment of cliffs +is from time to time broken down by the action of the elements and the +fragments fall to the base, frequently forming a talus of considerable +height, on which it is easy to mount and incise or paint on the +remaining perpendicular face of the cliff. When the latter adjoins a +lake or large stream, the disintegrated débris is almost immediately +carried off, leaving the drawings or paintings at an apparently +inaccessible altitude. When the cliff is on dry land, the rain, which +is driven against the face of the cliff and thereby increased in volume +and force at the point in question, also sweeps away the talus, though +more slowly. The talus is ephemeral in all cases, and the face of the +cliff may change in a week or a century, as it may happen, so its aspect +gives but a slight evidence of age. The presence, therefore, of the +pictures on the heights described proves neither extraordinary skill +in their maker nor the great antiquity which would be indicated by +the emergence of the pictured rocks through volcanic or other dynamic +agency. The age of the paintings and sculptures must be inferred from +other considerations. + +Pictures are sometimes found on the parts of rocks which at present +are always, or nearly always, covered with water. On the sea shore at +Machias bay, Maine, the peckings have been continued below the line of +the lowest tides as known during the present generation. In such cases +subsidence of the rocky formation may be indicated. At Kejimkoojik +lake, Nova Scotia, incisions of the same character as those on the +bare surface of the slate rocks can now be seen only by the aid of a +water glass, and then only when the lake is at its lowest. This may be +caused by subsidence of the rocks or by rise of the water through the +substantial damming of the outlet. Some rocks on the shores of rivers, +e. g., those on the Kanahwa, in West Virginia, show the same general +result of the covering and concealment of petroglyphs by water, except +in an unusual drought, which may more reasonably be attributed to the +gradual elevation of the river through the rise of the surface near its +mouth than to the subsidence of the earth’s crust at the locality of the +pictured rocks. + +It must be admitted that no hermeneutic key has been discovered +applicable to American pictographs, whether ancient on stone or modern +on bark, skins, linen, or paper. Nor has any such key been found +which unlocks the petroglyphs of any other people. Symbolism was of +individual origin and was soon variously obscured by conventionalizing; +therefore it requires separate study in every region. No interpreting +laws of general application to petroglyphs so far appear, although +types and tendencies can be classified. It was hoped that in some lands +petroglyphs might tell of the characters and histories of extinct +or emigrated peoples, but it now seems that knowledge of the people +who were the makers of the petroglyphs is necessary to any clear +understanding of their work. The fanciful hypotheses which have been +formed without corroboration, wholly from such works as remain, are now +generally discarded. + +There is a material reason why the interpretation of petroglyphs is +attended with special difficulty. They have often become so blurred by +the elements and so much defaced where civilized man has penetrated that +they cease to have any distinct or at least incontrovertible features. +The remarks relating to Dighton rock, infra, Chap. XXII, are in point. + +Rock-carving or picture-writing on rocks is so old among the American +tribes as to have acquired a nomenclature. The following general remarks +of Schoolcraft (_a_) are of some value, though they apply with any +accuracy only to the Ojibwa and are tinctured with a fondness for the +mysterious: + + For their pictographic devices the North American Indians have + two terms, namely, _Kekeewin_, or such things as are generally + understood by the tribe, and _Kekeenowin_, or teachings of the + _medas_ or priests and _jossakeeds_ or prophets. The knowledge of + the latter is chiefly confined to persons who are versed in their + system of magic medicine, or their religion, and may be deemed + hieratic. The former consists of the common figurative signs, such + as are employed at places of sepulture or by hunting or traveling + parties. It is also employed in the _muzzinabiks_, or rock-writings. + Many of the figures are common to both and are seen in the drawings + generally; but it is to be understood that this results from the + figure alphabet being precisely the same in both, while the devices + of the nugamoons or medicine, wabino, hunting, and war songs are + known solely to the initiates who have learned them, and who always + pay high to the native professors for this knowledge. + +In the Oglala Roster mentioned in Chapter XIII, Section 4, infra, one of +the heads of families is called Inyanowapi, translated as Painted (or +inscribed) rock. A blue object in the shape of a bowlder is connected +with the man’s head by the usual line, and characters too minute for +useful reproduction appear on the bowlder. The name is interesting as +giving the current Dakota term for rock-inscriptions. The designation +may have been given to this Indian because he was an authority on +the subject and skilled either in the making or interpretation of +petroglyphs. + +The name “Wikhegan” was and still is used by the Abnaki to signify +portable communications made in daily life, as distinct from the rock +carvings mentioned above, which are regarded by them as mystic. + +One of the curious facts in connection with petroglyphs is the meager +notice taken of them by explorers and even by residents other than the +Indians, who are generally reticent concerning them. The present writer +has sometimes been annoyed and sometimes amused by this indifference. +The resident nearest to the many inscribed rocks at Kejimkoojik Lake, +Nova Scotia, described in Chapter II, Section 1, was a middle-aged +farmer of respectable intelligence who had lived all his life about 3 +miles from those rocks, but had only a vague notion of their character, +and with difficulty found them. A learned and industrious priest, who +had been working for many years on the shores of Lake Superior preparing +not only a dictionary and grammar of the Ojibwa language, but an account +of Ojibwa religion and customs, denied the present existence of any +objects in the nature of petroglyphs in that region. Yet he had lived +for a year within a mile of a very important and conspicuous pictured +rock, and, on being convinced of his error by sketches shown him, called +in his Ojibwa assistant and for the first time learned the common use of +a large group of words which bore upon the system of picture-writing, +and which he thereupon inserted in his dictionary, thus gaining from the +visitor, who had come from afar to study at the feet of this supposed +Gamaliel, much more than the visitor gained from him. + + + + +CHAPTER II. + +PETROGLYPHS IN NORTH AMERICA. + + +SECTION 1. + +CANADA. + +The information thus far obtained about petroglyphs in Canada is meager. +This may be partly due to the fact that through the region of the +Dominion now most thoroughly known the tribes have generally resorted +for their pictographic work to the bark of birch trees, which material +is plentiful and well adapted for the purpose. Indeed the same fact +affords an explanation of the paucity of rock-carvings or paintings +in the lands immediately south of the boundary line separating the +United States from the British possessions. It must also be considered +that the country on both sides of that boundary was in general heavily +timbered, and that even if petroglyphs are there they may not even yet +have been noticed. But that the mere plenty of birch bark does not +evince the actual absence of rock-pictures in regions where there was +also an abundance of suitable rocks, and where the native inhabitants +were known to be pictographers, is shown by the account given below of +the multitudes of such pictures lately discovered in a single district +of Nova Scotia. It is confidently believed that many petroglyphs will +yet be found in the Dominion. Others may be locally known and possibly +already described in publications which have escaped the researches of +the present writer. In fact, from correspondence and oral narrations, +there are indications of petroglyphs in several parts of the Dominion +besides those mentioned below, but their descriptions are too vague for +presentation here. For instance, Dr. Boas says that he has seen a large +number of petroglyphs in British Columbia, of which neither he nor any +other traveler has made distinct report. + + +NOVA SCOTIA. + +The only petroglyphs yet found in the peninsula of Nova Scotia are +in large numbers within a small district in Queens county, and they +comprise objects unique in execution and in interest. They were +examined by the present writer in the field seasons of 1887 and 1888, +and some were copied by him, but many more copies were taken in the +last-mentioned year by Mr. George Creed, of South Rawdon, Nova Scotia, +who had guided the writer to the locality. Attention was at first +confined to Fairy lake and its rocks. This lake is really a bay of +a larger lake which is almost exactly on the boundary line between +Annapolis and Queens counties, one of those forming the chain through +which the Liverpool river runs, and called Cegemacaga in More’s History +of Queens County (_a_), but according to Dr. Silas Rand in his Reading +Book in the Micmac Language (_a_), Kejimkoojik, translated by him as +“swelled parts,” doubtless referring to the expansion of the Maitland +river at its confluence with the Liverpool river. + +The Fairy rocks, as distinct from others in the lake, are three in +number, and are situated on the east side of Kejimkoojik lake and south +of the entrance to Fairy lake. The northernmost of the three rocks is +immediately at the entrance, the westernmost and central rock showing +but a small surface at high water and at the highest stage of the water +being entirely submerged. Three other inscribed rocks are about 2 miles +south of these, at Piels (a corruption of Pierre’s) point, opposite an +island called Glodes or Gload island, so named from a well-known Micmac +family. These rocks are virtually a continuation of the same formation +with depressions between them. Two other localities in the vicinity +where the rocks are engraved, as hereafter described, are at Fort Medway +river and Georges lake. As they are all of the same character, on the +same material, and were obviously made by the same people, they are all +classed together, when referred to in this paper, as at Kejimkoojik +lake. All of these rocks are of schistose slate of the Silurian +formation, and they lie with so gentle a dip that their magnitudes vary +greatly with a slight change in the height of the water. On August 27, +1887, when, according to the reports of the nearest residents, the water +was one foot above the average summer level, the unsubmerged portion of +the central rock then surrounded by water was an irregular oval, the +dimensions of which were 47 by 60 feet. The highest points of the Fairy +rocks at that date were no more than three and few were more than two +feet above the surface of the water. The inclination near the surface is +so small that a falling of the water of one foot would double the extent +of that part of the surface which, by its smoothness and softness, +is adapted to engraving. The inclination at Piels point is steeper, +but still allows a great variation of exposed surface in the manner +mentioned. + +Mr. Creed first visited the Fairy rocks in July, 1881. His attention +was directed exclusively to the northernmost rock, which was then more +exposed than it was in September, 1887, and much of the inscribed +portion seen by him in 1881 was under water in 1887. The submerged +parts of the rocks adjoining those exposed are covered with incisions. +Many inscriptions were seen in 1881 by Mr. Creed through the water, and +others became visible through a water glass in 1887. His recollection of +the inscribed dates seen in 1881 is that some with French names attached +were of years near 1700, and that the worn appearance of the figures and +names corresponded with the lapse of time indicated by those dates. A +number of markings were noticed by him which are not found in the parts +now exposed, and were evidently more ancient than most of the engravings +on the latter. From other sources of information it is evident that +either from a permanent rise in the water of the lake or from the +sinking of the rocks, they formerly showed, within the period of the +recollection of people now living, a much larger exposed surface than +of late years, and that the parts long since permanently submerged were +covered with engravings. The inference is that those engravings were +made before Europeans had visited the locality. + +It is to be specially remarked that the exposed surfaces where the rocks +were especially smooth were completely marked over, no space of 3 inches +square being unmarked, and over nearly all of those choice parts there +were two, and in many cases three, sets of markings, above one another, +recognizable by their differing distinctness. It also seemed that the +second or third marking was upon plane surfaces where the earlier +markings had been nearly obliterated by time. With pains and skill the +earlier markings can be traced, and these are the outlines which from +intrinsic evidence are Indian, whereas the later and more sharply marked +outlines are obviously made by civilized men or boys, the latest being +mere initials or full names of persons, with dates attached. Warning +must be given that the ancient markings, which doubtless were made by +the Micmacs, will probably not only escape the attention of the casual +visitor, but even that an intelligent expert observer who travels to the +scene with some information on the subject, and for the express purpose +of finding the incisions, may fail to see anything but names, ships, +houses, and similar figures of obviously modern design. This actually +occurred within the week when the present writer was taking copies of +the drawings by a mode of printing which left no room for fancy or +deception. Indeed, frequently the marks were not distinctly apparent +until after they had been examined in the printed copies. + +The mode in which the copies were taken was by running over and through +their outlines a blue aniline pencil, and then pressing a wetted sheet +of ordinary printing paper upon them, so that the impression was +actually taken by the process of printing. During the two field seasons +mentioned, with the aid of Mr. Creed, three hundred and fifty different +engravings and groups of engravings were thus printed. Some of these +prints were of large dimensions, and included from ten to fifty separate +characters and designs. + +On the parts exposed in 1887 there were dates from 1800 to the current +year, the number for the last year being much the greatest, which was +explained by the fact that the wonderfully beautiful lake had been +selected for a Sunday-school excursion. Over the greater part of the +surface visible in 1887 there were few levels specially favorable for +marking, and when these were found the double or treble use was in some +instances noticed. + +After the writer had inspected the rocks and discovered their +characteristics, and learned how to distinguish and copy their markings, +it seemed that, with the exception of a few designs recently dug or +chipped out by lumbermen or visitors, almost always initials, the only +interesting or ancient portions were scratchings which could be made +on the soft slate by any sharp instrument. The faces of the rocks were +immense soft and polished drawing-slates, presenting to any person who +had ever drawn or written before an irresistible temptation to draw or +write. The writer, happening to have with him an Indian stone arrow +which had been picked up in the neighborhood, used its point upon the +surface, and it would make as good scratches as any found upon the rocks +except the very latest, which were obviously cut by the whites with +metal knives. + +As is above suggested, the peculiar multiplication of the characters +upon the most attractive of the slates affords evidence as to their +relative antiquity superior to that generally found in petroglyphs. +The existence of two or three different sets of markings, all visible +and of different degrees of obliteration or distinctness, is in itself +important; but, in addition to that, it is frequently the case that the +second and third in the order of time have associated with them dates, +from which the relative antiquity of the faintest, the dateless, can be +to some extent estimated. Dates of the third and most recent class are +attached to English names and are associated with the forms of English +letters; those of the second class accompany French names, and in some +cases have French designs. Figs. 1 and 2, about one-fourth original +size, are presented to give an idea of these peculiar palimpsests. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1.--Palimpsest on Fairy rocks, Nova Scotia.] + +For examples of other copies printed from the rocks at Kejimkoojik +lake, see Figs. 549, 550, 654, 655, 656, 657, 658, 717, 718, 739, 740, +741, 1254, 1255, and 1262. These offer intrinsic evidence of the Micmac +origin of the early class of engravings. + +[Illustration: FIG. 2.--Palimpsest on Fairy rocks, Nova Scotia.] + +The presence of French names and styles of art in the drawings is +explained by a story which was communicated by Louis Labrador, whose +great-grandfather, old Ledore, according to his account, guided a body +of French Acadians who, at the time of the expulsion, were not shipped +off with the majority. They escaped the English in 1756 and traveled +from the valley of Annapolis to Shelbourne, at the extreme southeast +of the peninsula. During that passage they halted for a considerable +time to recruit in the beautiful valley along the Kejimkoojik lake, +on the very ground where these markings appear, which also was on the +ancient Indian trail. Another local tradition, told by a resident of the +neighborhood, gives a still earlier date for the French work. He says +that after the capture of Port Royal, now Annapolis, in 1710, a party of +the defeated Frenchmen, with a number of Indians as guides, went with +their cattle to the wide meadows upon Kejimkoojik lake and remained +there for a long time. It is exceedingly probable that the French would +have been attracted to scratch on this fascinating smooth slate surface +whether they had observed previous markings or not, but it seems evident +that they did scratch over such previous markings. The latter, at least, +antedated the beginning of the eighteenth century. + +A general remark may be made regarding the Kejimkoojik drawings, that +the aboriginal art displayed in them did not differ in any important +degree from that shown in other drawings of the Micmacs and the Abnaki +in the possession of the Bureau of Ethnology. Also that the rocks there +reveal pictographic tendencies and practices which suggest explanations +of similar work in other regions where less evidence remains of intent +and significance. The attractive material of the slates and their +convenient situation tempted past generations of Indians to record +upon them the images of their current thoughts and daily actions. +Hence the pictographic practice went into operation at this locality +with unusual vigor and continuity. Although at Kejimkoojik lake there +is an exceptional facility for determining the relative dates of the +several horizons of scratchings, the suggestion there evoked may help to +ascertain similar data elsewhere. + + +ONTARIO. + +Mr. Charles Hallock kindly communicates information concerning +pictographs on Nipigon bay, which is a large lake in the province of +Ontario, 30 miles northwest of Lake Superior, with which it is connected +by Nipigon river. He says: + + The pictographs, which are principally of men and animals, + occupy a zone some 60 feet long and 5 feet broad, about midway of + the face of the rock; they are painted in blood-red characters, much + darker than the color of the cliff itself. + +He also, later, incloses a letter received by himself from Mr. Newton +Flanagan, of the Hudson Bay Company, an extract from which is as follows: + + About the dimensions of the red rock in Nipigon bay, upon which + appear the Indian painted pictures, as near as I can give you at + present, the face of the rock fronting the water is about 60 feet, + rising to a greater height as it runs inland. The width along the + water is something like 900 yards, depth quite a distance inland. + The pictures are from 10 to 15 or perhaps 20 feet above the water; + the pictures are representations of human figures, Indians in + canoes, and of wild animals. They are supposed to have been painted + ages ago, by what process or for what reason I am unable to tell + you, nor do I know how the paint is made indelible. + + As far as I can gather, the Indians here have no traditions + in regard to those paintings, which I understand occur in several + places throughout the country, and none of the Indians hereabouts + nowadays practice any such painting. + + +MANITOBA. + +Mr. Hallock also furnishes information regarding a petroglyph, the +locality of which he gives as follows: Roche Percée, on the Souris +river, in Manitoba, near the international boundary, 270 miles west of +Dufferin, and nearly due north from Bismarck. This is an isolated rock +in the middle of a plain, covered with pictographs of memorable events. +It stands back from the river a half mile. + +Mr. A. C. Lawson (_a_) gives an illustrated account of petroglyphs +on the large peninsula extending into the Lake of the Woods and on +an island adjacent to it. Strictly speaking this peninsula is in the +district of Keewatin, but it is very near the boundary line of Manitoba, +to which it is attached for administrative purposes. The account is +condensed as follows: + + On the north side of this peninsula, i. e., on the south shore + of the northern half of the lake, about midway between the east and + west shores, occurs one of the two sets of hieroglyphic markings. + Lying off shore at a distance of a quarter to a half a mile, and + making with it a long sheltered channel, is a chain of islands, + trending east and west. On the south side of one of these islands, + less than a mile to the west of the first locality, is to be seen + the other set of inscriptions. The first set occurs on the top of + a low, glaciated, projecting point of rock, which presents the + characters of an ordinary roche moutonnée. The rock is a very soft, + foliated, green, chloritic schist, into which the characters are + more or less deeply carved. The top of the rounded point is only a + few feet above the high-water mark of the lake, whose waters rise + and fall in different seasons through a range of ten feet. The + antiquity of the inscriptions is at once forced upon the observer + upon a careful comparison of their weathering with that of the + glacial grooves and striæ, which are very distinctly seen upon the + same rock surface. Both the ice grooves and carved inscriptions are, + so far as the eye can judge, identical in extent of weathering, + though there was doubtless a considerable lapse of time between the + disappearance of the glaciers and the date of the carving. + + The island on which were found the other inscriptions is + one of the many steep rocky islands known among the Indians as + Ka-ka-ki-wa-bic min-nis, or Crow-rock island. The rock is a hard + greenstone, not easily cut, and the inscriptions are not cut into + the rock, but are painted with ochre, which is much faded in places. + The surface upon which the characters are inscribed forms an + overhanging wall protected from the rain, part of which has fallen + down. + + The Indians of the present day have no traditions about these + inscriptions beyond the supposition that they must have been made by + the “old people” long ago. + +The sketches published as copies of these glyphs show spirals, +concentric circles, crosses, horseshoe forms, arrow shapes, and other +characters similar to those found on rocks in the southwestern part of +the United States, and also to petroglyphs in Brazil, examples from both +of which regions are presented in this work, under their appropriate +headings. + + +BRITISH COLUMBIA. + +Dr. Franz Boas (_a_) published an account of a petroglyph on Vancouver +island (now presented as Fig. 3) which, slightly condensed, is +translated as follows: + +[Illustration: FIG. 3.--Petroglyph on Vancouver island.] + +The accompanying rock picture is found on the eastern shore of Sproat +lake, near its southern outlet. Sproat lake lies about 10 kilometers +north of the upper end of the Alberni fiord, which cuts deep into the +interior of Vancouver island. In former times this region was the +territory of the Hōpetschisāth, a tribe of the Nootka or Aht, who even +now have a village some miles below the lake, at the entrance of Stamp +river into the main river. That tribe, according to the statement of +some of its older members, was a branch of the Kowitchin, who occupy +the east side of Vancouver island, some kilometers northeast of the +upper end of Alberni fiord. At that time the Ts’ēschāáth, another +tribe of the Nootka, are said to have ascended the fiord and mixed +with the Hōpetschisāth. The present inhabitants of the region know +nothing concerning the origin of the rock picture. According to their +legend, the rock on which it is carved was once the house of Kwótiath. +Kwótiath is the wandering divinity in Nootka mythology, and corresponds +approximately to the raven of the Tlinkit and Haida, the Qäls of the +Kowitchin. The picture is found on a perpendicular rock wall about +7 meters high, which drops directly into the lake, so that it was +necessary to make the copy while standing in the water. The rock is +traversed in the middle by a broad cleft, narrowing below, from which +blocks have fallen out which bore part of the drawing. To the north and +south of the rock wall the shore rises gently, but rocky portions are +found everywhere. The lines of the drawing are flat grooves, about two +or three fingers’ breadth, and in many places are so weathered as to be +hardly recognizable. They have been scraped into the rock probably by +the points of sticks rubbing moist sand against it. No marks of blows +of any kind are found. The figures are here given in the same relative +position in which they are found on the rock, except that the upper one +on the right hand is at a distance from all the others, at the southern +end of the rock. The objects represented are evidently fishes or marine +monsters. The middle figure to the left of the cleft may be a manned +boat, the fore part of which is probably destroyed. + +Dr. Boas says that the copy as found in the Verhandlungen is incorrect. +The design on the right hand is reversed and is now corrected. + +Mr. G. M. Sproat (_a_) mentions this petroglyph: + + It is rudely done and apparently not of an old date. There are + half a dozen figures intended to represent fishes or birds--no + one can say which. The natives affirm that Quawteaht made them. + In their general character these figures correspond to the rude + paintings sometimes seen on wooden boards among the Ahts, or on the + seal-skin buoys that are attached to the whale and halibut harpoons + and lances. The meaning of these figures is not understood by the + people; and I dare say if the truth were known, they are nothing but + feeble attempts on the part of individual artists to imitate some + visible objects which they had strongly in their minds. + + +SECTION 2. + +UNITED STATES. + +Drawings or paintings on rocks are distributed generally over the +greater part of the territory of the United States. + +They are found on bowlders formed by the sea waves or polished by ice +of glacial epochs; on the faces of rock ledges adjoining lakes and +streams; on the high walls of canyons and cliffs; on the sides and roofs +of caves; in short, wherever smooth surfaces of rock appear. Yet, while +they are so frequent, there are localities to be distinguished in which +they are especially abundant and noticeable. They differ markedly in +character of execution and apparent subject-matter. + +An obvious division can be made between the glyphs bearing characters +carved or pecked and those painted without incision. There is also a +third, though small, class in which the characters are both incised +and painted. This division seems to coincide to a certain extent +with geographic areas and is not fully explained by the influence of +materials; it may, therefore, have some relation to the idiosyncrasy or +development of the several authors, and consequently to tribal habitat +and migrations. + +In examining a chart of the United States in use by the Bureau of +Ethnology, upon which the distribution of the several varieties of +petroglyphs is marked, two facts are noticeable: First, the pecked and +incised characters are more numerous in the northern and those expressed +in colors more numerous in the southern areas. Second, there are two +general groupings, distinguished by typical styles, one in the north +Atlantic states and the other in the south Pacific states. + +The north Atlantic group is in the priscan habitat of the tribes of the +Algonquian linguistic family, and extends from Nova Scotia southward to +Pennsylvania, where the sculpturings are frequent, especially on the +Susquehanna, Monongahela, and Alleghany rivers, and across Ohio from +Lake Erie to the Kanawha river, in West Virginia. Isolated localities +bearing the same type are found westward on the Mississippi river and +a few of its western tributaries, to and including the Wind river +mountains, in Wyoming, the former habitat of the Blackfeet Indians. All +of these petroglyphs present typical characters, sometimes undefined +and complicated. From their presumed authors, they have been termed the +Algonquian type. Upon close study and comparison they show many features +in common which are absent in extra-limital areas. + +Immediately south of the Kanawha river, in West Virginia, and extending +southward into Virginia, Tennessee, and North Carolina, the pecked +or sculptured petroglyphs are replaced by painted figures of a style +differing from the Algonquian. These are in the area usually designated +as Cherokee territory, but there is no evidence that they are the work +of that tribe; indeed, there is no indication of their authorship. The +absence of pecked characters in this area is certainly not due to an +absence of convenient material upon which to record them as the country +is as well adapted to the mode of incision as is the northern Atlantic +area. + +Upon the Pacific slope a few pecked as well as colored petroglyphs occur +scattered irregularly throughout the extreme northern area west of +the Sierra Nevada, but on the eastern side of that range of mountains +petroglyphs appear in Idaho, which have analogues extending south to +New Mexico and Arizona, with remarkable groups at intervals between +these extremes. All of these show sufficient similarity of form to be +considered as belonging to a type which is here designated “Shoshonean.” +Tribes of that linguistic family still occupy, and for a long time have +occupied, that territory. Most of this Shoshonean group consists of +pecked or incised characters, though in the southern area unsculptured +paintings predominate. + +On the western side of the Sierra Nevada, from Visalia southward, +at Tulare agency, and thence westward and southward along the Santa +Barbara coast, are other groups of colored petroglyphs showing typical +features resembling the Shoshonean. This resemblance may be merely +accidental, but it is well known that there was intercourse between the +tribes on the two sides of the Sierra Nevada, and the Shoshonean family +is also represented on the Pacific slope south of the mountain range +extending from San Bernardino west to Point Conception. In this manner +the artistic delineation of the Santa Barbara tribes may have been +influenced by contact with others. + +Petroglyphs have seldom been found in the central area of the United +States. In the wooded region of the Great lakes characters have been +depicted upon birch bark for at least a century, while in the area +between the Mississippi river and the Rocky mountains the skins of +buffalo and deer have been used. Large rocks and cliffs favorably +situated are not common in that country, which to a great extent is +prairie. + +In the general area of these typical groups characters are frequently +found which appear intrusive, i. e., they have a strong resemblance not +only to those found in other American groups, but are nearly identical +with characters in other parts of the world. This fact, clearly +established, prevents the adoption of any theory as to the authorship +of many of the petroglyphs and thwarts attempts to ascertain their +signification. + + +ALASKA. + +Ensign Albert P. Niblack, U. S. Navy, (_a_) gives a brief account, with +sketches, reproduced here as Fig. 4, of petroglyphs in Alaska, which +were taken from rocks from the ancient village of Stikine, near Fort +Wrangell. Others were found on rocks just above high-water mark around +the sites of ruined and abandoned villages. + +[Illustration: FIG. 4.--Petroglyphs in Alaska.] + +In the upper character the Alaskan typical style of human faces is +noticeable. The lower gives a representation of the orca or whale +killer, which the Haida believe to be a demon called Skana, about which +there are many mythic tales. Mr. Niblack remarks: + + In their paintings the favorite colors used are black, light + green, and dark red. Whether produced in painting, tattooing, or + relief carving, the designs are somewhat conventional. However rude + the outline, there are for some animals certain conventional signs + that clearly indicate to the initiated what figure is meant. With + the brown bear it is the protruding tongue; with the beaver and wolf + it is the character of the teeth; with the orca, the fin; with the + raven, the sharp beak; with the eagle, the curved beak, etc. + + +ARIZONA. + +Mr. G. K. Gilbert, of the U. S. Geological Survey, gives the following +information concerning petroglyphs observed by him in the vicinity of +San Francisco mountain, Arizona: + + The localities of the sketches Figs. 5, 6, and 7 are about 35 + miles east and southeast of San Francisco mountain, the material + being a red sandstone, which stands in low buttes upon the plain. + About these are mealing stones, fragments of pottery and chipped + flints, giving evidence of the residence of sedentary Indians. + So many localities of petroglyphs were seen that I regard it as + probable that a large number could be found by search. The drawings + in every case but one were produced by blows upon the surface of the + rocks, breaking through the film of rock discolored by weathering + so as to reveal (originally) the color of the interior of the rock. + The single exception is the first pattern in Fig. 6, similar to the + patterns on pottery and blankets, produced by painting with a white + pigment on red rock. The original arrangement of the drawings upon + the rock was not as a rule preserved, but they have approximately + the original arrangement. I neglected to record the scale of the + drawings, but the several pictures are drawn on approximately the + same scale. + +[Illustration: FIG. 5.--Petroglyph in Arizona.] + +[Illustration: FIG. 6.--Petroglyph in Arizona.] + +All of these figures partake of the general type designated as the +Shoshonean, and it is notable that close repetitions of some of the +characters appear in petroglyphs in Tulare valley and Owens valley, +California, which are described and illustrated in this section. + +The object resembling a centipede, in Fig. 6, is a common form in +various localities in Santa Barbara county, California, as will be +observed by comparing the illustrations given in connection with that +locality. In other of the Arizona and New Mexican petroglyphs similar +outlines are sometimes engraved to signify the maize stalk. + +[Illustration: FIG. 7.--Petroglyph in Arizona.] + +Mr. Paul Holman, of the U. S. Geological Survey, reports that eight +miles below Powers butte, on a mesa bordering on the Gila river and +rising abruptly to the height of 150 feet, are pictographs covering +the entire vertical face. Also on the summit of a spur of Oatman +mountain, 200 yards from the Gila and 300 feet above it, are numbers +of pictographs. Many of them are almost obliterated where they are on +exposed surfaces. + +Lieut. Col. Emory (_a_) reports that on a table-land near the Gila +bend is a mound of granite bowlders, blackened by augite and covered +with unknown characters, the work of human hands. On the ground near +by were also traces of some of the figures, showing that some of the +pictographs, at least, were the work of modern Indians. Others were +of undoubted antiquity. He also reports in the same volume (_b_) that +characters upon rocks of questionable antiquity occur on the Gila river +at 32° 38′ 13″ N. lat. and 190° 7′ 30″ long. According to the plate, +the figures are found upon bowlders and on the face of the cliff to the +height of 30 feet. + +Lieut. Whipple (_a_) remarks upon petroglyphs at Yampais spring, +Williams river, as follows: + + The spot is a secluded glen among the mountains. A high shelving + rock forms a cave, within which is a pool of water and a crystal + stream flowing from it. The lower surface of the rock is covered + with pictographs. None of the devices seem to be of recent date. + +Many of the country rocks lying on the Colorado plateau of northern +Arizona, east of Peach springs, bear petroglyphs of considerable +artistic workmanship. Some figures, observed by Dr. W. J. Hoffman in +1872, were rather elaborate and represented the sun, human beings in +various styles approaching the grotesque, and other characters not +understood. All of those observed were made by pecking the surface of +basalt with a harder variety of stone. + +Mr. Gilbert also obtained sketches of etchings in November, 1878, on +Partridge creek, northern Arizona, at the point where the Beale wagon +road comes to it from the east. He says: “The rock is cross-laminated +Aubrey sandstone and the surfaces used are faces of the laminæ. All +the work is done by blows with a sharp point. (Obsidian is abundant +in the vicinity.) Some inscriptions are so fresh as to indicate that +the locality is still resorted to. No Indians live in the immediate +vicinity, but the region is a hunting ground of the Wallapais and +Avasupais (Cosninos).” + +Notwithstanding the occasional visits of the above named tribes, the +characters submitted more nearly resemble those of other localities +known to have been made by the Moki Pueblos. + +Rock drawings are of frequent occurrence along the entire extent of the +valley of the Rio Verde, from a short distance below Camp Verde to the +Gila river. + +Mr. Thomas V. Keam reports drawings on the rocks in Canyon Segy, and in +Keam’s canyon, northeastern Arizona. Some forms occurring at the latter +locality are found also upon Moki pottery. + +Petroglyphs are reported by Lieut. Theodore Mosher, Twenty-second +Infantry, U. S. Army, to have been discovered by Lieut. Casey’s party +in December, 1887, on the Chiulee (or Chilalí) creek, 30 or 40 miles +from its confluence with San Juan river, Arizona. A photograph made by +the officer in charge of the party shows the characters to have been +outlined by pecking, the designs resembling the Shoshonean type of +pictographs, and those in Owens valley, California, a description of +which is given below. + +A figure, consisting of two concentric circles with a straight line +running out from the larger circle, occurs, among other carvings, on one +of the many sculptured bowlders seen by Mr. J. R. Bartlett (_a_) in the +valley of the Gila river in Arizona. His representation of this bowlder +is here copied as Fig. 8. His language is as follows: + +[Illustration: FIG. 8.--Petroglyph in Arizona.] + + I found hundreds of these bowlders covered with rude figures of + men, animals, and other objects of grotesque forms, all pecked in + with a sharp instrument. Many of them, however, were so much defaced + by long exposure to the weather and by subsequent markings, that it + was impossible to make them out. Among these rocks I found several + which contained sculptures on the lower side, in such a position + that it would be impossible to cut them where they then lay. Some + weighed many tons each and would have required immense labor to + place them there, and that, too, without an apparent object. The + natural inference was that they had fallen down from the summit of + the mountain after the sculptures were made on them. A few only + seemed recent; the others bore the marks of great antiquity. + +In the collections of the Bureau of Ethnology is an album or sketch +book, which contains many drawings made by Mr. F. S. Dellenbaugh, from +which the following sketches of petroglyphs in Arizona are selected, +together with the brief references attached to each sheet. + +Fig. 9 is a copy of characters appearing in Shinumo canyon, Arizona. +They are painted, the middle and right hand figures being red, the human +form having a white mark upon the abdomen; the left-hand figure of a man +is painted yellow, the two plumes being red. + +[Illustration: FIG. 9.--Petroglyph in Shinumo canyon, Arizona.] + +The petroglyphs in Fig. 10 are rather indistinct and were copied from +the vertical wall of Mound canyon. The most conspicuous forms appear to +be serpents. + +[Illustration: FIG. 10.--Petroglyph in Mound canyon, Arizona.] + + +CALIFORNIA. + +In the foothills of California, wherever overhanging and rain-protected +rocks occur, they are covered with paintings of various kinds made +by Indians. Those on Rocky hill, some 15 miles east of Visalia, are +especially interesting. The sheltered rocks are here covered with images +of men, animals, and various inanimate objects, as well as curious +figures. The paint used is red, black, and white, and wherever protected +it has stood the ravages of time remarkably well. In many places the +paintings are as vivid as the day they were laid on. Deer, antelope, +coyotes, birds, and turtles are figured quite frequently, and may +indicate either names of chiefs or tribes, or animals slain in the hunt. +Here are also circles, spirals, crowns or bars, etc., signs the meaning +of which is yet doubtful. + +Mr. H. W. Turner, in a letter dated June 3, 1891, furnishes sketches +(Fig. 11) from this locality, and a description of them as follows: + +[Illustration: FIG. 11.--Petroglyphs near Visalia, California.] + + I send herewith a rough sheet of drawings of figures on the + sheltered face of a huge granite cropping in Tulare county, + California. One-half of the cropping had split off, leaving a nearly + plane surface, on which the figures were drawn in red, white, and + black pigments. The locality is known as Rocky point. They are now + quarrying granite at the place. It lies about 12 miles nearly due + east of Visalia, in the first foothills and south of Yokall creek. + The figures appear to have been drawn many years ago, and numbers of + them are now indistinct. + +During the summer of 1882 Dr. Hoffman visited the Tule river agency, +California, where he found a large rock painting, of which Fig. 983, +infra, is a copy made by him. His description of it is as follows: + +“The agency is upon the western side of the Sierra Nevada, in the +headwater canyons of the branches of the south fork of Tule river. +The country is at present occupied by several tribes of the Mariposan +linguistic stock, and the only answer made to inquiries respecting the +age or origin of the painting was that it was found there when the +ancestors of the present tribes arrived. The local migrations of the +various Indian tribes of this part of California are not yet known with +sufficient certainty to determine to whom the records may be credited, +but all appearances with respect to the weathering and disintegration +of the rock upon which the record is engraved, the appearance of the +coloring matter subsequently applied, and the condition of the small +depressions made at the time for mixing the pigments with a viscous +substance, indicate that the work was performed about a century ago. + +“The Indians now at Tule river have occupied that part of the state for +at least one hundred years, and the oldest now living state that the +records were found by their ancestors, though whether more than two +generations ago could not be ascertained. + +“The drawings were outlined by pecking with a piece of quartz or other +siliceous rock, the depth varying from a mere visible depression to +a third of an inch. Having thus satisfactorily depicted the several +ideas, colors were applied which appear to have penetrated the slight +interstices between the crystalline particles of the rock, which had +been bruised and slightly fractured by hammering with a piece of stone. +It appears probable, too, that to insure better results the hammering +was repeated after application of the colors. + +“Upon a small bowlder, under the natural archway formed by the breaking +of the large rock, small depressions were found which had been used as +mortars for grinding and mixing the colors. These depressions average +2 inches in diameter and about 1 inch in depth. Traces of color still +remain, mixed with a thin layer of a shining substance resembling a +coating of varnish and of flinty hardness. This coating is so thin that +it can not be removed with a steel instrument, and appears to have +become a part of the rock itself. + +“From the animals depicted upon the ceiling it seems that both beaver +and deer were found in the country, and as the beaver tail and the hoofs +of deer and antelope are boiled to procure glue, it is probable that the +tribe which made these pictographs was as far advanced in respect to the +making of glue and preparing of paints as most other tribes throughout +the United States. + +“Examination shows that the dull red color is red ocher, found in +various places in the valley, while the yellow was an ocherous clay, +also found there. The white color was probably obtained there, and +is evidently earthy, though of what nature can only be surmised, not +sufficient being obtainable from the rock picture to make satisfactory +analysis with the blow-pipe. The composition of the black is not known, +unless it was made by mixing clay and powdered charcoal. The latter is a +preparation common at this day among other tribes. + +“An immense granite bowlder, about 20 feet in thickness and 30 in +length, is so broken that a lower quarter is removed, leaving a large +square passageway through its entire diameter almost northwest and +southeast. Upon the western wall of this passageway is a collection of +the colored sketches of which Fig. 983 is a reduced copy. The entire +face of the rock upon which the pictograph occurs measures about 12 or +15 feet in width and 8 in height. The largest human figure measures 6 +feet in height, from the end of the toes to the top of the head, the +others being in proportion as represented. + +[Illustration: FIG. 12.--Petroglyph at Tule river, California.] + +“Upon the ceiling are a number of well executed drawings of the beaver, +bear, centipede (Fig. 12), and bald eagle (Fig. 13). Many of the other +forms indicated appear to represent some variety of insects, several of +which are drawn with exaggerated antennæ, as in Fig. 14. It is curious +to note the gradual blending of forms, as, for instance, that of the +bear with those resembling the human figure, often found among the +Shoshonean types in Arizona and New Mexico, some of which are described +and figured infra. + +[Illustration: FIG. 13.--Petroglyph at Tule river, California.] + +[Illustration: FIG. 14.--Petroglyph at Tule river, California.] + +“Fig. 15 embraces a number of characters on the ceiling. The left hand +upper figure is in black, with a narrow line of red surrounding it. The +drawing is executed neatly and measures about 18 inches in length. The +remaining characters are in dull red, probably ocher, though the two on +the left hand, beneath the one just mentioned, are more yellowish. + +[Illustration: FIG. 15.--Petroglyph at Tule river, California.] + +“The first three forms in Fig. 16 are copies of human-like figures +painted on the ceiling. They are each about 12 inches in length. The +other form in Fig. 16 is white and is on the southern vertical wall of +the passageway facing the north. It resembles some of the human forms +occurring elsewhere in the same series of petroglyphs.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 16.--Petroglyph at Tule river, California.] + + +OWENS VALLEY. + +In the range of mountains forming the northwestern boundary of Owens +valley are extensive groups of petroglyphs, apparently dissimilar to +those found west of the Sierra Nevada. Dr. Hoffman, of the Bureau of +Ethnology, hastily examined them in 1871 and more thoroughly in the +autumn of 1884. They are now represented in Pls. I to XI. So large +a space is given to these illustrations because of their intrinsic +interest, and also because it is desirable to show for one locality what +is true of some others, viz, the very large number of petroglyphs still +to be found in groups and series. Even with the present illustrations, +the petroglyphs in Owens valley are by no means exhaustively shown. + +Dr. Hoffman’s report is as follows: + + One of the most important series of groups is that in the + northern portion of Owens valley, between the White mountains on the + east and the Benton range on the west. On the western slope of the + latter, at Watterson’s ranch, is a detached low butte or mesa, upon + the blackened basaltic bowlders and cliffs of which are numerous + deeply cut characters, the most interesting of which are reproduced + in Pls. I and II. The illustrations are, approximately, one-twelfth + real size. The designs of footprints, in the lower left-hand corner + of Pl. I, vary in depth from half an inch to 1-1/2 inches. They + appear to have been pecked and finally worked down to a uniform and + smooth surface by rubbing, as if with a piece of stone or with wood + and sand. + + In almost all, if not all, instances throughout the entire + series referred to in this description the sculptured surfaces + have assumed the same shining blackened luster as the original and + undisturbed surface of the bowlder, caused by gradual oxidation of + the iron present. This would seem to indicate considerable antiquity + of the petroglyphs. + + On the northeast angle of the mesa referred to were found the + remains of an old camp, over which were scattered large quantities + of arrowheads, knives, and flakes of obsidian. This in itself would + be insignificant, but the fact that many of the specimens of this + material have been lying exposed to the elements until the upper + surface has undergone change in color, so as to become bleached + and friable, in some instances to the depth of from one-tenth to + one-fourth of an inch, warrants the inference that the relics may + have been made by the same people who made the petroglyphs, as the + worked relics generally differ from those of the present Indians by + being larger and less elaborately finished. + + At the lower end of the southeastern slope of the mesa are a + number of flat rocks bearing mortar holes, which have no doubt been + used in grinding grass seed and other grains. + + In general type these petroglyphs correspond very closely to + those of other areas, in which the so-called Shoshonian types + occur, the most common, apart from those presented in Pls. I and + II, consisting of concentric circles, rings, footprints of the bear + and of man, and various outlines of the human form, beside numerous + unintelligible forms. + + [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. I + + PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA.] + + [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. II + + PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA.] + + Southeastward of this locality there is a low divide leading + across the Benton range into the broad, arid, sloping sand desert + of Owens valley proper, but it is not until a point 12 miles + south of Benton, along the line of the old stage road, is reached + that petroglyphs of any consequence are met with. From this + point southward, for a distance of 6 miles, large exposures and + bowlders of basalt are scattered, upon which are great numbers of + petroglyphs, pecked into the rock to depths of from half an inch to + 1-1/2 inches, and representing circles, footprints, human forms, etc. + + The first series of illustrations, selected from numerous + closely-connected bowlders, are here presented on Pls. III to VII. + The designs marked _a_ on Pl. III resemble serpents, while that at + _d_ is obviously such. This device is on the horizontal surface, and + is pecked to the depth of about 1 inch. The scale of the drawing is + one-thirtieth of the original petroglyph. The characters indicating + the human form in _e_, _g_, and _h_ resemble the ordinary Shoshonian + type, and are like those from various localities in Arizona and + southern Utah and Colorado. + + [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. III + + PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA.] + + The upper characters in A on Pl. IV represent the trail of a + grizzly bear--as indicated by the immense claws--followed by a + human footprint. The original sculpturings are clearly cut, the + toes of the man’s foot being cup-like, as if drilled with a blunt + piece of wood and sand. The tracks average 15 inches in length and + vary in depth from half an inch to more than an inch. The course of + direction of the tracks, which are cut upon a horizontal surface, is + from north-northeast to south-southwest. + + [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. IV + + PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA.] + + In E is the semblance of an apparently two-headed snake, as also + in _a_ on Pl. VII. It is possible that this was pecked into the + rock to record the finding of such an anomaly. The occurrence of + double-headed serpents is not unique, five or six instances having + been recorded, one of which is from California, and a specimen may + be seen in the collection of the U. S. National Museum. + + In Pl. V, _c_, _e_, _g_ are characters resembling some from + the Canary islands [see Figs. 144 and 145], as well as many of the + cupstones and dumb-bell forms from Scotland [see Figs. 149 and 150]. + + [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. V + + PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA.] + + An interesting specimen is presented in _d_, on Pl. VI, + resembling the Ojibwa thunder bird, as well as etchings of Innuit + workmanship to denote man [as shown in Fig. 1159]. The figures + presented in Pl. III are the northernmost of the series, of which + those on Pl. VII form the southernmost examples, the distance + between these two points being about 2 miles. + + [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. VI + + PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA.] + + [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. VII + + PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA.] + + For the space of 4 miles southward there are a few scattered + petroglyphs, to which reference will be made below, and the greatest + number of characters are not found until the southernmost extremity + of the entire series is reached. These are over the surface of + immense bowlders lying on the east side of the road where it passes + through a little valley known locally as the Chalk grade, probably + on account of the whitened appearance of the sand and of some + of the embankments. A general view of the faces of the bowlders upon + which the chief sculpturings occur is presented in Fig. 17. The + petroglyphs are represented in Pls. VIII to XI. + + [Illustration: FIG. 17.--View of Chalk grade petroglyphs, Owens + valley.] + + The figures presented in Pl. VIII are, with one exception, each + about one-thirtieth the size of the original. The animal character + in _e_ is upon the top of the largest bowlder shown on Fig. 17, + and is pecked to the depth of from one-fourth to one-half an inch. + Portions of it are much defaced through erosion by sand blown by the + strong summer winds. The characters in _g_ are only one-tenth of the + original size, but of depth similar to the preceding. + + [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. VIII + + PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA.] + + On Pl. IX, _a_ is one-twentieth the size of the original, while + the remaining sculpturings are about one-tenth size. The cross in + _a_ is singularly interesting because of the elaborateness of its + execution. The surface within the circle is pecked out so as to have + the cross stand out bold and level with the original surface. This + is true also of _f_ on Pl. VIII. Pl. IX, _b_, contains some animal + forms like those reported from New Mexico and Arizona, and Brazil + [and presented in this work], especially that character to the right + resembling a guanaco couchant, although, from its relationship + to the figure of an antelope, in the same group, it no doubt is + intended to represent one of the latter species. + + [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. IX + + PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA.] + + On Pl. X, as well as on others of this collection, are found + many forms of circles with interior decoration, such as lines + arranged by pairs, threes, etc., zigzag and cross lines, and other + seemingly endless arrangements. They are interesting from the fact + of the occurrence of almost identical forms in remote localities, + as in the Canary islands and in Brazil. [These are figured and + described infra.] + + [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. X + + PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA.] + + It is probable that they are not meaningless, because the + disposition of the Indian, as he is to-day, is such that no time + would be spent upon such laborious work without an object, and only + motives of a religious or ceremonial nature would induce him to + expend the time and labor necessary to accomplish such results as + are still presented. On Pl. XI, _a_, are more footprints and animal + forms of the genus _cervus_ or _antelocapra_. The figures in _b_ and + _d_, having an upright line with two crossing it at right angles, + may signify either a lizard or man, the latter signification being + probably the true one, as similar forms are drawn in petroglyphs of + a Shoshonian type, as in Arizona. [See supra.] + + [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XI + + PETROGLYPHS IN OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA.] + + The country over which these records are scattered is arid + beyond description and destitute of vegetation. Watterson’s ranch + group is more favorably located, there being an abundance of springs + and a stream running northward toward Black lake. + + The only Indians found in this vicinity are Pai Utes, but they + are unacquainted with the significance of the characters, and + declare that they have no knowledge of the authors. + + As to the age of the sculpturings nothing can be learned. The + external surface of all the bowlders, as well as the surface of the + deepest figures, is a glistening brownish black, due, possibly, to + the presence of iron. The color of a freshly broken surface becomes + lighter in tint as depth is attained, until at about one-half or + three-fourths of an inch from the surface the rock is chocolate + brown. How long it would take the freshly broken surface of this + variety of rock to become thoroughly oxidized and blackened it + is impossible even to conjecture, taking into consideration the + physical conditions of the region and the almost entire absence of + rainfall. + + Upon following the most convenient course across the Benton + range to reach Owen valley proper drawings are also found, though in + limited numbers, and seem to partake of the character of indicators + as to course of travel. By this trail the northernmost of the + several groups of drawings above mentioned is the nearest and most + easily reached. + + The pictures upon the bowlders at Watterson’s are somewhat + different from those found elsewhere. The number of specific designs + is limited, many of them being reproduced from two to six or seven + times, thus seeming to partake of the character of personal names. + +In a communication dated Saratoga Springs, at the lower part of Death +valley, California, February 5, 1891, Mr. E. W. Nelson says that about +200 yards from the springs, and on the side of a hill, he found several +petroglyphs. He also furnished a sketch as an example of their general +type, now presented as Fig. 18. The locality is in the lower end of +Death valley. Mr. Nelson says: + +[Illustration: FIG. 18.--Petroglyphs in Death valley, California.] + + The spring here is in a basin some 60 to 80 acres in extent in + which are ponds and tule marsh. Close by is an extensive ancient + Indian camping ground, over which are scattered very many “chips” + made from manufacturing arrow points from quartz crystal, chert, + chalcedony, flint, and other similar material. + + The figures in the sketch inclosed are situated relatively, + as to size and location, as they occur on the rock. The latter is + cracked and slopes at different angles, but the figures are all + visible from a single point of view. There are several other figures + in this group that are too indistinct to copy owing to age, or + weather wearing. The group copied is the most extensive one seen, + but many smaller groups and single figures are to be found on the + rocks near by. + + The Shoshoni inhabit this region and a few families of Shoshoni + live about the Panamint mountains at present. + +Dr. C. Hart Merriam, of the Department of Agriculture, on his return +from the exploration of Death valley, kindly furnished a photograph of +a ledge in Emigrant canyon, Panamint mountains, which was received too +late for insertion in this work. This is much regretted, as a large +number of petroglyphs are represented in groups. The characters are of +the Shoshonean type. Among them are “Moki goats,” tridents, the Greek Φ, +many crosses, and other figures shown in this chapter as found in the +same general region. + +In the Mojave desert, about 2 miles north of Daggett station, according +to the Mining and Scientific Press (_a_) is a small porphyritic butte +known as “Rattlesnake rock,” “so named by reason of the immense +number of these reptiles that find shelter in this mass of rock.” The +accompanying Fig. 19 is a reproduction of that given in the paper +quoted. The author states that “the implement used in making these +characters was evidently a dull-pointed stone, as the lines are not +sharp, and the sides of the indentation show marks of striation.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 19.--Rattlesnake rock, Mojave desert, California.] + +Lieut. Whipple reports the discovery of pictographs at Piute creek, +about 30 miles west of the Mojave villages. These are carved upon a +rock, “are numerous, appear old, and are too confusedly obscured to +be easily traceable.” They bear great general resemblance to drawings +scattered over northeast Arizona, southern Utah, and western New Mexico. + +From information received from Mr. Alphonse Pinart, pictographic records +exist in the hills east of San Bernardino, somewhat resembling those at +Tule river in the southern spurs of the Sierra Nevada, Kern county. + +Mr. Willard J. Whitney, of Elmhurst, Lackawanna county, Pennsylvania, +gives information regarding nearly obliterated pecked petroglyphs upon +two flat granite rocks, or bowlders, on the summit of a mountain 4 miles +directly west of Escondido, San Diego county, California. The designs +are not colored, and are not more than one-eighth or one-fourth of an +inch in depth. There is a good lookout from the eminence, but there are +no indications of either trails or burials in the vicinity. + +This may be the locality mentioned by Mr. Barnes, of San Diego, who +furnished information relating to petroglyphs in San Diego county. + +Dr. Hoffman reports the following additional localities in Santa Barbara +and Los Angeles counties. Fifteen miles west of Santa Barbara, on the +northern summit of the Santa Ynez range, and near the San Marcos pass, +is a group of paintings in red and black. Fig. 20 resembles a portion of +a checker-board in the arrangement of squares. + +[Illustration: FIG. 20.--Petroglyph near San Marcos pass, +California.] + +Serpentine and zigzag lines occur, as also curved lines with serrations +on the concave sides; figures of the sun; short lines and groups of +short parallel lines, and figures representing types of insect forms +also appear, as shown in Figs. 21 and 22. + +[Illustration: FIG. 21.--Petroglyphs near San Marcos pass, California.] + +[Illustration: FIG. 22.--Petroglyphs near San Marcos pass, California.] + +These paintings are in a cavity near the base of an immense bowlder, +over 20 feet in height. A short distance from this is a flat granitic +bowlder, containing twenty-one mortar holes, which had evidently +been used by visiting Indians during the acorn season. Oaks are very +abundant, and their fruit formed one of the sources of subsistence. + +Three miles west-northwest of this locality, in the valley near the base +of the mountain, are indistinct figures in faded red, painted upon a +large rock. The characters appear similar, in general, to those above +mentioned. + +Forty-three miles west of Santa Barbara, in the Najowe valley, is a +promontory, at the base of which is a large shallow cavern, the opening +being smaller than the interior, upon the roof and back of which are +many designs, some of which are reproduced in Fig. 23, of forms similar +to those observed at San Marcos pass. Several characters appear to have +been drawn at a later date than others, such as horned cattle, etc. The +black used was a manganese compound, while the red pigments consist +of ferruginous clays, abundant at numerous localities in the mountain +canyons. + +[Illustration: FIG. 23.--Petroglyphs in Najowe valley, California.] + +Some of the human figures are drawn with the hands and arms in the +attitude of making the gestures for _surprise_ or _astonishment_, and +_negation_, as in Fig. 24. + +[Illustration: FIG. 24.--Petroglyphs in Najowe valley, California.] + +The characters in Fig. 25 resemble forms which occur at Tulare valley, +and in Owens valley, respectively, and insect forms also occur as in +Fig. 26. + +[Illustration: FIG. 25.--Petroglyphs, Najowe valley, California.] + +[Illustration: FIG. 26.--Petroglyphs in Najowe valley, California.] + +Other designs abounding at this locality are shown in Figs. 27 and 28. + +[Illustration: FIG. 27.--Petroglyphs in Najowe valley, California.] + +[Illustration: FIG. 28.--Petroglyphs in Najowe valley, California.] + +One of the most extensive groupings, and probably the most elaborately +drawn, is in the Carisa plain, near Mr. Oreña’s ranch, 60 or 70 miles +due north of Santa Barbara. The most conspicuous figure is that of +the sun, resembling a human face, with ornamental appendages at the +cardinal points, and bearing striking resemblance to some Moki masks and +pictographic work. Serpentine lines and anomalous forms also abound. + +Four miles northeast of Santa Barbara, near the residence of Mr. +Stevens, is an isolated sandstone bowlder measuring about 20 feet high +and 30 feet in diameter, upon the western side of which is a slight +cavity bearing designs shown in Fig. 29, which correspond in general +form to others in Santa Barbara county. The gesture for negation appears +in the attitude of the human figures. + +[Illustration: FIG. 29.--Petroglyphs near Santa Barbara, California.] + +Half a mile farther east, on Dr. Coe’s farm, is another smaller bowlder, +in a cavity of which various engravings appear shown in Fig. 30. Parts +of the drawings have disappeared through disintegration of the rock, +which is called “Pulpit rock,” on account of the shape of the cavity, +its position at the side of the narrow valley, and the echo observed +upon speaking a little above the ordinary tone of voice. + +[Illustration: FIG. 30.--Petroglyphs near Santa Barbara, California.] + +Painted rocks also occur in the Azuza canyon, about 30 miles northeast +of Los Angeles, of which Fig. 31 gives copies. + +[Illustration: FIG. 31.--Petroglyphs in Azuza canyon, California.] + +Just before his departure from the Santa Barbara region, Dr. Hoffman +was informed of the existence of eight or nine painted records in that +neighborhood, which up to that time had been observed only by a few +sheep-herders and hunters. + +Mr. L. L. Frost, of Susanville, California, reports the occurrence of +pictographs (undoubtedly petroglyphs) 15 miles south of that town, on +Willow creek, and at Milford, in the lower end of the valley. No details +were furnished as to their general type and condition. + +On Porter creek, 9 miles southwest of Healdsburg, on a large bowlder of +hornblende syenite, petroglyphs similar to those found in Arizona and +Nevada are to be seen. They are generally oblong circles or ovals, some +of which contain crosses. + +Figs. 32 and 33 are reduced copies 1/32 of original size of colored +petroglyphs found by Dr. Hoffman in September, 1884, 12 miles +west-northwest of the city of Santa Barbara, California. The locality +is almost at the summit of the Santa Ynez range of mountains; the gray +sandstone rock on which they are painted is about 30 feet high and +projects from a ridge so as to form a very marked promontory extending +into a narrow mountain canyon. At the base of the western side of this +bowlder is a rounded cavity, measuring on the inside about 15 feet in +width and 8 feet in height. The floor ascends rapidly toward the back +of the cave, and the entrance is rather smaller in dimensions than the +above measurements of the interior. About 40 yards west of this rock +is a fine spring of water. One of the four old Indian trails leading +northward across the mountains passes by this locality, and it is +probable that this was one of the camping places of the tribe which +came south to trade, and that some of its members were the authors of +the paintings. The three trails beside the one just mentioned cross the +mountains at several points east of this, the most distant being about +15 miles. Other trails were known, but these four were most direct to +the immediate vicinity of the Spanish settlement which sprang up shortly +after the establishment of the Santa Barbara mission in 1786. The +appearance and position of these and other pictographs in the vicinity +appear to be connected with the several trails. The colors used in the +paintings are red and black. + +[Illustration: FIG. 32.--Petroglyph in Santa Barbara county, California.] + +The circles figured in _b_ and _d_ of Fig. 32, and _c_, _r_, and _w_ +of Fig. 33, together with other similar circular marks bearing cross +lines upon the interior, were at first unintelligible, as their forms +among various tribes have very different signification. The character +in Fig. 32, above and projecting from _d_, resembles the human form, +with curious lateral bands of black and white, alternately. Two similar +characters appear, also, in Fig. 33, _a_, _b_. In _a_ the lines from the +head would seem to indicate a superior rank or condition of the person +depicted. + +At the private ethnologic collection of Mr. A. F. Coronel, of Los +Angeles, California, Dr. Hoffman discovered a clue to the general import +of the above petroglyphs, as well as the signification of some of their +characters. In a collection of colored illustrations of old Mexican +costumes he found blankets bearing borders and colors nearly identical +with those shown in the circles in Fig. 32, _d_, and Fig. 33, _c_, _r_, +_w_. It is probable that the circles represent bales of blankets which +early became articles of trade at the Santa Barbara mission. If this +supposition is correct, the cross lines would seem to represent the +cords used in tying the blankets into bales, which same cross lines +appear as cords in _l_, Fig. 33. Mr. Coronel also possesses small +figures of Mexicans, of various conditions of life, costumes, trades, +and professions, one of which, a painted statuette, is a representation +of a Mexican lying down flat upon an outspread serape, similar in +color and form to the black and white bands shown in the upper figure +of _d_, Fig. 32, and _a_, _b_, of Fig. 33, and instantly suggesting +the explanation of those figures. Upon the latter the continuity of +the black and white bands is broken, as the human figures are probably +intended to be in front, or on top, of the drawings of the blankets. + +[Illustration: FIG. 33.--Petroglyph in Santa Barbara county, California.] + +The small statuette above mentioned is that of a Mexican trader, and +if the circles in the petroglyphs are considered to represent bales of +blankets, the character in Fig. 32, _d_, is still more interesting, +from the union of one of these circles with a character representing +the trader, i. e., the man possessing the bales. Bales, or what appear +to be bales, are represented to the top and right of the circle in +_d_, in that figure. In Fig. 33, _l_, a bale is upon the back of what +appears to be a horse, led in an upward direction by an Indian whose +headdress and ends of the breechcloth are visible. To the right of the +bale are three short lines, evidently showing the knot or ends of the +cords used in tying a bale of blankets without colors, therefore of less +importance, or of other goods. Other human forms appear in the attitude +of making gestures, one also in _j_, Fig. 33, probably carrying a bale +of goods. In the same figure _u_ represents a centipede, an insect found +occasionally south of the mountains, but reported as extremely rare in +the immediate northern regions. For remarks upon _x_ in the same figure +see Chapter XX, Section 2, under the heading The Cross. + +Mr. Coronel stated that when he first settled in Los Angeles, in 1843, +the Indians living north of the San Fernando mountains manufactured +blankets of the fur and hair of animals, showing transverse bands of +black and white similar to those depicted, which were sold to the +inhabitants of the valley of Los Angeles and to Indians who transported +them to other tribes. + +It is probable that the pictographs are intended to represent the +salient features of a trading expedition from the north. The ceiling of +the cavity found between the paintings represented in the two figures +has disappeared, owing to disintegration, thus leaving a blank about 4 +feet long, and 6 feet from the top to the bottom between the paintings +as now presented. + + +COLORADO. + +Petroglyphs are reported by Mr. Cyrus F. Newcomb as found upon cliffs +on Rock creek, 15 miles from Rio Del Norte, Colorado. Three small +photographs, submitted with this statement, indicate the characters to +have been pecked; they consist of men on horseback, cross-shaped human +figures, animals, and other designs greatly resembling those found in +the country of the Shoshonean tribes, examples of which are given infra. + +Another notice of the same general locality is made by Capt. E. L. +Berthoud (_a_) as follows: + + The place is 20 miles southeast of Rio Del Norte, at the + entrance of the canyon of the Piedra Pintada (Painted rock) creek. + The carvings are found on the right of the canyon or valley and + upon volcanic rocks. They bear the marks of age and are cut in, not + painted, as is still done by the Utes everywhere. They are found + for a quarter of a mile along the north wall of the canyon, on + the ranches of W. M. Maguire and F. T. Hudson, and consist of all + manner of pictures, symbols, and hieroglyphics done by artists whose + memory even tradition does not now preserve. The fact that these + are carvings done upon such hard rock invests them with additional + interest, as they are quite distinct from the carvings I saw in + New Mexico and Arizona on soft sandstone. Though some of them + are evidently of much greater antiquity than others, yet all are + ancient, the Utes admitting them to have been old when their fathers + conquered the country. + +Mr. Charles D. Wright, of Durango, Colorado, in a communication dated +February 20, 1885, gives an account of some “hieroglyphs” on rocks and +upon the walls of cliff houses near the boundary line between Colorado +and New Mexico. He says: + + The following were painted in red and black paints on the wall + (apparently the natural rock wall) of a cliff house: At the head + was a chief on his horse, armed with spear and lance and wearing + a pointed hat and robe; behind this character were some twenty + characters representing people on horses lassoing horses, etc. In + fact the whole scene represented breaking camp and leaving in a + hurry. The whole painting measured about 12 by 16 feet. + +Mr. Wright further reports characters on rocks near the San Juan river. +Four characters represent men as if in the act of taking an obligation, +hands extended, and wearing a “kind of monogram on breast, and at their +right are some hieroglyphics written in black paint covering a space 3 +by 4 feet.” + +The best discussed and probably the most interesting of the petroglyphs +in the region are described and illustrated by Mr. W. H. Holmes (_a_), +of the Bureau of Ethnology. The illustrations are here reproduced in +Figs. 34 to 37, and the remarks of Mr. Holmes, slightly condensed, are +as follows: + + The forms reproduced in Fig. 34 occur on the Rio Mancos, near + the group of cliff houses. They are chipped into the rock evidently + by some very hard implement and rudely represent the human figure. + They are certainly not attempts to represent nature, but have the + appearance rather of arbitrary forms, designed to symbolize some + imaginary being. + + [Illustration: FIG. 34.--Petroglyphs on the Rio Mancos, + Colorado.] + + The forms shown in Fig. 35 were found in the same locality, not + engraved, but painted in red and white clay upon the smooth rocks. + These were certainly done by the cliff-builders, and probably while + the houses were in process of construction, since the material used + is identical with the plaster of the houses. The sketches and + notes were made by Mr. Brandegee. The reproduction is approximately + one-twelfth the size of the original. + + [Illustration: FIG. 35.--Petroglyphs on the Rio Mancos, + Colorado.] + + The examples shown in Fig. 36 occur on the Rio San Juan about + 10 miles below the mouth of the Rio La Plata and are actually in + New Mexico. A low line of bluffs, composed of light-colored massive + sandstones that break down in great smooth-faced blocks, rises from + the river level and sweeps around toward the north. Each of these + great blocks has offered a very tempting tablet to the graver of the + primitive artist, and many of them contain curious and interesting + inscriptions. Drawings were made of such of these as the limited + time at my disposal would permit. They are all engraved or cut + into the face of the rock, and the whole body of each figure has + generally been chipped out, frequently to the depth of one-fourth or + one-half of an inch. + + [Illustration: FIG. 36.--Petroglyphs on the Rio San Juan, New + Mexico.] + + The work on some of the larger groups has been one of immense + labor, and must owe its completion to strong and enduring motives. + With a very few exceptions the engraving bears undoubted evidence + of age. Such new figures as occur are quite easily distinguished + both by the freshness of the chipped surfaces and by the designs + themselves. The curious designs given in the final group have a + very perceptible resemblance to many of the figures used in the + embellishment of pottery. + + The most striking group observed is given in Fig. 37 A, same + locality. It consists of a great procession of men, birds, beasts, + and fanciful figures. The whole picture as placed upon a rock is + highly spirited and the idea of a general movement toward the right, + skillfully portrayed. A pair of winged figures hover about the train + as if to watch, or direct its movements; behind these are a number + of odd figures, followed by an antlered animal resembling a deer, + which seems to be drawing a notched sledge containing two figures + of men. The figures forming the main body of the procession appear + to be tied together in a continuous line, and in form resemble one + living creature about as little as another. Many of the smaller + figures above and below are certainly intended to represent dogs, + while a number of men are stationed about here and there as if to + keep the procession in order. + + [Illustration: FIG. 37.--Petroglyphs on the Rio San Juan, New + Mexico.] + + As to the importance of the event recorded in this picture, + no conclusions can be drawn; it may represent the migration of a + tribe or family or the trophies of a victory. A number of figures + are wanting in the drawing at the left, while some of those at the + right may not belong properly to the main group. The reduction is, + approximately, to one-twelfth. + + Designs B and C of the same figure represent only the more + distinct portions of two other groups. The complication of figures + is so great that a number of hours would have been necessary for + their delineation, and an attempt to analyze them here would be + fruitless. + +It will be noticed that the last two petroglyphs are in New Mexico, but +they are so near the border of Colorado and so connected with the series +in that state that they are presented under the same heading. + + +CONNECTICUT. + +The following account is extracted from Rafn’s Antiquitates Americanæ +(_a_): + + In the year 1789 Doctor Ezra Stiles, D. D., visited a rock + situated in the Township of Kent in the State of Connecticut, at a + place called Scaticook, by the Indians. He thus describes it: “Over + against Scaticook and about one hundred rods East of Housatonic + River, is an eminence or elevation which is called Cobble Hill. + On the top of this stands the rock charged with antique unknown + characters. This rock is by itself and not a portion of the + Mountains; it is of White Flint; ranges North and South; is from + twelve to fourteen feet long; and from eight to ten wide at base and + top; and of an uneven surface. On the top I did not perceive any + characters; but the sides all around are irregularly charged with + unknown characters, made not indeed with the incision of a chisel, + yet most certainly with an iron tool, and that by pecks or picking, + after the manner of the Dighton Rock. The Lacunae or excavations are + from a quarter to an inch wide; and from one tenth to two tenths of + an inch deep. The engraving did not appear to be recent or new, but + very old.” + + +GEORGIA. + +Charles C. Jones, jr., (_a_) describes a petroglyph in Georgia as +follows: + + In Forsyth county, Georgia, is a carved or incised bowlder of + fine grained granite, about 9 feet long, 4 feet 6 inches high, and 3 + feet broad at its widest point. The figures are cut in the bowlder + from one-half to three-fourths of an inch deep. It is generally + believed that they are the work of the Cherokees. + +The illustration given by him is here reproduced in Fig. 38. It will +be noted that the characters in it are chiefly circles, including +plain, nucleated, and concentric, sometimes two or more being joined +by straight lines, forming what is now known as the “spectacle shaped” +figure. The illustrations should be compared with the many others +presented in this paper under the heading of Cup Sculptures, see Chapter +V, infra. + +[Illustration: FIG. 38.--Petroglyphs in Georgia.] + +Dr. M. F. Stephenson (_a_) mentions sculptures of human feet, various +animals, bear tracks, etc., in Enchanted mountain, Union county, +Georgia. The whole number of sculptures is reported as one hundred and +forty-six. + +Mr. Jones (_b_) gives a different résumé of the objects depicted, as +follows: + + Upon the Enchanted mountain, in Union county, cut in plutonic + rock, are the tracks of men, women, children, deer, bears, bisons, + turkeys, and terrapins, and the outlines of a snake, of two deer, + and of a human hand. These sculptures--so far as they have been + ascertained and counted--number one hundred and thirty-six. The + most extravagant among them is that known as the footprint of the + “Great Warrior.” It measures 18 inches in length and has six toes. + The other human tracks and those of the animals are delineated with + commendable fidelity. + + +IDAHO. + +Mr. G. K. Gilbert, of the U. S. Geological Survey, has furnished a small +collection of drawings of Shoshonean petroglyphs from Oneida, Idaho, +shown in Fig. 39. Some of them appear to be totemic characters, and +possibly were made to record the names of visitors to the locality. + +[Illustration: FIG. 39.--Petroglyphs in Idaho (Shoshonean).] + +Mr. Willard D. Johnson, of the U. S. Geological Survey, reports +pictographic remains observed by him near Oneida, Idaho, in 1879. The +figures represent human beings and were on a rock of basalt. + +A copy of another petroglyph found in Idaho appears in Fig. 1092, infra. + + +ILLINOIS. + +Petroglyphs are reported by Mr. John Criley as occurring near Ava, +Jackson county, Illinois. The outlines of the characters observed by him +were drawn from memory and submitted to Mr. Charles S. Mason, of Toledo, +Ohio, through whom they were furnished to the Bureau of Ethnology. +Little reliance can be placed upon the accuracy of such drawing, but +from the general appearance of the sketches the originals of which they +are copies were probably made by one of the middle Algonquian tribes of +Indians. + +The “Piasa” rock, as it is generally designated, was referred to by the +missionary explorer Marquette in 1675. Its situation was immediately +above the city of Alton, Illinois. + +Marquette’s remarks are translated by Dr. Francis Parkman (_a_) as +follows: + + On the flat face of a high rock were painted, in red, black, and + green, a pair of monsters, each “as large as a calf, with horns like + a deer, red eyes, a beard like a tiger, and a frightful expression + of countenance. The face is something like that of a man, the body + covered with scales; and the tail so long that it passes entirely + round the body, over the head, and between the legs, ending like + that of a fish.” + +Another version, by Davidson and Struvé (_a_), of the discovery of the +petroglyph is as follows: + + Again they (Joliet and Marquette) were floating on the broad + bosom of the unknown stream. Passing the mouth of the Illinois, + they soon fell into the shadow of a tall promontory, and with great + astonishment beheld the representation of two monsters painted on + its lofty limestone front. According to Marquette, each of these + frightful figures had the face of a man, the horns of a deer, the + beard of a tiger, and the tail of a fish so long that it passed + around the body, over the head, and between the legs. It was an + object of Indian worship and greatly impressed the mind of the pious + missionary with the necessity of substituting for this monstrous + idolatry the worship of the true God. + +A footnote connected with the foregoing quotation gives the following +description of the same rock: + + Near the mouth of the Piasa creek, on the bluff, there is a + smooth rock in a cavernous cleft, under an overhanging cliff, on + whose face, 50 feet from the base, are painted some ancient pictures + or hieroglyphics, of great interest to the curious. They are placed + in a horizontal line from east to west, representing men, plants, + and animals. The paintings, though protected from dampness and + storms, are in great part destroyed, marred by portions of the rock + becoming detached and falling down. + +Mr. McAdams (_a_), of Alton, Illinois, says “The name Piasa is Indian +and signifies, in the Illini, ‘The bird which devours men.’” He +furnishes a spirited pen-and-ink sketch, 12 by 15 inches in size and +purporting to represent the ancient painting described by Marquette. +On the picture is inscribed the following in ink: “Made by Wm. Dennis, +April 3d, 1825.” The date is in both letters and figures. On the top of +the picture in large letters are the two words, “FLYING DRAGON.” This +picture, which has been kept in the old Gilham family of Madison county +and bears the evidence of its age, is reproduced as Fig. 40. + +[Illustration: FIG. 40.--The Piasa petroglyph.] + +He also publishes another representation (Fig. 41) with the following +remarks: + + One of the most satisfactory pictures of the Piasa we have + ever seen is in an old German publication entitled “The Valley of + the Mississippi Illustrated. Eighty illustrations from nature, by + H. Lewis, from the Falls of St. Anthony to the Gulf of Mexico,” + published about the year 1839 by Arenz & Co., Düsseldorf, Germany. + One of the large full-page plates in this work gives a fine view of + the bluff at Alton, with the figure of the Piasa on the face of the + rock. It is represented to have been taken on the spot by artists + from Germany. We reproduce that part of the bluff (the whole picture + being too large for this work) which shows the pictographs. In the + German picture there is shown just behind the rather dim outlines of + the second face a ragged crevice, as though of a fracture. Part of + the bluff’s face might have fallen and thus nearly destroyed one of + the monsters, for in later years writers speak of but one figure. + The whole face of the bluff was quarried away in 1846-’47. + +[Illustration: FIG. 41.--The Piasa petroglyph.] + +Under Myths and Mythic Animals, Chapter XIV, Section 2, are +illustrations and descriptions which should be compared with these +accounts, and Chapter XXII gives other examples of errors and +discrepancies in the description and copying of petroglyphs. + +Mr. A. D. Jones (_a_) says of the same petroglyph: + + After the distribution of firearms among the Indians, bullets + were substituted for arrows, and even to this day no savage presumes + to pass the spot without discharging his rifle and raising his shout + of triumph. I visited the spot in June (1838) and examined the image + and the ten thousand bullet marks on the cliff seemed to corroborate + the tradition related to me in the neighborhood. + +Mr. McAdams, loc. cit., also reports regarding Fig. 42: + +[Illustration: FIG. 42.--Petroglyph on the Illinois river.] + + Some twenty-five or thirty miles above the mouth of the Illinois + river, on the west bank of that stream, high up on the smooth + face of an overhanging cliff, is another interesting pictograph + sculptured deeply in the hard rock. It remains to-day probably in + nearly the same condition it was when the French voyagers first + descended the river and got their first view of the Mississippi. + The animal-like body, with the human head, is carved in the rock in + outline. The huge eyes are depressions like saucers, an inch or more + in depth, and the outline of the body has been scooped out in the + same way; also the mouth. + + The figure of the archer with the drawn bow, however, is + painted, or rather stained with a reddish brown pigment, over the + sculptured outline of the monster’s face. + +Mr. McAdams suggests that the painted figure of the human form with the +bow and arrows was made later than the sculpture. + +The same author (_b_) says, describing Fig. 43: + +[Illustration: FIG. 43.--Petroglyph near Alton, Illinois.] + + Some 3 or 4 miles above Alton, high up beneath the overhanging + cliff, which forms a sort of cave shelter on the smooth face of a + thick ledge of rock, is a series of paintings, twelve in number. + They are painted or rather stained in the rock with a reddish brown + pigment that seems to defy the tooth of time. It may be said, + however, that their position is so sheltered that they remain almost + perfectly dry. We made sketches of them some thirty years ago and on + a recent visit could see that they had changed but little, although + their appearance denotes great age. + + These pictographs are situated on the cliff more than a hundred + feet above the river. A protruding ledge, which is easily reached + from a hollow in the bluff, leads to the cavernous place in the rock. + +Mr. James D. Middleton, formerly of the Bureau of Ethnology, mentions +the occurrence of petroglyphs on the bluffs of the Mississippi river, in +Jackson county, about 12 miles below Rockwood. Also of others about 4 or +5 miles from Prairie du Rocher, near the Mississippi river. + + +IOWA. + +Mr. P. W. Norris, of the Bureau of Ethnology, found numerous caves on +the banks of the Mississippi river, in northeastern Iowa, 4 miles south +of New Albion, containing incised petroglyphs. Fifteen miles south of +this locality paintings occur on the cliffs. He also discovered painted +characters upon the cliffs on the Mississippi river, 19 miles below New +Albion. + + +KANSAS. + +Mr. Edward Miller reports in Proceedings of the American Philosophical +Society, vol. X, 1869, p. 383, the discovery of a petroglyph near the +line of the Union Pacific railroad, 15 miles southeast of Fort Harker, +formerly known as Fort Ellsworth, Kansas. The petroglyph is upon a +formation belonging to No. 1, Lower Cretaceous group, according to the +classification of Meek and Hayden. + +The parts of the two plates VII and VIII of the work cited, which bear +the inscriptions, are now presented as Fig. 44, being from two views of +the same rock. + +[Illustration: FIG. 44.--Petroglyphs in Kansas.] + + +KENTUCKY. + +Mr. James D. Middleton, formerly of the Bureau of Ethnology, in a +letter dated August 14, 1886, reports that at a point in Union county, +Kentucky, nearly opposite Shawneetown, Illinois, petroglyphs are found, +and from the description given by him they appear to resemble those in +Jackson county, Illinois, mentioned above. + +Mr. W. E. Barton, of Wellington, Ohio, in a communication dated October +4, 1890, writes as follows: + + At Clover Bottom, Kentucky, on a spur of the Big Hill, in + Jackson county, about 13 miles from Berea, is a large rock which + old settlers say was covered with soil and vegetation within their + memory. Upon it are representations of human tracks, with what + appear to be those of a bear, a horse, and a dog. These are all in + the same direction, as though a man leading a horse, followed the + dog upon the bear’s track. Crossing these is a series of tracks of + another and larger sort which I can not attempt to identify. The + stone is a sandstone in the subcarboniferous. As I remember, the + strata are nearly horizontal, but erosion has made the surface a + slope of about 20°. The tracks ascending the slope cross the strata. + I have not seen them for some years. + + The crossing of the strata shows that the tracks are the work of + human hands, if indeed it were not preposterous to think of anything + else in rocks of that period. Still the tracks are so well made that + one is tempted to ask if they can be real. They alternate right and + left, though the erosion and travel have worn out some of the left + tracks. A wagon road passes over the rock and was the cause of the + present exposure of the stone. It can be readily found a fourth of a + mile or less from the Pine Grove schoolhouse. + + +MAINE. + +A number of inscribed rocks have been found in Maine and information of +others has been obtained. The most interesting of them and the largest +group series yet discovered in New England is shown in Pl. XII. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XII + +PETROGLYPHS IN MAINE.] + +The rock upon which the glyphs appear is in the town of Machiasport, +Maine, at Clarks point, on the northwestern side of Machias bay, 2 +miles below the mouth of Machias river. The rock or ledge is about 50 +feet long from east to west and about fifteen feet in width, nearly +horizontal for two-thirds its length, from the bank or western end at +high water, thence inclining at an angle of 15° to low-water mark. +Its southern face is inclined about 40°. The formation is schistose +slate, having a transverse vein of trap dike extending nearly across +its section. Nearly the entire ledge is of blue-black color, very dense +and hard except at the upper or western end, where the periodical +formation of ice has scaled off thin layers of surface and destroyed +many figures which are remembered by persons now living. The ebb and +flow of tides, the abrasion of moving beach stones or pebble wash and +of ice-worn bowlders, have also effaced many figures along the southern +side, until now but one or two indentations are discernible. Visitors, +in seeking to remove some portion of the rock as a curiosity or in +striving to perpetuate their initials, have obscured several of the +most interesting, and until recently the best defined figures. It was +also evident to the present writer, who carefully examined the rock in +1888, that it lay much deeper in the water than once had been the case. +At the lowest tides there were markings seen still lower, which could +not readily have been made if that part of the surface had not been +continuously exposed. The depression of a rock of such great size, which +was so gradual that it had not been observed by the inhabitants of the +neighboring settlement, is an evidence of the antiquity of the peckings. + +The intaglio carving of all the figures was apparently made by repeated +blows of a pointed instrument--doubtless of hard stone; not held as +a chisel, but working by a repetition of hammerings or peckings. +The deepest now seen is about three-eighths of an inch. The amount +of patient labor bestowed upon these figures must have been great, +considering the hardness of the rock and the rude implement with which +they were wrought. + +There is no extrinsic evidence of their age. The place was known to +traders early in the seventeenth century, and much earlier was visited +by Basque fishermen, and perhaps by the unfortunate Cortereals in 1500 +and 1503. The descendants of the Mechises Indians, a tribal branch of +the Abnaki, who once occupied the territory between the St. Croix and +Narraguagus rivers, when questioned many years ago, would reply in +substance that “all their old men knew of them,” either by having seen +them or by traditions handed down through many generations. + +Several years ago Mr. H. R. Taylor, of Machias, who made the original +sketch in 1868 and kindly furnished it to the Bureau of Ethnology, +applied to a resident Indian there (Peter Benoit, then nearly 80 years +old) for assistance in deciphering the characters. He gave little +information, but pointed out that the figures must not all be read “from +one side only,” thus, the one near the center of the sketch, which seen +from the south was without significance, became from the opposite +point a squaw with sea fowl on her head, denoting, as he said, “that +squaw had smashed canoe, saved beaver-skin, walked one-half moon all +alone toward east, just same as heron wading alongshore.” Also that +the three lines below the figure mentioned, which together resemble a +bird track or a trident, represent the three rivers, the East, West, +and Middle rivers of Machias, which join not far above the locality. +The mark having a rough resemblance to a feather, next on the right of +this river-sign, is a fissure in the rock. Most of the figures of human +beings and other animals are easily recognizable. + +Peckings of a character similar to those on the Picture rock at Clarks +point, above described, were found and copied 600 feet south of it at +high-water mark on a rock near Birch point. Others were discovered and +traced on a rock on Hog island, in Holmes bay, a part of Machias bay. +All these petroglyphs were without doubt of Abnaki origin, either of +the Penobscot or the Passamaquoddy divisions of that body of Indians. +The rocks lay on the common line of water communication between those +divisions and were convenient as halting places. + + +MARYLAND. + +In the Susquehanna river, about half a mile south of the state line, +is a group of rocks, several of the most conspicuous being designated +as the “Bald Friars.” Near by are several mound-shaped bowlders of the +so-called “nigger-head” rock, which is reported as a dark-greenish +chlorite schist. Upon the several bowlders are deep sculpturings, +apparently finished by rubbing the depression with stone, or wood and +sand, thus leaving sharp and distinct edges to the outlines. Some of +these figures are an inch in depth, though the greater number are +becoming more and more eroded by the frequent freshets, and by the +running ice during the breaking up in early spring of the frozen river. + +The following account is given by Prof. P. Frazer (_a_): + + Passing the Pennsylvania state line one reaches the southern + barren serpentine rocks, which are in general tolerably level for a + considerable distance. + + About 700 yards, or 640 meters, south of the line, on the river + shore, are rocks which have been named the Bald Friars. French’s + tavern is here, at the mouth of a small stream which empties into + the Susquehanna. About 874 yards (800 meters) south of this tavern + are a number of islands which have local names, but which are + curious as containing inscriptions of the aborigines. + + The material of which most of these islands are composed is + chlorite schist, but as this rock is almost always distinguished by + the quartz veins which intersect it, so in this case some of the + islands are composed of this material almost exclusively, which + gives them a very striking white appearance. + + One of these, containing the principal inscriptions, is called + Miles island. + + The figures, which covered every part of the rocks that were + exposed, were apparently of historical or at least narrative + purport, since they seemed to be connected. Doubtless the larger + portion of the inscription has been carried away by the successive + vicissitudes which have broken up and defaced, and in some instances + obliterated, parts of which we find evidence of the previous + existence on the islands. + + Every large bowlder seems to contain some traces of previous + inscription, and in many instances the pictured side of the bowlder + is on its under side, showing that it has been detached from its + original place. The natural agencies are quite sufficient to account + for any amount of this kind of displacement, for the rocks in their + present condition are not refractory and offer no great resistance + to the wear of weather and ice; but in addition to this must be + added human agencies. + + Amongst other things, they represent the conventional Indian + serpent’s head, with varying numbers of lines. + + Some of the signs next frequently recurring were concentric + circles, in some cases four and in other cases a lesser number. + +[Illustration: FIG. 45.--Bald Friar rock, Maryland.] + +Fig. 45 is a reproduction of Prof. Frazer’s illustration. + +This region was also referred to by Dr. Charles Rau (_a_), his cut from +the specimen in the collection of the Smithsonian Institution (Mus. No. +39010) being here reproduced as Fig. 46. + +[Illustration: FIG. 46.--Slab from Bald Friar rock, Maryland.] + +During the autumn of the years 1888 and 1889 Dr. Hoffman visited these +rocks, securing sketches and measurements, the former of which are +reproduced in Figs. 47 and 48. The figures are deeply cut, as if rubbed +down with sand and a round stick of green wood. The deepest channels, +varying from three-fourths to 1-1/4 inches across and almost as deep +as they are wide, appear as if cut out with a gouge, and for this +reason bear a strong resemblance to the petroglyphs in Owens valley, +California. In whatever manner these sculpturings were made, it is +evident that much time and great labor were expended upon them, as this +variety of rock, locally termed “Nigger-head,” is extremely hard. + +[Illustration: FIG. 47.--Top of Bald Friar rock, Maryland.] + +Fig. 45 represents a bird’s-eye view of the top of the rock, bearing the +greater amount of workmanship. The petroglyphs cover a surface measuring +about 5 feet by 4 feet 6 inches. The extreme ends of the figures extend +beyond the irregular horizontal surface and project over the rounded +edge of the rock, so that the line, at the left-hand lower part of the +illustration, dips at an angle of about 45°. The two short lines at the +extreme right are upon the side of the upper edge of the rock, where the +surface inclines at an angle of 30°. + +Some of the figures are indefinite, which is readily accounted for by +the fact that the rock is in the river, a considerable distance from +shore, and annually subjected to freshets and to erosion by floating +logs and drift material. The characters at the right end of the upper +row resemble those near Washington, Lancaster county, Pennsylvania. (See +Fig. 73.) + +Fig. 48 presents three characters, selected from other portions of the +rock, to illustrate the variety of designs found. They are like some +found at Owens valley, California, as will be observed by comparing them +with the descriptions and plates under that heading in this section. The +left-hand figure is 4 inches in diameter, the middle one 6 inches wide +and about 15 inches in height, and the third, or right-hand, is composed +of concentric rings, measuring about 10 inches across. + +[Illustration: FIG. 48.--Characters from Bald Friar rock, Maryland.] + + +MASSACHUSETTS. + +The following description of the much-discussed Dighton rock is taken +from Schoolcraft (_b_), where it is accompanied with a plate, now +reproduced as Fig. 49: + +[Illustration: FIG. 49.--Dighton rock, Massachusetts.] + + The ancient inscription on a bowlder of greenstone rock lying in + the margin of the Assonet or Taunton river, in the area of ancient + Vinland, was noticed by the New England colonists so early as 1680, + when Dr. Danforth made a drawing of it. This outline, together with + several subsequent copies of it, at different eras, reaching to + 1830, all differing considerably in their details, but preserving + a certain general resemblance, is presented in the Antiquatés + Americanes [_sic_] (Tables XI, XII), and referred to the same + era of Scandinavian discovery. The imperfections of the drawings + (including that executed under the auspices of the Rhode Island + Historical Society in 1839, Table XII), and the recognition of some + characters bearing more or less resemblance to antique Roman letters + and figures, may be considered to have misled Mr. Magnusen in his + interpretation of it. From whatever cause, nothing could, it would + seem, have been wider from the purport and true interpretation of + it. It is of purely Indian origin, and is executed in the peculiar + symbolic character of the Kekeewin. + +A number of copies of the inscriptions on this rock, taken at different +times by different persons, are given below in Chapter XXII, sec. 2, +with remarks upon them. + +Dr. Hoffman visited the locality in 1886, and found that the surface was +becoming rapidly destroyed from the frequent use of scrubbing with broom +and water to remove the film of sand and dirt which is daily deposited +by every tide, the rock being situated at a short distance inshore. +Visitors are frequent, and the guide or ferryman does not interfere with +them so long as he can show his passengers the famous inscription. + +The resemblance between the characters on this rock and those found in +western Pennsylvania, near Millsboro, Fig. 75, and south of Franklin, on +the “Indian God rock,” Fig. 74, will be noted. + +In Rafn’s Antiq. Amer. (_b_) is the following account: + + A large stone, on which is a line of considerable length in + unknown characters, has been recently found in Rutland, Worcester + county, Massachusetts; they are regularly placed, and the strokes + are filled with a black composition nearly as hard as the rock + itself. The Committee also adds that a similar rock is to be found + in Swanzy, county of Bristol and Commonwealth of Massachusetts, + perhaps ten miles from the Dighton Rock. + + +MINNESOTA. + +The late Mr. P. W. Norris, who was connected with the Bureau of +Ethnology, reported large numbers of pecked totemic characters on the +horizontal faces of the ledges of rock at Pipestone quarry in Minnesota, +and presented some imitations of the peckings. There is a tradition +that it was formerly the custom for each Indian who gathered stone +(catlinite) for pipes, to inscribe his totem (whether clan or tribal +or personal totem is not specified) upon the rock before venturing to +quarry upon this ground. Some of the cliffs in the immediate vicinity +were of too hard a nature to admit of pecking or scratching, and upon +these the characters were placed in colors. Mr. Norris distinguished +bird tracks, the outline of a bird resembling a pelican, deer, turtle, a +circle with an interior cross, and a human figure. + +Examples of so-called totemic designs from this locality are given in +Fig. 50, which are reproduced from the work of R. Cronau (_a_): + +[Illustration: FIG. 50.--Petroglyphs at Pipestone, Minn.] + +The same petroglyphs and also others at the Pipestone quarry are +described and illustrated by Prof. N. H. Winchell (_a_). A part of his +remarks is as follows: + + On the glaciated surface of the quartzite about the “Three + Maidens,” which is kept clean by the rebound of the winds, are a + great many rude inscriptions, which were made by pecking out the + rock with some sharp-pointed instrument or by the use of other + pieces of quartzite. They are of different sizes and dates, the + latter being evinced by their manner of crossing and interfering + and by the evident difference in the weight of the instruments + used. They generally represent some animal, such as the turtle, + bear, wolf, buffalo, elk, and the human form. The “crane’s foot” + is the most common; next is the image of men; next the turtle. It + would seem as if any warrior or hunter who had been successful and + happened to pass here left his tribute of thanks to the great spirit + in a rude representation of his game and perhaps a figure of himself + on the rocks about these bowlders, or perhaps had in a similar way + invoked the good offices of the spirits of his clan when about to + enter on some expedition. In some cases there is a connection of + several figures by a continuous line, chipped in the surface of the + rock in such a manner as if some legend or adventure were narrated, + but for the most part the figures are isolated. This is the “sacred + ground” of the locality. Such markings can be seen at no other + place, though there is abundance of bare, smooth rock. (Similar + inscriptions are found on the red quartzite in Cottonwood county). + The excavation of the surface of the rock is very slight, generally + not exceeding a sixteenth of an inch, and sometimes only enough to + leave a tracing of the designed form. The hardness of the rock was + a barrier to deep sculpturing with the imperfect instruments of the + aborigines; but it has effectually preserved the rude forms that + were made. The fine glacial scratches that are abundantly scattered + over this quartzite indicate the tenacity with which it retains all + such impressions, and will warrant the assignment of any date to + these inscriptions that may be called for within the human period. + Yet it is probable that they date back to no very great antiquity. + They pertain, at least, to the dynasty of the present Indian tribes. + The totems of the turtle and the bear, which are known to have been + powerful among the clans of the native races in America at the time + of the earliest European knowledge of them, and which exist to this + day, are the most frequent objects represented. The “crane’s foot,” + or “turkey foot,” or “bird track,” terms which refer perhaps to the + same totem sign--the snipe--is not only common on these rocks, but + is seen among the rock inscriptions of Ohio, and was one of the + totems of the Iroquois, of New York. + +In June, 1892, Mr. W. H. Holmes, of the Bureau of Ethnology, visited the +Pipestone quarry and took a number of tracings of the petroglyphs, which +unfortunately were received too late for insertion in the present work. +Some of his remarks are as follows: + + The trouble with the figures copied and published by Prof. + Winchell is that they are not arranged in the original order. It + will now be impossible to correct this entirely, as most of the + stones have been taken up and removed. * * * The Winchell drawings + were evidently drawn by eye and have a very large personal equation; + besides, they are mixed up while appearing to be in some order. + The few groups that I was able to get are, it seems to me, of more + interest than all the single figures you could put in a book. There + can be little doubt that in the main this great group of pictures + was arranged in definite order, agreeing with the arrangements + of mythical personages and positions usual in the aboriginal + ceremonials of the region. It is a great pity that the original + order has been destroyed, but the inroads of relic hunters and + inscription cranks made it necessary to take up the stones. One + large stone was taken to Minneapolis by Prof. Winchell. There are + a few pieces still in place. All were near the base of one of the + great granite bowlders, and it is said here that formerly, within + the memory of the living, the place was visited by Indians who + wished to consult the gods. + +The following description is extracted from the account of Mr. James W. +Lynd (_b_): + + Numerous high bluffs and cliffs surround it; the Pipestone + quarry and the alluvial flat below these, in which the quarry is + situated, contains a huge bowlder that rests upon a flat rock of + glistening, smooth appearance, the level of which is but a few + inches above the surface of the ground. Upon the portions of this + rock not covered by the bowlder above and upon bowlder itself are + carved sundry wonderful figures--lizards, snakes, otters, Indian + gods, rabbits with cloven feet, muskrats with human feet, and other + strange and incomprehensible things--all cut into the solid granite, + and not without a great deal of time and labor expended in the + performance. * * * + + A large party of Ehanktonwanna and Teetonwan Dakotas, says + the legend, had gathered together at the quarry to dig the stone. + Upon a sultry evening, just before sunset, the heavens suddenly + became overclouded by a heavy rumbling thunder and every sign of an + approaching storm, such as frequently arises on the prairie without + much warning. Each one hurried to his lodge, expecting a storm, when + a vivid flash of lightning, followed immediately by a crashing peal + of thunder, broke over them, and, looking towards the huge bowlder + beyond their camp, they saw a pillar or column of smoke standing + upon it, which moved to and fro, and gradually settled down into the + outline of a huge giant, seated upon the bowlder, with one long arm + extended to heaven and the other pointing down to his feet. Peal + after peal of thunder, and flashes of lightning in quick succession + followed, and this figure then suddenly disappeared. The next + morning the Sioux went to this bowlder and found these figures and + images upon it, where before there had been nothing, and ever since + that the place has been regarded as wakan or sacred. + +Mr. T. H. Lewis (_b_) gives a description of Fig. 51. + +[Illustration: FIG. 51.--Petroglyphs in Brown’s valley, Minnesota.] + + This bowlder is in the edge of the public park, on the north + end of the plateau at Brown’s valley, Minnesota. The bowlder has a + flat surface with a western exposure, is irregular in outline, and + is about 5 feet 8 inches in diameter, and firmly imbedded in the + terrace. + + The central figure, _a_, undoubtedly represents a man, although + the form is somewhat conventional; _b_ represents a bird; _c_ + represents a tortoise; _d_ is a cross and circle combined, but the + circle has a groove extending from it; _e_, _f_, and _g_, although + somewhat in the shape of crosses, probably represent bird tracks; + _h_ and _i_ are nondescript in character, although there must be + some meaning attached to them; _k_ and _l_ are small dots or cups + cut into the bowlder. + + The figures as illustrated are one-eighth of their natural size, + and are also correct in their relative positions one to the other. + The work is neatly done although the depth of the incisions is very + slight. + + +MONTANA. + +Mr. Charles Hallock, of Washington, D. C., reports the occurrence of +pictured rocks near Fort Assiniboin, Montana, but does not mention +whether they are colored or incised, and also fails to describe the +general type of the characters found. + + +NEBRASKA. + +The following (condensed) description of petroglyphs found in Dakota +county, Nebraska, is furnished by Mr. J. H. Quick, of Sioux City, Iowa: + + The petroglyphs are found upon the face of a sandstone cliff in + a deep ravine at a point where two watercourses (dry for the most + part), meet about 20 miles south of Sioux City, Iowa, but in Dakota + county, in the State of Nebraska. At this point the range of bluffs + which bounds the Missouri river bottom is deeply cut through by the + above-mentioned ravine, which runs in a northerly direction towards + the Missouri. Another ravine coming from the southwest leaves this + narrow point of land between the two ravines, rising to a height of + 50 to 75 feet above the bottom of the ravines. For some distance + from the point this cape, if I may so term it, shows ledges of + sandstone cropping out on both sides. And exactly at the point and + for some rods back on the east side are found the pictographs under + consideration. + + The rocks are of two kinds, a few feet of hard jasperous + sandstone superimposed on about the same thickness of sandstone so + soft that it can be crumbled to pieces in the fingers. The lower + soft strata have been worn away, leaving the upper harder layers + jutting out to a distance of several feet over and completely + sheltering them. And on the smooth surface of these lower soft + strata, protected by the overhanging ledge above, shut in by bluffs + 200 feet high on the east and sheltered from the winds by dense + underwood and scrubby forest trees, are carved these pictographs. + These safeguards, combined with the advantage of a very secluded + situation, have combined to preserve them, very little marred by + careless and mischievous hands. + + The eagle or “thunder-bird” figures are quite numerous. There + are also many of the “buffalo track” and of the “turkey track” + figures. I call them “turkey tracks” because they all show a spur + and seem to represent some of the large _gallinaciæ_. + + In one of the groups, which I will call the “bear-fight group,” + we are at a loss to determine whether the figure of the small animal + was a part of the original design or a subsequent interpolation. It + seemed genuine, but was not so deeply carved as the other figures. + The same may be said of the diagonal bars across the figure of the + bear. + + In the other group, which I will term the “turkey-track group,” + there are some figures of which we could not even imagine the + meaning. But they are undoubtedly genuine, and seem to belong to the + same design as the other figure. + + The “bear-track” figures are very numerous and of several + different sizes. A cat-like figure, which we call a panther, shows + faintly. It is about effaced by time. Other figures reminded us of a + crab or crawfish, but we were unable to determine whether the line + running back just below belongs to it or not. + + I am informed by the same gentleman who saw these petroglyphs in + 1857 that there were at one time many more some 3 or 4 miles from + this place, near Homer, Nebraska, in the vicinity of a large spring, + but he also said that as it is a favorite picnic ground for the + country people the carvings are probably destroyed. I presume others + may be found in these bluffs. + + I surmise that the almost cave-like nature of the place where + the carvings I have above attempted to describe are situated + rendered it a favorite camping ground and resting place; and also + that the ravines above mentioned made easy trails from the Missouri + bottom up to the higher grounds farther from the river, because it + obviated the ascent of the very steep bluffs. + + The Winnebago Indian reservation is a few miles south of this + locality, but they were placed here by the Government as late as + from 1860 to 1865. Previous to that time I think this ground was + occupied by the Omahas. I have been unable to gain any information + as to the Indians who carved these figures or as to their meaning. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XIII + +PETROGLYPHS IN NEBRASKA.] + +The most instructive of the petroglyphs, copies of which are kindly +furnished by Mr. Quick, is presented as Pl. XIII, and selected sketches +from that and the other petroglyphs copied are shown as Figs. 52 and 53. + +[Illustration: FIG. 52.--Characters from Nebraska petroglyphs.] + +Frank La Flèche, of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, in February, 1886, +communicated the following: + + Ingna^nχe gikáχa-ina is the Omaha name of a rock ledge on the + banks of the Missouri river, near the Santee agency, Nebraska. + This ledge contains pictographs of men who passed to the happy + hunting grounds, of life size, the sandstone being so soft that the + engravings would be made with a piece of wood. They are represented + with the special cause (arrow, gun, etc.), which sped them to hades. + The souls themselves are said to make these pictographs before + repairing “to the spirits.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 53.--Characters from Nebraska petroglyphs.] + +Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, of the Bureau of Ethnology, says that the probable +rendering of the term when corrected is, “Spirit(s) they-made-themselves +the (place where).” + + +NEVADA. + +Petroglyphs have been found by members of the U. S. Geological Survey +at the lower extremity of Pyramid lake, Nevada, though no accurate +reproductions are available. These characters are mentioned as incised +upon the surface of basalt rocks. + +Petroglyphs also occur in considerable numbers on the western slope +of Lone Butte, in the Carson desert. All of these appear to have been +produced on the faces of bowlders and rocks by pecking and scratching +with some hard mineral material like quartz. + +A communication from Mr. R. L. Fulton, of Reno, Nevada, tells that +the drawing now reproduced as Fig. 54 is a pencil sketch of curious +petroglyphs on a rock on the Carson river, about 8 miles below old +Fort Churchill. It is the largest and most important one of a group of +similar characters. It is basaltic, about 4 feet high and equally broad. + +[Illustration: FIG. 54.--Petroglyphs on Carson river, Nevada.] + +Mr. Fulton gives the following description: + + The rock spoken of has an oblong hole about 2 inches by 4 and 16 + inches deep at the left end, which has been chipped out before the + lines were drawn, if it was not some form of the ancient mill which + is so common, as it seems to be the starting point for the whole + scheme of the artist. The rock lies with a broad, smooth top face + at an angle towards the south, and its top and southeast side are + covered with lines and marks that convey to the present generation + no intelligence whatever, so far as I can learn. + + A line half an inch wide starts at the hole on the left and + sweeping downward forms a sort of border for the work until it + reaches midway of the rock, when it suddenly turns up and mingles + with the hieroglyphics above. Two or three similar lines cross at + the top of the stone, and one runs across and turns along the north + side, losing itself in a coating of moss that seems as hard and + dry and old as the stone itself. From the line at the bottom a few + scallopy looking marks hang that may be a part of the picture, or + it may be a fringe or ornament. The figures are not pictures of any + animal, bird, or reptile, but seem to be made up of all known forms + and are connected by wavy, snake-like lines. Something which might + be taken for a dog with a round and characterless head at each end + of the body, looking towards you, occupies a place near the lower + line. The features are all plain enough. A deer’s head is joined + to a patchwork that has something that might be taken for 4 legs + beneath it. Bird’s claws show up in two or three places, but no bird + is near them. Snaky figures run promiscuously through the whole + thing. A circle at the right end has spokes joining at the center + which run out and lose themselves in the maze outside. + + The best known and largest collection of marks that I know of + covers a large smooth ledge at Hopkins Soda Springs, 12 miles south + of the summit on the Central Pacific railroad. The rock is much the + same in character as those I have described, but the groundwork in + this case is a solid ledge 10 feet one way and perhaps 40 the other, + all closely covered with rude characters, many of which seem to + point to human figures, animals, reptiles, etc. The ledge lies at an + angle of 45°, and must have been a tempting place for a lazy artist + who chanced that way. + + Many other places on the Truckee river have such rocks all very + much alike, and yet each bearing its own distinct features in the + marking. Near a rock half a mile east of Verdi, a station on the + Central Pacific railroad, 10 miles east of Reno, lie two others, + the larger of which has lines originating in a hole at the upper + right-hand corner, all running in tangents and angles, making a + double-ended kind of an arrangement of many-headed arrows, pointing + three ways. A snail-like scroll lies between the two arms, but does + not touch them. Below are blotches, as if the artist had tried his + tools. + + This region has been roamed over by the Washoe Indians from a + remote period, but none of them know anything of these works. One + who has gray hair and more wrinkles than hairs, who is bent with + age and who is said to be a hundred years old, was led to the spot. + He said he saw them a heap long time ago, when he was only a few + summers old, and they looked then just as they do now. + + Mr. Lovejoy, a well-known newspaper man, took up, in 1854, the + ranche where the rocks lie, and said just before his death that they + were in exactly the same condition when he first saw them as they + are to-day. Others say the same, and they are certainly of a date + prior to the settlement of this coast by Americans and probably by + the Spanish. + + They are very peculiar in many respects, and the rock is + wonderfully adapted to the uses to which it has been put. Wherever + the surface has been broken the color has changed to gray, and no + amount of wear or weather seems to turn it back. The indentation is + so shallow as to be imperceptible to sight or touch, and yet the + marks are as plain as they could be made, and can be seen as far as + the rock can be distinguished from its fellows. + + It is hardly likely that the work was done without some motive + besides the simple love of doing it, and it was well and carefully + done, too, showing much patience and doubtless consumed a good deal + of time, as the tools were poor. + + A large ledge is marked near Meadow lake in Nevada county, and + in the state of Nevada the petroglyphs cover a route extending + from the southeast to the northwest corner of the state, crossing + the line into California in Modoc county, and leaving a string of + samples clear across the Madeline plains. + + Eight miles below Belmont, in Nye county, Nevada, an immense + rock which at some time has fallen into the canyon from the porphyry + ledge above it has a patch of marks nearly 20 feet square. It is so + high that a man on horseback can not reach the top. + + A number at Reveillé, in the same county, are also marked. On + the road to Tybo every large rock is marked, one of the figures + being a semicircle with a short vertical spoke within the curve. + At Reno a heavy black rock a couple of feet across is beautifully + engraved to represent a bull’s eye of 4 rings, an arrow with a very + large feather, and one which may mean a man. In a steep canyon 15 + miles northeast of Reno, in Spanish Spring mountains, several cliffs + are well marked, and an exposed ledge, where the Carson river has + cut off the point of a hill below Big Bend, is covered with rings + and snakes by the hundred. Several triangles, a well-formed square + and compass, a woman with outstretched arms holding an olive branch, + etc., are there. + + Humboldt county has its share, the best being on a bluff below + the old Sheba mine. Ten miles south of Pioche are about 50 figures + cut into the rock, many of them designed to represent mountain + sheep. Eighty miles farther south, near Kane’s Spring, the most + numerous and perfect specimens of this prehistoric art are found. + Men on horseback engaged in the pursuit of animals are among the + most numerous, best preserved, and carefully executed. + + The region I have gone over is of immense size, and must impress + everyone with the importance of a set of symbols which extends in + broken lines from Arizona far into Oregon. + +Fig. 55 exhibits engravings at Reveillé, Nevada. Great numbers of +incised characters of various kinds are also reported from the walls of +rocks flanking Walker river, near Walker lake, Nevada. Waving lines, +rings, and what appear to be vegetable forms are of frequent occurrence. +The human form and footprints are also depicted. + +[Illustration: FIG. 55.--Petroglyphs at Reveillé, Nevada.] + +Fig. 56 is a copy of a drawing made by Lieut. A. G. Tassin, Twelfth U. +S. Infantry, in 1877, of an ancient rock-carving at the base and in the +recesses of Dead mountain and the abode of dead bad Indians according +to the Mohave mythology. This drawing and its description is from a +manuscript report on the Mohave Indians, in the library of the Bureau of +Ethnology, prepared by Lieut. Tassin. + +[Illustration: FIG. 56.--Petroglyphs at Dead mountain, Nevada.] + +He explains some of the characters as follows: + + (_a_) Evidently the two different species of mesquite bean. + + (_b_) Would seem to refer to the bite of the cidatus, and to the + use of a certain herb for its cure. + + (_c_) Presumably the olla or water cooler of the Mohaves. + +The whole of this series of petroglyphs is regarded as being Shinumo or +Moki. They show a general resemblance to drawings in Arizona, known to +have been made by the Moki Indians. The locality is within the territory +of the Shoshonean linguistic division, and the drawings are in all +probability the work of one or more of the numerous tribes comprised +within that division. + + +NEW MEXICO. + +On the north wall of Canyon de Chelly, one-fourth of a mile east of +its mouth, are several groups of petroglyphs, consisting chiefly of +various grotesque forms of the human figure, and also numbers of +animals, circles, etc. A few of them are painted black, the greater +portion consisting of rather shallow lines, which are in some places +considerably weathered. Further up the canyon, in the vicinity of the +cliff dwellings, are numerous small groups of pictographic characters, +consisting of men and animals, waving or zigzag lines, and other odd +figures. + +Lieut. James H. Simpson (_a_), in his Journal of a Military +Reconnoissance, etc., presents a number of plates bearing copies of +inscriptions on rocks in the northwestern part of New Mexico, among +which are those on the so-called “Inscription rock” at El Moro, here +reproduced as Fig. 57. The petroglyphs are selected from the south face +of the rock. Lieut. Simpson states that most of the characters are no +higher than a man’s head, and that some of them are undoubtedly of +Indian origin. + +[Illustration: FIG. 57.--Inscription rock, New Mexico.] + +Among the many colored etchings and paintings on rock discovered by the +Pacific railroad expedition in 1853-’54, Lieut. Whipple (_c_) notes +those at Rocky dell creek, New Mexico, which were found between the edge +of the Llano Estacado and the Canadian river. The stream flows through +a gorge, upon one side of which a shelving sandstone rock forms a sort +of cave. The roof is covered with paintings, some evidently ancient, and +beneath are innumerable carvings of footprints, animals, and symmetrical +lines. He also remarks (_d_) that figures cut upon a rock at Arch +spring, near Zuñi, present some faint similarity to those at Rocky dell +creek. + +Near Ojo Pescado, in the vicinity of the ruins, are petroglyphs, also +reported by Lieut. Whipple (_d_), which are very much weather-worn and +have “no trace of a modern hand about them.” + +Mr. Edwin A. Hill, of Indianapolis, in a letter, notes petroglyphs on +the Denver and Rio Grande railroad, between Antonite and Espanola. Below +Tres Piedras and near Espanola are rude sculptures, lining the valley +on both sides of the road for a long distance, at least several miles. +The canyon has a slope of about 45° and contains many bowlders, and on +every available face pictographs are cut. Figures of arrows, hatchets, +circles, triangles, bows, spears, turtles, etc., are outlined as if with +some cutting-tool. The country had two years before been occupied by +Apaches, but far greater age is attributed to the petroglyphs. + +Other petroglyphs actually within the geographical area of New Mexico +are so near the border that they are treated of in connection with those +of Colorado. + +Prof. E. D. Cope (_a_) gives a copy of figures which he found on the +side of a ravine near Abiquiu, on the river Chama. They are cut in +Jurassic sandstone of medium hardness, and are quite worn and overgrown +with the small lichen which is abundant on the face of the rock. + +Mr. Gilbert Thompson, of the U. S. Geological Survey, reports his +observation of petroglyphs at San Antonio springs, 30 miles east of +Fort Wingate, New Mexico. The human figure, in various forms, occurs, +as well as numerous other characters, strikingly similar to those +frequent in the country farther west occupied by the Moki Indians. The +peculiarity of these figures is that the outlines are incised and that +the depressions thus formed are filled with red, blue or white pigments. +The interior of the figures is simply painted with one or more of the +same colors. + +Figs. 58 and 59 are reproductions of drawings of petroglyphs from +Ojo de Benado, south of Zuñi, New Mexico. The manuscripts which once +accompanied them, and which were forwarded to the Bureau of Ethnology +in the usual official manner, have become separated from the sketches, +and on those there are no indications of the collectors’ names. + +[Illustration: FIG. 58.--Petroglyphs at Ojo de Benado, New Mexico.] + +The characters are very like others from several localities in the +territory and in the adjacent region. The type is that of the Pueblos +generally. + +Mr. Bandelier, in conversation, reported having seen and sketched a +petroglyph at Nambe, in a canyon about 2 miles east of the pueblo, also +another at Cueva Pintada, about 17 miles by the trail northwest of +Cochiti. + +[Illustration: FIG. 59.--Petroglyphs at Ojo de Benado, New Mexico.] + + +NEW YORK. + +The following is extracted from Schoolcraft (_c_): + + There is a pictographic Indian inscription [now obliterated] + in the valley of the Hudson, above the Highlands, which from + its antiquity and character appears to denote the era of the + introduction of firearms and gunpowder among the aboriginal tribes + of that valley. This era, from the well-known historical events of + the contemporaneous settlement of New Netherlands and New France, + may be with general accuracy placed between the years 1609, the + date of Hudson’s ascent of that stream above the Highlands, and the + opening of the Indian trade with the Iroquois at the present site of + Albany, by the erection of Fort Orange, in 1614. * * * + + In a map published at Amsterdam, in Holland, in 1659, the + country, for some distance both above and below Esopus creek, is + delineated as inhabited by the Waranawankongs, who were a totemic + division or enlarged family clan of the Mohikinder. They spoke a + well-characterized dialect of the Mohigan, and have left numerous + geographical names on the streams and physical peculiarities of that + part of the river coast quite to and above Coxsackie. The language + is Algonquin. + + Esopus itself appears to be a word derived from Seepu, the + Minsi-Algonquin name for a river. + + * * * The inscription may be supposed, if the era is properly + conjectured, to have been made with metallic tools. The lines are + deeply and plainly impressed. It is in double lines. The plumes from + the head denote a chief or man skilled in the Indian medico-magical + art. The gun is held at rest in the right hand; the left appears to + support a wand. [The position of the arm may be merely a gesture.] + +The reproduction here as Fig. 60 is from a rock on the western bank of +the Hudson, at Esopus landing. It is presented mainly on account of the +frequent allusions to it in literature. + +[Illustration: FIG. 60.--Petroglyph at Esopus, New York.] + + +NORTH CAROLINA. + +Mr. James Mooney, of the Bureau of Ethnology, reports petroglyphs upon +a gray gneissoid rock, a short distance east of Caney river, on the +north side of the road from Asheville to Burnsville, North Carolina. +The face of the surface is at an angle of 30° toward the south, and the +sculptured area covers about 10 feet square. The characters consist +chiefly of cup-shaped depressions, some about 2 inches deep, some being +also connected. There are a few markings which appear to have been +intended to represent footprints. The characters resemble, to some +extent, those at Trap Rock gap, Georgia, and at the Juttaculla rock, +North Carolina, on a branch of the Tuckasegee river, above Webster. + +The above-described sculptured rock is on the property of Ellis Gardner, +and is known as Gardner’s, or the “Garden rock.” + +Mr. Mooney also reports that at Webster, North Carolina, there is one +large rock bearing numerous petroglyphs, rings, cup-shaped depressions, +fish-bone patterns, etc. He further states, upon the authority of Dr. J. +M. Spainhour, of Lenoir, that upon a light gray rock measuring 4 feet by +30 are numerous cup-shaped petroglyphs, he having counted 215. The rock +is on the Yadkin river, 4 miles below Wilkesboro, and is at times partly +under water. + +Dr. Hoffman, who in 1886 visited western North Carolina, gives the +following account of colored pictographs found there by him. + +“The locality known as ‘Paint rock’ is situated on the east or right +bank of the French Broad river, about 100 yards above the Tennessee +and North Carolina state line. The limestone cliff, which terminates +abruptly near the river, measures about 100 feet in height and covers +an area from side to side of exposure of at least 100 yards. The +accompanying view (Fig. 61), taken from across the river, presents the +wall of limestone rock and the position of the petroglyph, which is +delineated in proper proportion nearly in the center of the illustration. + +[Illustration: FIG. 61.--Paint rock, North Carolina.] + +“The property belongs to Mr. J. W. Chockley, who has been living in +the vicinity for about fifteen years. He states that during this +time the pictograph has undergone some change on account of gradual +disintegration or fracture of the rock. The first knowledge of the +pictograph, according to local tradition, dates back about sixty years, +and no information as to its import could be learned, either from the +white residents, who are few in number, or the straggling Cherokee +Indians who visit the railway station at odd intervals.” + +The pictograph is peculiar in design, no animal forms being apparent but +an indefinite number of short, straight lines at right angles to one +another, as shown in Fig. 62. One-thirty-sixth actual size. + +[Illustration: FIG. 62.--Petroglyphs on Paint rock, North Carolina.] + +The characters are in dark red, probably a ferrous oxide, quantities +of which are found in the neighborhood. The color appears to have +penetrated the softer portions of the limestone, though upon the harder +surfaces it has been removed by exposure to the elements. The lowermost +figure appears to resemble a rude outline of a human form, with one arm +lowered and reaching forward, though this is only a suggestion. + +Upon the face of the rock, a few yards to the right of the above, are +indistinct outlines of circles, several of which indicate central spots, +and one, at least, has a line extending from the center downward for +about 8 inches. + + +OHIO. + +A large number of petroglyphs are reported from this state. It is +sufficient to present the following examples extracted, with reproduced +illustrations and abbreviated descriptions, from the Report of the +Committee of the State Archæological Society, published in the Report of +the Ohio State Board of Centennial Managers. + +Fig. 63 is a copy of the petroglyph on the Newark Track rock. + +[Illustration: FIG. 63.--Newark Track rock, Ohio.] + +It is described in the volume cited, pages 94, 95, as follows: + + The inscriptions near Newark, in Licking county, Ohio, + originally covered a vertical face of conglomerate rock, 50 or 60 + feet in length, by 6 and 8 feet in height. This rock is soft and, + therefore, the figures are easily erased * * *. About the year 1800 + it became a place where white men sought to immortalize themselves + by cutting their names across the old inscription * * *. + + On the rock faces and detached sandstone blocks of the banks of + the Ohio river there are numerous groups of intaglios, but in them + the style is quite different from those to which I have referred, + and which are located in the interior. Those on the Ohio river + resemble the symbolical records of the North American Indians, + such as the Kelley Island stone, described in Schoolcraft by Capt. + Eastman, the Dighton rock, the Big Indian rock of the Susquehanna, + and the “God rock” of the Allegheny river. In those the supposed + bird track is generally wanting. The large sculptured rock near + Wellsville, which is only visible at low water of the Ohio, has + among the figures one that is prominent on the Barnesville stones. + This is the fore foot of the bear, with the outside toe distorted + and set outward at right angles. + + Other sculptured rocks of a similar character have been found in + Fairfield, Belmont, Cuyahoga, and Lorain counties. + + That the ancient bird-track character belonged to the + mound-builders is evident from the fact that it is found among their + works, constructed of soil on a large scale. + + One of these bird-track mounds occurs in the center of the + large circular inclosure near Newark, Ohio, now standing in the + Licking county fair grounds. Among the characters will be noticed + the human hand. In one instance the hand is open, the palm facing + the observer, and in the other the hand is closed, except the index + finger which points downward to the base of the cliff. Of the + bird-track characters there are many varieties. There is also a + character resembling a cross and another bearing some resemblance to + an arrow. + +Fig. 64 is an illustration of the Independence stone, which is described +in the same volume, pp. 98, 99, as follows: + +[Illustration: FIG. 64.--Independence stone, Ohio.] + + Great care has been taken to obtain a correct sketch of what + remains of this inscription. A very rude drawing of it was published + in Schoolcraft’s great work upon the Indian tribes, in 1854. + + The rock here described only contains a portion of the + inscription. The balance was destroyed in quarrying. The markings + on the portion of the rock preserved consist of the human foot, + clothed with something like a moccasin or stocking; of the naked + foot; of the open hand; of round markings one in front of the great + toe, of each representation of the clothed foot; the figure of a + serpent, and a peculiar character which might be taken for a rude + representation of a crab or crawfish, but which bears a closer + resemblance to an old-fashioned spearhead used in capturing fish. + +Fig. 65 is a copy of the drawings on the Track rock, near Barnesville, +Belmont county, Ohio, the description of which is in the same volume, +pp. 89-93. + +[Illustration: FIG. 65.--Barnesville Track rock, Ohio.] + +The rude cuts of the human faces, part of the human feet, the rings, +stars, serpents, and some others, are evidently works of art, as in the +best of them the marks of the engraving instrument are to be seen. In +all cases, whether single or in groups, the relative dimensions of the +figures are preserved. The surface of this block is 8 by 11 feet. + +At the south end of the petroglyphs occurs a figure of several +concentric rings, a design by no means confined to Ohio. The third +figure right of this resembles others in the same group, and evidently +indicates the footprints of the buffalo. Human footprints are generally +indicated by the pronounced toe marks, either detached as slight +depressions or attached to the foot, and are thus recognized as +different from bear tracks, which frequently have but slight indications +of toes or perhaps claw marks, and in which also the foot is shorter +or rounder. The arrow-shaped figures are no doubt intended for turkey +tracks, characters common to many petroglyphs of the middle and eastern +Algonquian area. + +Fig. 66 gives several of the above characters enlarged from the +preceding figure. + +[Illustration: FIG. 66.--Characters from Barnesville Track rock.] + +In Fig. 67, referring to another block mentioned in the same report, +lying 20 feet south of the one first mentioned, there is a duplication +of the characters before noted--human footprints, bear and turkey +tracks, and the indication of what may be intended to represent a +serpent. + +[Illustration: FIG. 67.--Barnesville Track rock, No. 2.] + +Fig. 68, from p. 105 of the same volume, gives copies of sketches from +the rocks near Wellsville, Ohio, with remarks as follows: + +[Illustration: FIG. 68.--Petroglyphs, Wellsville, Ohio.] + + On the Ohio side of the river, 1 mile above Wellsville, there is + a large group of sculptures on a flat sand rock of the coal series, + scarred by floating ice and flood wood. They are only visible in + low water, as they are only 2 or 3 feet above the extreme low stage + of the river. * * * They are made in double outline and not by a + single deep channel. The outlines are a series of dots made with a + round-pointed instrument, seldom more than half an inch deep. + + The upper design is a rattlesnake with a fancy head and tail. + Its length is 4-1/2 feet, a very clumsy affair, but intended for + the common yellow rattlesnake of the West. The head of the snake, + which occupies a space 6 inches square, is represented in the second + character, which is reduced from a tracing size of nature. It brings + to mind the horned snake of the Egyptians, which was an object of + worship by them. + + The character at the left hand of the lower line may be an + uncouth representation of a demon or evil spirit. The right-hand + character is probably an otter carrying a vine or string in his + month. + +It is more probable that the lines from the mouth of the animal indicate +magic or supernatural power, of which many examples appear in this +paper, as also of the device in the region of the animal’s heart, from +which a line extends to the mouth. These characteristics connect the +glyph with the Ojibwa drawings on bark. + + +OREGON. + +Many bowlders and rock escarpments at and near the Dalles of the +Columbia river, Oregon, are covered with incised or pecked glyphs. Some +of them are representations of human figures, but characters of other +forms predominate. + +Mr. Albert S. Gatschet, of the Bureau of Ethnology, reports the +discovery by him, in 1878, of rock etchings 4 miles from Gaston, Oregon, +and 2-1/2 miles from the ancient settlement of the Tuálati (or Atfálati) +Indians. These etchings are about 100 feet above the valley bottom on +six rocks of soft sandstone, projecting from the grassy hillside of +Patten’s valley, opposite Darling Smith’s farm, and are surrounded with +timber on two sides. + +This sandstone ledge extends for one-eighth of a mile horizontally along +the hillside, upon the projecting portions of which the inscriptions +are found. These rocks differ greatly in size, and slant forward so +that the inscribed portions are exposed to the frequent rains of that +region. The first rock, or that one nearest the mouth of the canyon, +consists of horizontal zigzag lines and a detached straight line, also +horizontal. On another side of the same rock is a series of oblique +parallel lines. Some of the most striking characters found upon other +exposed portions of the rock appear to be human figures, i. e., circles +to which radiating lines are attached, and bear indications of eyes and +mouth, long vertical lines running downward as if to represent the body, +and terminating in a furcation, as if intended for legs, toes, etc. +To the right of one figure is an arm and three-fingered hand (similar +to some of the Moki characters), bent downward from the elbow, the +humerus extending at a right angle from the body. Horizontal rows of +short vertical lines are placed below and between some of the figures, +probably numerical marks of some kind. + +Other characters occur of various forms, the most striking being an +arrow pointing upward, with two horizontal lines drawn across the shaft, +and with vertical lines having short oblique lines attached thereto. + +Mr. Gatschet remarks that the Tuálati tell a trivial story to explain +the origin of these pictures, the substance of which is as follows: The +Tillamuk warriors living on the Pacific coast were often at variance +with the several Kalapuya tribes. One day, passing through Patten’s +valley to invade the country of the Tuálati, they inquired of a woman +how far they were from their camp. The woman, desirous not to betray +her own countrymen, said they were yet at a distance of one (or two?) +days’ travel. This made them reflect over the intended invasion, and, +holding a council, they decided to withdraw. In commemoration of this +the inscription, with its numeration marks, was incised by the Tuálati. + +Dr. Charles Rau received from Dr. James S. Denison, physician at the +Klamath agency, Lake county, Oregon, a communication relative to the +practice of painting figures on rocks in the territory of the Klamath +Indians in Oregon. There are in that neighborhood many rocks bearing +painted figures; but Dr. Rau’s (_b_) description refers specially to +a single rock, called Ktá-i Tupákshi (standing rock), situated about +50 yards north of Sprague river and 150 yards from the junction of +Sprague and Williamson rivers. It is about 10 feet high, 14 feet long, +and 12 or 14 feet deep. Fig. 69, drawn one-twelfth of the natural size, +illustrates the character of the paintings seen on the smooth southern +surface of this rock. The most frequent designs are single or concentric +circles, like Fig. 69, _a_, which consists of a dark red circle +surrounded by a white one, the center being formed by a round red spot. +Fig. 69, _b_, painted in dark red and white colors, exhibits a somewhat +Mahadeo-like shape; the straight appendage of the circle is provided on +each side with short projecting lines, alternately red and white, and +almost producing the effect of the so-called herring-bone ornament. + +[Illustration: FIG. 69.--Petroglyphs in Lake county, Oregon.] + +Fig. 69, _c_ and _d_, executed in dark red, are other designs seen on +the standing rock above mentioned. The colors, which, as the informant +thinks, are rubbed in with grease, appear quite distinct on the dark +surface of the rock. + + +PENNSYLVANIA. + +Along the river courses in northern and western Pennsylvania many +rocks are found bearing traces of carvings, though, on account of +the character of the geological formations, some of them are nearly +obliterated. + +In 1875 Mr. P. W. Shafer published in a historical map of Pennsylvania +several groups of pictographs. These had before appeared in a rude and +crowded form in the Transactions of the Anthropological Institute of New +York, 1871-’72, page 66, where the localities are mentioned as “Big” +and “Little” Indian rocks, respectively. One of these rocks is in the +Susquehanna river, below the dam at Safe harbor, and the drawing clearly +shows its Algonquian origin. The characters are nearly all either +animals or various forms of the human body. Birds, bird tracks, and +serpents also occur. A part of this pictograph is presented below, Fig. +1089. + +Dr. W. J. Hoffman visited this place during the autumn of 1889 and made +sketches of the petroglyphs. The Algonquian type of delineation of +objects is manifest. + +The rock known as “Big Indian rock” is in the Susquehanna river, +three-fourths of a mile below the mouth of Conestoga creek and about 400 +yards from the eastern bank of the Susquehanna. It is one of many, but +larger than any other in the immediate vicinity, measuring about 60 feet +in length, 30 feet in width, and an average height of about 20 feet. The +upper surface is uneven, though smoothly worn, and upon this are pecked +the characters, shown in Fig. 70. + +[Illustration: FIG. 70.--Big Indian rock, Pennsylvania.] + +The characters, through exposure to the elements, are becoming rather +indistinct, though a few of them are pecked so deep that they still +present a depression of from one-fourth to one-half an inch in depth. +The most conspicuous objects consist of human figures, thunder birds, +and animals resembling the panther. + +“Little Indian rock” is also situated in the Susquehanna river, +one-fourth of a mile from the eastern bank and a like distance below +the mouth of Conestoga creek. This rock, also of hard micaceous schist, +is not so large as the one above mentioned, but bears more interesting +characters, the most conspicuous being representations of the thunder +bird, serpents, deer and bird tracks, etc. + +[Illustration: FIG. 71.--Little Indian rock, Pennsylvania.] + +Prof. Persifor Frazer, jr., (_b_) remarks upon the gradual obliteration +of these pictographs, and adds: + + In addition to these causes of obliteration it is a pity to + have to record another, which is the vandalism of some visitors to + the locality who have thought it an excellent practical joke to + cut spurious figures alongside of and sometimes over those made by + the Indians. It is not unlikely, too, that the “fish pots” here, + as in the case of the Bald Friar’s inscriptions, a few miles below + the Maryland line, may have been constructed in great part out of + fragments of rock containing these hieroglyphics, so that the parts + of the connected story which they relate are separated and the + record thus destroyed. + + Others have cut their initials or full names in these rocks, + thus for an obscure record whose unriddling would award the + antiquarian, substituting one, the correct deciphering of which + leads to obscurity itself. + +At McCalls ferry, on the Susquehanna river, in Lancaster county, and +on the right shore near the water’s edge, is a gray gneissoid flat +rock, bearing petroglyphs that have been pecked upon the surface. It +is irregular in shape, measuring about 3-1/2 by 4 feet in superficial +area, upon which is a circle covering nearly the entire surface, in the +middle of which is a smaller circle with a central point. On one side of +the inner space, between the outer and inner circles, are a number of +characters resembling human figures and others of unintelligible form. +The petroglyph is represented in Fig. 72. + +[Illustration: FIG. 72.--Petroglyph at McCalls ferry, Pennsylvania.] + +The resemblance between these drawings and those on Dighton rock is to +be noted, as well as that between both of them and some in Ohio. All +those localities are within the area formerly occupied by tribes of the +Algonquian stock. + +Near Washington, Lancaster county, Pennsylvania, on “Mill stream,” +one-fourth of a mile above its junction with the Susquehanna river, is +a large bowlder of gray sandstone (Fig. 73), the exposed portion of +which bears several deeply incised lines which appear to have served as +topographic indicators, as several others of like kind occur farther +downstream. The longest incision is about 28 inches in length, the +next one parallel to it, about 14 inches, while the third character is +V-shaped, one arm of which is about 10 inches in length and the other +12. The apex of this character points in a southeast direction. + +[Illustration: FIG. 73.--Petroglyph near Washington, Pennsylvania.] + +One-eighth of a mile farther down is another bowlder, also near the +water, which bears shorter lines than the preceding, but in general +pointing almost southeast and northwest. + +The workmanship is similar to that at Conowingo, Maryland, at the site +of the Bald Friar rocks. The marks appear to have been chipped to a +considerable depth and then rubbed with sand and some hard substance so +as to present a smooth and even surface, removing all or nearly all of +the pecked surface. + +Mr. P. W. Shafer, on the same historical map of Pennsylvania before +mentioned, presents also a group of pictures copied from the originals +on the Alleghany river, in Venango county, 5 miles south of Franklin, +on what is known as the Indian God rock. There are but six characters +furnished in his copy, three of which are variations of the human form, +while the others are undetermined. + +This rock was visited in 1886 by Dr. Hoffman, who made a number of +drawings of objects represented, of which only those in Fig. 74 are here +reproduced. The face of the bowlder bearing the original petroglyphs has +been much disfigured by visitors who, in endeavoring to display their +skill by pecking upon the surface names, dates, and other designs, have +so injured it that it is difficult to trace the original characters. + +[Illustration: FIG. 74.--Petroglyphs on “Indian God rock.”] + +Fig. 74, _a_, represents, apparently, a panther. Above and beneath it +are markings resembling wolf tracks, while farther down is a turkey +track, and in the left-hand lower corner is a human form, such as is +usually found upon rocks in the areas represented by Shoshonian tribes. + +The design at _b_ is much mutilated and eroded, and may originally have +been a character like _a_, the first of this series. + +The characters at _c_ and _d_ are evidently human faces, the former +representing that of the sun, the latter being very much like a mask. +That at _e_ is found upon other Algonquian rocks, notably those called +“Bald Friar,” Maryland, in the Susquehanna river, immediately below the +state line of Pennsylvania. + +The bowlder upon which these petroglyphs are engraved lies at the +water’s edge, and during each freshet the lower half of the surface +and sometimes even more is under water. At these times floating logs, +impelled according to the curve in the river immediately above, are +directed toward this rock, which may explain the worn surface and the +eroded condition of the sculpture. + +Mr. J. Sutton Wall, of Monongahela city, describes in correspondence +a rock bearing pictographs opposite the town of Millsboro, in Fayette +county, Pennsylvania. This rock is about 390 feet above the level of the +Monongahela river, and belongs to the Waynesburg stratum of sandstone. +It is detached and rests somewhat below its true horizon. It is about 6 +feet in thickness, and has vertical sides; only two figures are carved +on the sides, the principal inscriptions being on the top, and all are +now considerably worn. Mr. Wall mentions the outlines of animals and +some other figures formed by grooves or channels cut from an inch to +a mere trace in depth. No indications of tool marks were discovered. +The footprints are carved depressions. The character marked z, near +the lower left-hand corner, is a circular cavity 7 inches deep. A copy +of the inscription made in 1882 by Mr. Wall and Mr. William Arison is +reproduced as Fig. 75. + +[Illustration: FIG. 75.--Petroglyph at Millsboro, Pennsylvania.] + +Again the resemblance between these drawings, those on Dighton rock, +and some of those in Ohio, introduced above, is to be noted, and the +fact that all these localities are within the area formerly occupied by +tribes of the Algonquian stock. + +Mr. Wall also contributes a group of glyphs on what is known as the +“Geneva Picture rock,” in the Monongahela valley, near Geneva. These are +footprints and other characters similar to those from Hamilton farm, +West Virginia, which are shown in Fig. 1088. + +Mr. L. W. Brown, of Redstone, Fayette county, Pennsylvania, mentions a +rock near Layton, in that county, which measures about 15 by 25 feet in +area, upon the surface of which occur a number of petroglyphs consisting +of the human figure, animals, and footprints, some of which are +difficult to trace. From a rough sketch reproduced as Fig. 76, made by +Mr. Brown, these appear to be Algonquian in type. + +[Illustration: FIG. 76.--Petroglyphs near Layton, Pennsylvania.] + +Mr. Brown also submitted for examination two pieces of +chocolate-colored, smooth, fine grained slate, of hard texture, bearing +upon the several sides outlines of incised figures. The specimens were +found in Indian graves in Fayette county, Pennsylvania. The outline +of the incisions, although they are not strictly petroglyphs, are +reproduced in Figs. 77 and 78. + +[Illustration: FIG. 77.--Glyphs in Fayette county, Pennsylvania.] + +The designs are made in delicate lines, as if scratched with a sharply +pointed piece of quartz, or possibly metal. The character _d_ on Fig. +78 is the representation of a fish, which has been accentuated by +additional cutting since found. The characters resemble the Algonquian +type, many of them being frequently found among those tribes living +along the Great Lakes. + +[Illustration: FIG. 78.--Glyphs in Fayette county, Pennsylvania.] + + +RHODE ISLAND. + +In C. C. Rafn’s Antiq. Amer. (_c_), is the following account: + + _Portsmouth rocks._--The rocks, for there are several of them, + are situated on the western side of the island of Rhode Island, in + the town of Portsmouth, on the shore, about 7 miles from Newport, + taking the western road, and 4 miles from Bristol ferry. * * * They + are partially, if not entirely, covered by water at high tide; and + such was the state of the tide and the lateness of the hour when + the location was ascertained, that I was unable to make a thorough + examination of them. I saw sufficient, however, to satisfy me that + they were formerly well covered with characters, although a large + portion of them have become obliterated by the action of air and + moisture, and probably still more by the attrition of masses of + stone against them in violent storms and gales, and by the ruthless + ravages of that most destructive power of all, the hand of man. + + _Tiverton rocks_ [op. cit. _d_].--Their situation may be thus + known: by tracing along the east side of the map of Rhode Island + until you strike Tiverton, and then following along to the southwest + extremity of that town, the Indian name Puncoteast, also the English + names Almy and High Hill, will be seen. The inscriptions are on + masses of Graywacke. * * * We can only state they were occupied with + some kind of characters. + +These two inscriptions are pictured, op. cit., Table XIII. + + +SOUTH DAKOTA. + +Mr. T. H. Lewis (_c_), gives a description of Fig. 79 as follows: + + This bowlder is on a high terrace on the west side of the + Minnesota river, 1-1/2 miles south of Browns valley, and is in + Roberts county, South Dakota. It is oblong in form, being 3-1/2 feet + in length, 2 feet in width, and is firmly imbedded in the ground. + + Of the characters _a_ and _b_ are undoubtedly tortoises; _c_ + is probably intended to represent a bird track; _d_ represents a + man, and is similar to the one at Browns valley, Minnesota, [Fig. + 51, supra;] _e_ is a nondescript of unusual form; _f_ is apparently + intended to represent a headless bird, in that respect greatly + resembling certain earthen effigies in the regions to the southeast. + + The figures are about one-fourth of an inch in depth and very + smooth, excepting along their edges, which roughness is caused by a + slight unevenness of the surface of the bowlder. + +The same authority, op. cit., describes Fig. 79, _g_. + +[Illustration: FIG. 79.--Petroglyphs in Roberts county, South Dakota.] + + This bowlder, 4 miles northwest of Browns valley, Minnesota, is + in Roberts county, South Dakota. + + The figures here represented are roughly pecked into the stone, + and were never finished; for the grooves that form the pictograph + on other bowlders in this region have been rubbed until they are + perfectly smooth. The face of the bowlder upon which these occur is + about 2 feet long and 1-1/2 feet in width. + + +TENNESSEE. + +Mr. John Haywood (_a_) gives the following account: + + About 2 miles below the road which crosses the Harpeth river + from Nashville to Charlotte is a large mound 30 or 40 feet high. + About 6 miles from it is a large rock, on the side of the river, + with a perpendicular face of 70 or 80 feet altitude. On it, below + the top some distance and on the side, are painted the sun and moon + in yellow colors, which have not faded since the white people first + knew it. The figure of the sun is 6 feet in diameter; that of the + moon is of the old moon. The sun and moon are also painted on a high + rock on the side of the Cumberland river, in a spot which several + ladders placed upon each other could not reach, and which is also + inaccessible except by ropes let down the summit of the rock to + the place where the painting was performed. * * * The sun is also + painted on a high rock on the side of the Cumberland river, 6 or 7 + miles below Clarksville; and it is said to be painted also at the + junction of the Holston and French Broad rivers, above Knoxville, + in East Tennessee; also on Duck river, below the bend called the + Devil’s Elbow, on the west side of the river, on a bluff; and on a + perpendicular flat rock facing the river, 20 feet below the top of + the bluff and 60 above the water, out of which the rock rises, is + the painted representation of the sun in red and yellow colors, 6 + feet in circumference, yellow on the upper side and a yellowish red + on the lower. The colors are very fresh and unfaded. The rays, both + yellow and red, are represented as darting from the center. It has + been spoken of ever since the river was navigated and has been there + from time immemorial. * * * + + The painting on Big Harpeth, before spoken of, is more than + 80 feet from the water and 30 or 40 below the summit. All these + paintings are in unfading colors, and on parts of the rock + inaccessible to animals of every description except the fowls of + the air. The painting is neatly executed, and was performed at an + immense hazard of the operator. + +Mr. W. M. Clarke, in Smithsonian Report for 1877, page 275, says: + + On the bluffs of the Big Harpeth many pictures of Indians, deer, + buffalo, and bows and arrows are to be seen. These pictures are + rudely drawn, but the coloring is as perfect now as when first put + on. + +Haywood (_b_) says: + + At a gap of the mountains and near the head of Brasstown creek, + which is toward the head of the Hiawassee, and among the highlands, + is a large horizontal rock on which are engraved the tracks of deer, + bears, horses, wolves, turkeys, and barefooted human beings of all + sizes. Some of the horses’ tracks appear to have slipped forward. + The direction of them is westward. Near them are signs of graves. + +He also (_c_) gives the following account: + + On the south bank of the Holston, 5 miles above the mouth of + French Broad, is a bluff of limestone opposite the mounds and a + cave in it. The bluff is 100 feet in height. On it are painted in + red colors, like those on the Paint rock, the sun and moon, a man, + birds, fishes, etc. The paintings have in part faded within a few + years. Tradition says these paintings were made by the Cherokees, + who were accustomed in their journeys to rest at this place. + Wherever on the rivers of Tennessee are perpendicular bluffs, on + the sides, and especially if caves be near, are often found mounds + near them, inclosed in intrenchments, with the sun and moon painted + on the rocks, and charcoal and ashes in the smaller mounds. These + tokens seem to be evincive of a connection between the mounds, the + charcoal and ashes, the paintings and the caves. + + +TEXAS. + +Mr. J. R. Bartlett (_b_) gives the following account: + + About 30 miles from El Paso del Norte, in Texas, very near the + boundary line of Mexico, there is an overhanging rock, extending + for some distance, the whole surface of which is covered with rude + paintings and sculptures, representing men, animals, birds, snakes, + and fantastic figures. The colors used are black, red, white, and + a brownish yellow. The sculptures are mere peckings with a sharp + instrument just below the surface of the rock. The accompanying + engravings [reproduced in Fig. 80] show the character of the figures + and the taste of the designers. Hundreds of similar ones are painted + on the rocks at this place. Some of them, evidently of great age, + had been partly defaced to make room for more recent devices. + + The overhanging rock, beneath which we encamped, seemed to have + been a favorite place of resort for the Indians, as it is at the + present day for all passing travelers. The recess formed by this + rock is about 15 feet in length by 10 in width. Its entire surface + is covered with paintings, one laid on over the other, so that it is + difficult to make out those which belong to the aborigines. I copied + a portion of these figures, about which there can be no doubt as to + the origin. They represent Indians with shields and bows, painted + with a brownish earth; horses, with their riders; uncouth looking + animals, and a large rattlesnake. Similar devices cover the rock in + every part, but are much defaced. Near this overhanging rock is the + largest and finest tank or pool of water to be found about here. It + is only reached by clambering on the hands and knees 15 or 20 feet + up a steep rock. Over it projects a gigantic bowlder, which, resting + on or wedged between other rocks, leaves a space of about 4 feet + above the surface of the water. On the underside of this bowlder are + fantastic designs in red paint, which could only have been made by + persons lying on their backs in this cool and sheltered spot. + +[Illustration: FIG. 80.--Petroglyphs near El Paso, Texas.] + +Mr. Charles Hallock, of Washington, District of Columbia, gives +information that there is a locality termed the Painted caves, “on +the Rio Grande, near Devil’s river, in Crockett county, Texas, on the +line of the ‘Sunset’ railroad. Here the rock is gray limestone and the +petroglyphs are for the most part sculptured. They are in great variety, +from a manifest antiquity to the most recent date; for these cliff +caverns have been from time immemorial the refuge and resort of all +sorts of wayfarers, marauders, and adventurers, who have painted, cut, +and carved in every geometrical and grotesque form imaginable.” + + +UTAH. + +Carvings and paintings on rocks are found in such numbers in the +southern interior of Utah that a locality there has been named +Pictograph rocks. + +Mr. G. K. Gilbert, of the U. S. Geological Survey, collected in 1875 a +number of copies of inscriptions in Temple creek canyon, southeastern +Utah, and noted their finding as follows: + + The drawings were found only on the northeast wall of the + canyon, where it cuts the Vermillion cliff sandstone. The chief + parts are etched, apparently by pounding with a sharp point. The + outline of a figure is usually more deeply cut than the body. Other + marks are produced by rubbing or scraping, and still others by + laying on colors. Some, not all, of the colors are accompanied by a + rubbed appearance, as though the material had been a dry chalk. + + I could discover no tools at the foot of the wall, only + fragments of pottery, flints, and a metate. + + Several fallen blocks of sandstone have rubbed depressions + that may have been ground out in the sharpening of tools. There + have been many dates of inscriptions, and each new generation has + unscrupulously run its lines over the pictures already made. Upon + the best protected surfaces, as well as the most exposed, there are + drawings dimmed beyond restoration and others distinct. The period + during which the work accumulated was longer by far than the time + which has passed since the last. Some fallen blocks cover etchings + on the wall, and are themselves etched. + + Colors are preserved only where there is almost complete + shelter from rain. In two places the holes worn in the rock by + swaying branches impinge on etchings, but the trees themselves have + disappeared. Some etchings are left high and dry by a diminishing + talus (15 to 20 feet), but I saw none partly buried by an increasing + talus (except in the case of the fallen block already mentioned). + + The painted circles are exceedingly accurate, and it seems + incredible that they were made without the use of a radius. + +In the collection contributed by Mr. Gilbert there are at least fifteen +series or groups of figures, most of which consist of the human form +(from the simplest to the most complex style of drawing), animals, +either singly or in long files--as if driven--bird tracks, human feet +and hands, etc. There are also circles, parallel lines, and waving or +undulating lines, spots, and other characters. + +Mr. Gilbert also reports the discovery, in 1883, of a great number of +pictographs, chiefly in color, though some are only incised, in a canyon +of the Book cliff containing Thompson’s spring, about 4 miles north of +Thompson’s station, on the Denver and Colorado Railroad, Utah. He has +also furnished a collection of drawings of pictographs at Black rock +spring, on Beaver creek, north of Milford, Utah. A number of fallen +blocks of basalt at a low escarpment are filled with etchings upon the +vertical faces. The characters generally are of an “unintelligible” +nature, though the human figure is drawn in complex forms. Footprints +and circles abound. + +Mr. I. C. Russell, of the U. S. Geological Survey, furnished rude +drawings of pictographs at Black rock spring, Utah (see Fig. 1093). Mr. +Gilbert Thompson also discovered pictographs at Fool creek canyon, Utah +(see Fig. 1094). + +Mr. Vernon Bailey, in a letter dated January 18, 1889, reports that in +the vicinity of St. George “all along the sandstone cliffs are strange +figures like hieroglyphics and pictures of animals cut in the rocks, but +now often worn dim.” + +Mr. George Pope, of Provo city, Utah county, in a letter, kindly gives +an account of an inscription on a rock in a canyon at the mouth of Provo +river, about 7 miles from the city named. There is no paint seen, the +inscription being cut. A human hand is conspicuous, being cut (probably +pecked) to a depth of at least one-third of an inch, and so with +representations of animals. + +Dr. Rau (_c_) gives the design of a portion of a group carved on a cliff +in the San Pete valley at the city of Manti, Utah, now reproduced as +Fig. 81. He says: + +[Illustration: FIG. 81.--Petroglyphs near Manti, Utah.] + + A line drawn horizontally through the middle of the parallel + lines connecting the concentric circles would divide the figure into + two halves, each bearing a close resemblance to Prof. Simpson’s + fifth type of cup stones. A copy of the group in question was made + and published by Lieut. J. W. Gunnison, in The Mormons or Latter-Day + Saints, etc., Philadelphia, 1853, p. 63. The illustration is taken + from Bancroft’s Native Races (Vol. IV, p. 717). In accordance with + Lieut. Gunnison’s design, the position of the grotesque human figure + is changed to the left of the concentric circle. He also says that + the Mormon leaders made this aboriginal inscription subservient + to their religion by giving the following translation of it: “I, + Mahanti, the second king of the Lamanites, in five valleys of the + mountains, make this record in the twelve hundredth year since we + came out of Jerusalem. And I have three sons gone to the south + country to live by hunting antelope and deer.” * * * Schoolcraft + attempts (Vol. III, p. 494) something like an interpretation which + appears to me fanciful and unsatisfactory. + +The following extract is made from The Shinumos by F. S. Dellenbaugh +(_a_). + + Some of the least disintegrated ruins are situated on the + Colorado river, only a short distance below the mouth of the Dirty + Devil river. * * * A level shelf varying from about 6 to 10 feet + in width ran along for 150 feet or more. In most places the rocks + above protruded as far as the edge of the lower rocks, sometimes + farther, thus leaving a sort of gallery, generally 7 or 8 feet high. + Walls that extended to the roof had been built along the outer edge + of the natural floor, and the inclosed space being subdivided by + stone partitions to suit the convenience of the builders, the whole + formed a series of rather comfortable rooms or houses. The back + walls of the houses--the natural rock--had on them many groups of + hieroglyphics, and farther along where there was no roof rock at all + the vertical faces had been inscribed with seeming great care. Some + of the sheltered groups were painted in various dull colors, but + most of them were chiseled. + + The figure [82] gives a chiseled group. It is easy to see that + these are signs of no low order. Considering their great age, their + exposure, many of the delicate touches must be obliterated. + + [Illustration: FIG. 82.--Petroglyphs on Colorado river, Utah.] + + The inscriptions on this ruin might possibly be the history of + the defense of the crossing, the stationing of the garrison, the + death of officers of rank, etc. + +The following sketches of petroglyphs, with the references attached, are +taken from the sketch book of Mr. F. S. Dellenbaugh, before referred to. + +The petroglyph, of which Fig. 83 is a copy, appears on a horizontal rock +5 miles below the mouth of the Dirty Devil river, Utah. + +[Illustration: FIG. 83.--Petroglyphs on Colorado river, Utah.] + +The characters in Fig. 84 from rocks near the preceding group are +painted red, with the imprint of a hand (on the larger figure) in white. + +[Illustration: FIG. 84.--Petroglyphs on Colorado river, Utah.] + +The petroglyphs reproduced in Fig. 85 are copied from the vertical walls +near the two groups immediately before mentioned. + +[Illustration: FIG. 85.--Petroglyphs on Colorado river, Utah.] + +The characters presented in Fig. 86 are copied from a vertical surface +10 by 16 feet in area and halfway up the ascent to the geodetic point +west of “Windsor castle,” Pipe Spring. The human forms are similar in +general design to the greater number of such representations made by the +Shinumo Indians. + +[Illustration: FIG. 86.--Petroglyphs at Pipe Spring, Utah.] + +The human forms represented in Fig. 87 are from the vicinity of +Colorado river, 5 miles below the mouth of the Dirty Devil river. Mr. +Dellenbaugh notes that the darkest portions of the figures indicate a +chiseled surface. + +[Illustration: FIG. 87.--Petroglyphs on Colorado river, Utah.] + +Fig. 88 represents a number of petroglyphs obtained at the same locality +as the one last mentioned. The greater number of the characters appear +to represent snakes. + +[Illustration: FIG. 88.--Petroglyphs on Colorado river, Utah.] + +Fig. 89 shows characters from the Shinumo canyon, which, according to +the draftsman’s general notes, are painted. + +[Illustration: FIG. 89.--Petroglyphs in Shinumo canyon, Utah.] + + +VIRGINIA. + +In 1886 Dr. Hoffman visited a local field 9 miles southwest of Tazewell, +Tazewell county, Virginia, which can be designated as follows: The range +of hills bounding the western side of the valley presents at various +points low cliffs and exposures of Silurian sandstone. About 4 miles +below the village, known as Knob post-office, there is a narrow ravine +leading up toward a depression in the range, forming a pass to the +valley beyond, near the summit of which is a large irregular exposure +of rock facing west-southwest, upon the eastern extremity of which are +a number of pictographs, many of which are still in good preservation. +Fig. 90 is a representation. The westernmost object, i. e., the one on +the extreme left, appears to be a circle about 16 inches in diameter, +from the outer side of which are short radiating lines giving the whole +the appearance of a sun. Beneath and to the right of this is the outline +of an animal resembling a doe. + +[Illustration: FIG. 90.--Petroglyphs in Tazewell county, Virginia.] + +Other figures, chiefly human, follow in close succession to the eastern +edge of the vertical face of the rock, nearly all of which present the +arms in various attitudes, i. e., extended or raised as in extreme +surprise or adoration. Concentric rings appear at one point, while a +thunder-bird is shown not far away. About 12 feet east of this place are +several figures resembling the thunder-bird. + +All of the characters, with one exception, are drawn in heavy or solid +lines of dark red paint, presumably a ferruginous coloring material +prepared in the neighborhood, which abounds in iron compounds. The +exception is one object which appears to have been black, but is now so +faded or eroded as to seem dark gray. + +The following account of the Tazewell county, Virginia, pictographs is +taken from Coale’s Life, etc., of Waters: (_a_) + + In August, 1871, the writer went to visit Tazewell county by + way of the saltworks. Upon this place are found those strangely + painted rocks which have been a wonder and a mystery to all who have + seen them. The grandfather of Gen. Bowen settled the cove in 1766, + one hundred and ten years ago, and the paintings were there then, + and as brilliant to-day as they were when first seen by a white + man. They consist of horses, elk, deer, wolves, bows and arrows, + eagles, Indians, and various other devices. The mountain upon which + these rocks are based is about 1,000 feet high, and they lie in a + horizontal line about halfway up and are perhaps 75 feet broad upon + their perpendicular face. + + When it is remembered that the rock is hard, with a smooth white + surface, incapable of absorbing paint, it is a mystery how the + coloring has remained undimmed under the peltings of the elements + for how much longer than a hundred years no one can tell. This paint + is found near the rocks, and Gen. Bowen informed the writers that + his grandmother used it for dyeing linsey, and it was a fadeless + color. + + As there was a battle fought on a neighboring mountain, between + 1740 and 1750, between the Cherokees and Shawnees for the possession + of a buffalo lick, the remains of the rude fortifications being + still visible, it is supposed the paintings were hieroglyphics + conveying such intelligence to the red man as we now communicate to + each other through newspapers. + + It was a perilous adventure to stand upon a narrow, inclined + ledge without a shrub or a root to hold to, with from 50 to 75 feet + of sheer perpendicular descent below to a bed of jagged bowlders + and the home of innumerable rattlesnakes, but I didn’t make it. I + crawled far enough along that narrow slanting ledge with my fingers + inserted in the crevices of the rocks to see most of the paintings, + and then “coon’d” it back with equal care and caution. + +Five miles east of the last-noted locality and 7 west of Tazewell, high +up against a vertical cliff of rock, is visible a lozenge-shaped group +of red and black squares, known in the locality as the “Handkerchief +rock,” because the general appearance of the colored markings suggests +the idea of an immense bandana handkerchief spread out. The pictograph +is on the same range of hills as the preceding, but neither is visible +from any place near the other. The objects can not be viewed upon +Handkerchief rock excepting from a point opposite to it and across the +valley, as the locality is so overgrown with large trees as to obscure +it from any position immediately beneath. The lozenge or diamond-shaped +figure appears to cover an area about 3 feet in diameter. + + +WASHINGTON. + +Capt. Charles Bendire, U. S. Army, in a letter dated Fort Walla-walla, +Washington, May 18, 1881, mentions a discovery made by Col. Henry C. +Merriam, then lieutenant-colonel Second United States Infantry, as thus +quoted: + + While encamped at the lower end of Lake Chelan, lat. 48° N., + he made a trip to the upper end of said lake, where he found a + perpendicular cliff of granite with a perfectly smooth surface, + from 600 to 1,000 feet high, rising out of the lake. On the cliff he + found Indian picture-writings, painted evidently at widely different + periods, but evidently quite old. The oldest was from 25 to 30 feet + above the present water level, and could at the time they were + executed only be reached by canoe. The paintings are figures, black + and red in color, and represent Indians with bows and arrows, elk, + deer, bear, beaver, and fish, and are from 1 foot to 18 inches in + size. There are either four or five rows of these figures, quite a + number in each row. The Indians inhabiting this region know nothing + of the origin of these pictures, and say that none of their people + for the past four generations knew anything about them. + +Since the preceding letter was written a notice of the same rock has +been published, together with an illustration, by Mr. Alfred Downing, of +Seattle, Washington, in “The Northwest,” VII, No. 10, October, 1889, pp. +3, 4. The description, condensed, is as follows: + + In that part of Washington territory until recent years known as + the Moses Indian reservation lies the famous Lake Chelan, 70 miles + in length with an average width of 2 miles. + + About half a mile from its head, on the western shore and rising + from the water, as an abrupt and precipitous wall of granite, stands + “Pictured rock.” + + The most remarkable feature of the Chelan picture is that the + figures representing Indians, bear, deer, birds, etc., are painted + upon the surface of the smooth granite, nearly horizontal, but about + 17 feet above the lake; the upper portion of the picture being about + 2 feet higher. The figures depicted are 5 to 10 inches long. + + The difference between high and low stage of water at any + period during the year does not exceed 4 feet, and this high-water + mark being well defined along the shore, it becomes self-evident + that these signs were placed there ages ago, when the water was + 17 feet higher than it is now. The granite bluff or walls in this + instance are smooth, being weather and water worn, and afford no + hold for hand or foot either from above or below, and from careful + observation it would appear to be a physical impossibility for + either a white or red man to show his artistic skill on those rocks + unless at the ancient stage of water and with the aid of a canoe or + a “dugout.” + + The paint or color used was black and red, the latter resembling + venetian. How wonderfully the color has stood the test in the face + of the storms to which the lake is subject is apparent; only in + one or two instances does it to-day show any signs of fading or + weather-wearing. The signs impressed me as intending to convey the + idea of the prowess of an Indian chief in the hunt, or as being a + page in the history of a tribe, the small perpendicular strokes seen + in the lower portion indicating probably the number of bear, deer, + or other animals slain. + +When referring, in Pacific Railroad Report, vol. I, page 411, to a +locality on the Columbia river in Washington, between Yakima and +Pisquouse counties, Mr. George Gibbs mentioned pecked and colored +petroglyphs which he found there as follows: + + It was a perpendicular rock, on the face of which were carved + sundry figures, most of them intended for men. They were slightly + sunk into the sandstone and colored, some black, others red, and + traces of paint remained more or less distinctly on all of them. + These also, according to their [the Indians’] report, were the work + of the ancient race; but from the soft nature of the rock, and the + freshness of some of the paint, they were probably not of extreme + antiquity. + +For another example of petroglyphs from Washington see Fig. 679. + + +WEST VIRGINIA. + +Mr. John Haywood (_d_) gives the following account: + + In the county of Kenhaway [Kanawha] about 4 miles below the + Burning spring, and near the mouth of Campbell’s creek, in the state + of Virginia, is a rock of great size, on which, in ancient times, + the natives engraved many representations. There is the figure of + almost every indigenous animal--the buffalo, the bear, the deer, + the fox, the hare, and other quadrupeds of various kinds; fish of + the various productions of the western waters, fowls of different + descriptions, infants scalped, scalps alone, and men as large as + life. The rock is in the river Kenhaway, near its northern shore, + accessible only at low water unless by the aid of water craft. + +The following notice of the same locality, but perhaps not of the same +rock, was published by James Madison (_a_), bishop of Virginia, in 1804: + + I cannot conclude this letter without mentioning another curious + specimen of Indian labour, and of their progress in one of the arts. + This specimen is found within 4 miles of the place whose latitude + I endeavoured to take, and within 2 of what are improperly called + Burning springs, upon a rock of hard freestone, which sloping to the + south, touching the margin of the river, presents a flat surface of + above 12 feet in length and 9 in breadth, with a plane side to the + east of 8 or 9 feet in thickness. + + Upon the upper surface of this rock, and also upon the side, we + see the outlines of several figures, cut without relief, except in + one instance, and somewhat larger than the life. The depth of the + outline may be half an inch; its width three-quarters, nearly, in + some places. In one line ascending from the part of the rock nearest + the river there is a tortoise; a spread eagle, executed with great + expression, particularly the head, to which is given a shallow + relief, and a child, the outline of which is very well drawn. In + a parallel line there are other figures, but among them that of a + woman only can be traced. These are very indistinct. Upon the side + of the rock there are two awkward figures which particularly caught + my attention. One is that of a man with his arms uplifted, and hands + spread out as if engaged in prayer. His head is made to terminate + in a point, or rather, he has the appearance of something upon the + head of a triangular or conical form; near to him is another similar + figure suspended by a cord fastened to his heels. I recollected the + story which Father Hennepin relates of one of the missionaries from + Canada who was treated in a somewhat similar manner, but whether + this piece of seemingly historical sculpture has reference to + such an event can be only a matter of conjecture. A turkey, badly + executed, with a few other figures may also be seen. The labour and + the perseverance requisite to cut those rude figures in a rock so + hard that steel appeared to make but little impression upon it, must + have been great; much more so than making of enclosures in a loose + and fertile soil. + +Another petroglyph, a copy of which is presented in Fig. 1088, is thus +described in a letter from Morgantown, West Virginia: + + The famous pictured rocks on the Evansville pike, about 4 miles + from this place, have been a source of wonder and speculation for + more than a century, and have attracted much attention among the + learned men of this country and Europe. The cliff upon which these + drawings exist is of considerable size and within a short distance + of the highway above mentioned. The rock is a white sandstone, + which wears little from exposure to the weather, and upon its + smooth surface are delineated the outlines of at least fifty [?] + species of animals, birds, reptiles, and fish, embracing in the + number panthers, deer, buffalo, otters, beavers, wildcats, foxes, + wolves, raccoons, opossums, bears, elk, crows, eagles, turkeys, + eels, various sorts of fish, large and small, snakes, etc. In the + midst of this silent menagerie of specimens of the animal kingdom is + the full length outline of a female form, beautiful and perfect in + every respect. Interspersed among the drawings of animals, etc., are + imitations of the footprints of each sort, the whole space occupied + being 150 feet long by 50 feet wide. To what race the artist + belonged or what his purpose was in making these rude portraits must + ever remain a mystery, but the work was evidently done ages ago. + +The late P. W. Norris, of the Bureau of Ethnology, reported that he +found petroglyphs in many localities along the Kanawha river, West +Virginia. Engravings are numerous upon smooth rocks, covered during high +water, at the prominent fords in the river, as well as in the niches +or long shallow caves high in the rocky cliffs of this region. Rude +representations of men, animals, and some characters deemed symbolic +were found, but none were observed superior to, or essentially differing +from those of modern Indians. + +On the rocky walls of Little Coal river, near the mouth of Big Horse +creek, are cliffs which display many carvings. One of the rocks upon +which a mass of characters appear, is 8 feet in length and 5 feet in +height. + +About 2 miles above Mount Pleasant, Mason county, on the north side of +the Kanawha river, are numbers of characters, apparently totemic. These +are at the foot of the hills flanking the river. + +On the cliffs near the mouth of the Kanawha river, opposite Mount +Carbon, Nicholas county, are numerous pictographs. These appear to be +cut into the sandstone rock. + +Pictographs were lately seen at various points on the banks of +the Kanawha river, both above and below Charleston, but since the +construction of the Chesapeake and Ohio railroad some of the rocks +bearing them have been destroyed. About 6 miles above Charleston there +was formerly a rock lying near its water’s edge upon which, it is +reported by old residents, were depicted the outline of a bear, turkey +tracks, and other markings. Tradition told that this was a boat or canoe +landing, used by the Indians in their travels when proceeding southward. +The tribe was not designated. From an examination of the locality it +was learned that this rock had been broken and used in the construction +of buildings. It is said that a trail passing there led southward, and +at a point 10 miles below the Kanawha river stood several large trees +upon which were marks of red ocher or some similar pigment, at which +point the trail spread or branched out in two directions, one leading +southward into Virginia, the other southwest toward Kentucky. + +On a low escarpment of sandstone facing Little Coal river, 6 or 8 +miles above its confluence with Coal river and about 18 miles south +of the Kanawha river, are depicted the outlines of animals, such as +the deer, panther (?), etc., and circles, delineated in dark red, but +rather faint from disintegration of the surface. The characters are +similar in general appearance to those in Tazewell county, Virginia, +and appear as if they might have been made by the same tribe. There are +no peculiarities in the topography of the surrounding region that would +suggest the idea of their having served as topographic indications, but +they rather appear to be a record of a hunting party, and to designate +the kinds of game abounding in the region. + +Mr. L. V. McWhorter reports pictographs in a cave near Berlin, Lewis +county, West Virginia. No details are given. + +A petroglyph found in a rock shelter in West Virginia is also presented +in Pl. XXXI. + + +WISCONSIN. + +A large number of glyphs are incised on the face of a rock near Odanah, +now a village of the Ojibwa Indians, 12 miles northeast from Ashland, +on the south shore of lake Superior, near its western extremity. The +characters were easily cut on the soft stone, so were also easily +worn by the weather, and in 1887 were nearly indistinguishable. Many +of them appeared to be figures of birds. An old Ojibwa Indian in the +vicinity told the present writer that the site of the rock was formerly +a well-known halting place and rendezvous, and that on the arrival of a +party, or even of a single individual, the appropriate totemic mark or +marks were cut on the rock, much as white men register their names at a +hotel. + +[Illustration: FIG. 91.--Petroglyphs in Brown’s cave, Wisconsin.] + +The Pictured cave of La Crosse valley, called Brown’s cave, is described +by Rev. Edward Brown (_a_) as follows: + + This curious cavern is situated in the town of Barre, 4 miles + from West Salem and 8 miles from La Crosse. * * * + + Before the landslide it was an open shelter cavern, 15 feet + wide at the opening and 7 feet at the back end; greatest width, 16 + feet; average, 13; length, 30 feet; height, 13 feet, and depth of + excavation after clearing out the sand of the landslide, 5 feet. The + pictures are mostly of the rudest kind, but differing in degree of + skill. Except several bisons, a lynx, rabbit, otter, badger, elk, + and heron, it is perhaps impossible to determine with certainty what + were intended or whether they represented large or small animals, no + regard being had to their relative sizes. + + [Examples of the figures are here presented as Fig. 91.] + + Perhaps _a_ indicates a bison or buffalo, and is the best + executed picture of the collection. Its size is 19 inches long by + 15-1/2 inches from tip of the horns to the feet. + + _b_ represents a hunter, with a boy behind him, in the act + of shooting an animal with his bow and arrow weapon. The whole + representation is 25 inches long; the animal from tip of tail to + end of horn or proboscis 12 inches, and from top of head to feet 7 + inches; the hunter 11 inches high, the boy 4-1/2. + + _c_ represents a wounded animal, with the arrow or weapon near + the wound. This figure is 21-3/4 inches from the lower extremity of + the nose to the tip of the tail, 8-3/4 inches from fore shoulders to + front feet, and 8 inches from the rump to the hind feet. The weapon + is 4-1/2 inches long by 5 inches broad from the tip of one prong or + barb to that of the other. + + _d_ represents a chief with eight plumes and a war club, 11 + inches from top of head to the lower extremity, and 6-3/4 inches + from the tip of the upper finger to the end of the opposite arm; the + war club 6-1/2 inches long. + +Dr. Hoffman made a visit to this cave in August, 1888, to compare the +pictographic characters with others of apparently similar outline and +of known signification. He found but a limited number of the figures +distinct, and these only in part, owing to the rapid disintegration of +the sandstone upon which they were drawn. Many names and inscriptions +had been incised in the soft surface by visitors, who also, by means of +the smoke of candles, added grotesque and meaningless figures over and +between the original paintings, so as to seriously injure the latter. + +Mr. T. H. Lewis (_d_) describes the petroglyphs, a part of which is +reproduced in Fig. 92, as follows: + +[Illustration: FIG. 92.--Petroglyphs at Trempealeau, Wisconsin.] + + Last November my attention was called to some rock sculptures + located about 2-1/2 miles northwest from Trempealeau, Wisconsin. + There is at the point in question an exposed ledge of the Potsdam + sandstone extending nearly one-eighth of a mile along the east side + of the lower mouth of the Trempealeau river, now known as the bay. + Near its north end there is a projection extending out about 7 feet + from the top of the ledge and overhanging the base about 10 feet. + The base of the ledge is 40 feet back from the shore, and the top of + the cliff at this point is 30 feet above the water. On the face of + the projection, and near the top, are the sculpture figures referred + to. + + The characters designated _a_ _a_ are two so-called canoes, + somewhat crescent-shaped, but with some variation in outline; _b_ + has the same form, but the additional upright portion overlaps it; + _c_ and _d_ are also of the same form as _a_, but _c_ is cut in the + bottom of _d_; _e_ probably represents a fort, and its length is + 18-1/2 inches; _f_ is a nondescript, and it partly overlaps _d_; + _g_ is a nondescript four-legged animal, its length in a straight + line from the end of the nose to the tip of the tail being 10-1/2 + inches; _h_ may be intended to represent a foot, but possibly it may + be a hand; it is 7-1/2 inches in length; _i_ is an outspread hand, a + little over 13 inches long; _j_ undoubtedly represents a foot and is + 4-1/2 inches long; _k_ _k_ are of the same class as _a_. + +The figures are not mere outlines, but intaglio, varying in depth from +a quarter of an inch to fully 1 inch. Although the surface of the rock +is rough the intaglios were rubbed perfectly smooth after they had been +engraved by pecking or cutting. + + +WYOMING. + +Several pictographs in Wyoming are described by Capt. William A. Jones, +U. S. Army (_a_). They are reproduced here as Figs. 93, 94, and 95. + +Fig. 93, found in the Wind river valley, Wyoming, was interpreted by +members of a Shoshoni and Banak delegation to Washington in 1880 as “an +Indian killed another.” The latter is very roughly delineated in the +horizontal figure, but is also represented by the line under the hand of +the upright figure, meaning the same dead person. At the right is the +scalp taken and the two feathers showing the dead warrior’s rank. The +arm nearest the prostrate foe shows the gesture for killed; concept, to +put down, flat. + +[Illustration: FIG. 93.--Petroglyph in Wind river valley, Wyoming.] + +The same gesture appears in Fig. 94, from the same authority and +locality. The scalp is here held forth, and the numeral (1) is indicated +by the lowest stroke. + +[Illustration: FIG. 94.--Petroglyph in Wind river valley, Wyoming.] + +Fig. 95, from the same locality and authority, was also interpreted +by the Shoshoni and Banak. It appears from their description that a +Blackfoot had attacked the habitation of some of his own people. The +right-hand upper figure represents his horse, with the lance suspended +from the side. The lower figure illustrates the log house built against +a stream. The dots are the prints of the horse’s hoofs, while the two +lines running outward from the upper inclosure show that two thrusts +of the lance were made over the wall of the house, thus killing the +occupant and securing two bows and five arrows, as represented in the +left-hand group. The right-hand figure of that group shows the hand +raised in the attitude of making the gesture for kill. + +[Illustration: FIG. 95.--Petroglyphs in Wind river valley, Wyoming.] + +The Blackfeet, according to the interpreters, were the only Indians in +the locality mentioned who constructed log houses, and therefore the +drawing becomes additionally interesting, as an attempt appears to have +been made to illustrate the crossing of the logs at the corners, the +gesture for which (log house) is as follows: + +Both hands are held edgewise before the body, palms facing, spread the +fingers, and place those of one hand into the spaces between those of +the other, so that the tips of each protrude about an inch beyond. + +Another and more important petroglyph was discovered on Little +Popo-Agie, northwestern Wyoming, by members of Capt. Jones’s party in +1873. The glyphs are upon a nearly vertical wall of the yellow sandstone +in the rear of Murphy’s ranch, and appear to be of some antiquity. +Further remarks, with specimens of the characters, are presented below +in this paper. (See Fig. 1091.) + +Dr. William H. Corbusier, U. S. Army, in a letter to the writer, +mentions the discovery of drawings on a sandstone rock near the +headwaters of Sage creek, in the vicinity of Fort Washakie, Wyoming, and +gives a copy which is presented as Fig. 96. Dr. Corbusier remarks that +neither the Shoshoni nor the Arapaho Indians know who made the drawings. +The two chief figures appear to be those of the human form, with the +hands and arms partly uplifted the whole being inclosed above and on +either side by an irregular line. + +[Illustration: FIG. 96.--Petroglyph near Sage creek, Wyoming.] + +The method of grouping, together with various accompanying appendages, +as irregular lines, spirals, etc., observed in Dr. Corbusier’s drawing, +show great similarity to the Algonquian type, and resemble some +engravings found near the Wind river mountains, which were the work +of Blackfeet (Satsika) Indians, who, in comparatively recent times, +occupied portions of the country in question, and probably also sketched +the designs near Fort Washakie. + +Fig. 97 is also reported from the same locality. + +[Illustration: FIG. 97.--Petroglyph near Sage creek, Wyoming.] + + +SECTION 3. + +MEXICO. + +No adequate attention can be given in the present paper to the +distribution and description of the petroglyphs of Mexico. In fact +very little accurate information is accessible regarding them. The +distinguished explorer, Mr. A. Bandelier, in a conversation mentioned +that he had sketched but not published two petroglyphs in Sonora. One, +very large and interesting, was at Cara Pintada, 3 miles southwest +of Huassavas, and a smaller one was at Las Flechas, 1 mile west of +Huassavas. He also sketched one in Chihuahua on the trail from Casas +Grandes to the Cerro de Montezuma. From the accounts of persons met in +his Mexican travels he gave it as his opinion that a large number of +petroglyphs still remained in the region of the Sierra Madre. + +The following mention of the paintings of the ancient inhabitants of +Lower California is translated from an anonymous account, in Documentos +para la Historia de Mexico (_a_), purporting to have been written in +1790: + + Throughout civilized California, from south to north, and + especially in the caves and smooth rocks, there remain various rude + paintings. Notwithstanding their disproportion and lack of art, the + representations of men, fish, bows and arrows, can be distinguished + and with them different kind of strokes, something like characters. + The colors of these paintings are of four kinds; yellow, a reddish + color, green and black. The greater part of them are painted in high + places, and from this it is inferred by some that the old tradition + is true, that there were giants among the ancient Californians. Be + this as it may, in the Mission of Santiago, which is at the south, + was discovered on a smooth rock of great height, a row of hands + stamped in red. On the high cliffs facing the shore are seen fish + painted in various shapes and sizes, bows, arrows, and some unknown + characters. In other parts are Indians armed with bows and arrows, + and various kinds of insects, snakes, and mice, with lines and + characters of other forms. On a flat rock about 2 yards in length + were stamped insignia or escutcheons of rank and inscriptions of + various characters. + + Towards Purmo, about 30 leagues beyond the Mission of Santiago + del Sur, is a bluff 8 yards in height and on the center of it is + seen an inscription which resembles Gothic letters interspersed with + Hebrew and Chaldean characters [?]. + + Though the Californian Indians have often been asked concerning + the significance of the figures, lines, and characters, no + satisfactory answer has been obtained. The most that has been + established by their information is that the paintings were + their predecessors, and that they are absolutely ignorant of the + signification of them. It is evident that the paintings and drawings + of the Californians are significant symbols and landmarks by which + they intended to leave to posterity the memory, either of their + establishment in this country, or of certain wars or political or + natural triumphs. These pictures are not like those of the Mexicans, + but might have the same purpose. + +Several petroglyphs in Sonora are described and illustrated infra in +Chapter XX on Special Comparisons. The following copies of petroglyphs +are presented here as specimens and are markedly different from those in +the northwestern states of Mexico, which represent the Aztec culture. + +The description of Fig. 98 is extracted from Viages de Guillelmo Dupaix +(_a_): + +[Illustration: FIG. 98.--Petroglyphs in Mexico.] + + Going from the town of Tlalmanalco to that of Mecamecan, at a + distance of a league to the east of the latter and in the confines + of the estate of Señor Don José Tepatolco, is an isolated rock of + granitic stone artificially cut into a conical form with a series + of six steps cut in the solid rock itself on the eastern side, the + summit forming a platform or horizontal section suitable for the + purpose of observing the stars at all points of the compass. It is, + therefore, most evident that this ancient monument or observatory + was employed solely for astronomical observations, and it is further + proved by various hieroglyphs cut in the south side of the cone; + but the most interesting feature of this side is the figure of + a man standing upright and in profile directing his gaze to the + east with the arms raised, holding in the hands a tube or species + of optical instrument. Beneath his feet is seen a carved frieze + with six compartments or squares and other symbols of a celestial + nature are engraved on their surfaces, evidently the product of + observation and calculation. Some of them have connection with those + found symmetrically arranged in circles on the ancient Mexican + calendar, exposed in this capital to general admiration. In front of + the observer is a rabbit seated and confronted by two parallel rows + of numerical figures; lastly two other symbols relating to the same + science are seen at the back. + +Prof. Daniel G. Brinton (_a_), gives an account of the illustration here +produced on Pl. XIV A, which may be thus condensed: + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XIV + +THE STONE OF THE GIANTS, MEXICO.] + + The “Stone of the Giants” at Escamela near the city of Orizaba, + Mexico, has been the subject of much discussion. Father Damaso + Sotomayor sees in the inscribed figures a mystical allusion to the + coming of Christ to the Gentiles and to the occurrences supposed + in Hebrew myth to have taken place in the Garden of Eden. This + stone was examined by Capt. Dupaix in the year 1808 and is figured + in the illustrations to his voluminous narrative. The figure he + gives [now presented as B on Pl. _XIV_] is, however, so erroneous + that it yields but a faint idea of the real character and meaning + of the drawing. It omits the ornament on the breast and also the + lines along the right of the giant’s face, which as I shall show are + distinctive traits. It gives him a girdle where none is delineated, + and the relative size and proportions of all the three figures are + quite distorted. + + The rock on which the inscription is found is roughly triangular + in shape, presenting a nearly straight border of 30 feet on each + side. It is hard and uniform in texture and of a dark color. The + length or height of the principal figure is 27 feet, and the incised + lines which designate the various objects are deeply and clearly cut. + + I now approach the decipherment of the inscriptions. Any one + versed in the signs of the Mexican calendar will at once perceive + that it contains the date of a certain year and day. On the left of + the giant is seen a rabbit surrounded with ten circular depressions. + These depressions are the well-known Aztec marks for numerals, and + the rabbit represents one of the four astronomic signs by which + they adjusted their chronologic cycles of fifty-two years. The + stone bears a carefully dated record, with year and day clearly set + forth. The year is represented to the left of the figure and is that + numbered “ten” under the sign of the rabbit; the day of the year is + number “one” under the sign of the fish. + + These precise dates recurred once, and only once, every + fifty-two years, and had recurred only once between the year of + our era, 1450, and the Spanish conquest of Mexico in 1519-’20. + Within the period named the year “ten rabbit” of the Aztec calendar + corresponded with the year 1502 of the Gregorian calendar. It is + more difficult to fix the day, but it is, I think, safe to say that, + according to the most probable computations, the day, “one fish,” + occurred in the first month of the year 1502, which month coincided + in whole or in part with our February. + + Such is the date on the inscription. Now, what is intimated to + have occurred on that date? The clew to this is furnished by the + figure of the giant. It represents an ogre of horrid mien with a + death’s-head grin and formidable teeth, his hair wild and long, the + locks falling down upon the neck. Suspended on the breast as an + ornament is the bone of a human lower jaw, with its incisor teeth. + The left leg is thrown forward as in the act of walking, and the + arms are uplifted, the hands open, and the fingers extended as at + the moment of seizing the prey or the victim. The lines about the + umbilicus represent the knot of the girdle which supported the + _maxtli_ or breechcloth. + + There is no doubt as to which personage of the Aztec + pantheon this fear-inspiring figure represents. It is _Tzontemoc + Mictlantecutli_, “the Lord of the Realm of the Dead, He of the + Falling Hair,” the dread god of death and the dead. His distinctive + marks are there, the death’s-head, the falling hair, the jaw bone, + the terrible aspect, the giant size. + + We possess several chronicles of the empire before Cortes + destroyed it, written in the hieroglyphs which the inventive genius + of the natives had devised. Taking two of these chronicles, one + known as the Codex Telleriano-Remensis, the other as the Codex + Vaticanus, I turn to the year numbered “ten” under the sign of the + rabbit and I find that both present the same record which I copy in + the following figure. + +[Illustration: FIG. 99.--The Emperor Ahuitzotzin.] + +The figure so copied is entitled “Extract from the Vatican Codex,” which +is a slight error. It is a copy from the Codex Telleriano-Remensis, +Kingsborough, I, Pt. 4, p. 23, year 1502, which is here reproduced as +Fig. 99. The record in the Vatican Codex, Kingsborough, II, p. 130, +differs in some unimportant details. It may also be noted that in the +text relating to the Codex Telleriano-Remensis, Kingsborough, VI, p. +141, the word Ahuitzotl is given as “the name of an aquatic animal +famous in Mexican mythology.” The present opportunity is embraced to +recognize the acumen displayed by Prof. Brinton in his interpretation of +the petroglyph. He proceeds as follows: + + The sign of the year (the rabbit) is shown merely by his head + for brevity. The ten dots, which give its number, are beside it. + Immediately beneath is a curious quadruped, with what are intended + as water-drops dripping from him. The animal is the hedgehog, and + the figure is to be constructed _iconomatically_; that is, it must + be read as a rebus through the medium of the Nahuatl language. In + that language water is _atl_, in composition _a_, and hedgehog is + _uitzotl_. Combine these and you get _ahuitzotl_, or, with the + reverential termination, _ahuitzotzin_. This was the name of the + ruler or emperor, if you allow the word, of ancient Mexico before + the accession to the throne of that Montezuma whom the Spanish + _conquistador_, Cortes, put to death. + + Returning to the page from the chronicle, we observe that the + hieroglyph of Ahuitzotzin is placed immediately over a corpse + swathed in its mummy cloths, as was the custom of interment with + the highest classes in Mexico. This signifies that the death of + Ahuitzotzin took place in that year. Adjacent to it is the figure + of his successor, his name iconomatically represented by the + headdress of the nobles, the _tecuhtli_, giving the middle syllables + of “_Mo-tecuh-zoma_.” No doubt is left that _La Piedra de los + Gigantes_ of Escamela is a necrologic tablet commemorating the death + of the Emperor Ahuitzotzin, some time in February, 1502. + +Mr. Eugène Boban (_a_) mentions manuscript copies, dating from the +beginning of the century, of various sculptured stones in Mexico. These +sculpturings represent native ideographic characters, among them the +_teocalli_, the _tepetl_, the sign _ollin_, etc. + +On several of the plates which compose this collection are notes +indicating the place where the monument, fragment, or ruin is found, +from which the characters are copied; for example, one of them bears the +note: “de la calle R^l de la villa de Cuernabaca.” Several others bear +annotations which show that they have been copied in the cemetery, in +the streets of that town, or in its environs. + +Aside from these notes the plates are not accompanied by any information +which could give a trace of the person who drew them, or the purpose for +which they were intended. + +The same author (_b_) describes a large sculptured stone of Mexico, the +designs on which have been reproduced in paintings on deerskin. After +giving a detailed description of the copied MS. he speaks of the stone +as follows: + + We deem it of interest to give some notes concerning the famous + cylindrical stone, both sculptured and painted, known by the name + _Teocuauhxicalli_ (the sacred drinking vase of the eagles) on which + are found the themes of all the designs which have been above + described. This stone, buried at the time of the Spanish Conquest, + was discovered in the first half of this century at the close of a + series of excavations made in the soil of the Place d’Armes, Mexico. + The director of the national museum, who was then M. Rafael Gondra, + contented himself with taking the dimensions and making a hurried + sketch of it. It was then reinterred, as the necessary funds were + lacking to exhume it entirely and transport it to the museum. + + The name Teocuauhxicalli is composed of: _Teotl_, god; + _cuauhili_, eagle, and _xicalli_, hemispherical vase formed from the + half of a gourd. It may be translated by, “The vase of god and the + eagles,” or, rather, “The sacred drinking cup of the eagles.” + + “The Mexican monarch Axayacatl, jealous of his predecessor + Motecuhzoma I, took down the Teocuauhxicalli which was in the upper + part of the Great Temple of Mexico, and replaced it by another, + sculptured by his order;” so says the eminent Mexican archæologist + and historian, Don Manuel Orozco y Berra, in his excellent work, + Historia Antigua y de la Conquesta de Mexico (t. III, p. 348). This + monument was also dedicated to the god of war, Huitzilopochtli. + + According to Duran and Tezozomoc, those stones on which gods + were represented were designated by the name Teocuauhxicalli; i. e., + divine cuauhxicalli. They belonged to the class of painted stones, + for they were covered with several colors. + + Orozco y Berra adds the following: “It is evident that the + figures sculptured and painted do not represent armed warriors + preparing for combat. On the contrary, we see that they represent + gods. Among them is found Huitzilopochtli (god of war) with his arms + and attributes, having before him another deity or high priest who + holds in his hands the emblems of the holocaust. + + “The figures of the upper part are not fighting and could not + have known how to fight, if we judge by their positions; the chest + is turned back, the face raised toward the sky, in which appears an + object which resembles the astronomical sign _cipactli_. + + “Everywhere on the surface of this stone are noticed symbols, + birds, quadrupeds, fantastic reptiles, signs of the sun, days, + months, and a quantity of objects whose character is imitated in + manuscripts and rituals. There can be no doubt that we are in the + presence of a monument devoted to the gods and bearing legends + relative to their worship. M. the minister of Fomento, D. Vicente + Rivera Palacio, in 1877 made several attempts at excavation in the + Plaza Mayor of Mexico, to recover this important monument, but all + search remained unfruitful.” + + This stone is supposed to be buried beneath the Place d’Armes at + Mexico. + +Mexican petroglyphs are also discussed and figured by Chavero (_a_). + +It would seem from these and other descriptions of and allusions to +petroglyphs in Mexico, that at the time of the Spanish conquest they +were extant in large numbers, though now seldom found. Perhaps the +Spaniards destroyed them in the same spirit which led them to burn up +many of the Mexican pictographs on paper and other substances. + +A number of illustrations of the Mexican pictographic writings are given +below under various headings. + + +SECTION 4. + +WEST INDIES. + +The valuable paper of A. L. Pinart (_a_), giving a description of the +petroglyphs found by him in the Greater and Lesser Antilles, is received +too late for reproduction of the illustrations. He explored a number +of the groups of the West Indies with varying success, but found that +the island of Puerto Rico was the one which now furnishes the greatest +amount of evidence of development in the pictographic art. His marks +translated with condensation appear below. + + +PUERTO RICO. + + The first petroglyph to be mentioned is found at la Cueva del + Islote, on Punta Braba, about 5 leagues east from Arecibo and on the + north side of the island of Puerto Rico. The grotto is found in an + immense blackish mass of igneous rock, forming a point projecting + into the sea, which beats furiously against it; it communicates with + the sea at the foot, and the water entering this passage, which + is quite narrow, produces a terrific roaring followed soon after + by veritable thunder claps. The people of the neighborhood have + a superstitious fear of it, and it is only with great difficulty + that anyone can be found to accompany one there. The entrance on + the land side is toward the east--a yawning crevasse, filled partly + with rubbish and partly by the stunted vegetation of the coast. + On penetrating to the interior we find, after following a short + but wide passage, a pyriform chamber 20 meters in diameter. In the + ceiling a very narrow crack admits a ray of light which, reflected + in the water of the sea, filling the bottom of the cave, produces a + bluish twilight. Notwithstanding this twilight, we are obliged to + carry torches to distinguish objects. All around us, but especially + over the point where the sea enters in, are to be seen the + inscriptions represented here. The incisions are very deep, and the + edges are generally dulled by the blows of the hammer; in certain + spots, toward the lower part of the grotto, several inscriptions are + partially effaced by the action of the sea, but those of the upper + part are in a remarkable state of preservation. Beneath certain + principal figures of the groups are little circular basin-like + depressions cut in the rock with a trench running down toward the + bottom. + + I will not attempt here to give a formal explanation of these + inscriptions, but may we not regard the spot in which they are found + as having served for a rendezvous for the ancient Borrinqueños + where they performed their sacrifices or the ceremonies of their + religion? On the other hand, the appearance of these inscriptions + is very peculiar. One of them might be considered a representation + of those little figurines and statuettes of stone found in Mexico, + in Mixteca, and in the country to the south. In another a head + is curiously decorated with a diadem of feathers, and apparently + represents one presiding at a feast served in the small circular + basin set before him. The most noticeable thing in this group of + inscriptions is the frequency of the grinning faces in a circle, + often alone, often accompanied by two others placed at the sides, + which are universally met with in every inscription found in the + Greater and Lesser Antilles. The same may be said of the human + figure apparently swaddled in cloths like a very young infant, the + head and body more or less decorated, which is also very frequently + found. + + Following these petroglyphs of Islote, we present a list of + others discovered at Puerto Rico, hastily describing them and giving + a particular description only of those which are of the greatest + interest. + + In the above-mentioned grotto of Cueva de los Archillas, near + the village of Ciales, we observed the curious figures bearing + traces of a crown and peculiar ear ornaments. In la Cueva de los + Conejos, some distance from Arecibo, on the road from Utauado, we + found a figure partly incised and partly painted in a dark red; it + is very artistically fashioned, and represents the famous “guava,” + the monster spider of the Greater Antilles, of which the natives + have a great dread. It is probable that the ancient Borrinqueños + also considered it with a certain awe, and we find images of the + same animal in la Cueva del Templo on the coast of Haiti, at Santo + Domingo. A solitary rock of a reddish color, in a field of the + hacienda of Don Pedro Pavez at la Carolina, a short distance from + the Rio Pedras, bears a series of grimacing faces in circles. On a + granitic rock of large dimensions, superimposed on a heap of rocks + of the same character, in the midst of a grove of Indian trees + and at the entrance of the Cano del Indio into Rio la Ceiba, near + Fajardo, on the east side, are found three swaddled human figures, + the heads decorated with various ornaments. On a black rock in + the Rio Arriba, one of the branches of the Rio de la Ceiba, is a + petroglyph which presents but little that is of interest. + + On the Loma Muñoz, near the Rio Arriba above mentioned, and + on the summit of the hill, stands a dark rock with smooth face + protected by another mass of rock, forming a sort of shelter on + which is an inscription composed of a number of incised grinning + faces. At the confluence of the Rio Blanco and the Rio de la Ceiba, + in the district of Fajardo, is a series of violent rapids formed + by immense rocks of a granitic character, on which are cut a large + number of other grimacing faces and also some swaddled figures, and + other incisions which are not of interest. + + +BAHAMA ISLANDS. + +Lady Edith Blake, wife of Sir Henry Arthur Blake, formerly governor +of the Bahama islands, has kindly furnished the following information +and sketches (Figs. 100, 101, and 102), relating to petroglyphs in the +Bahama islands. Lady Blake says: + + The carvings are on the walls of an “Indian hole,” also called + Hartford cave, in the northern shore of a small island in Rum Cay, + one of the Bahama group. Rum Cay measures 5 miles from north to + south and about 8 or 9 from east to west. It lies 20 miles northwest + of Watlings island, the San Salvador of Columbus. + + The cave is situated on the seashore about a mile and a half + from the western point of the island to the eastward of a bluff, + close to which is a “puffing hole,” through which the waves blow + when the seas roll in from the north. The cave is semicircular in + shape and about 20 yards in depth, and is partially filled with + debris of rocks, earth, and sand. + + [Illustration: FIG. 100.--Petroglyphs in the Bahamas.] + + Like all rocks of which the Bahamas are formed, those in + Hartford cave are a mixture of coral, detritus, and shell, very + rough and full of cracks and indentations, and in this cave, from + the constant damp of filtration and spray, the walls were coated + with a deposit of lime and salt, so that it would be impossible + to say if the carvings had been colored. If ever they had been, + any traces of coloring must long have disappeared. Besides the + markings copied there were others scattered over the walls of the + cave, most of which were circles apparently resembling human faces. + Unfortunately, we neglected to measure the carvings, but I should + judge the circles or faces to be 10 inches or more across, while + others of the figures must have been a foot and a half in length, + and the markings must have been nearly half an inch in depth, cut + into the face of the rock, and seemed to us such as might have been + made with a sharp stone implement. Although we visited numerous + caves in the various islands of the Bahamas, in no other did we find + any appearance of markings or carvings on the walls, nor could we + hear of any reported to have such markings. + + [Illustration: FIG. 101.--Petroglyphs in the Bahamas.] + + The absence of any traces of carvings in other caves whose + situation was better adapted for the preservation of markings, + had such ever existed, and the proof that their contents afforded + that most of those caves had been known to the Lucayans and used + by them as burying places or otherwise, and the close proximity of + Hartford cave to the sea, taken in connection with the great number + of markings on its walls, led me to think that possibly this cave + had been the resort of the marauding tribes whom the Lucayans gave + Columbus to understand were their enemies, and who were in the habit + of making war upon them; and if so, the Caribs, or whatever tribe + it may have been, had left these rock markings as mementos of their + various expeditions and guides to succeeding ones. + +[Illustration: FIG. 102.--Petroglyphs in the Bahamas.] + +The above-mentioned petroglyphs bear a remarkable similarity to those +in British Guiana figured and described below, and the authorship would +seem to relate to the same group of natives, the Caribs. + + +GUADELOUPE. + +In the Guesde collection of antiquities, described in the Smithsonian +report for 1884, p. 834, Fig. 208, here reproduced as Fig. 103, is an +inscribed slab found in Guadeloupe. It weighs several tons and it is +impossible to remove it. In the vicinity are to be seen many other rocks +bearing inscriptions, but this is the most elaborate of the group. + +The inscriptions may be compared with those from Guiana presented in +this work. + +[Illustration: FIG. 103.--Petroglyph in Guadeloupe.] + + +ARUBA. + +Pinart (_b_) gives the following account, translated and condensed: + + The island of Aruba forms one of the group of the islands of + Curaçao, on the north coast of Venezuela. This group consists + of three principal islands, Curaçao, Buen Ayre, Aruba, and some + isolated rocks. It belongs to Holland. + + Aruba is the most western island of the group and is situated + opposite the peninsula of Paraguana, on the mainland. The distance + between the two is about 10 leagues, and from the island the shores + of the continent can be seen very distinctly. + + These islands, at the time of the discovery by the Spaniards, + were inhabited by an Indian race which has left numerous traces + of its occupancy; pottery, stone objects, petroglyphs, etc., are + met with in large numbers in Aruba and in a less quantity on Buen + Ayre and Curaçao. * * * These petroglyphs are quite different in + character from those which I have recently described in a brief + study of the Greater and Lesser Antilles, and their appearance + brings to mind those found in Orinoco, in Venezuela, in the + peninsula of Paraguana, on the border of the Magdalena river, + and as far as Chiriqui. They differ from these, however, in + several respects, and especially in that they are almost always + multi-colored. The colors usually employed are red, blue, a + yellowish white, and black. They are, moreover, painted and not cut + in the rock. They show the same degree of variance as I have already + noticed in North America--in Sonora, Arizona, and Chihuahua--between + the petroglyphs which I have designated as Pimos, which are always + incised, and those in the mountains which I designated as Comanche, + and which are always painted and in many colors. The petroglyphs + are, as has already been said, very numerous on the island of Aruba. + I have personal knowledge of thirty, but, according to my friend + Père van Kolwsjk, there must be more than fifty. The most important + groups are as follows: + + (1) _Avikok._ An enormous dark rock forms the summit of a wooded + knob, and in this rock are two large cavities, one above the other, + on the walls of which are the petroglyphs represented. + + (2) _Fontein._ On the border of a fresh-water lagoon, a short + distance from the northeast part of the island, near the sea, is a + grotto of coralline origin, whose walls are of remarkable whiteness. + This grotto is composed of a principal passage, quite wide, cut off + toward the lower end by a row of stalactites and stalagmites, which, + joining together, form a curious grimacing figure. On the wall to + the left, as we look toward the bottom of the grotto, are found some + petroglyphs. They are well preserved, thanks to their situation and + the shelter from inclement weather, and they show no indication of + painting, being distinctly traced on the walls. + + (3) _Chiribana._ On some granitic spurs of a hill of the same + name are found curious petroglyphs. + + (4) At Lero de Wajukan, near Avikok, and at the foot of a hill, + petroglyphs are found on some blocks of granite. I notice specially + the human figure which in the original is outlined in red and bears + on the shoulder a hatchet of the Carib type with a haft. + + (5) At Ayo I discovered petroglyphs with figures in blue and red. + + (6) At Woeboeri inscriptions are found on the wall of an immense + mass of granite. + + (7) Some petroglyphs on the walls of a grotto at Karasito. + + + + +CHAPTER III. + +PETROGLYPHS IN CENTRAL AND SOUTH AMERICA. + + +Some writers have endeavored to draw definite ethnic distinctions +between the pre-Columbian inhabitants of North America and those farther +south. The opinions and theories which have favored such discriminations +have originated in error and ignorance. Until lately there has been but +scanty scientific investigation of the peoples of Central and South +America and but a limited exploration of the regions now or formerly +occupied by them. The latest opinion of the best ethnologists is that +no sufficient reason can be shown for separate racial classification of +the aborigines of the three Americas. The examples of petroglyphs now +presented from Central and South America, all of which are selected as +typical, show remarkable similarity to some of those above illustrated +and described, especially to those in California, New Mexico, and +Arizona. This topic is further discussed under the heading of Special +Comparison, Chapter XX, infra. + + +SECTION I. + +PETROGLYPHS IN CENTRAL AMERICA. + + +NICARAGUA. + +Dr. J. F. Bransford (_a_) gives the following account: + + On a hillside on the southern end of the island of Ometepec, + Nicaragua, about 1-1/2 miles east of Point San Ramon, are many + irregular blocks of basalt with marks and figures cut on them. The + hillside faces east, and is about half a mile from the lake. There + were similar markings on many of the shore rocks, which, in May, + were partially covered with water, notwithstanding that that was + about the driest season. These markings were excavated about half + an inch in depth and a little more in width. Human faces and spiral + lines predominated. There was also a crown, a representation of a + monkey, and many irregular figures. + +Several illustrations from these rocks are presented, infra, in Figs. +1102 and 1103, and one is reproduced in this connection as Fig. 104. + +[Illustration: FIG. 104.--Petroglyphs in Nicaragua.] + + +GUATEMALA. + +The following extract is taken from the work of Dr. S. Habel (_a_): + + Santa Lucia is a village in the Republic of Guatemala, in the + Department of Esquintla, near the base of the Volcano del Fuego, + at the commencement of the inclined plane which extends from the + mountain range to the coast of the Pacific Ocean. * * * + + The sculptured slabs are in the vicinity of the village. The + greater number of them form an extended heap, rendering it probable + that there are others hidden from view that more extended researches + would reveal. * * * All the sculptures, with the exception of three + statues, are in low relief, nearly all being in cavo-relievo, that + is, surrounded by a raised border, the height of which indicates the + elevation of the relief. The same kind of relief was practiced by + the ancient Assyrians and Egyptians. + + In seven instances the sculpture represents a person adoring + a deity of a different theological conception in each case. One + of these seems to represent the sun, another the moon, while in + the remaining five it is impossible to define their character. All + these deities are represented by a human figure, of which only the + head, arms, and breast are correctly portrayed, proving that the + religious conceptions had risen to anthropomorphism, while the idols + of the nations of Central America and Mexico, which have previously + come to our knowledge, are represented by disfigured human forms or + grotesque images. + + Four of the other sculptures represent allegorical subjects; two + of them the myth of the griffin, the bird of the sun. + + The slabs on which the low reliefs are sculptured are of various + sizes; the greater number of these, like those representing the + deities, are 12 feet in length, 3 feet in width, and 2 feet in + thickness. Nine feet of the upper part of these stones are occupied + by the sculptures, while the lower 3 feet appear to have served as a + base. + +Several illustrations of these rock sculptures are presented, infra, as +Figs. 1235 and 1236. It is evident that these very large slabs received +their markings when they were in the locality in which they are now +found so can be classed geographically. + + +SECTION 2. + +SOUTH AMERICA. + +Alexander von Humboldt (_a_) gives general remarks, now condensed, upon +petroglyphs in South America: + + In the interior of South America, between the second and fourth + degrees of north latitude, a forest-covered plain is inclosed by + four rivers, the Orinoco, the Atabapo, the Rio Negro, and the + Cassiquiare. In this district are found rocks of granite and of + syenite, covered with colossal symbolical figures of crocodiles and + tigers, and drawings of household utensils, and of the sun and moon. + The tribes nearest to its boundaries are wandering naked savages, + in the lowest stages of human existence, and far removed from any + thoughts of carving hieroglyphics on rocks. One may trace in South + America an entire zone, extending through more than 8° of longitude, + of rocks so ornamented, viz, from the Rupuniri, Essequibo, and the + mountains of Pacaraima, to the banks of the Orinoco and of the + Yupura. These carvings may belong to very different epochs, for + Sir Robert Schomburgk even found on the Rio Negro representations + of a Spanish galiot, which must have been of a later date than the + beginning of the sixteenth century; and this in a wilderness where + the natives were probably as rude then as at the present time. Some + miles from Encaramada there rises in the middle of the savannah + the rock Tepu-Mereme, or painted rock. It shows several figures of + animals and symbolical outlines which resemble much those observed + by us at some distance above Encaramada, near Caycara. Rocks thus + marked are found between the Cassiquiare and the Atabapo and, what + is particularly remarkable, 560 geographical miles farther to the + east, in the solitudes of Parime. Nicholas Hortsmann found on the + banks of the Rupunuri, at the spot where the river winding between + the Macarana mountains forms several small cascades, and before + arriving at the district immediately surrounding lake Amucu, “rocks + covered with figures,” or, as he says in Portuguese, “de varias + letras.” We were shown at the rock of Culimacari, on the banks of + the Cassiquiare, signs which were called characters, arranged in + lines, but they were only ill-shaped figures of heavenly bodies, + boa-serpents, and the utensils employed in preparing manioc meal. I + have never found among these painted rocks (piedras pintadas) any + symmetrical arrangement or any regular even-spaced characters. I am + therefore disposed to think that the word “letras,” in Hortsmann’s + journal, must not be taken in the strictest sense. + + Schomburgk saw and described other petroglyphs on the banks of + the Essequibo, near the cascade of Warraputa. Neither promises nor + threats could prevail on the Indians to give a single blow with + a hammer to these rocks, the venerable monuments of the superior + mental cultivation of their predecessors. They regard them as the + work of the Great Spirit, and the different tribes whom we met with, + though living at a great distance, were nevertheless acquainted with + them. Terror was painted on the faces of my Indian companions, who + appeared to expect every moment that the fire of heaven would fall + on my head. I saw clearly that my endeavors to detach a portion of + the rock would be fruitless, and I contented myself with bringing + away a complete drawing of these memorials. Even the veneration + everywhere testified by the Indians of the present day for these + rude sculptures of their predecessors show that they have no idea of + the execution of similar works. There is another circumstance which + should be mentioned. Between Encaramada and Caycara, on the banks of + the Orinoco, a number of these hieroglyphical figures are sculptured + on the face of precipices at a height which could now be reached + only by means of extraordinarily high scaffolding. If one asks the + natives how these figures have been cut, they answer, laughing, as + if it were a fact of which none but a white man could be ignorant, + that “in the days of the great waters their fathers went in canoes + at that height.” + + +UNITED STATES OF COLOMBIA. + +Mr. W. H. Holmes (_b_), of the Bureau of Ethnology, gives this account +of petroglyphs in the province of Chiriqui, state of Panama: + + _Pictured rocks._--Our accounts of these objects are very + meager. The only one definitely described is the “piedra pintal.” A + few of the figures engraved upon it are given by Seemann, from whom + the following paragraph is quoted: + + “At Caldera, a few leagues (north) from the town of David, lies + a granite block known to the country people as the piedra pintal or + painted stone. It is 15 feet high, nearly 50 feet in circumference, + and flat on the top. Every part, especially the eastern side, is + covered with figures. One represents a radiant sun; it is followed + by a series of heads, all with some variations, scorpions, and + fantastic figures. The top and the other side have signs of a + circular and oval form, crossed by lines. The sculpture is ascribed + to the Dorachos (or Dorasques), but to what purpose the stone was + applied no historical account or tradition reveals.” + + These inscriptions are irregularly placed and much scattered. + They are thought to have been originally nearly an inch deep, but in + places are almost effaced by weathering, thus giving a suggestion of + great antiquity. Tracings of these figures made recently by Mr. A. + L. Pinart show decided differences in detail, and Mr. McNiel gives + still another transcription. + +In Fig. 105 Mr. McNiel’s sketch of the southwest face of the rock is +presented. + +[Illustration: FIG. 105.--Petroglyphs in Colombia.] + +Other illustrations from Colombia appear as Figs. 151 and 1166, infra. + + +GUIANA. + +The name of Guiana has been applied to the territory between the rivers +Amazon, Orinoco, Negro, and Cassiquiare. It was once divided into the +French, British, Dutch, Portuguese, and Spanish Guianas. The Portuguese +Guiana now belongs to Brazil and Spanish Guiana is part of Venezuela. +Many petroglyphs have been found in the several Guianas. They appear +throughout the whole of the part belonging to Venezuela, but they are +more thickly grouped in parts of the valley of the Orinoco. + +The subject is well discussed in the following extract from Among the +Indians of Guiana, by im Thurn (_a_): + + The pictured rocks of Guiana are not all of one kind. In all + cases various figures are rudely depicted on larger or smaller + surfaces of rocks. Sometimes these figures are painted, though such + cases are few and of but little moment; more generally they are + graven on the rock, and these alone are of great importance. Rock + sculptures may, again, be distinguished into two kinds, differing + in the depth of incision, the apparent mode of execution, and, most + important of all, the character of the figures represented. + + Painted rocks in British Guiana are mentioned by Mr. C. + Barrington Brown. He says that in coming down past Amailah fall, + on the Cooriebrong river, he passed “a large white sandstone rock + ornamented with figures in red paint.” * * * Mr. Wallace, in his + account of his Travels on the Amazons, mentions the occurrence of + similar drawings in more than one place near the Amazons. * * * + + The engraved rocks must be of some antiquity; that is to + say, they must certainly date from a time before the influence + of Europeans was much felt in Guiana. As has already been said, + the engravings are of two kinds and are probably the work of two + different people; nor is there even any reason to suppose that the + two kinds were produced at one and the same time. + + These two kinds of engravings may, for the sake of convenience, + be distinguished as “deep” and “shallow,” respectively, according + as the figures are deeply cut into the rock or are merely scratched + on the surface. The former vary from one-eighth to one-half of an + inch, or even more, in depth; the latter are of quite inconsiderable + depth. This difference probably corresponds with a difference in the + means by which they were produced. The deep engravings seem cut into + the rock with an edged tool, probably of stone; the shallow figures + were apparently formed by long continued friction with stones and + moist sand. The two kinds seem never to occur in the same place or + even near to each other; in fact, a distinct line may almost be + drawn between the districts in which the deep and shallow kinds + occur, respectively; the deep form occurs at several spots on the + Mazeruni, Essequibo, Ireng, Cotinga, Potaro, and Berbice rivers. The + shallow form has as yet only been reported from the Corentyn river + and its tributaries, where, however, examples occur in considerable + abundance. But the two kinds differ not only in the depth of + incision, in the apparent mode of their production, and in the place + of their occurrence, but also--and this is the chief difference + between the two--in the figures represented. + +Fig. 106 is a typical example of the shallow carvings. + +[Illustration: FIG. 106.--Shallow carvings in Guiana.] + +Fig. 1104, infra, is a similar example of the deep carvings. + + The shallow engravings seem always to occur on comparatively + large and more or less smooth surfaces of rock, and rarely, if + ever, as the deep figures, on detached blocks of rock, piled + one on the other. The shallow figures, too, are generally much + larger, always combinations of straight or curved lines in figures + much more elaborate than those in the deep engravings; and these + shallow pictures always represent not animals, but greater or less + variations of the figure which has been described. Lastly, though I + am not certain that much significance can be attributed to this, all + the examples that I have seen face more or less accurately eastward. + + The deep engravings, on the other hand, consist not of a single + figure but of a greater or less number of rude drawings. * * * These + depict the human form, monkeys, snakes, and other animals, and also + very simple combinations of two or three straight or curved lines + in a pattern, and occasionally more elaborate combinations. The + individual figures are small, averaging from 12 to 18 inches in + height, but a considerable number are generally represented in a + group. + + Some of the best examples of this latter kind are at Warrapoota + cataracts, about six days’ journey up the Essequibo. + + * * * The commonest figures at Warrapoota are figures of men + or perhaps sometimes monkeys. These are very simple and generally + consist of one straight line, representing the trunk, crossed by + two straight lines at right angles to the body line; one about + two-thirds of the distance from the top, represents the two arms as + far as the elbows, where upward lines represent the lower part of + the arms; the other, which is at the lower end, represent the two + legs as far as the knees, from which point downward lines represent + the lower part of the legs. A round dot, or a small circle, at the + top of the trunk line, forms the head; and there are a few radiating + lines where the fingers, a few more where the toes, should be. + Occasionally the trunk line is produced downwards as if to represent + a long tail. Perhaps the tailless figures represent men, the + tailed monkeys. In a few cases the trunk, instead of being indicated + by one straight line, is formed by two curved lines, representing + the rounded outlines of the body; and the body thus formed is + bisected by a row of dots, almost invariably nine in number, which + seem to represent vertebræ. + + Most of the other figures at Warrapoota are very simple + combinations of two, three, or four straight lines similar to the + so-called “Greek meander pattern,” which is of such widespread + occurrence. Combinations of curved and simple spiral lines also + frequently occur. Many of these combinations closely resemble the + figures which the Indians of the present day paint on their faces + and naked bodies. + +The same author (pp. 368, 369) gives the following account of the +superstitious reverence entertained for the petroglyphs by the living +Indians of Guiana: + + Every time a sculptured rock or striking mountain or stone is + seen, Indians avert the ill will of the spirits of such places by + rubbing red peppers (_Capsicum_) each in his or her own eyes. * * + * Though the old practitioners inflict this self-torture with the + utmost stoicism, I have again and again seen that otherwise rare + sight of Indians children, and even young men, sobbing under the + infliction. Yet the ceremony was never omitted. Sometimes, when by + a rare chance no member of the party had had the forethought to + provide peppers, lime juice was used as a substitute; and once, when + neither peppers nor limes were at hand, a piece of blue indigo-dyed + cloth was carefully soaked, and the dye was then rubbed into the + eyes. + +The same author (_b_) adds: + + It may be as well briefly to sum up the few facts that can be + said, with any probability, of these rock pictures in Guiana. The + engravings are of two kinds, which may or may not have had different + authors and different intention. They were still produced after the + first arrival of Europeans, as is shown by the sculptured ship. They + were, therefore, probably made by the ancestors of the Indians now + in the country; for, from the writings of Raleigh and other early + explorers, as well as from the statements of early colonists, it is + to be gathered that the present tribes were already in Guiana at + the time of the first arrival of Europeans, though not perhaps in + the same relative positions as at present. The art of stone-working + being destroyed by the arrival of Europeans, the practice of + rock-engraving ceased. Possibly the customary figures were for a + time painted instead of engraved; but this degenerated habit was + also soon relinquished. As to the intention of the figures, that + they had some seems certain, but what kind this was is not clear. + Finally, these figures really seem to indicate some very slight + connection with Mexican civilization. + +The following extract from a paper on the Indian picture-writing in +British Guiana, by Mr. Charles B. Brown (_a_), gives views and details +somewhat different from the foregoing: + + These writings or markings are visible at a greater or less + distance in proportion to the depth of the furrows. In some + instances they are distinctly visible upon the rocks on the banks + of the river at a distance of 100 yards; in others they are so + faint that they can only be seen in certain lights by reflected + rays from their polished surfaces. They occur upon greenstone, + granite, quartz-porphyry, gneiss, and jasperous sandstone, both in + a vertical and horizontal position, at various elevations above + the water. Sometimes they can only be seen during the dry season + when the rivers are low, as in several instances on the Berbice + and Cassikytyn rivers. In one instance, on the Corentyn river, + the markings on the rock are so much above the level of the river + when at its greatest height, that they could only have been made + by erecting a staging against the face of the rock, unless the + river was at the time much above its usual level. The widths of the + furrows vary from half an inch to 1 inch, while the depth never + exceeds one-fourth of an inch. * * * The furrows present the same + weather-stained aspect as the rocks upon which they are cut. * * * + + The Indians of Guiana know nothing about the picture-writing by + tradition. They scout the idea of their having been made by the hand + of man, and ascribe them to the handiwork of the Makunaima, their + great spirit. * * * + + As these figures were evidently cut with great care and at much + labor by a former race of men, I conclude that they were made for + some great purpose, probably a religious one, as some of the figures + give indications of phallic worship. + + +VENEZUELA. + +Prof. R. Hartmann (_a_) presented a pencil drawing of a South American +rock, covered with sculptures, sketched by Mr. Anton Goering, a painter +in Leipzig, which is here reproduced as Fig. 107. The rock is situated +not far from San Esteban, a village in the vicinity of Puerto Cabello, +in Venezuela. C. F. Appun, in Unter den Tropen, I, p. 82, remarks as +follows in reference to this “Piedra de los Indios” (Indians’ stone), a +large granite block lying by the side of the road: + +[Illustration: FIG. 107.--Sculptured rock in Venezuela.] + + These drawings, cut in the stone to a depth of half an inch, + mostly represent snakes and other animal forms, human heads and + spiral lines, and differ from those which I afterward saw in Guiana, + on the Essequibo and Rupununi, in characters and forms, but + their execution, like that of the latter, is rude. Though greatly + weathered by the influence of rain and the atmosphere, the figures + can still be perfectly distinguished and gigantic patience, such as + none but Indians possess, was surely needed to carve them in the + hard granite mass by means of a stone. + +Dr. G. Marcano (_a_) gives an account translated as follows, which is +connected with Fig. 108: + +[Illustration: FIG. 108.--Rock near Caïcara, Venezuela.] + + A tradition, the legend of the rock of Tepumereme, has been + preserved by Father Gili. Some old writers, adhering to the Tamanak + acceptation of the word, say indifferently tepumeremes or rocas + pintadas (painted rocks). Usage has converted Tepumereme into a + proper noun. At the present day it is applied exclusively to the + rock situated some leagues from Encaramada, in the midst of the + savanna, this rock having been the Mount Ararat of the Tamanaks. + + Supposing that it is authentic, this legend, which we will + relate further on [see page 33, supra], yields no information that + might aid us in interpreting hieroglyphs, and so we are reduced to + describing its principal characters. + + Not all our pictographs correspond to the region of the Raudals, + but in our ignorance of the peoples who carved them we see no harm + in bringing them together so long as they all come from the banks + of the Orinoco, and so long as the localities where they exist are + indicated. The copies which we give of them have been very carefully + made and reduced to one-tenth. + + The first thing that strikes one on looking at them is that, + despite differences in detail, the design presents a general common + character. In fact, there is question not of figures with undecided + forms, but with sure lines perfectly traced and combined in one and + the same style. They are geometric designs rather than objective + representations. The illustration [Fig. 108] came from a rock in + the vicinity of Caïcara, a town situated on the right bank of the + Orinoco, close to its last great bend. It represents three jaguars, + one large and two small, the former being separated from the latter + by an ornamented sun placed at the level of their feet. The spotting + of their hides is rendered by means of angular lines arranged in so + regular a manner that one might take them to be tigers did he not + know that these felines never existed in these regions. The jaguars + differ in insignificant details which, however, must have a purpose, + in view of the general regularity. The largest shows six radiating + lines on the muzzle and a circle in one of the ears. The second + shows two hooks on the lower part of the body. The third is preceded + by an isolated head, which is unfinished, without ears, inclined + differently from the others. Some differences are also noted in the + limbs. + + Placed in the attitude of marching, these animals seem to + descend from a height and to follow the same direction. Perhaps + there is question here of a mnemonic whole, and, we might add, of a + totem, if we knew that that system had been employed by the Indians + of the region. + +The same author (p. 205) gives a description of the petroglyphs of the +rapids of Chicagua, here presented as Fig. 109. + +[Illustration: FIG. 109.--Petroglyphs of Chicagua rapids, Venezuela.] + + This interesting collection includes the most varied ideographs. + + Alongside of representations analogous to the preceding there + appear new characters and partial groupings which we had not + yet found. On running over them one passes successively from + simple points to figures made up of tangled lines, to objective + representations, and even to letters of the alphabet, a resemblance + which, of course, is fortuitous. + + The first group begins by three points similar to those in Fig. + 19 [of Marcano, occurring in Fig. 1105 in this paper], followed by + two circles with central dots, and terminates below in a plexus of + broken lines. The second group, placed at the right, is composed of + regular figures of great variety. Among them we note the two lowest, + one of which resembles a K and the other a reversed A. A spiral, two + circles, one of which has two appendices, and a figure in broken + lines make up the third group. Below is seen a coiled serpent. Its + head is characteristic; it is found in other pre-Columbian carvings + of the Orinoco. As regards design e, we will merely call attention + to the sign analogous to the E of our alphabet. It is found at times + in the United States of America. [For this remark the author refers + to the ideograph for pain, in Figs. 824 and 872, infra.] + + Design _f_ is an animal difficult to characterize; its head and + tail may be guessed at. The body is covered with ornaments and the + legs, very incomplete, are in the attitude of running. Design _g_ + represents probably a tree with an appendix of undulating lines; + design _h_, a head surmounted by a complicated headgear. This is + the first distinctly human representation that we have found in + the country. The strange combinations of designs _j_, _k_, and _l_ + exhibit the dots at the end of the lines which we have already + spoken of. Design _m_ resembles an M; design _n_ shows a circle with + plane face. + + Thus we see that the statements of some travelers concerning + mysterious hieroglyphic combinations are far from being realized. + As regards the exaggerations of Humboldt, they arise from the fact + that he did not content himself with describing what he had seen. + This is illustrated by the following sentence: “There is even seen + on a grassy plain near Uruana an isolated granite rock on which, + according to the account of _trustworthy people_, there are seen + at a height of 80 feet deeply carved images which appear arranged + in rows and represent the sun, the moon, and different species of + animals, especially crocodiles and boas.” Elsewhere he speaks of + kitchen and household utensils and of a number of objects which he + can only have seen with the eyes of his imagination. + +Other illustrations of pictographs in Venezuela are presented as Figs. +152, 153, 1105 and 1106, infra. + + +BRAZIL. + +Remarks of general applicability to this region are made by Mr. J. +Whitfield (_a_), an abstract of which follows: + + The rock inscriptions were visited in August, 1865. Several + similar inscriptions are said to exist in the interior of the + province of Ceará, as well as in the provinces of Pernambuco and + Piauhy, especially in the Sertaōs, that is, in the thinly-wooded + parts of the interior, but no mention is ever made of their having + been seen near the coast. + + In the margin and bed only of the river are the rocks inscribed. + On the margin they extend in some instances to 15 or 20 yards. + Except in the rainy season the stream is dry. The rock is a + silicious schist of excessively hard and flinty texture. The marks + have the appearance of having been made with a blunt, heavy tool, + such as might be made with an almost worn-out mason’s hammer. The + situation is about midway between Serra Grande or Ibiapaba and + Serra Merioca, about 70 miles from the coast and 40 west of the + town Sobral. The native population attribute all the “Letreiros” + (inscriptions), as they do everything else of which they have no + information, to the Dutch, as records of hidden wealth. The Dutch, + however, only occupied the country for a few years in the early part + of the seventeenth century. Along the coast numerous forts, the + works of the Dutch, still remain; but there are no authentic records + of their ever having established themselves in the interior of the + country, and less probability still of their amusing themselves + with inscribing puzzling hieroglyphics, which must have been a work + of time, on the rocks of the far interior, for the admiration of + wandering Indians. + +Mr. Franz Keller (_a_) narrates as follows regarding Fig. 110: + +[Illustration: FIG. 110.--Petroglyphs on the Cachoeira do Ribeirão, +Brazil.] + + I found a “written rock” covered with spiral lines and + concentric rings, evenly carved in the black gneiss-like material, + and similar to those of the Caldeirão. Looking about for more, I + discovered a perfect inscription, whose straight orderly lines can + hardly be thought the result of lazy Indians’ “hours of idleness.” + These characters were incised on a very hard smooth block 3 feet + 4 inches in length, and 3-1/4 feet in height and breadth. It lay + at an angle of 45°, only 8 feet above low water, and close to the + water’s edge of the second smaller rapid, the Cachoeira do Ribeirão. + The transverse section of the characters is not very deep, and + their surface is as worn as that of the inscription farther down. + In some places they are almost effaced by time and are to be seen + distinctly only with a favorable light. A dark brown coat of glaze, + found everywhere on the surface of the stones, laved at times by + the water, covers the block so uniformly well on the concave glyphs + as on the parts untouched by instrument, that many ages must have + elapsed since some patient Indian spent long hours in cutting them + out with his quartz chisel. As the lines of the inscription run + almost perfectly horizontally, and as the figures near the Caldeirão + and the Cachoeira and the Cachoeira das Lages are so little above + low-water mark, the present position of the block seems to have been + the original one. * * * On the rocky shores of the Araguaya, that + huge tributary of the Tocantino, there are similar rude outlines of + animals near a rapid called Martirios, from the first Portuguese + explorers fancying they recognized the instruments of the Passion + in the clumsy representation. + +Dr. Ladisláu Netto (_a_) gives the illustration, reproduced as Fig. +111, of an inscription discovered by Domingos S. Ferreira Penna on the +rock called Itamaraca, on the Rio Xingu. Dr. Netto’s description is +translated as follows: + +[Illustration: FIG. 111.--The rock Itamaraca, Brazil.] + + This whole inscription seems to represent one idea, figuring + a collection of villages of vast proportions, inclosed by + fortifications on two sides, at which it seems most accessible. + On these same sides this collection of villages has external + constructions or means of security, a kind of meanders or symbolic + figures, which perhaps signify difficulties besetting the + communication of the inhabitants with the surrounding fields. + + In the lower part of the left-hand side there is a group of + figures which seem to represent residences of chiefs, war houses, or + redoubts, built near the principal entrance to the villages or to + the city for its defense. There are found three figures of saurians, + one with a large tail, on the side of the redoubts or fortified + houses, as if representing the population, and two with small tails, + which seem strange, and which walk toward the first. + + This inscription is evidently the most perfect and the most + notable of those found till now in all America [?], not only by its + perfect condition and dimensions, but also by the mode in which a + series of ideas has here been brought together. + +The same author, on p. 552, furnishes copies of inscriptions carved on +stones in the valley of the Rio Negro, and remarks: “In this series +there are notable the two crowned personages [represented here in Fig. +112], one of whom holds a staff in the right hand, and below and under +them there are two figures of capibars (sea-hogs) facing each other, +and whose representation in black color resembles some figures from the +inscriptions of North America.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 112.--Petroglyphs on the Rio Negro, Brazil.] + +The following account is in Dr. E. R. Heath’s (_a_) Exploration of the +River Beni: + + Hieroglyphics were found on rocks at the falls and rapids of the + rivers Madeira and Mamoré. * * * By accident we found some at the + rapids at the foot of Caldierão do Inferno. Designs _d_ and _b_ are + figures on the same rock side by side. _a_ is another face of the + same rock 10 feet across. _e_ and _f_ are on the upper surface of + a rock, and _c_ on one of its sides near the bottom; _g_ is upon a + rock 15 feet above the surface of the river. Many more were on the + other rocks, but our time did not permit further copying. Mr. T. M. + Fetterman, my companion, and myself sketched as fast as possible. + +Fig. 113 is a reproduction of the illustration given. + +[Illustration: FIG. 113.--Petroglyphs at the Caldierão do Inferno, +Brazil.] + + The moment we arrived at the falls of Girão we searched for + stone carvings, finding a few, and several repetitions of circles + similar to those already found. Designs _a_ and _d_ are on the + west and east side of the same rock, which is 9 feet in length. + The figure is 21 inches high, the five circles 1 foot across. The + east side was almost obliterated. Designs _b_ and _c_ are on loose + stones; _b_, facing west, is 16 inches long; the rock is 50 inches + long and 35 wide; _c_ is 22 inches long; the rock 70 inches long by + 27 inches broad, and was 30 feet above the river at date. The rocks + are basaltic, dipping north at an angle of 86°. Many small stones, + 1 and 2 feet in diameter, lie about, with marks on them nearly + defaced. + +Fig. 114 is a reproduction of the illustration. + +[Illustration: FIG. 114.--Petroglyphs at the falls of Girão, Brazil.] + + At Pederneira all the rocks on the right side at the foot of + the rapids are literally covered with figures. Fig. 115 _a_ is on a + large bowlder facing the south; _b_ has joined to its right side, + _c_; _d_, _e_, and _f_ are on the same stone. Most of these rocks + are only a few feet above low water and are covered at least eight + months each year. + + [Illustration: FIG. 115.--Petroglyphs at Pederneira, Brazil.] + + At Araras rapids the river is very wide, [containing] two + islands and a rocky ledge crossing the river from the rapid. Nearly + all the rocks on the right bank are covered with figures. + +These are reproduced in Fig. 116. + +[Illustration: FIG. 116.--Petroglyphs at Araras rapids, Brazil.] + + Having no small canoe we could not pass a small channel so as + to gather copies of the figures we could see at a distance. The + approaches both above and below the rapids and falls are many times + as difficult to pass as the rapid or fall itself, giving rise to the + division into “head,” “body,” and “tail.” Some not only have these + divisions, but also have these subdivided into “head, body, and + tail.” One is constantly hearing “el rabo,” “el rabo del rabo,” “el + rabo del cuerpo,” or “cabeza,” and so on. + + Ribeiráo.--The tail of the rapid is 3 miles in length, a + continuous broken current and fields of rocks. It is here, on a rock + but a foot or two above the river, that the hieroglyphic shown in + F. Keller’s “Amazon and Madeira” is found. As both Mr. Fetterman + and myself made copies of it, unknown to the other till finished, + our copies may be relied on, although differing from Keller’s. The + length of the upper part is 45 inches and of the lower 36 inches, + with 13 inches depth of each. + +The copy mentioned is given here as Fig. 117. + +[Illustration: FIG. 117.--Petroglyphs at Ribeiráo, Brazil.] + +[Illustration: FIG. 118.--Character at Madeira rapid, Brazil.] + + The character of the lower right-hand corner was at one time as + clearly cut as we represent it, some of the edges being yet clear + and distinct. + + At the rapid of Madeira there were a number of circles similar + to 15 and 16 at Ribeiráo. On a ridge of rocks in the middle of the + river, just above Larges rapids, are figures, and we had only time + to sketch one, Fig. 118. + + At Pao Grande we had a better harvest, showing evidently a later + period than the former. One could easily believe these were made at + the time of the Spanish conquest, the anchors, shields, and hearts + being so often found in Spanish religious rites. Without doubt these + were notices for navigators, as they were only out of water and seen + when that passage was dangerous. Where projecting points of rock + gave a face both up and down stream the same figure was on both + faces. These rocks are syenitic granite and are cut to a depth of a + half inch. + +Fig. 119 is a reproduction of the copy published. + +[Illustration: FIG. 119.--Petroglyphs at Pao Grande, Brazil.] + +Senhor Tristão de Alencar Araripe (_a_) gives a large number +of descriptions with illustrations, a selection of which, with +translations, is as follows: + + In the province of Ceará district of Inhamun, on the plantation + of Carrapateira, is a small hill (or mound). On the face of one of + its rocks, on the eastern side, near the edge of the road, is the + inscription given in Fig. 120 painted in red. + + [Illustration: FIG. 120.--Petroglyph in Ceará, Brazil.] + + In the district of Inhamun, on the plantation of Carrapateira, + in Morcego, on the top of a mound, is a semicircular stone bearing + on the face toward the mound the four characters which appear in + Fig. 121. + + [Illustration: FIG. 121.--Petroglyph in Morcego, Brazil.] + + In Inhamun, on the plantation of Carrapateira, in Morcego, is a + large stone mound, the stones being piled up in a form of a tower; + and in the inside of this tower, on the south or southwest side, are + the characters given in Fig. 122 painted in bright, cochineal color. + + [Illustration: FIG. 122.--Petroglyphs in Morcego, Brazil.] + + Near the road from Cracará to Favelas, Inhamun, is a large + rock, on the face of which, at the top of the western side, is the + inscription [given on the upper part of Fig. 123,] all in red paint, + as is also that following. + + [Illustration: FIG. 123.--Petroglyphs in Inhamun, Brazil.] + + The under part of this rock forms a shelter, and on the roof of + this shelter are all the remaining characters of the figure. + + To the right or south of the shelter containing the inscription + is a stone, with the form of the figure represented in the third + place in the lower row of characters, counting from left to right, + on a small heap, with the rear end raised up and the sharp point + toward the east, its side inclining toward the west, in such a way + that it can be climbed to the end which is erect. + + On the same side, at the south, but beyond this, on the top of + a rise, is a mound in sight, which is represented by the figure + [delineated in the lower part of Fig. 123 at the extreme right,] + resembling an inclosure (corral) with the 21 small lines before it. + +Fig. 124 is a copy of an inscription at Pedra Lavrada, Province of +Parahiba, published loc. cit., but the description by Senhor de Alencar +Araripe is very meager, amounting in substance to the following: + + This is an inscription of vast proportions on a large rock in + the town of Pedra Lavrada, which takes its name from that of the + rock. + +[Illustration: FIG. 124.--Petroglyphs at Pedra Lavrada, Brazil.] + +Other petroglyphs in Brazil are copied in Figs. 1107, 1108, 1109, 1110, +1111, 1113, 1114, and also under the heading of Cup Sculptures, Chapter +V, infra. + + +ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. + +F. P. Moreno (_a_), Museo de La Plata, Catamarca, gives an illustration +of an inscribed rock at Bajo de Canota, Mendoza, reproduced as Fig. 125. + +[Illustration: FIG. 125.--Inscribed rock at Bajo de Canota, Argentine +Republic.] + + +PERU. + +The following account is furnished by Messrs. de Rivero and Von Tschudi +(_a_): + + Eight leagues north of Arequipa there exist a multitude of + engravings on granite which represent figures of animals, flowers, + and fortifications, and which doubtless tell the story of events + anterior to the dynasty of the Incas. + +The illustration presented is copied here as Fig. 126. + +[Illustration: FIG. 126.--Petroglyphs near Arequipa, Peru.] + +The account is continued as follows: + + In the province of Castro-Vireyna, in the town of Huaytara, + there is found in the ruins of a large edifice, of similar + construction to the celebrated palace of old Huanuco, a mass of + granite many square yards in size, with coarse engravings like + those last mentioned near Arequipa. None of the most trustworthy + historians allude to these inscriptions or representations, or + give the smallest direct information concerning the Peruvian + hieroglyphics, from which it may possibly be inferred that in the + times of the Incas there was no knowledge of the art of writing + in characters and that all of these sculptures are the remains + of a very remote period. * * * In many parts of Peru, chiefly + in situations greatly elevated above the sea are vestiges of + inscriptions very much obliterated by time. + +The illustration is copied here as Fig. 127. + +[Illustration: FIG. 127.--Petroglyph in Huaytara, Peru.] + +Charles Wiener (_a_), in Pérou et Bolivie, gives another statement, viz: + + The archeologists of Peru have only found a single + point--Tiahuanaco--where there were a limited number, though very + interesting, of signs on rocks or stones which seemed to all + observers to be symbolic. While there are a few petroglyphs found in + Peru there are a large number of inscriptions properly so called on + the tissues which cover or are found in connection with remains in + the graves. + +A number of pictographs from Peru are described and illustrated infra +(see Figs. 688, 720, and 1167). + + +CHILE. + +Prof. Edwyn C. Reed, of Valparaiso, Chile, presented through A. P. +Niblack, ensign U. S. Navy, a photograph of a large bowlder bearing +numerous sculpturings. No information pertaining to the locality at +which the rock is situated or details respecting the characters upon it +were furnished. The photograph is reproduced in Fig. 128. + +[Illustration: FIG. 128.--Sculptured bowlder in Chile.] + +Mr. R. A. Philippi, of Santiago, a corresponding member, made a +communication to the Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, session +of January 19, 1876, page 38, from which the following is extracted and +translated: + + I made a visit to the valley “Cajon de los Cipreses” in order to + see the glacier giving rise to the Rio de los Cipreses, a tributary + of the Cachapoal, and on that occasion had a cursory view of a rock + with some pictures. I send you herewith a drawing of the rock and + some of the figures cut on it. The rock, a kind of greenstone, lies + at an altitude of about 5,000 feet above sea level, and the surface + covered with figures, gently inclined down to the ground, may be + 8 feet long and 5 or 6 feet high. The lines are about 4 mm. broad + and 1 to 1/2 mm. deep. The carved figures on the stone are without + any sort of order. When I spoke before a meeting of our faculty + of physical and mathematical sciences concerning this stone which + the shepherds of the region called piedra marcada, I learned that + similar stones with carved figures are found in various places. + +The figure mentioned is here reproduced as Fig. 129. + +[Illustration: FIG. 129.--Petroglyph in Cajon de los Cipreses, Chile.] + + + + +CHAPTER IV. + +EXTRA-LIMITAL PETROGLYPHS. + + +The term “extra-limital,” familiar to naturalists, refers in its present +connection to the sculptures, paintings, and drawings on rocks beyond +the continents of North and South America, which are now introduced for +comparison and as evidence of the occurrence throughout the world of +similar forms in the department of work now under examination. + + +SECTION 1. + +AUSTRALIA. + +Mr. Edward G. Porter (_a_), in “The Aborigines of Australia,” says: +“Their rock carvings are only outline sketches of men, fish, animals, +etc., sometimes seen on the top of large flat rocks. Two localities are +mentioned, one on Sydney common and another on a rock between Brisbane +water and Hawkesbury river.” + +Much more detailed information is given by Thomas Worsnop, viz: + + At Chasm island, which lies 1-1/2 miles from “Groote Eylandt,” + in the steep sides of the chasms, were deep holes or caverns + undermining the cliffs, upon the walls of which are found rude + drawings, made with charcoal and something like red paint, upon the + white ground of the rock. These drawings represented porpoises, + turtle, kangaroos, and a human hand, and Mr. Westall found the + representations of a kangaroo with a file of thirty-two persons + following after it. + + In the MacDonnell ranges, 6 miles from Alice springs, in a large + cave, there were paintings made by the aborigines, well defined + parallel lines, intersected with footprints of the emu, kangaroo + rat, and birds, with the outlines of iguana, hands of men, well + sketched and almost perfect. + + The parallel lines were of deep red and yellow colors, with + brown and white borders; the footprints of light red, light + yellow, and black; the outlines of the animals and hands were of + red, yellow, white, black, wonderfully (considering it was done + by savages) displayed and blended. All the paintings were in good + preservation and evidently touched up occasionally, as they looked + quite fresh. + + I can only conjecture that these paintings were left as a + record, a life-long charm, against the total destruction of the + above animals. The paintings were seen by Mr. S. Gason, of Beltana, + in the year 1873. + + Very interesting groups of native drawings are to be seen in the + caves of the Emily gorge in the MacDonnell ranges. Many of these + drawings represent life-size objects. + +The same author, page 20, describes the petroglyph copied in Fig. 130 as +follows: + +[Illustration: FIG. 130.--Petroglyph on Finke river, Australia.] + + Mr. Arthur John Giles in the year 1873 discovered, at the + junction of Sullivan’s creek with the Finke river, carvings on + rocks. The sketch represents a smooth-faced rock, portion of a rock + cliff about 45 feet high, composed of hard metamorphic slate. The + lower portion of the sculptured face has been worn and broken away, + forming a sort of cave. From the level of the creek to the lower + edge of the sculptured rock is about 15 feet. The perpendicular + lines are cut out, forming semicircular grooves about 1-1/2 inches + in diameter, cut in to a depth of nearly half an inch; all remaining + figures are also carved into the solid rock to a depth of one-fourth + of an inch. + +The same author, page 14, gives the following description of some +pictures discovered between 1831 and 1840 by Capt. Stokes on Depuch +island, one of the Forestier group in Dampier archipelago, on the +western coast of Australia: + + Depuch island would seem to be their favorite resort, and + we found several of their huts still standing. The natives are + doubtless attracted to the place partly by the reservoirs of water + they find among the rocks after rain; partly that they may enjoy + the pleasure of delineating the various objects that attract their + attention on the smooth surface of the rocks. This they do by + removing the hard red outer coating and baring to view the natural + color of the greenstone, according to the outline they have traced. + Much ability is displayed in many of these representations, the + subject of which could be discovered at a glance. The number of + specimens are immense, so that the natives must have been in the + habit of amusing themselves in this innocent manner for a long + period of time. + + These savages of Australia, who have adorned the rocks of Depuch + island with their drawings, have in one thing proved themselves + superior to the Egyptian and the Etruscan, whose works have elicited + so much admiration and afforded food to so many speculations, + namely, there is not in them to be observed the slightest trace of + indecency. + +[Illustration: FIG. 131.--Petroglyphs in Depuch island, Australia.] + +Fig. 131 shows a number of the characters drawn on these rocks. They are +supposed to represent objects as follows: + + _a_, a goose or duck; _b_, a beetle; _c_, a fish, with a + quarter moon over, considered to have some reference to fishing by + moonlight; _d_, a native, armed with spear and wommera or throwing + stick, probably relating his adventures, which is usually done by + song and accompanied with great action and flourishing of weapons, + particularly when boasting of his powers; _e_, a duck and a gull; + _f_, a native in a hut, with portion of the matting with which + they cover their habitations; _g_, shark and pilot fish; _h_, a + corroboreeo or native dance; _i_, a native dog; _j_, a crab; _k_, a + kangaroo; _l_, appears to be a bird of prey, having seized upon a + kangaroo rat. + +The same author, page 5, describes another locality as follows: + + In New South Wales, in the neighborhood of Botany bay and port + Jackson, the figures of animals, of shields and weapons, and even + of men, have been found carved upon the rocks, roughly, indeed, + but sufficiently well to ascertain very fully what was the object + intended. Fish were often represented, and in one place the form + of a large lizard was sketched out with tolerable accuracy. On top + of one of the hills the figure of a man, in the attitude usually + assumed by them when they begin to dance, was executed in a still + superior style. + +The figure last mentioned was probably the god Daramūlŭn, see Howitt, +Australian Customs of Initiation (_a_). + +A special account of the aboriginal rock carvings at the head of +Bantry bay is furnished by R. Etheridge, jr. (_a_), as follows, the +illustration referred to being presented here as Fig. 132: + +[Illustration: FIG. 132.--Petroglyphs at Bantry bay, Australia.] + + Of the numerous traces of aboriginal rock carvings to be seen + on the shores of Port Jackson, none probably equal in extent or + completeness of detail those on the heights at the head and on the + eastern side of Bantry bay, Middle harbor, Australia. + + The table of sandstone over which the carvings are scattered + measures 2 chains in one direction by 3 in the contrary, and has a + gentle slope of 7 degrees to the southwest. The high road as now + laid out passes over a portion of them. * * * + + The figures are represented in their present state in outline + by a continuous indentation or groove from 1 to 1-1/2 inches broad + by half an inch to 1 inch in depth. Some are single subjects + scattered promiscuously over the surface; others form small groups, + illustrating compound subjects, but all appear to have been executed + about one and the same time. * * * + + An advance on the other sculptures existing at this place seems + to be made in the originals of the designs _a_ and _b_, from the + fact that an attempt was apparently made to represent a compound + idea in the form of a single combat between two warriors. The + figures are quite contiguous to one another. The individual marked + _a_ seems to be holding in his right hand a body similar to that + represented as _c_, and the position in which it is held would lend + color to the belief in its shield-like nature. In the opposite hand + are a bundle of rods which have been suggested to be spears, and + this explanation for the want of a better may be accepted. On the + other hand, we are confronted with the fact that these weapons of + offense and defense are held in the wrong hands, unless the holder + be regarded as sinistral; otherwise it must be conceived that the + warrior’s back is presented to the observer, which is contrary to + the other evidence existing in the carving. The opponent, marked as + _b_, with legs astride and arms outstretched much in the position of + an aboriginal when throwing the boomerang, is equally definitive. I + conceive it quite possible that the position of the boomerang close + to the right hand conveys the idea that this man has just thrown the + missile at the subject of _a_, allowing, of course, for the want of + a knowledge of perspective on the part of the aboriginal artist. * * + * + + In several other figures the head is a mere rounded outline, but + in _b_ it is presented with a rather bird-like appearance. Another + peculiarity is the great angularity given to the kneecap: this is + visible both in _a_ and _b_. It is further exemplified in the elbow + of the left arms of both _a_ and _b_. + + +SECTION 2. + +OCEANICA. + +The term “Oceanica” is used here without geographic precision, to +include several islands not mentioned in other sections of the present +work, in different parts of the globe, where specially interesting +petroglyphs have been found and made known in publications. Although +more such localities are known than are now mentioned, the pictographs +from them are not of sufficient importance to justify description or +illustration, but it may be remarked that they show the universality of +the pictographic practice. + + +NEW ZEALAND. + +Dr. Julius von Haast (_a_) published notes, condensed as follows, +descriptive of the illustration produced here as Fig. 133: + + The most remarkable petroglyphs found in New Zealand are + situated about 1 mile on the western side of the Weka Pass road + in a rock shelter, which is washed out of a vertical wall of rock + lining a small valley for about 300 feet on its right or southern + side. The whole length of the rock below the shelter has been used + for painting, and it is evident that some order has been followed in + the arrangement of the subjects and figures. The paint consists of + kokowai (red oxide of iron), of which the present aborigines of New + Zealand make still extensive use, and of some fatty substance, such + as fish oil, or perhaps some oily bird fat. It has been well fixed + upon the somewhat porous rock and no amount of rubbing will get it + off. + + Some of the principal objects evidently belong to the animal + kingdom, and represent animals which either do not occur in New + Zealand or are only of a mythical or fabulous character. The + paintings occur over a face of about 65 feet, and the upper end of + some reaches 8 feet above the floor, the average height, however, + being 4 to 5 feet. They are all of considerable size, most of them + measuring several feet, and one of them even having a length of 15 + feet. + + Beginning at the eastern end in the left-hand corner is the + representation _a_ of what might be taken for a sperm whale with its + mouth wide open diving downward. This figure is 3 feet long. Five + feet from it is another figure _c_, which might also represent a + whale or some fabulous two-headed marine monster. This painting is 3 + feet 4 inches long. Below it, a little to the right in _d_, we have + the representation of a large snake possessing a swollen head and a + long protruding tongue. This figure is nearly 3 feet long, and shows + numerous windings. + + It is difficult to conceive how the natives in a country without + snakes could not only have traditions about them but actually + be able to picture them, unless they had received amongst them + immigrants from tropical countries who had landed on the coasts of + New Zealand. + + Between the two fishes or whales is _b_, which might represent a + fishhook, and below the snake _d_ a sword _e_ with a curved blade. + + Advancing toward the right is a group which is of special + interest, the figure _i_, which is nearly a foot long, having all + the appearance of a long-necked bird carrying the head as the + cassowary and emu do, and as the moa has done. If this design should + represent the moa, I might suggest that it was either a conventional + way of drawing that bird or that it was already extinct when + this representation was painted according to tradition; in which + latter case _k_ might represent the taniwha or gigantic fabulous + lizard which is said to have watched the moa. _h_ is doubtless a + quadruped, probably a dog, which was a contemporary of the moa + and was used also as food by the moa hunters. _j_ is evidently a + weapon, probably an adz or tomahawk, and might, being close to the + supposed bird, indicate the manner in which the latter was killed + during the chase. The post, with the two branches near the top _l_, + finds a counterpart in the remnant of a similar figure _g_ between + the figures _c_ and _i_. They might represent some of the means by + which the moa was caught or indicate that it existed in open country + between the forest. _m_, under which the rock in the central portion + has scaled off, is like _f_, one of the designs which resemble + ancient oriental writing. + + [Illustration: FIG. 133.--Petroglyph in New Zealand.] + + Approaching the middle portion of the wall we find here a + well-shaped group of paintings, the center of which _n_ has all + the appearance of a hat ornamented on the crown. The rim of this + broad-brimmed relic measures 2 feet across. The expert of ancient + customs and habits of the Malayan and South Indian countries might + perhaps be able to throw some light upon this and the surrounding + figures, _o_ to _r_. + + From _q_, which is altogether 3 feet high, evidently issues fire + or smoke; it therefore might represent a tree on fire, a lamp or an + altar with incense offering. * * * The figure _o_ is particularly + well painted, and the outlines are clearly defined, but I can make + no suggestion as to its meaning. In _s_ we have, doubtless, the + picture of a human being who is running away from _q_, the object + from the top of which issues fire or smoke. I am strengthened in my + conviction that it is meant for a man by observing a similar figure + running away from the monster _aa_. _p_, which has been placed + below that group, might be compared to a pair of spectacles, but is + probably a letter or an imitation of such a sign. + + A little more to the right a figure 6 feet long is very + prominent. It is probably the representation of a right whale in the + act of spouting. Above it, in _v_, the figure of a mantis is easily + recognizable, whilst _u_ and the characters to the right below the + supposed right whale again resemble cyphers or letters. _w_ and _y_, + although in many respects different, belong doubtless to the same + group, and represent large lizards or crocodiles. * * * _w_ is 4 + feet long; it is unfortunately deficient in its lower portion, but + it is still sufficiently preserved to show that besides four legs it + possesses two other lower appendages, of which one is forked and the + other has the appearance of a trident. I wish also to draw attention + to the unusual form of the head. _y_ is a similar animal 3 feet + long, but it has eight legs, and head and tail are well defined. + The head is well rounded off, and both animals represent, without + doubt, some fabulous animal, such as the taniwha, which is generally + described as a huge crocodile, of which the ancient legends give so + many accounts. + + _aa_, a huge snake-like animal 15 feet long, is probably a + representation of the tuna tuoro, a mythical monster. It is evident + that the tuna tuoro is in the act of swallowing a man, who tries to + save himself by running away from it. + + +KEI ISLANDS. + +Mr. A. Langen (_a_) made a report on the Kei islands and their Ghost +grottoes, with a plate now reproduced as Fig. 134. He says: + + The group of the small Kei islands, more correctly Arue islands + [southwest from New Guinea], is a sea bottom raised by volcanic + forces and covered with corals and shells. The corals appear but at + a few points. They are in the main covered with a layer of shells + cemented together, whose cement is so hard and firm that it offers + resistance to the influence of time even after the shell has been + weathered away. + + [Illustration: FIG. 134.--Petroglyphs in Kei islands.] + + On the whole, all the figures in similar genre are represented + in thousands of specimens. [They may be divided into three series, + the first including letters _a_ to _k_; the second, letters _l_ + to _t_; the third, letters _u_ to _cc_.] Many are effaced and + unrecognizable, only letter _k_, series 1; letters _n_, _o_, _s_, + _t_, series 2; and letters _cc_, series 3, stand isolated and seem + to have a peculiar meaning. The popular legend ascribes the greatest + age to the characters of series 1 and series 2, and it is said that + the signs record a terrible fight in which the islanders lost many + dead, but yet remained victors. It is stated that the signs were + produced by the ghosts of the fallen. The signs of series 3 are said + to be the work of a woman named Tewaheru, who was able to converse + with ghosts as well as with the living. But, when on one occasion + she helped a living man to recover his dead wife by betraying to + him the secret of making the spirit return to the body, she is said + to have been destroyed by the ghosts and changed into a blackbird, + whose call even at this day indicates death. Since that time no + medium is said to exist between the living and the dead, nor do any + new signs appear on the rock. + + Investigation in place showed me that the color of series 3 + consists of ocher made up with water. The very oldest drawings + seem to have been made with water color, as the color has nowhere + penetrated into the rock. Most of the figures are painted on + overhanging rocks in such a way as to be protected as much as + possible against wind and weather; whether they bear any relation to + the signs on the rocks of Papua, and what that relation may be, I am + not yet able to judge. + + It may safely be assumed that the caves as abodes of spirits + were sacred, but did not serve as places of burial. The lead rings + and pieces of copper gongs found in small number before some of the + caves seem to be derived from sacrifices offered to the spirits. + At the present day no more sacrifices are offered there, and the + islanders knew nothing of the existence of these things. + + +EASTER ISLAND. + +In this island carved human figures of colossal size have been +frequently noticed in various publications, with and without +illustrations, but apart from those statues ancient stone houses +remain in which have been found large stone slabs bearing painted +figures. Paymaster William J. Thompson, U. S. Navy (_a_) says of the +Orongo houses, that the “smooth slabs lining the walls and ceilings +were ornamented with mythological figures and rude designs painted in +white, red, and black pigments.” The figures partake of the form of +fish and bird-like animals, the exaggerated outlines clearly indicating +mythologic beings, the type of which does not exist in nature. Fig. 135 +is presented here, extracted by permission from the work above cited, +and it may be of interest to know that nearly all, if not all, of the +original specimens are now deposited in the U. S. National Museum. + +[Illustration: FIG. 135.--Petroglyphs in Easter island.] + +While the curious carvings on the wooden tablets which are discussed in +the work of Paymaster Thompson are not petroglyphs, it seems proper to +mention them in this connection. Fig. 136 is taken from Mittheilungen +der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft, in Wien (_a_), and shows one of the +tablets, which does not appear to be presented in this exact form in the +work before mentioned. + +[Illustration: FIG. 136.--Tablet from Easter island.] + +The following remarks by Prof. de Lacouperie (_b_) are quoted on account +of the eminence of his authority, though the subject is still under +discussion: + + The character of eastern India, the Vengi-Châlukya, was also + carried to north Celebes islands. The people have not remained at + the level required for the practical use of a phonetic writing. It + is no more used as an alphabet. Curiously enough, it is employed as + pictorial ornaments on the MSS. they now write in a pictographic + style of the lowest scale. This I have seen on the facsimile + (Bilderschriften des Ostindischen Archipels, Pl. I, 1, 11) published + by Dr. A. B. Meyer, of Dresden, in his splendid album on the + writings of this region. + + In the Easter island, or Vaihu, some fourteen inscriptions + have been found incised on wooden boards, perhaps of driftwood. + The characters are peculiar. Most of them display strange shapes, + in which, with a little imagination, forms of men, fishes, + trees, birds, and many other things have been fancied. A curious + characteristic is that the upper part of the signs are shaped + somewhat like the head of the herronia or albatross. A pictorial + tendency is obvious in all of these. Some persons in Europe have + taken them for hieroglyphics, and have ventured to find a connection + with the flora and fauna of the island. The knowledge of this + writing is now lost; and it is not sure that the few priests and + other men of the last generation who boasted of being able to read + them could do so thoroughly. Anyhow, in 1770, some chiefs were still + able to write down their names on a deed of gift when the island was + taken in the name of Carlos III of Spain. + + In examining carefully the characters I was struck by the forked + heads of many of them, which reminded me of the forked matras of the + Vengi-Châlukya inscriptions. A closer comparison with Pls. i to viii + of the Elements of South Indian Paleography (A. C. Burnell, Elements + of South Indian Paleography, from the fourth to the seventeenth + century A. D., being An Introduction to the Study of South Indian + Inscriptions and MSS., 2d edit., London and Mangalore, 1878; Pls. + i, vii, viii are specially interesting for the forked matras) soon + showed me that I was on the right track, and a further study of + the Vaihu characters, and their analysis by comparing the small + differences (vocalic notation) existing between several of them, + convinced me that they are nothing else than a decayed form of the + above writing of southern India returning to the hieroglyphical + stage. With this clue, the inscriptions of Easter island are no + more a sealed text. They can easily be read after a little training. + Their language is Polynesian, and I can say that the vocabulary of + the Samoan dialect has proved very useful to me for the purpose. + + +SECTION 3. + +EUROPE. + +In the more settled and civilized parts of Europe petroglyphs are +now rarely found. This is, perhaps, accounted for in part by the +many occasions for use of the inscribed rocks or by their demolition +during the long period after the glyphs upon them had ceased to have +their original interest and significance and before their value as now +understood had become recognized. Yet from time to time such glyphs have +been noticed, and they have been copied and described in publications. + +But few of the petroglyphs in the civilized portions of Europe not +familiar by publication have that kind of interest which requires their +reproduction in the present paper. It may be sufficient to state in +general terms that Europe is no exception to the rest of the world in +the presence of petroglyphs. + +A number of these extant in the British islands and in the Scandinavian +peninsula, besides the few examples presented in this chapter, are +described and illustrated in other parts of this work, and brief +accounts of others recently noted in France, Spain, and Italy are also +furnished. + + +GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. + +Nearly all of the petroglyphs found in the British islands, accounts +of which have been published, belong to the class of cup sculptures +discussed in Chapter V, infra, but several inscriptions showing +characters not limited to that category are mentioned in “Archaic +Rock Inscriptions,” (_a_) from which the following condensed extract +referring to a cairn in county Meath, Ireland, is taken: + + The ornamentation may be thus described: Small circles, with or + without a central dot; two or many more concentric circles; a small + circle with a central dot, surrounded by a spiral line; the single + spiral; the double spiral, or two spirals starting from different + centers; rows of small lozenges or ovals; stars of six to thirteen + rays; wheels of nine rays; flower ornaments, sometimes inclosed in + a circle or wide oval; wave-like lines; groups of lunette-shaped + lines; pothooks; small squares attached to each other side by side, + so as to form a reticulated pattern; small attached concentric + circles; large and small hollows; a cup hollow surrounded by one + or more circles; lozenges crossed from angle to angle (these and + the squares produced by scrapings); an ornament like the spine of + a fish with ribs attached, or the fiber system of some leaf; short + equiarmed crosses, starting sometimes from a dot and small circle; + a circle with rays round it, and the whole contained in a circle; a + series of compressed semicircles like the letters ∩ ∩ ∩ inverted; + vertical lines far apart, with ribs sloping downwards from them like + twigs; an ornament like the fiber system of a broad leaf, with the + stem attached; rude concentric circles with short rays extending + from part of the outer one; an ornament very like the simple Greek + fret, with dots in the center of the loop; five zigzag lines and + two parallel lines, on each of which, and pointing toward each + other, is a series of cones ornamented by lines radiating from the + apex, crossed by others parallel to the base--this design has been + produced by scraping, and I propose to call it the Patella ornament, + as it strikingly resembles the large species of that shell so common + on our coasts, and which shell Mr. Conwell discovered in numbers in + some of the cists, in connection with fragments of pottery and human + bones; a semicircle with three or four straight lines proceeding + from it, but not touching it; a dot with several lines radiating + from it; combinations of short straight lines arranged either at + right angles to or sloping from a central line; an S-shaped curve, + each loop inclosing concentric circles; and a vast number of other + combinations of the circle, spiral, line, and dot, which can not be + described in writing. + +Some of the ancient “Turf-Monuments” of England are to be classed +as petroglyphs. The following extracts from the work of Rev. W. A. +Plenderleath (_b_) give sufficient information on these curious pictures: + + Although all the White Horses, except one, are in Wiltshire, + that one exception is the great sire and prototype of them all, + which is at Uffington, just 2-1/2 miles outside the Wiltshire + Boundary and within that of Berkshire. * * * The one mediæval + document in which the White Horse is mentioned is a cartulary of + the Abbey of Abingdon, which must have been written either in the + reign of Henry II or soon after, and which runs as follows: “It + was then customary amongst the English that any monks who wished + might receive money or landed estates and both use and devolve them + according to their pleasure. Hence two monks of the monastery at + Abingdon, named Leofric and Godric Cild, appear to have obtained + by inheritance manors situated upon the banks of the Thames; one + of them, Godric, becoming possessed of Spersholt, near the place + commonly known as the White Horse Hill, and the other that of + Whitchurch, during the time that Aldhelm was abbot of this place.” + + This Aldhelm appears to have been abbot from 1072 to 1084, and + from the terms in which the White Horse Hill is mentioned the name + was evidently an old one at that time. + + Now it was only two hundred years before this time, viz, in + 871, that a very famous victory had been gained by King Alfred over + the Danes close to this very spot. “Four days after the battle of + Reading,” says Asser, “King Æthelred, and Alfred, his brother, + fought against the whole army of the pagans at Ashdown. * * * And + the flower of the pagan youths were there slain, so that neither + before nor since was ever such destruction known since the Saxons + first gained Britain by their arms.” And it was in memory of this + victory that, we are informed by local tradition, Alfred caused + his men, the day after the battle, to cut out the White Horse, the + standard of Hengist, on the hillside just under the castle. The + name Hengist, or Hengst, itself means _Stone Horse_ in the ancient + language of the Saxons, and Bishop Nicholson, in his “English + Atlas,” goes so far as to suppose the names of Hengist and Horsa to + have been not proper at all, but simply emblematical. + + The Uffington horse measures 355 feet from the nose to the tail + and 120 feet from the ear to the hoof. It faces to sinister, as do + also those depicted upon all British coins. The slope of the portion + of the hill upon which it is cut is 39°, but the declivity is very + considerably greater beneath the figures. The exposure is southwest. + +The author then describes the White Horse on Bratton Hill, near +Westbury, Wilts, now obliterated, the dimensions of which were, extreme +length, 100 feet; height, nearly the same; from toe to chest, 54 feet, +and gives accounts of several other White Horses, the antiquity of +which is not so well established. He then (_c_) treats of the Red Horse +in the lordship of Tysoe, in Warwickshire, as follows: + + This is traditionally reported to have been cut in 1461, in + memory of the exploits of Richard, Earl of Warwick, who was for many + years one of the most prominent figures in the Wars of the Roses. + The earl had in the early part of the year found himself, with a + force of forty thousand men, opposed to Queen Margaret, with sixty + thousand, at a place called Towton, near Tadcaster. Overborne by + numbers, the battle was going against him, when, dismounting from + his horse, he plunged his sword up to the hilt in the animal’s side, + crying aloud that he would henceforth fight shoulder to shoulder + with his men. Thereupon the soldiers, animated by their leader’s + example, rushed forward with such impetuosity that the enemy gave + way and flew precipitately. No less than twenty-eight thousand + Lancastrians are said to have fallen in this battle and in the + pursuit which followed, for the commands of Prince Edward were to + give no quarter. It was to this victory that the latter owed his + elevation to the throne, which took place immediately afterwards. + + The Red Horse used to be scoured every year, upon Palm Sunday, + at the expense of certain neighboring landowners who held their land + by that tenure, and the scouring is said to have been as largely + attended and to have been the occasion of as great festivity as that + of the older horse in the adjoining county of Berks. The figure is + about 54 feet in extreme length by about 31 in extreme height. + +The best known of Turf-Monuments other than horses is the Giant, on +Trendle Hill, near Cerne Abbas, in Dorsetshire. This the same author +(_d_) describes as follows: + + This is a figure roughly representing a man, undraped, and with + a club in his right hand; the height is 180 feet, and the outlines + are marked out by a trench 2 feet wide and of about the same depth. + It covers nearly an acre of ground. Hutchin imagines this figure to + represent the Saxon god, Heil, and places its date as anterior to + A. D. 600. * * * Britton, on the other hand, tells us that “vulgar + tradition makes this figure commemorate the destruction of a giant + who, having feasted on some sheep in Blackmoor and laid himself + to sleep on this hill, was pinioned down like another Gulliver + and killed by the enraged peasants, who immediately traced his + dimensions for the information of posterity.” There were formerly + discernible some markings between the legs of the figure rather + above the level of the ankles, which the country folk took for the + numerals 748, and imagined to indicate the date. We need, perhaps, + scarcely remark that Arabic numerals were unknown in Europe until at + least six centuries later than this period. + + +SWEDEN. + +Mr. Paul B. Du Chaillu (_a_) gives the following (condensed) account +describing, among many more “rock tracings,” as he calls them, those +reproduced as Figs. 137 and 138: + + There are found in Sweden large pictures engraved on the rocks + which are of great antiquity, long before the Roman period. + + These are of different kinds and sizes, the most numerous being + the drawings of ships or boats, canoe-shaped and alike at both ends + (with figures of men and animals), and of fleets fighting against + each other or making an attack upon the shore. The hero of the + fight, or the champion, is generally depicted as much larger than + the other combatants, who probably were of one people, though of + different tribes, for their arms are similar and all seem without + clothing, though in some cases they are represented as wearing a + helmet or shield. + + On some rocks are representations of cattle, horses, reindeer, + turtles, ostriches, and camels, the latter showing that in earlier + times these people were acquainted with more southern climes. The + greatest number and the largest and most complicated in detail of + the tracings occur, especially in the present Sweden, in Bohuslän, + “the ancient Viken of the Sagas,” on the coast of the peninsula + washed by the Cattegat. They are also found in Norway, especially in + Smaalenene, a province contiguous to that of Bohuslän, but become + more scarce in the north, though found on the Trondhjem fjord. + +[Illustration: FIG. 137.--Petroglyph in Bohuslän, Sweden.] + +Fig. 137 is a copy of a petroglyph in Tanum parish, Bohuslän, Sweden. +The large figure is doubtless a champion or commander, the exaggerated +size of which is to be noted in connection with that of the Zulu chiefs +in Fig. 142, infra, from South Africa, and Fig. 1024, infra, from North +America. There are numerous small holes and footprints between the chief +and the attacking force. Height, 20 feet; width, 15 feet. + + In Bohuslän the tracings are cut in the quartz, which is the + geological formation of the coast. They are mostly upon slightly + inclined rocks, which are generally 200 or 300 feet or more above + the present level of the sea, and which have been polished by the + action of the ice. The width of the lines in the same representation + varies from 1 to 2 inches and even more, and their depth is often + only a third or fourth of an inch, and at times so shallow as to + be barely perceptible. Those tracings, which have for hundreds, + perhaps for thousands, of years been laid bare to the ravages of the + northern climate, are now most difficult to decipher, while those + which have been protected by earth are as fresh as if they had been + cut to-day. Many seem to have been cut near the middle or base + of the hills, which were covered with vegetation, and were in the + course of time concealed by the detritus from above. + +Fig. 138 is from the same author (_b_) and locality. Height, 29 feet; +width, 17 feet. The large birds and footprints and a chief designated +by his size will be noticed, and also a character in the middle of the +extreme upper part of the illustration which may be compared with the +largest human form in Fig. 983, infra, from Tule valley, California. + +[Illustration: FIG. 138.--Petroglyph in Bohuslän, Sweden.] + + +FRANCE. + +Perrier du Carne (_a_), gives the following account (translated and +condensed) of signs carved on the dolmen of Trou-aux-Anglais, in Épone: + + This dolmen, situated in the commune of Épone, in a place called + Le Bois de la Garenne, was constructed beneath the ground; it was + concealed from view and it is to this circumstance, no doubt, + that its preservation is due. Nothing indicates that it has been + surmounted by a tumulus; in any case this tumulus had long since + disappeared, and the ground was entirely leveled when the digging + was commenced some years ago. * * * + + The characters (Fig. 139) are carved in intaglio on the + farthest stone of the entrance, on the left side. The whole of the + inscription measures 1^{m}, 10 in height and 82 centimeters in + width, and may be divided into two groups, an upper and a lower one. + + [Illustration: FIG. 139.--Petroglyph in Épone, France.] + + The upper character represents a rectangular figure divided into + three transverse sections; in the third section and almost in the + center is a cupule. + + The lower character is more complicated and more difficult + to describe. The first, or left-hand portion, represents a stone + hatchet with a shaft; there is no doubt as to this, in my mind, + as the outlines are perfectly clear, the design of the hatchet + being very distinct. This hatchet measures 0^{m}, 108 in length + and 38^{mm} in width to the edge of the blade. These are precisely + the most common dimensions of the hatchets of our country. As to + the remainder of the character, I think an interpretation of it + difficult and premature. + + On the whole, the result of an examination of these inscriptions + leaves the impression that the author did not seek to cover a stone + with ornamentation, for these outlines have nothing whatever of + the ornamental, but that he wished to represent to his people, by + intelligible symbols, some particular idea. + +É. Cartailhac (_a_) begins an account of petroglyphs in the Department +of Morbihan, in the old province of Brittany, translated and condensed +as follows: + + It is hardly possible to give a description of the designs in + the covered way of Gavr’ inis. They are various linear combinations, + the lines being straight, curved, undulating, isolated, or parallel, + ramified like a fern, segments of concentric circles, limited or + not, and decorating certain compartments with close winding spirals, + recalling vividly the figures produced by the lines on the skin in + the hollow of the hand and on the tips of the fingers. + + In the midst of accumulated and very oddly grouped lines, which + no doubt are merely decorative, there are found signs which must + have had a meaning, and some figures easy to determine. + + The hatchet, the stone hatchet and no other, the large + hatchet of Tumiac, of Mané-er-Hroèg, and of Mont Saint Michel, is + represented in intaglio or in relief, real size. A single pillar of + Gavr’ inis bears eighteen of them. Less numerous groups are seen on + some other blocks of the same covered way. + + On a little block placed under the ceiling in order to wedge + up one of the covering slabs, is seen the image of a hatchet with + handle, conformable to a type found in the marsh of Ehenside in + Cumberland, England. On many other monuments the presence of + the same figures of hatchets, with handles or without, has been + observed. The most curious slab is certainly that of Mané-er-Hroèg. + It had been broken, and its three pieces had been thrown in disorder + before the threshold of the crypt. One of its faces, very well + smoothed off, bears a cartouche in the form of a stirrup, filled + with enigmatic signs and surrounded above and below by a dozen + hatchets with handles, all engraved. + + One other sign, the imprint of the naked foot, is to be noted, + found only once on this slab. Two human footprints are traced on + one of the pillars of the crypt of the Petit-Mont in Arzon. They + are said to be divided off, by a slight relief, from the rest of + the granite frame on which they are sculptured, and which contains + other drawings. Similar figures, engraved on rock or on tombstones, + are cited from abroad, in lands far apart. In Sweden, the prints + of naked or sandaled feet are common among the rock sculptures + of the age of bronze which represent the curious scenes of the + life of the people of that period. It is proper to note that these + Scandinavian and Morbihan sculptures are not synchronous; the idea + of an immediate influence of one people on the other can not be + entertained. One might, however, maintain the identity of origin. + + The other inscriptions of Brittany are enigmatic in every + respect. But they probably had a conventional value, a determined + meaning. There is first of all a sort of complicated cartouche, + plainly defined, having the appearance of a buckler or heraldic + shield. Among the isolated signs it is proper to note a figure + of the shape of the letter U with the ends spread wide apart and + curved in opposite directions. It recalls, with some aid from + the imagination, the character which on the Scandinavian rocks + represents more plainly ships and barks. + +The sculpturing of hands and feet is to be remarked in connection with +similar characters on the rocks in America, many illustrations of which +appear in the present work. + +B. Souché (_a_) in 1879 described and illustrated curious characters on +the walls of the crypt of the tumulus of Lisières (Deux-Sèvres), France, +some of which in execution markedly resemble several found in the United +States and figured in this work. + + +SPAIN. + +Mr. T. Jagor (_a_) communicated a brochure in reference to the Cueva de +Altamira, transmitted to him by Prof. Vilanova in Madrid: “Short notes +on some prehistoric objects of the province of Santander,” in which Don +Marcelino de Sautuola describes the wall pictures and other finds in the +cave discovered by him at Altamira. Mr. Jagor remarks as follows on the +subject: + + The reproductions of the large wall pictures discovered in + that cave displayed, in part, so excellent technique that the + question arose how much of this excellence is to be attributed to + the prehistoric artist, and how much to his modern copyist. Mr. + Vilanova, who visited the cave soon after its discovery, and who + regards the wall pictures as prehistoric, being about equal in age + to the Danish Kjökken-möddings, states that the pictures given are + pretty faithful imitations of the originals. The published drawings + are all found on the ceiling of the first cave; on the walls of + the subsequent caves are seen sketches of those pictures, which + the artist afterwards completed. The outlines of all the drawings + have been cut in the wall with coarse instruments, and nearly all + the bone implements found in the cave show scratches, which render + it probable that they were used for this purpose. The colors used + consist merely of various kinds of ocher found in the province, + without further preparation. Finally Mr. Vilanova reports that in + the cave farthest back there was found, in his presence, an almost + perfect specimen of _Ursus spelæus_. + +Don Manuel de Góngora y Martinez (_a_) gives the account translated as +follows: + + The inscriptions of Fuencaliente are of great interest and + importance. About one league east of the town, on a spur of the + Sierra de Quintana, at the site of the Piedra Escritá, there is an + almost inaccessible place, the home of wild beasts and mountain + goats. Beyond the river de los Batanes and the river de las Piedras, + looking toward sunset and toward the town, the artisans of a remote + age cut skillfully and symmetrically with the point of the pickax + into the flank of the rock and of the mountain, which is of fine + flint, leaving a facade or frontispiece 6 yards in height and + twice as wide, and excavating there two contiguous caves, which are + wide at the mouth and end in a point, making two triangular niches + polished on their four faces. On the two outer fronts to the left + and right appear more than 60 symbols or hieroglyphs, written in + a simple and rustic way with the index finger of a rude hand, and + with a reddish bituminous pigment. The niches, about a yard and + a half in height, 1 yard deep, and half a yard at the mouth, are + covered by the exceedingly hard and immense rock of the mountain. + There is formed, as it were, a vestibule or esplanade before the + monument, and it is defended by a rampart made of the rocks torn + from the niches, strengthened with juniper, oaks, and cork trees. + The half-moon, the sun, an ax, a bow and arrows, an ear of corn, a + heart, a tree, two human figures, and a head with a crown stand out + among those signs, the foreshadowings of primitive writing. + +The inscription on the first triangular face of the second cave is +reproduced here as the left-hand group of the upper part of Fig. 1108, +infra, and that “on the outer plane to the right, which already turns +pyramidally to the north,” is reproduced as the right-hand group of the +same figure. They are inserted at that place for convenient comparison +with other characters on the figure mentioned and with those in Figs. +1097 and 1107. + + +ITALY. + +Mr. Moggridge (in Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Gr. Br. and I., VIII, p. 65) +observes that one of the designs, _q_, reported by Dr. Von Haast from +New Zealand (see Fig. 133), was the same as one which had been seen on +rocks 6,900 feet above the sea in the northwest corner of Italy. He adds: + + The inscriptions are not in colors, as are those given in Dr. + Von Haast’s paper, but are made by the repeated dots of a sharp + pointed instrument. It is probable that if we knew how to read them + they might convey important information, since the same signs occur + in different combinations, just as the letters of our alphabet recur + in different combinations to form words. Without the whole of these + figures we can not say whether the same probability applies to them. + + +SECTION 4. + +AFRICA. + +The following examples are selected from the large number of petroglyphs +known to have been discovered in Africa apart from those in Egypt, which +are more immediately connected with the first use of syllabaries and +alphabets, with symbolism and with gesture signs, under which headings +some examples of the Egyptian hieroglyphics appear in this work. + + +ALGERIA. + +In the Revue Géographique Internationale (_a_) is a communication +upon the rock inscriptions at Tyout (Fig. 140) and Moghar (Fig. 141) +translated, with some condensation, as follows: + +[Illustration: FIG. 140.--Petroglyphs at Tyout, Algeria.] + + On the last military expedition made in the Sahara Gen. Colonieu + made a careful restoration of the inscriptions on the rocks, whose + existence was discovered at Tyout and Moghar. At Tyout these + inscriptions are engraved on red or Vosgian sandstone, and at + Moghar on a hard compact calcareous stone. At Moghar the designs + are more complicated than those at Tyout. An attempt has been made + to render ideas by more learned processes; to the simplicity of the + line, the artlessness of the poses which are seen at Tyout, there + are added at Moghar academic attitudes difficult to render, and + which must be intended to represent some custom or ceremony in use + among the peoples who then inhabited this country. The costume at + Moghar is also more complicated. The ornaments of the head recall + those of Indians, and the woman’s dress is composed of a waist and + a short skirt fastened by a girdle with flowing ends. All this is + very decent and elegant for the period. The infant at the side is + swaddled. The large crouching figure is the face view of a man who + seems to be bearing his wife on his shoulders. At the right of this + group is a giraffe or large antelope. In the composition above may + be distinguished a solitary individual in a crouching attitude, + seen in front, the arms crossed in the attitude of prayer or + astonishment. The animals which figure in the designs at Moghar are + cattle and partridges. The little quadruped seated on its haunches + may be a gerboise (kind of rat), very common in these parts. + + In the inscriptions at Tyout we easily recognize the elephant, + long since extinct in these regions, but neither horse nor camel is + seen, probably not having been yet imported into the Sahara country. + +[Illustration: FIG. 141.--Petroglyphs at Moghar, Algeria.] + + +EGYPT. + +While the picture-writings of Egypt are too voluminous for present +discussion and fortunately are thoroughly presented in accessible +publications, it seems necessary to mention the work of the late Mrs. +A. B. Edwards (_a_). She gives a good account of the petroglyphs on the +rocks bounding the ancient river bed of the Nile below Philæ, which show +their employment in a manner similar to that in parts of North America: + + These inscriptions, together with others found in the adjacent + quarries, range over a period of between three and four thousand + years, beginning with the early reigns of the ancient empire and + ending with the Ptolemies and Cæsars. Some are mere autographs. + Others run to a considerable length. Many are headed with figures + of gods and worshippers. These, however, are for the most part + mere graffiti, ill drawn and carelessly sculptured. The records + they illustrate are chiefly votive. The passer-by adores the gods + of the cataract, implores their protection, registers his name, + and states the object of his journey. The votaries are of various + ranks, periods, and nationalities; but the formula in most instances + is pretty much the same. Now it is a citizen of Thebes performing + the pilgrimage to Philæ, or a general at the head of his troops + returning from a foray in Ethiopia, or a tributary prince doing + homage to Rameses the Great and associating his suzerain with the + divinities of the place. + + +SOUTH AFRICA. + +Dr. Richard Andree, in Zeichen bei den Naturvölkern (_a_), presents +well-considered remarks, thus translated: + + The Hottentots and the Bantu peoples of South Africa produce + no drawings, though the latter accomplish something in indifferent + sculptures. The draftsmen and painters of South Africa are the + Bushmen, who in this way, as well as by many other striking + ethnic traits, testify to their independent ethnic position. The + extraordinary multitude of figures of men and animals drawn by this + people within its whole area, now greatly reduced, from the cape at + the south to the lands and deserts north of the Orange river, and + which they still draw at this day in gaudy colors, testify to an + uncommonly firm hand, a keenly observing eye, and a very effective + characterization. The Bushman artist mostly selects the surfaces + of the countless rock bowlders, the walls of caves, or rock walls + protected by overhanging crags, to serve as the canvas whereon to + practice his art. He either painted his figures with colors or + chiseled them with a hard sharp stone on the rock wall, so that they + appear in intaglio. The number of these figures may be judged from + the fact that Fritsch at Hopetown found “thousands” of them, often + twenty or more on one block; Hubner, at “Gestoppte Fontein,” in + Transvaal, saw two hundred to three hundred together, carved in a + soft slate. The earth colors employed are red, ochre, white, black, + mixed with fat or also with blood. What instrument (brush?) is + employed in applying the colors has not yet been ascertained, since, + so far as I know, no Bushman artist has yet been observed at his + work. As regards the paintings themselves, various classes may be + distinguished, but in all cases the subjects are representations of + figures; ornaments and plants are excluded. First of all, there are + fights and hunting scenes, in which white men (boers) play a part, + demonstrating the modern origin of these paintings. Next there are + representations of animals, both of domestic animals (cattle, dogs) + and of game, especially the various antelope species, giraffes, + ostriches, elephants, rhinoceroses, monkeys, etc. A special class + consists of representations of obscene nature, and, by way of + exception, there has been drawn in one instance a ship or a palm + tree. + +Dr. Emil Holub (_a_) says: + + The Bushmen, who are regarded as the lowest type of Africans, + in one thing excel all the other South African tribes whose + acquaintance I made between the south coast and 10° south + latitude. They draw heads of gazelles, elephants, and hippopotami + astonishingly well. They sketch them in their caves and paint them + with ochre or chisel them out in rocks with stone implements, and on + the tops of mountains we may see representations of all the animals + which have lived in those parts in former times. In many spots where + hippopotami are now unknown I found beautiful sketches of these + animals, and in some cases fights between other native races and + Bushmen are represented. + +G. Weitzecker (_a_) gives a report of a large painting, in a cave +at Thaba Phatsoua district of Léribé, here presented as Fig. 142, +containing eighteen characters, with the addition of eight boys’ heads. +It represents the flight of Bushman women before some Zulu Kaffirs +(Matebele). The description, translated, is as follows: + +[Illustration: FIG. 142.--Petroglyph in Léribé, South Africa.] + + As usual, the Bushmen are represented as dwarfs and painted + in bright color as contrasted with the Kaffirs, who are painted + large and of dark color. The scene is full of life, a true artistic + conception, and in the details there are many important things to + be noted. For this reason I add a sketch of it, with the figures + numbered, in order to be able to send you some brief annotations. + + I will premise that as far as the women are concerned, in the + small figures, no mistaken notion should be entertained in regard to + the anterior appendages which catch, or rather strike, the eye in + some of them. There is question simply of the pudendal coverings of + the Bushman women, consisting of a strip of skin, and flapping in + the wind. + + _a_ seems to represent a woman in an advanced interesting + condition, who in her headlong flight has lost even her mantle. + She holds in her hand a mogope (disproportionate); that is to say, + a gourd dipper, such as are found, I believe, among all the south + African tribes. + + _b._ This figure, besides the mogope which she holds in her left + hand, carries away in her flight, steadying it on her head with her + right hand, a nkho (sesuto), a baked earthenware vessel, in which + drinks are kept, and of which the ethnographic museum now contains + some specimens. This woman, too, has lost all her clothing except + the pudendal covering, and she looks pregnant. The attitudes of + flight, while maintaining equilibrium, I deem very fine. + + _c_, _f_, _g_, _h_, _l_, _m_, and perhaps _j_. Women carrying + their babies on their backs, as is the practice of the natives, in + the so-called thari; that is, a sheepskin so prepared that they can + fasten it to their bodies and hold it secure, even while bent to the + ground or running. + + _l_ and _m_. Women with twins. It may be worthy of note that the + painter has placed them last, hampered as they are with a double + weight. + + _c._ Apparently a woman who has fallen in her flight. Figures + _e_ and _i_ represent men, who by their stature might be thought to + be Bushmen, as also by their color, which, so far as I remember, is + not the same as that of the men coming up after them, being rather + similar to that of the women. In that case _e_ would stoop to raise + the woman _c_ who has fallen, and _i_ would point the way to the + others. Otherwise, if there is question of Matebeles, which is + rendered plausible by the fact that _n_ (which evidently represents + an enemy) is not larger in stature than those two, then _e_ would + stoop to snatch the baby of the fallen woman, and _i_ would strive + to catch up with the two women _g_ and _h_, who flee before it. + + _j._ I can not explain this unless as a diffusion of color, + which has transformed into something unrecognizable the figure of + the child carried by its mother, who has fallen, like _b_. + + _k_ seems to be a woman resigned to her fate, who touches her + neck with the left hand, unless, indeed, the line which I take to be + the arm is the sketch of the thari with the baby. + + _l._ A woman who runs toward the looker-on. + + _m_ represents a woman who has sat down, perhaps in order to + place her twins better in the thari, while behind her _n_ arrives, + preparing to spear her. With _n_ the band of enemies begins plainly, + _o_ seeming to be the leader, who, standing still, gives the signal. + But this figure must have been altered by the water, which by + diluting the color of the body has made it appear as a garment. + + _p_ and _q_. These admirable portraits of impetuosity and menace + are a pictorial translation of the saying “having long legs so as to + run fast.” + + _r._ A fine type of an attitude in the poise of running. + +The author’s discussion respecting the difference in size between the +male human figures mentioned as indicating their respective tribes +would have been needless had he considered the frequent expedient of +representing chiefs or prominent warriors by figures of much larger +stature than that of common soldiers or subjects. This device is common +in the Egyptian glyphs, and examples of it also appear in the present +work. (See Figs. 138, 139, and 1024.) + +The same author, loc. cit., gives a brief account of two petroglyphs +found by him near Leribo, in Basutoland, South Africa. They were on a +large hollow rock overlooking a plain where the bushmen might spy game. +The rock was all covered with pictures to a man’s height. Many of them +were entirely or almost entirely spoiled, both by the hands of herdsmen +and by water running down the walls in time of rain. Some of them, +however, are still very well preserved. They are shown on Fig. 143. + +[Illustration: FIG. 143.--Petroglyphs in Basutoland, South Africa.] + +The left hand character represents a man milking an animal; the latter, +judging by the back part, especially by the legs, was at first taken for +an elephant; but the fore parts, especially the fore legs, evidently +are those of a bovine creature or of an elk (eland). The enormous +proportions of the back part are probably due to diffusion of colors, +through the action of water running down the rock. The right hand +character represents the sketch of an elk (eland), on which and under +which are depicted four monkeys, admirable for fidelity of expression. +The legs, with one exception, are not finished. + + +CANARY ISLANDS. + +These islands are considered in connection with the continent of Africa. + +[Illustration: FIG. 144.--Petroglyphs in the Canary islands.] + +S. Berthelot (_a_) gives an account, referring to Figs. 144 and 145, +from which the following is extracted and translated: + + A site very little frequented, designated by the name of Los + Letreros, appears to have been inhabited in very ancient times by + one of the aboriginal tribes established on the Island of Fer, one + of the Canary islands. At a distance of about three-quarters of a + league from the coast all the land sloping and broken by volcanic + mounds extends in undulations to the edge of the cliffs which flank + the coast. It is on this desert site, called Los Letreros, that + inscriptions are found engraved on an ancient flow of basaltic lava, + with a smooth surface, over an extent of more than 400 meters. On + all this surface, at various distances and without any relation + to each other, but placed where the lava presents the smoothest + spots, rendered shining and glassy by the light varnish left by the + volcanic matter in cooling, are the various groups of characters. + + When we examine closely these different signs or characters + so deeply engraved [pecked] on the rock, doubtless by means of + some hard stone (obsidian or basalt), the first thing observed is + that several identical signs are reproduced several times in the + same group. These are, first, round and oval characters, more or + less perfect, sometimes simple and isolated, again agglomerated in + one group. These characters so often reproduced are again seen in + juxtaposition or united, sometimes to others which are similar, + sometimes to different ones, and even inclosed in others similar to + them; for example, _a_ in Fig. 144. + + Round or more or less oval characters reappear several times in + _b_. + + Others, which are not met with more than once or twice among the + groups of signs, also present notable variations; examples in _c_. + + Of these are formed composite groups _d_, which belong, however, + to the system of round signs. + + Other analogous but not identical signs appear to assume rather + the ovoid form than the round, and seem to have been so traced as + not to be confounded with the round symbols. Some of them resemble + leaves or fruit. + + Another system of simple characters is the straight line, which + can be represented by a stroke of the pen, isolated or repeated as + if in numeration, and sometimes accompanied by other signs. + + Other peculiar signs shown in _e_, which are not repeated, + figure in the different groups of characters which the author has + reproduced. + + We notice further, in _f_, a small number of signs which bear a + certain analogy to each other, and several of which are accompanied + by other and more simple characters. + + Several others still more complicated are in eccentric shapes + which it is attempted to present in _g_. + + Including the common oval characters often repeated and those + consisting of a simple stroke similar to the strokes made by school + children, all the various engraved characters scarcely exceed 400. + + Fig. 145 gives a view of a series of different groups of signs + in the length of the whole lava flow. The copyist has expressed + by dots those symbols which were confused, partly defaced by the + weather, or destroyed by fissures in the rock. + +[Illustration: FIG. 145.--Petroglyphs in Canary Islands.] + +The same author (_b_) gives an account of several strange characters +found engraved on a rock of the grotto of Belmaco, in the island of La +Palma, one of the Canaries. He says: + + These drawings, presented that they may be compared with those + of Fer Island (Los Letreros), show some fifteen signs, some of which + are repeated several times and others partly effaced by weather, + or at least feebly traced. But what seems most remarkable is that + six or seven signs are recognized as exactly similar to those + of Letreros, of the island of Fer, and almost all the others are + analogous, for we recognize at once in comparing them the same style + of bizarre writing, formed of hieroglyphic characters, mainly rude + arabesques. + + +SECTION 5. + +ASIA. + +A considerable number of petroglyphs found in Asia are described and +illustrated under other headings of this work. The following are +presented here for geographic grouping: + + +CHINA. + +Prof. Terrien de Lacouperie (_c_) says: + + It is apparently to the art of the aboriginal non-Chinese that + the following inscription [not copied] belongs, should it be proved + to be primitive; and it is the only precise mention I have ever + found of the kind in my researches. + + Outside of Li-tch’eng (in N. Shangtang), at some 500 li on the + west towards the north, is a stone cliff mountain, on the upper + parts of which may be seen marks and lines representing animals and + horses. They are numerous and well drawn, like a picture. + + +JAPAN. + +Prof. Edward S. Morse (_a_) kindly furnishes the illustration, reduced +from a drawing made by a Japanese gentleman, Mr. Morishima, which is +here reproduced (1/30 original size) as Fig. 145 _a_: + +[Illustration: FIG. 145 _a_.--Petroglyph in Yezo, Japan.] + +Prof. Morse in a letter gives further information as follows: “The +inscriptions are cut in a rough way on the side of the cliff on the +northwestern side of the bay of Otaru. Otaru is a little town on the +western coast of Yezo. The cliffs are of soft, white tufa about 100 feet +high, and the inscriptions were cut possibly with stone axes, and were 1 +inch in width and from 1/4 to 1/2 of an inch in depth. They are about 4 +feet from the ground.” + +Prof. John Milne (_a_) remarks upon the same petroglyph, of which he +gives a rude copy, as follows: + + So far as I could learn the Japanese are quite unable to + recognize any of the characters, and they regard them as being the + work of the Ainos. + + I may remark that several of the characters are like the runic + _m_. It has been suggested that they have a resemblance to old + Chinese. A second suggestion was that they might be drawings of the + insignia of rank carried by certain priests; a third idea was that + they were phallic; a fourth that they were rough representations of + men and animals, the runic m being a bird; and a fifth that they + were the handicraft of some gentleman desirous of imposing upon the + credulity of wandering archæologists. + + I myself am inclined to think that they were the work of the + peoples who have left so many traces of themselves in the shape of + kitchen middens and various implements in this locality. In this + case they may be Aino. + +Another illustration from Japan is presented in Pl. LII. + + +INDIA. + +Mr. Rivett-Carnac, in Archæologic Notes on Ancient Sculpturings on Rocks +in Kumaon, India (_a_), gives a description of the glyphs copied in Fig. +146: + +[Illustration: FIG. 146.--Petroglyphs at Chandeshwar, India.] + + At a point about two miles and a half south of Dwara-Hath, and + twelve miles north of the military station of Ranikhet in Kumaon, + the bridle-road leading from the plains through Naini Tal and + Ranikhet to Baijnath, and thence on to the celebrated shrine of + Bidranath, is carried through a narrow gorge at the mouth of which + is a temple sacred to Mahadeo, ... which is locally known by the + name of Chandeshwar. + + About two hundred yards south of the temple, toward the middle + of the defile, rises a rock at an angle of forty-five degrees + presenting a surface upon which, in a space measuring fourteen + feet in height by twelve in breadth, more than two hundred cups + are sculptured. They vary from an inch and a half to six inches in + diameter and from half an inch to an inch in depth, and are arranged + in groups composed of approximately parallel rows. + +The cups are mostly of the simple types and only exceptionally +surrounded by single rings or connected by grooves. + + +SIBERIA. + +N. S. Shtukin (_a_) referring to certain picture-writings on the +cliffs of the Yenesei river, in the Quarterly Isvestia of the Imperial +Geographical Society for 1882, says: “These are figured, but are not +particularly remarkable, except as being the work of invaders from the +far south, perhaps Persians. Camels and pheasants are among the animals +represented.” + +Philip John von Strahlenberg, in An Historico-Geographical Description +of the North and Eastern Parts of Europe and Asia, etc., reported +inscriptions relating to the chase, on the banks of the river Yenesei. +He says of one: “It takes its characteristic features from the +natural history of the region; and we may suppose it to embrace rude +representations of the Siberian hare, the cabarda or musk deer and other +known quadrupeds.” + +He also furnishes a transcript of inscriptions found by him on a +precipitous rock on the river Irtish. This rock, which is 36 feet high, +is isolated. It has four sides, one of which faces the water and has +a number of tombs or sepulchral caves beneath. All of the four faces +have rude representations of the human form, and other unintelligible +characters are drawn in red colors in a durable kind of pigment, +which is found to be almost indestructible and is much used for rock +inscriptions. + +Prof. Terrien de Lacouperie, op. cit., makes the following remarks: + + Symbolical marks, incised or drawn graffitti, not properly + speaking inscriptions, have been found in Siberia, but they are not + the expected primitive remains of ancient writings. Some are purely + Tartar, being written in Mongolian and Kalmuck; others, obviously + the work of common people, may be Arabic, while some others found + on the left bank of the Jenissei river are much more interesting. + They seem to me to be badly written in Syriac, from right to left + horizontally, before the time of the adaptation of this writing to + the Uigur and Mongol. The characters are still separated one from + the other. On one of these graffitti found at the same place several + Chinese characters, as written by common people, are recognizable. + + Some hieroglyphical graffitti have been discovered on rocks + above Tomsk, on the right bank of the Tom river, in Siberia. They + are incised at a height of more than 20 feet. They are very rude, + and somewhat like the famous Livre de Sauvages of merry fame in + palæography. Quadrupeds, men, heads, all roughly drawn, and some + indistinct lines, are all that can be seen. It looks more like + the pictorial figures which can be used as a means of notation by + ignorant people at any moment than like an historical beginning of + some writing. There is not the slightest appearance of any sort of + regularity or conventional arrangement in them. + + The last we have to speak of are quite peculiar and altogether + different from the others. The signs are painted in red. They are + made of straight lines, disposed like drawings of lattices and + window shades, and also like the tree characters of the Arabs and + like the runes. They are met with near the Irtisch river, on a rock + over the stream Smolank. + +Figs. 513, 721, 722, and 723, infra, have relation to this geographic +region. + +It is to be remarked that some of the Siberian and Tartar characters, +especially those reproduced by Schoolcraft, I, Pls. 65 and 66, have a +strong resemblance to the drawings of the Ojibwa, some of which are +figured and described in the present work, and this coincidence is +more suggestive from the reason that the totem or dodaim, which often +is the subject of those drawings, is a designation which is used by +both the Ojibwa and the Tartar with substantially the same sound and +significance. + + + + +CHAPTER V. + +CUP SCULPTURES + + +The simplest form of rock inscription is almost ubiquitous. In +Europe, Asia, Africa, America, and Oceanica, shallow, round, cup-like +depressions are found, sometimes in rows, sometimes singly, sometimes +surrounded by a ring or rings, but often quite plain. The cup-markers +often arranged their sculpturings in regularly spaced rows, not +infrequently surrounding them with one or more clearly cut rings; +sometimes, again, they associated them with concentric circles or +spirals. Occasionally the sculptors demonstrated the artificial +character of their work by carving it in spots beyond the reach of +atmospheric influences, such as the interiors of stone cists or of +dwellings. It must, however, be noted that, although there is thus +established a distinction between those markings which are natural and +those which are artificial, it is possible that there may have been +some distant connection between the two, and that the depressions worn +by wind and rain may have suggested the idea of the devices, now called +cup-markings, to those who first sculptured them. + +Vast numbers of these cup stones are found in the British islands, +often connected with other petroglyphs. In the county of Northumberland +alone there are 53 stones charged with 350 sculptures, among which are +many cup depressions. So also in Germany, France, Denmark, and indeed +everywhere in Europe, but these forms took their greatest development in +India. + +The leading work relating to this kind of sculpture is that of Prof. J. +Y. Simpson (_a_), afterward known as Sir James Simpson, who reduces the +forms of the cup sculptures to seven elementary types, here reproduced +in Fig. 147. His classification is as follows: + +[Illustration: FIG. 147.--Types of cup sculptures.] + + First type. _Single cups._--They are the simplest type of these + ancient stone-cuttings. Their diameter varies from 1 inch to 3 + inches and more, while they are often only half an inch deep, but + rarely deeper than an inch or an inch and a half. They commonly + appear in different sizes on the same stone or rock, and although + they sometimes form the only sculptures on a surface they are + more frequently associated with figures of a different character. + They are in general scattered without order over the surface, but + occasionally four or five or more of them are placed in more or less + regular groups, exhibiting a constellation-like arrangement. + + Second type. _Cups surrounded by a single ring._--The incised + rings are usually much shallower than the cups and mostly surround + cups of comparatively large size. The ring is either complete or + broken, and in the latter case it is often traversed by a radial + groove which runs from the central cup through and even beyond the + ring. + + Third type. _Cups surrounded by a series of concentric complete + rings._--In this complete annular form the central cup is generally + more deeply cut than the surrounding rings, but not always. + + Fourth type. _Cups surrounded by a series of concentric, but + incomplete rings having a straight radial groove._--This type + constitutes perhaps the most common form of the circular carvings. + The rings generally touch the radial line at both extremities, but + sometimes they terminate on each side of it without touching it. + The radial groove occasionally extends considerably beyond the + outer circle, and in most cases it runs in a more or less downward + direction on the stone or rock. Sometimes it runs on and unites into + a common line with other ducts or grooves coming from other circles, + till thus several series of concentric rings are conjoined into a + larger or smaller cluster, united together by the extension of their + radial branch-like grooves. + + Fifth type. _Cups surrounded by concentric rings and flexed + lines._--The number of inclosing or concentric rings is generally + fewer in this type than in the two last preceding types, and seldom + exceeds two or three in number. + + Sixth type. _Concentric rings without a central cup._--In many + cases the concentric rings of the types already described appear + without a central cup or depression, which is most frequently + wanting in the complete concentric circles of the third type. + + Seventh type. _Concentric circular lines of the form of a spiral + or volute._--The central beginning of the spiral line is usually, + but not always, marked by a cup-like excavation. + +It often occurs that two, three, or more of these various types are +found on the same stone or rock, a fact indicating that they are +intimately allied to each other. + +Prof. Simpson presents what he calls “the chief deviations from the +principal types” reproduced here as Fig. 148. + +[Illustration: FIG. 148.--Variants of cup sculptures.] + +The first four designs represent cups connected by grooves, which is +a noticeable and frequently occurring feature. In Fig. 149 views of +sculptured rock surfaces at Auchnabreach, Argyleshire, Scotland, are +given. Simple cups, cups surrounded by one ring or by concentric rings, +with radial grooves and spirals, appear here promiscuously mingled. Fig. +150 exhibits isolated as well as connected cups, a cup surrounded by +a ring, and concentric rings with radial grooves, on a standing stone +(menhir), belonging to a group of seven at Ballymenach, in the parish of +Kilmichael-Glassary, in Argyleshire, Scotland. + +[Illustration: FIG. 149.--Cup sculptures at Auchnabreach, Scotland.] + +[Illustration: FIG. 150.--Cup sculptures at Ballymenach, Scotland.] + +Dr. Berthold Seeman remarks concerning the characters in Fig. 105, +supra, copied from a rock in Chiriqui, Panama, that he discovers in it a +great resemblance to those of Northumberland, Scotland, and other parts +of Great Britain. He says, as quoted by Dr. Rau (_d_): + + It is singular that, thousands of miles away, in a remote corner + of tropical America, we should find the concentric rings and several + other characters typically identical with those engraved on the + British rocks. + + The characters in Chiriqui are, like those of Great Britain, + incised on large stones, the surface of which has not previously + undergone any smoothing process. The incised stones occur in a + district of Veraguas (Chiriqui or Alanje), which is now thinly + inhabited, but which, judging from the numerous tombs, was once + densely peopled. + + From information received during my two visits to Chiriqui and + from what has been published since I first drew attention to this + subject, I am led to believe that there are a great many inscribed + rocks in that district. But I myself have seen only one, the now + famous _piedra pintal_ (i. e., painted stone), which is found on + a plain at Caldera, a few leagues from the town of David. It is + 15 feet high, nearly 50 feet in circumference, and rather flat on + the top. Every part, especially the eastern side, is covered with + incised characters about an inch or half an inch deep. The first + figure on the left hand side represents a radiant sun, followed + by a series of heads or what appear to be heads, all with some + variation. It is these heads, particularly the appendages (perhaps + intended for hair?), which show a certain resemblance to one of the + most curious characters found on the British rocks, and calling to + mind the so-called “Ogham characters.” These “heads” are succeeded + by scorpion-like or branched and other fantastic figures. The top + of the stone and the other sides are covered with a great number of + concentric rings and ovals, crossed by lines. It is especially these + which bear so striking a resemblance to the Northumbrian characters. + +[Illustration: FIG. 151.--Cup sculptures in Chiriqui.] + +Fig. 151 presents five selected characters from the rock mentioned: _a_ +attached to the respective numbers always refers to the Chiriqui and +_b_ to the British type of the several designs; 1_a_ and 1_b_ represent +radiant suns; 2_a_ and 2_b_ show several grooves, radiating from an +outer arch, resembling, as Dr. Seeman thinks, the Ogham characters; 3_a_ +and 3_b_ show the completely closed concentric circles; 4_a_ and 4_b_ +show how the various characters are connected by lines; 5_a_ and 5_b_ +exhibit the groove or outlet of the circle. + +Mr. G. H. Kinahan, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute of +Great Britain and Ireland, 1889, p. 171, gives an account of Barnes’s +Inscribed Dallâus, County Donegal, Ireland. One of his figures bears +four cups joined together by lines forming a cross. The remainder of the +illustrations consist of concentric rings and cups resembling others +already figured in this paper. + +Marcano (_c_) describes Fig. 152 as follows: + + The chain of Cuchivero, situated in Venezuela between the + Orinoco and the Caura, shows on its flanks small plateaus on which + are numerous stones which seem to have been aligned. This chain is + separated by a deep valley from that of Tiramuto, from which were + copied the petroglyphs here presented. The one represents a single + sun, the other two suns joined together. The rays of the former + run from one circumference to the other. The other two are joined + together by a central stroke, and the rays all start from the outer + circumference. + +[Illustration: FIG. 152.--Cup sculptures in Venezuela.] + +The same author (loc. cit.) thus describes Fig. 153: + + These designs, taken on the little hills of the high Cuchivero, + differ altogether from the preceding. _a_ is a very regular + horizontal grouping. It begins by a spiral joined to three figures + similar among themselves, and similar also to the eyes of jaguars + which we have often met with. There follows a sort of isolated + fret; at its right is another, larger and joined to a circle + different from the preceding; it has a central point, and the second + circumference is interrupted. The figure terminates in a spiral like + the one at the beginning of the line, and which, being turned in the + opposite direction, serves as its pendant. + + [Illustration: FIG. 153.--Cup sculptures in Venezuela.] + + _b_ is formed of two horizontal rows one above the other. We + there find first of all two frets united by a vertical stroke ending + in a hook. The characters which follow, resembling those of _a_, are + distinct in each row, but on closer inspection they are seen to have + a peculiar correspondence. + +Dr. Ladisláu Netto (_b_) gives copies of carvings on the rocks in Brazil +on the banks of the Rio Negro, from Moura to the city of Manaus, and +remarks upon the characters reproduced here as Fig. 154, that they +represent the figure of the multiple concentric circles joined together +two by two, as were found on several other rocks in the same region, +and as they appear in many inscriptions of Central America and at +various points of North America. + +[Illustration: FIG. 154.--Cup sculptures in Brazil.] + +Senhor Araripe (_b_) gives the following account: + + In Banabuiu, Brazil, about three-quarters of a league from + the plantation of Caza-nova, on the road to Castelo, is a stone + resting upon another, at the height of a man, which the inhabitants + call Pedra-furada (pierced stone) having on its western face the + inscription in Fig. 155. + + The characters have been much effaced by the rubbing of cattle + against them; the stone has also cracked. Some fragments lying at + the foot of it bear on their upper faces round holes made by a sharp + tool, and resembling those shown in this figure. + +[Illustration: FIG. 155.--Cup sculptures in Brazil.] + +Cup stones, called by the French _pierres à ecuelles_ and _pierres +à cupules_ and by the Germans _Schalensteine_, are found throughout +Hindustan, on the banks of the Indus, at the foot of the Himalayas, +in the valley of Cashmere, and on the many cromlechs around Nagpoor. +At this very day one may see the Hindu women carrying the water of +the Ganges all the way to the mountains of the Punjab, to pour into +the cupules and thus obtain from the divinity the boon of motherhood +earnestly desired. + +The cup sculptures often become imposing by their number and +combination. In the Kamaon mountains there are numerous blocks that +support small basins. One of them is mentioned as being 13 feet in +length by 9 in breadth and 7 in height, and showing five rows of +cupules. At Chandeswar (see Fig. 146) the rocks themselves are covered +with these signs. They present two different types. One of the most +frequent groups shows a simple round cavity; in the others, the cupels +are encircled by a sort of ring carved in intaglio and encircling +figures. One of these figures recalls the swastika, the sacred sign of +the Aryans. The present Hindus are absolutely ignorant of the origin +of these sculptures; they are fain to attribute them to the Goalas, a +mysterious race of shepherd kings who preceded the great invasions which +imprinted an indelible stamp on the Indies as well as on Europe. These +cupels are correlated with the worship of Mahadeo, one of the many names +given to Siva, the third god of the Hindu triad, whose emblem is the +serpent. Chandeswar is reached through a narrow gorge; at the entrance +is found a temple sacred to Mahadeo. The columns and slabs bear cupules +similar to those seen on the rocks. + +Some of the Mahadeo designs engraved on stone slabs in this temple (see +Rivett-Carnac, loc. cit.) are represented in Fig. 156, showing a marked +resemblance to and approaching identity with this class of cuttings on +bowlders, rocks, and megalithic monuments in Europe. + +[Illustration: FIG. 156.--Cup sculptures in India.] + +A large number of stones with typical cup markings have been found in +the United States of America. Some of those illustrated in this paper +are presented in Pl. V, and Figs. 19 and 48. + +Among the many attempts, all hitherto unsatisfactory, to explain the +significance of the cup stones as distributed over nearly all parts +of the earth, one statement of Mr. Rivett-Carnac (_b_) is of value as +furnishing the meaning now attached to them in India. He says: + + Having seen sketches and notes on rock sculptures in India which + closely resemble unexplained rock carvings in Scotland, and having + myself found one of the Scotch forms cut on a bowlder in Kángrá, * + * * being at Ayodhyá with a Hindu who speaks good English, I got a + fakir and drew on the sand of the Gogra the figure [Illustration: + concentric circles]. I asked what that meant. The fakir at once + answered, “Mahadeo.” I then drew [Illustration: concentric circles + with line from center] and got the same answer. At Delhi my old + acquaintance, Mr. Shaw, told me that these two signs are chalked on + stones in Kángrá by people marching in marriage processions. The + meaning given to these two symbols now in India is familiarly known + to the people. + +Mahadeo, more accurately Mahadiva, is the god of generation. He is +worshiped by the Sawas, one of the numerous Hindu sects, under the form +of a phallus, often represented by a simple column, which sometimes +is placed on the yoni or female organ. It is suggested that in a +common form of the sculptures the inner circle represents the Mahadeo +or lingam, and the outer or containing circle the yoni. No idea of +obscenity occurs from this representation to the Hindus, who adore under +this form the generative power in nature. + +Prof. Douglas, in the Saturday Review, November 24, 1883, furnishes some +remarks on the topic now considered: + + In Palestine and the country beyond Jordan some of the marks + found are so large that it has been supposed that they may have + been used as small presses of wine, or as mortars for pounding the + gleanings of wheat. But there is an objection to these theories + as accounting for the marks generally, which is fatal to them. To + serve these purposes the rocks on which the marks occur should be + in a horizontal position, whereas in a majority of cases all over + the world the “cups” are found either on shelving rocks or on the + sides of perpendicular stones. This renders worthless also the ideas + which have at different times been put forward that they may have + been used for some sort of gambling game, or as sun-dials. A Swiss + archæologist who has lately devoted himself to the question believes + that he has recognized, in the sculpturings under his observation, + maps of the surrounding districts, the “cups” indicating the + mountain peaks. In the same way others have thought that similar + markings may have been intended as maps or plans pointing out the + direction and character of old circular camps and cities in their + neighborhood. But if any such resemblances have been discovered + they can hardly be other than fortuitous, since it is difficult to + understand how rows of cup marks, arranged at regular intervals + and in large numbers, could have served as representatives either + of the natural features of a country or of camps and cities. But a + closer resemblance may be found in them as maps if we suppose that + they were intended to represent things in the heavens rather than + on earth. The round cup-like marks are reasonably suggestive of + the sun, moon, and stars, and if only an occasional figure could + be found representing a constellation, some color might be held + to be given to the idea; but unfortunately this is not the case. + Nevertheless the shape of the marks has led many to believe that + they are relics of the ancient sun worship of Phœnicia, and that + their existence in Europe is due to the desire of the Phœnician + colonists to convert our forefathers to their faith. But there are + many reasons for regarding this theory, though supported by the + authority of Prof. Nilsson, as untenable. The observations of late + years have brought to light cup marks and megalithic circles in + parts of Europe on which a Phœnician foot never trod; and it is a + curious circumstance that in those portions of the British Isles + most frequented by these indefatigable traders there are fewer + traces of these monuments than in the northern and inland districts, + which were comparatively inaccessible to them. + +The Swiss archæologist mentioned above by Prof. Douglas is Fritz +Roediger (_a_), of whose theory the following is a translated abstract: + + What renders the deciphering of these sign stones exceedingly + difficult (I purposely avoid the words “map stones” because not + all are such) is their great variety in size, position, material, + workmanship, and meaning. I will here speak of the latter only, + inasmuch as there are stones which in their smallest and their + largest form are yet frequently nothing else than boundary stones, + whose origin can often not be definitely established as prehistoric, + while on the other hand again we discover well-marked boundary + stones, which at the same time show the outline of the piece of + ground which they guard. Similarly we find prehistoric (Gallic) + “Leuk” stones, differing from the meter-high communal and state + boundary stones of modern times in nothing but this, that they + have some indistinct grooves and one or two hooks, while on the + other hand we meet “Leuk” stones, which on their restricted heads, + often also on the side walls, indicate their environs for (Leuk) + miles around, up, down, and sidewise, while a third class of this + form merely adorn crossroads, and indicate deviations by means of + lines and points (waranden). Thus we find quite extensive slabs + or structures that signify only some hectares, often only one, + while we meet very small ones, or, at any rate, of moderate size, + which, one man can move, that represent very large districts, some + presenting only lines and grooves, others with shells of various + sizes, a third kind with both kinds of ornaments and samples of + ornaments, and again others with no sign at all, but yet respected + as stones of special meaning by the population, and called “hot + stone,” “pointed stone,” “heath stone,” “child’s stone,” etc. Other + stones have basin-like or platter-like depressions, and finally + there are outcropping rocks with marks of one kind or another, + holes, rents, clefts, etc. A further great difficulty hampering the + deciphering of these wonderful stones is the lack of opportunities + for comparison and experience. I have been markedly favored in this + respect by my sojourn and wanderings in valley, mountain and alp. + Western Switzerland is a very paradise for investigations of this + kind, especially the lake country and the upper part of the canton + of Solothurn (Soleure). A third difficulty, often insuperable, lies + in the nonexistence of appropriate good maps for comparison. In this + respect too we are well off in Switzerland. + + According to my observations in this field, now continued nearly + 12 years, prehistoric man had: (1) His land or province survey; (2) + his circle, district, and communal surveys, in reference to which + (3) the Alpine surveys deserve special mention, in cantons which + down to the present day know nothing of such surveys; (4) private + and special surveys. Thus it seems that my observations lend full + confirmation to the oldest historic or traditional statements + concerning the tenure of land of the Kelto-Germans or Germano-Kelts. + +Among the Ojibwa concentric circles, according to Schoolcraft (_d_), +constituted the symbol of time. It would be dangerous to explain the +many markings of this character by the suggested symbolism, which also +recalls that of Egypt in relation to the circle-figure. Inquiries +have often been made whether the North American Indians have any +superstitious or religious practices connected with the markings under +consideration, e. g., in relation to the desire for offspring, which +undoubtedly is connected with the sculpturing of cup depressions and +furrows in the eastern hemisphere. No evidence is yet produced of any +such correspondence of practice or tradition relating to it. In the +absence of any extrinsic explanation the prosaic and disappointing +suggestion intrudes that circular concentric rings are easy to draw and +that the act of drawing them suggests the accentuation of depressions +or hollows within their curves. Much stress is laid upon the fact +that the characters are found in so many parts of the earth, with the +implication that all the sculptors used them with the same significance, +thus affording ground for the hypothesis that anciently one race of +people penetrated all the regions designated. But in such an implication +the history of the character formed by two intersecting straight lines +is forgotten. The cross is as common as the cup-stone, and has, or +anciently had, a different signification among the different people +who used it, beginning as a mark and ending as a symbol. Therefore, it +may readily be imagined that the rings in question, which are drawn +nearly as easily as the cross, were at one time favorite but probably +meaningless designs, perhaps, in popular expression, “instinctive” +commencements of the artistic practice, as was the earliest delineation +of the cross-figure. Afterward the rings, if employed as symbols or +emblems, would naturally have a different meaning applied to them in +each region where they now appear. + +It must, however, be noted that the figures under discussion can be and +often are the result of conventionalization. A striking remark is made +by Mr. John Murdoch (_a_), of the Smithsonian Institution, that south of +Bering strait the design of the “circle and dot,” which may be regarded +as the root of the cup sculpture, is the conventionalized representation +of a flower, and is very frequently seen as an ornamental device. + +An elucidation of some of the most common forms of cup sculptures is +given, without qualification and also without authority, but with the +serene consciousness of certainty, by the Rev. Charles Rogers, “D.D., +LL. D., F. S. A., Scot., etc.,” as follows: + + The sculptures are sacred books, which the awe-inspired + worshipper was required to revere and, probably, to salute with + reverence. A single circle represented the sun, two circles in + union the sun and moon--Baal and Ashtaroth. The wavy groove passing + across the circle pointed to the course of water from the clouds, as + discharged upon the earth. Groups of pit marks pointed to the stars + or, more probably, to the oaks of the primeval temples. + + + + +CHAPTER VI. + +PICTOGRAPHS GENERALLY. + + +In leaving the geographic distribution of petroglyphs to examine the +comprehensive theme of pictographs in general, the first and correct +impression is that the mist of the archaic and unknown is also left +and that the glow of current significance is reached. The pictographs +of the American Indians are seldom if ever cryptographs, though very +often conventional and sometimes, for special reasons, preconcerted, +as are their signals. They are intended to be understood without a +key, and nearly all of those illustrated below in the present work are +accompanied by an interpretation. As the art is in actual daily use it +is free from the superstition pending from remote antiquity. + +It will be noticed that a large proportion of the pictographs to be now +presented, which are not petroglyphs, are Micmac, Abnaki, Dakota, and +Ojibwa, although it is admitted that as many more could be obtained +from other tribes, such as the Zuñi and the Navajo. The reason for +the omission of details regarding the latter is that they are already +published, or are in the course of publication, by Mrs. Stevenson, Dr. +Matthews, Mr. Cushing, Mr. Fewkes, and other writers, who have specially +devoted themselves to the peoples mentioned and the region occupied by +them. + +The present writer obtained a valuable collection of birch-bark +pictographs immemorially and still made by the Passamaquoddy and +Penobscot tribes of Abnaki in Maine, showing a similarity in the use of +picture-writing between the members of the widespread Algonquian stock +in the regions west of the great lakes and those on the northeastern +seaboard. He also learned that the same art was common to the less +known Montagnais and Nascapees in the wooded regions north of the St. +Lawrence. This correlation of the pictographic practice, in manner +and extent, was before inferentially asserted, but no satisfactory +evidence of it had been furnished until the researches of the Bureau of +Ethnology, in 1887 and 1888, made by the writer, brought into direct +comparison the pictography of the Ojibwa with that of the Micmacs and +the Abnaki. Many of the Indians of the last-named tribes still use marks +and devices on birch bark in the ordinary affairs of life, especially +as notices of departure and direction and for warning and guidance. The +religious use of original drawings among them, which is still prominent +among the Ojibwa, has almost ceased, but traces of it remain. + +The most interesting of all the accounts regarding the pictographs +of the North American Indians published before the last decade was +contained in the works of Henry R. Schoolcraft, issued in 1853 +and subsequent years, and the most frequently quoted part of his +contributions on this subject describes the pictographs of the Ojibwa. +He had special facilities for obtaining accurate information with regard +to all matters relating to that tribe on account of his marriage to one +of its women, a granddaughter of a celebrated chief, Waub-o-jeeg and +daughter of a European named Johnson. She was educated in Ireland and +had sufficient intelligence to understand and describe to her husband +the points of interest relating to her tribe. + +The accounts given by Mr. Schoolcraft, with numerous illustrations, +convey the impression that the Ojibwa were nearly as far advanced +in hieroglyphic writing as the Egyptians before their pictorial +representations had become syllabic. The general character of his +voluminous publications has not been such as to assure modern critics +of his accuracy, and the wonderful combination of minuteness and +comprehensiveness attributed by him to the Ojibwa “hieroglyphs” has of +late been generally regarded with suspicion. It was considered in the +Bureau of Ethnology an important duty to ascertain how much of truth +existed in these remarkable accounts, and for that purpose the writer, +with Dr. Hoffman as assistant, examined the most favorable points in the +present habitat of the tribe, namely, the northern regions of Minnesota +and Wisconsin, to ascertain how much was yet to be discovered. + +The general results of the comparison of Schoolcraft’s statements with +what is now found show that he told the truth in substance, but with +much exaggeration and coloring. The word “coloring” is particularly +appropriate, because in his copious illustrations various colors were +used freely and with apparent significance, whereas, in fact, the +general rule in regard to the birch-bark rolls was that they were never +colored at all; indeed, the bark was not adapted to coloration. The +metaphorical coloring was also flourished by him in a manner which seems +absurd to any thorough student of the Indian philosophy and religions. +Metaphysical concepts are attached by him to some of the devices which +he calls “symbols,” which could never have been entertained by a people +in the stage of culture of the Ojibwa. While some symbolism, in the wide +sense of the term, may be perceived, iconography and ideography are more +apparent. + +The largest part of the bark rolls and other pictographs of the Ojibwa +obtained by the Bureau, relates to the ceremonies of the Midē' and +of the shamanistic orders; another division refers to the Jessakid +performances, which can be classed under the head of jugglery; and a +third part embraces the more current and practical uses. Examples of all +of these are given, infra. + +The difficulties sometimes attending the pursuit of ceremonial +pictographs were exemplified to the writer at Odanah, Wisconsin. Very +few of the Ojibwa in that neighborhood, who are generally civilized and +in easy circumstances, had any more than a vague knowledge that such +things as inscribed bark rolls had ever existed. Three, however, were +traced and one was shown. The owner, an uncompromising heathen, was +called Kitche-sha-bads. “Kitche” means big, “sha” is an attempt at the +French form of John, and “bads” is a bad shot at Baptiste, the whole +translation, therefore, being “Big John the Baptist.” This old fellow, +though by no means as enterprising or successful as some of the younger +generation, had a snug house and farm and $300 in the savings bank at +Ashland. One thing, however, he needed, viz, whisky. The strictest +regulations prevailed on the reservation, really prohibitory to the +introduction of spirits, and, indeed, there was at the nearest town, +Ashland, a severe penalty for selling any form of liquor to an Indian. +To obtain whisky, therefore, was the only consideration which would +tempt him to allow a copy of the roll to be taken or by which he could +be induced to recite or rather to chant it in the manner prescribed. +He was undoubtedly accomplished in the knowledge of the Midē' rites, +and the roll, which was shown in his hands, but not out of them, is +substantially the same as one of those copied in the present work, which +was discovered several hundred miles farther northwest among a different +division of the same tribe. The shaman began rather mildly to plead that +he was an old man and could not remember well unless his spirit was made +good by a little whisky. This difficulty might have been obviated by a +traveler’s pocket flask, but his demands increased with great rapidity. +He said that the roll could only be sung at night, that he must have +another old man to help him, and the old man must have whisky; then that +there must be a number of young men, who would join in the chorus, and +all the young men must have whisky too. These demands made it evident +that he was intending to have a drunken orgy, which resulted in a +cloture of the debate. And yet the idea of the old shaman was in its +way correct. The ceremonial chants could be advantageously pronounced +only under inspiration, which was of old obtained by a tedious form of +intoxication, now expedited by alcohol. + +The fact that this work shows a large proportion of pictographs from +the Siouan linguistic family, and especially from the Dakota division +of that family, may be explained partly by the greater familiarity of +the present writer with it than with most other Indian divisions. Yet +probably more distinctive examples of evolution in ideography and in +other details of picture-writing are found still extant among the Dakota +than among any other North American tribe. The degree of advance made by +the Dakota was well expressed by the Rev. S. D. Hinman, who was born, +lived, married, and died in their midst, and, though unfortunately he +committed to writing but little of his knowledge, was more thoroughly +informed about that people than any other man of European descent. + +To express his views clearly he gave to this writer in a manuscript +communication his own classification of pictography (which is not in all +respects approved) as follows: + +_I. Picturing._--[This is the method called by Prof. Brinton (_b_) +iconographic writing.] This shows a simple representation of a thing or +event in picture, as of a bear, a man’s hand, a battle. + +_II. Ideography._--This arbitrarily, though significantly, recalls an +idea or abstract quality, as love or goodness. + +_III. Picture-writing._--This will, in picture and character, +arbitrarily or otherwise, recite a connected story, there being +a picture or character for every word, even for conjunctions and +prepositions. + +_IV. Phonetic writing._--This gives phonetic value to every picture and +spells out the words by sound, almost as in later alphabets, as if a +lion should stand for the “l” sound, a bear for the “b” sound, etc., and +from this last by modification came alphabets. [This is the familiar +theory, which is accurate so far as it is applicable, of the initial +sound, but other elements are disregarded, such as the “rebus,” for +which special class Prof. Brinton, loc. cit., has invented the title of +the Iconomatic method.] + +Accepting this chronologic if not evolutionary arrangement, Mr. Hinman +decided that the Dakota picture-writing had passed through stage I +and was already entering upon stage II when it was first observed by +the European explorers. Of III and IV he found no examples in Dakota +pictography, though in sign language the Dakota had progressed further +and had entered upon III. + +As a summary of the topic it seems that pictographs other than +petroglyphs which presumably are more modern than most of the +latter, can be studied, not by geographic distribution, but by their +ascertainable intent and use. Unless the classification of the remaining +part of this work under its various headings has been defective, further +discussion in this chapter is unnecessary. + + + + +CHAPTER VII. + +SUBSTANCES ON WHICH PICTOGRAPHS ARE MADE. + + +Substances on which pictographs are made may be divided into-- + + I. The human body. + II. Natural objects other than the human body. + III. Artificial objects. + + +SECTION 1. + +THE HUMAN BODY. + +Markings on human bodies are--(1) Those expressed by painting or such +coloration as is not permanent. It has been found convenient to treat +this topic under the heading of “Significance of Colors,” Chap. XVIII, +Sec. 3. (2) Those of intended permanence upon the skin, generally called +tattoo, but including scarification. This enormous and involved topic is +discussed, so far as space allows, under the heading of “Totems, Titles, +and Names,” Chapter XIII, Sec. 3, where it seems to be most convenient +in the general arrangement of this work. Though logically it might have +been divided among several of the headings, that course would have +involved much repetition or cross reference. + + +SECTION 2. + +NATURAL OBJECTS OTHER THAN THE HUMAN BODY. + +Other natural objects may be divided into--(1) Stone; (2) bone; (3) +skins; (4) feathers and quills; (5) gourds; (6) shells; (7) earth and +sand; (8) copper; (9) wood. + + +STONE. + +This caption comprises the pictographs upon stone surfaces or tablets +which are not of the dimensions or in the position to be included under +the heading of petroglyphs, as elsewhere defined. Accounts, with and +without illustrations, have been published of several engraved tablets, +regarding which there has been much discussion, and some examples +appear, infra, under the appropriate heading. (See Chapter XXII, Sec. +1.) Other examples, in which the genuine aboriginal character of the +work is undisputed, appear in the present work, and a large number of +other engraved and incised stone objects could be referred to, some of +which are in the possession of the Bureau of Ethnology, unpublished, +others being figured in its several reports. It is sufficient now for +illustration of this subject to refer to the account accompanying +Pl. LI, infra, describing and copying the Thruston tablet, which is, +perhaps, the most interesting of any pictograph on stone yet discovered, +the genuineness of which as Indian work has not been called in question. + + +BONE. + +For instances of the use of bone, several Alaskan and Eskimo carvings +figured in this work may be referred to, e. g., Figs. 334, 459-462, 534, +703, 704, 742, 771, 844, and 1228. + +[Illustration: FIG. 157.--Comanche drawing on shoulder-blade.] + +Fig. 157, copied from Schoolcraft (_e_), is taken from the +shoulder-blade of a buffalo found on the plains in the Comanche country +of Texas. He says: + + It is a symbol showing the strife for the buffalo existing + between the Indian and white races. The Indian (1) presented on + horseback, protected by his ornamented shield and armed with a + lance, (2) kills a Spaniard (3) after a circuitous chase (6), the + latter being armed with a gun. His companion (4), armed with a + lance, shares the same fate. + +It may be questioned whether Mr. Schoolcraft was not too active in the +search for symbols in his explanation of (6) as a circuitous chase. The +device is either a lasso or a lariat, and relates to the possession or +attempt to take possession of the buffalo. The design (5), however, well +expresses ideographically the fact that the buffalo at the time was in +contention, and therefore was the property half of the Indians and half +of the whites. + + +SKINS. + +A large number of pictographs upon the hides of animals are mentioned in +the present paper. Pl. XX, with its description in the Dakota Winter +Counts, infra, Chap, X, Sec. 2, is one instance. Rawhide drum-heads are +also used to paint upon, as by the shamans of the Ojibwa. + +The use of robes made of the hides of buffalo and other large animals, +painted with biographic, shamanistic, and other devices, is also +mentioned in various parts of this work. A description of very early +observation is now introduced, taken from John Ribault in Hakluyt (_a_). + + The king gaue our Captaine at his departure a plume or fanne of + Hernshawes feathers died in red, and a basket made of Palmeboughes + after the Indian fashion, and wrought very artificially and a great + skinne painted and drawen throughout with the pictures of diuers + wilde beasts so liuely drawen and pourtrayed, that nothing lacked + but life. + +With the American use of pictographic robes may be compared the +following account of the same use by Australian natives by Dr. Richard +Andree (_b_). + + The inner side of the opossum skins worn by the blacks is also + often ornamented with figures. They scratch lines into the skin, + which afterward are rubbed over with fat and charcoal. + + +FEATHERS AND QUILLS. + +Edward M. Kern, in Schoolcraft (_f_), reports that the Sacramento tribes +of California were very expert in weaving blankets of feathers, many of +them having beautiful figures worked upon them. + +The feather work in Mexico, Central America, and the Hawaiian Islands +is well known, often having designs properly to be considered +among pictographs, though in modern times not often passing beyond +ornamentation. + +Worsnop (op. cit.) mentions that on grand occasions of the “Mindarie” +(i. e., peace festival) the Australian natives decorate the bodies, +face, legs, and feet with the down of wild fowl, stuck on with their own +blood. The ceremony of taking the blood is very painful, yet they stand +it without a murmur. It takes five or six men four to five hours to +decorate one man. The blood is put on the body wet and the down stuck on +the blood, showing, when finished, outlines of man’s head, face, feet, +snakes, emu, fish, trees, birds, and other outlines representing the +moon, stars, sun, and Aurora Australis, the whole meaning that they are +at peace with the world. + +Mr. David Boyle (_a_) gives an account of a piece of porcupine quill +work, with an illustration, a part of which is copied in Fig. 158. + +[Illustration: FIG. 158.--Quill pictograph.] + + Among the lost or almost lost arts of the Canadian Indians is + that of employing porcupine quills as in the illustration. Partly + on account of scarcity of material, but chiefly, it is likely, from + change of habits and of taste, there are comparatively few Indian + women now living who attempt to produce any fabric of this kind. * * + * + + The central figure is meant to represent the eagle or great + thunder-bird, the belief in which is, or was, widely spread among + the Indians over the northern part of this continent. * * * + + This beautiful piece of quill work was produced from + Ek-wah-satch, who resides at Baptiste lake. He informed me that it + had belonged to his grandfather, who resided near Georgian bay. + +See also Fig. 685 for another illustration of pictographic work by +colored porcupine quills. + + +GOURDS. + +After gourds have dried the contents are removed and small pebbles or +bones placed in the empty vessel. Handles are sometimes attached. They +serve as rattles in dances and in religious and shamanistic rites. The +representations of natural or mythical objects, connected with the +ceremonies, for which the owner may have special reverence are often +depicted upon their outer surfaces. This custom prevails among the +Pueblos generally, and also among many other tribes, notably those of +the Siouan linguistic stock. + +Fig. 159 is a drawing of the Sci-Manzi or “Mescal Woman” of the Kiowa +as it appears on a sacred gourd rattle in the mescal ceremony of that +tribe, and was procured with full explanations in the winter of 1890-’91 +by Mr. James Mooney of the Bureau of Ethnology. + +[Illustration: FIG. 159.--Pictograph on gourd.] + +It shows the rude semblance of a woman, with divergent rays about her +head, a fan in her left hand, and a star under her feet. + +The peculiarity of the drawing is its hermeneutic character, which +is rarely ascertained by actual evidence as existing among the North +American Indians. It has a double meaning, and while apparently only +a fantastic figure of a woman, it conveys also to the minds of the +initiated a symbolic representation of the interior of the sacred mescal +lodge. Turning the rattle with the handle toward the east, the lines +forming the halo about the head of the figure represent the circle of +devotees within the lodge. The head itself, with the spots for eyes +and mouth, represents the large consecrated mescal which is placed +upon a crescent-shaped mound of earth in the center of the lodge, this +mound being represented in the figure by a broad, curving line, painted +yellow, forming the curve of the shoulders. Below this is a smaller +crescent curve, the original surface of the gourd, which symbolizes +the smaller crescent mound of ashes built up within the crescent of +earth as the ceremony progresses. The horns of both crescents point +toward the door of the lodge on the east side which, in the figure, is +toward the feet. In the chest of the body is a round globule painted +red, emblematic of the fire within the horns of the crescent in the +lodge. The lower part of the body is green, symbolic of the eastern +ocean beyond which dwells the mescal woman who is the ruling spirit or +divinity to whom prayers are addressed in the ceremony, and the star +under her feet is the morning star which heralds her approach. In her +left hand is a device representing the fan of eagle feathers used to +shield the eyes from the glare of the fire during the ceremony. + + +SHELLS. + +The admirable and well illustrated paper, Art in Shell of the Ancient +Americans, by Mr. W. H. Holmes, in the Second Annual Report of the +Bureau of Ethnology, and a similar paper, Burial Mounds of the Northern +Section of the United States, by Prof. Cyrus Thomas, in the Fifth +Annual Report of the same Bureau, render unnecessary present extended +discussion under this head. + +One example, however, which is unique in character and of established +authenticity, is presented here as Pl. XV. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XV + +POWHATAN’S MANTLE.] + +Dr. Edward B. Tylor (_a_) gives a description of the mantle copied upon +that plate, which is condensed as follows: + + Among specimens illustrative of native North American arts, + as yet untouched by European influence, is the deerskin mantle + ornamented with shellwork, recorded to have belonged to the + Virginian chief, Powhatan. Of the group of Virginian mantles + in Tradescant’s collection there only now remains this shell + embroidered one. It is entered as follows in the MS. catalogue of + the Ashmolean Museum, in the handwriting of the keeper, Dr. Plot, + the well-known antiquary, about 1685: “205 Basilica Powhatan Regis + Virginiani vestis, duabus cervorum cutibus consuta, et nummis + indicis vulgo cori’s dictis splendidè exornata.” He had at first + written “Roanoke,” but struck his pen through this word, and wrote + “cori’s” (i. e. cowries) above, thus by no means improving the + accuracy of his description. + + The mantle measures about 2.2^{m} in length by 1.6^{m} in + width. The two deerskins forming it are joined down the middle; no + hair remains. The ornamental design consists of an upright human + figure in the middle; divided by the seam; a pair of animals; + 32 spirally-formed rounds (2 in the lowest line have lost their + shells) and the remains of some work in the right lower corner. The + marks where shellwork has come away plainly show the hind legs and + tapering tails of both animals. It is uncertain whether the two + quadrupeds represent in the conventional manner of picture-writing + some real animal of the region, or some mythical composite creature + such as other Algonquin tribes are apt to figure. The decorative + shellwork is of a kind well known in North America. The shells used + are _Marginella_; so far as Mr. Edgar A. Smith is able to identify + them in their present weathered state, _M. nivosa_. They have been + prepared for fastening on, in two different ways, which may be + distinguished in the plate. In the animals and rounds, the shells + have been perforated by grinding on one side, so that a sinew thread + can be passed through the hole thus made and the mouth. In the man, + the shells are ground away and rounded off at both ends into beads + looking roughly ball-like at a distance. + +The artistic skill of the North American Indians was not, as a rule, +directed to represent the forms of animals with such accuracy as to +allow of their identification as portraitures. Instead of attempting +such accuracy they generally selected some prominent feature such as +the claws of the bear, which were drawn with exaggeration, or the +tail of the mountain lion which was portrayed of abnormal length over +the animal’s back. Those animals were, therefore, recognized by those +selected features in much the same manner as if there had been a written +legend--“this is a bear” or “a mountain lion,” the want of iconographic +accuracy being admitted. In the animals represented on the mantle no +such indicating feature is obvious, and the general resemblance to the +marten is the only guide to identification. + +The habitat of the marten does not include Virginia as a whole, but +the animal is found in the elevated regions of that state. This local +infrequency is not, however, of much significance. If regarded as a clan +totem, as is probable, it may well be that the clan of Powhatan was +connected with the clans of the more northern Algonquian tribes among +whom the marten frequently appears as a clan totem. What is generally +termed the Powhatan confederacy was a union, not apparently ancient, of +a large number of tribal divisions or villages, and it is not known to +which clan (probably extending through many of these tribal divisions) +the head chief Powhatan belonged. There is almost nothing on record +of the clan system of those Virginian Indians, but it is supposed to +be similar to that of the northern and eastern members of the same +linguistic family, among whom the marten clan was and still is found. + +The topic of wampum which, considered as to its material, belongs to the +division of shellwork, is with regard to the purposes of the present +paper, discussed under the head of “Mnemonic,” Chap. IX, Sec. 3. + + +EARTH AND SAND. + +The highly important work, The Mountain Chant, a Navajo Ceremony, in +the Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, by Dr. Washington +Matthews, U. S. Army, and that of Mr. James Stevenson, Ceremonial of +Hasjelti Dailjis and Mythical Sand Painting of the Navajo Indians, +in the Eighth Annual Report of that Bureau, give accounts of most +interesting sand paintings by the Navajo Indians, which were before +unknown. These paintings were made upon the surface of the earth by +means of sand, ashes, and powdered vegetable and mineral matter of +various colors. They were highly elaborate, and were fashioned with care +and ceremony immediately preceding the observance of specific rites, at +the close of which they were obliterated with great nicety. The subject +is further discussed by Dr. W. H. Corbusier, U. S. Army, in the present +paper (see Chap. XIV, Sec. 5). + +Mr. Frank Hamilton Cushing, of the Bureau of Ethnology, kindly +contributes the following remarks with special reference to the Zuñi: + + A study of characteristic features in these so-called sand + pictures of the Navajos would seem to indicate a Pueblo origin of + the art, this notwithstanding the fact that it is to-day more highly + developed or at least more extensively practiced amongst the Navajos + than now, or perhaps ever, amongst the Pueblos. When, during my + first sojourn with the Zuñi, I found this art practice in vogue + among the tribal priest magicians and members of cult societies, + I named it dry or powder painting. I could see at a glance that + this custom of powder painting had resulted from the effort to + transfer from a vertical, smooth, and stable surface, which could + be painted on, to a horizontal and unstable surface, unsuited to + like treatment, such symbolic and sacramental pictographs as are + painted on the walls of the kivas, temporarily, as appurtenances + to the dramaturgic ceremonials of the cult societies, and as + supposed aids to the magical incantations and formulæ of all the + monthly, semiannual, and quadrennial observances and fasts of the + tribal priests; sometimes, also, in the curative or “Betterment” + ceremonials of these priests. It is noteworthy that, with the + exception of the invariable “Earth terrace,” “Pathway of (earth) + life,” and a few other conventional symbols of mortal or earthly + things (nearly always made of scattered prayer meal), powder + painting is resorted to amongst the Zuñi only in ceremonials + pertaining to _all_ the regions or inclusive of the _lower_ region. + In such cases paintings typical of the North, West, South, and East + are made on the four corresponding walls of the kiva, whilst the + lower region is represented by appropriately powder or paint colored + sand on the floor, and the upper region either by paintings on the + walls near the ceiling or on stretched skins suspended from the + latter. Thus the origin of the practice of floor powder painting + may be seen to have resulted from the effort to represent with more + dramatic appropriateness or exactness the lower as well as the + other sacramental regions, and to have been incident to the growth + from the quaternary of the sextenary or septenary system of world + division so characteristic of Pueblo culture. Hence it is that I + attribute the art of powder or sand painting to the Pueblos, and + believe that it was introduced both by imitation and by the adoption + of Pueblo men amongst the Navajos. Its greater prevalence amongst + them to-day is simply due to the fact that having, as a rule, no + suitable vertical or wall surfaces for pictorial treatment, all + their larger ceremonial paintings have to be made on the ground, and + can only or best be made, of course, by this means alone. + + It is proper to add, as having a not inconsiderable bearing on + the absence generally of screen or skin painting among the Navajos, + that, with the Pueblos at least, these pictures are--must be--only + temporary; for they are supposed to be spiritually shadowed, so to + say, or breathed upon by the gods or god animals they represent, + during the appealing incantations or calls of the rites; hence the + paint substance of which they are composed is in a way incarnate, + and at the end of the ceremonial must be killed and disposed of as + dead if evil, eaten as medicine if good. + + Further light is thrown on this practice of the Zuñi in making + use of these suppositively vivified paintings by their kindred + practice of painting not only fetiches of stone, etc., and sometimes + of larger idols, then of washing the paint off for use as above + described, but also of _powder painting in relief_; that is, of + modeling effigies in sand, sometimes huge in size, of hero or animal + gods, sacramental mountains, etc., powder painting them in common + with the rest of the pictures, and afterwards removing the paint for + medicinal or further ceremonial use. + +The construction of the effigies in high relief last above mentioned +should be compared with the effigy mounds mentioned below in this +section. + +In connection with the ceremonial use, for temporary dry painting on the +ground, of colored earth and sand and also that of sacred corn meal, +a remarkable parallel is found in India. Mr. Edward Carpenter (_a_) +mentions that the Devadásis, who are popularly called Nautch girls, as a +part of their duty, ornament the floor of the Hindu temples with quaint +figures drawn in rice flour. + +The well known mounds or tumuli more or less distinctly representing +animal forms and sometimes called effigy mounds, found chiefly in +Wisconsin and Illinois, come in this category, but it is not possible to +properly discuss them and also give space to the many other topics in +this paper, the facts and authorities upon which are less known or less +accessible. A large amount of information is published by Rev. S. D. +Peet (_a_). Other articles are by Mr. T. H. Lewis in Science, September +7, 1888, and No. 318, 1889. One upon the Serpent mound of Ohio, by Prof. +F. W. Putnam (_a_), is of special interest. It may be suggested as a +summation that there is not sufficient evidence of the erection of this +class of effigy mounds merely for burial purposes. They seldom exceeded +6 feet in height and varied in expanse from 30 to 300 feet. The animals +most frequently recognizable in the constructions are lizards, birds, +and several more or less distinct quadrupeds; serpents and turtles also +are identified. The species of fauna represented are those now or lately +found in the same region. There is a strong probability that the forms +of the mounds in question were determined by totemic superstitions or +tribal habitudes. + +In England the pictographs styled “turf monuments” are sometimes made +by cutting the natural turf and filling with chalk the part of the +surface thus laid bare. Sometimes the color depends wholly upon the +limestone, granite, or other rock exposed by removing the turf. Rev. W. +C. Plenderleath (_a_) gives a full account of this variety of pictograph. + + +COPPER. + +This is the only metal on which it is probable that the North American +Indians made designs. To present comparisons of pictures by other +peoples on that or other metals or alloys would be to enter into a +field, the most interesting part of which is classed as numismatic, +and which would be a departure from the present heading. That virgin +copper was used for diverse purposes, generally ornamental, by the North +American Indians, is now established, and there is a presentation of the +subject in Prof. Cyrus Thomas’s (_a_) Burial Mounds. The most distinct +and at the same time surprising account of a true pictographic record on +copper is given by W. W. Warren (_a_), an excellent authority, and is +condensed as follows: + + The Ojibwa of the Crane family hold in their possession a + circular plate of virgin copper, on which are rudely marked + indentations and hieroglyphics denoting the number of generations + of the family who have passed away since they first pitched their + lodges at Shang-a-waum-ik-ong and took possession of the adjacent + country, including the island of La Pointe. + + When I witnessed this curious family register in 1843 it was + exhibited to my father. The old chief kept it carefully buried in + the ground and seldom displayed it. On this occasion he brought it + to view only at the entreaty of my mother whose maternal uncle he + was. + + On this plate of copper were marked eight deep indentations, + denoting the number of his ancestors who had passed away since they + first lighted their fire at Shang-a-waum-ik-ong. They had all lived + to a good old age. + + By the rude figure of a man with a hat on its head, placed + opposite one of these indentations, was denoted the period when the + white race first made its appearance among them. This mark occurred + in the third generation, leaving five generations which had passed + away since that important era in their history. + +Mr. I. W. Powell (_a_), Indian superintendent, in the report of the +deputy superintendent-general of Indian affairs of Canada for 1879, +gives an account of some tribes of the northwest coast, especially +the Indians called in the report Newittees, a tribe now known as the +Naqómqilis of the Wakashan family, who treasure pieces of copper +peculiarly shaped and marked. The shape is that of one face of a +truncated pyramid with the base upward. In the broad end appear marks +resembling the holes for eyes and mouth, which are common in masks +of the human face. The narrower end has a rough resemblance to an +ornamental collar. These copper articles were made by the Indians +originally from the native copper, and in 1879 a few were held by the +chiefs who used them for presentation at the potlaches or donation +feasts. The value which is attached to these small pieces of copper, +which are intrinsically worthless, is astounding. For one of them 1,200 +blankets were paid, which would at the time and place represent $1,800. +Sometimes a chief in presenting one of them, in order to show his utter +disregard of wealth, would break it into three or four pieces and give +them away, each fragment being perhaps repurchased at an exorbitant sum. +This competition in extravagance for display, under the guise of charity +and humility, has had parallels in the silver-brick and flour-barrel +auctions in parts of the United States, when the actors were white +citizens. Apart from such public exhibitions, the copper tokens seem to +partake of the natures both of fiat money and of talismans. + + +WOOD. + +This division comprises: + +(1) _The living tree_, of the use of which for pictographic purposes +there are many descriptions and illustrations in this paper. In addition +to them may be noted the remark made by Bishop De Schweinitz (_a_) in +the Life and Times of Zeisberger, that in 1750 there were numerous tree +carvings at a place on the eastern shore of Cayuga lake, the meaning of +which was known to and interpreted by the Cayuga Indians. + +This mode of record or notice is so readily suggested that it is found +throughout the world, e. g., the “hieroglyph” in New Guinea, described +by D’Albertis (_a_), being a drawing in black on a white tree. + +(2) _Bark._--The Abnaki and Ojibwa have been and yet continue to be in +the habit of incising pictographic characters and mnemonic marks upon +birch bark. Many descriptions and illustrations of this style are given +in this paper, and admirable colored illustrations of it also appear in +Pl. XIX of the Seventh Ann. Rept. Bureau of Ethnology. The lines appear +sometimes to have been traced on the inner surface of young bark with +a sharply pointed instrument, probably bone, but in other examples the +drawings are made by simple puncturing. The strips of bark, varying +from an inch to several feet in length, roll up after drying, and are by +heating straightened out for examination. + +Another mode of drawing on birch bark which appears to be peculiar to +the Abnaki is by scratching the exterior surface, thus displaying a +difference in color between the outermost and the second layer of the +rind, which difference forms the figure. The lower character in Pl. XVI +shows this mode of picturing. It is an exact copy of part of an old bark +record made by the Abnaki of Maine. + +They also use the mode of incision, many examples of which appear in +the present work, but their mode of scratching produced a much more +picturesque effect, as is shown also in Fig. 659, than the mere linear +drawing. + +(3) _Manufactured wood._--The Indians of the northwest coast generally +employ wood as the material on which their pictographs are to be made. +Totem posts, boats, boat paddles, the boards constituting the front wall +of a house, and wooden masks, are among the objects used. + +Many drawings among the Indians of the interior parts of the United +States are also found upon pipestems made of wood, usually ash. +Among the Arikara boat paddles are used upon which marks of personal +distinction are reproduced, as shown in Fig. 578. + +Mortuary records are also drawn upon slabs of wood. (See Figs. 728 and +729). Mnemonic devices, notices of departure, distress, etc., are also +drawn upon slips of wood. + +The examples of the use of wood for pictographs which are illustrated +and described in this paper are too numerous for recapitulation; to +them, however, may be added the following from Wilkes’s (_a_) Exploring +Expedition, referring to Fig. 160. + +[Illustration: FIG. 160.--Pictographs on wood, Washington.] + + Near an encampment on Chickeeles river, near Puget Sound, + Washington, were found some rudely carved painted planks, of which + Mr. Eld made a drawing. These planks were placed upright and nothing + could be learned of their origin. The colors were exceedingly + bright, of a kind of red pigment. + +Mr. James O. Pattie (_a_) gives an account of a wooden passport given to +him in 1824 by a Pawnee chief. He describes it, without illustration, as +a small piece of wood curiously painted with characters something like +“hieroglyphics.” The chief told Mr. Pattie’s party if they saw any of +his warriors to give them the stick, in which case they would be kindly +treated, which promise was fulfilled a few days later when the party met +a large band of the same tribe on the warpath. + + +SECTION 3. + +ARTIFICIAL OBJECTS. + +Artificial objects may be classified, so far as is important for the +present work, into, I, fictile fabrics and, II, textile fabrics. + + +FICTILE FABRICS. + +A large number of articles of pottery bearing pictographs are figured in +the illustrated collections by Mr. James Stevenson in the Second Annual +Report, and by Mr. Stevenson and Mr. William H. Holmes in the Third +Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Pipes on which totemic designs +and property marks appear are also common. + +The art of pottery was at first limited to vessel-making. In the earlier +stages of culture, vases were confined to simple use as receptacles, +but as culture ripened they were advanced to ceremonial and religious +offices and received devices and representations in color and in relief +connected with the cult to which they were devoted. Among some tribes +large burial vases were fashioned to contain or cover the dead. An +infinite variety of objects, such as pipes, whistles, rattles, toys, +beads, trowels, calendars, masks, and figurines, were made of pottery. +Clays of varying degrees of purity were used, and sometimes these were +tempered with powdered quartz, shell, or like materials. The vessels +were frequently built by coiling. The surface was smoothed by the +hands or the modeling implement or was polished with a stone or other +smoothing tool. Much attention was given to surface embellishment. +The finger nails and various pointed tools were used to scarify and +indent, and elaborate figures and designs were incised. Stamps with +systematically worked designs were sometimes applied to the soft clay. +Cords and woven fabrics were also employed to give diversity to the +surface. With the more advanced tribes, though these simple processes +were still resorted to, engraving, modeling in relief and in the round, +and painting in colors were employed. + + +TEXTILE FABRICS. + +Textile fabrics include those products of art in which the elements of +their construction are filamental and mainly combined by using their +flexibility. The processes employed are called wattling, interlacing, +plaiting, netting, weaving, sewing, and embroidery. The materials +generally used by primitive people were pliable vegetal growths, such as +twigs, leaves, roots, canes, rushes, and grasses, and the hair, quills, +feathers, and tendons of animals. + +Unlike works in stone and clay, textile articles are seldom long +preserved. Still, from historic accounts and a study of the many +beautiful articles produced by existing Indian tribes, a fair knowledge +of the range and general character of native fabrics may be obtained. In +many cases buried articles of that character have been preserved by the +impregnation of the engirding earths with preservative salts, and also +some fabrics which had been wrapped about buried utensils, or ornaments +of copper remained without serious decay. Charring has also been a means +of preserving cloth, and much has been learned of the weaving done by +ancient workers through impressions upon pottery which had been made +by applying the texture while the clay was still soft. The weaving +appliances were simple, but the results in plain and figured fabrics, in +tapestry, in lace-like embroideries, and in feather-work are admirable. + +This subject is discussed by Mr. W. H. Holmes in his paper, A Study +of the Textile Art, etc., in the Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of +Ethnology, in a manner so comprehensive as to embrace the field of +pictography in its relation to woven articles. + +Several examples of this application also appear in the present +work. See Figs. 821, 976 and 1167. In addition the following are now +presented. + +Some of the California tribes are expert workers in grass and roots +in the manufacture of baskets, upon which designs other than for mere +ornamentation are frequently worked. The Yokuts, at Tule river Agency, +in the southeastern part of the State, sometimes incorporate various +human forms in which the arms are suspended at the sides of the body +with the hands directed outward to either side. Above the head is a +heavy horizontal line. + +[Illustration: FIG. 161.--Haida basketry hat.] + +The following is extracted from Prof. O. T. Mason’s (_a_) paper on +basket work, describing Fig. 161: + + _a_ is a rain hat of twined basketry in spruce root from Haida + Indians. This figure is the upper view and shows the ornamentation + in red and black paint. The device in this instance is the + epitomized form of a bird, perhaps a duck. Omitting the red cross + on the top the beak, jaws, and nostrils are shown; the eyes at + the sides near the top, and just behind them the ears. The wings, + feet, and tail, inclosing a human face, are shown on the margin. + The Haida, as well as other coast Indians from Cape Flattery to + Mount Saint Elias, cover everything of use with totemic devices in + painting and carving. + + _b_ shows the conical shape of _a_. The painted ornamentation on + these hats is laid on in black and red in the conventional manner of + ornamentation in vogue among the Haidas and used in the reproduction + of their various totems on all of their houses, wood and slate + carvings, and implements. + +[Illustration: FIG. 162.--Tsimshian blanket.] + +Mr. Niblack (_b_) says, describing Fig. 162: + + The Chilkat and cedar-bark blankets are important factors in all + ceremonial dances and functions. Other forms of ceremonial blankets + or mantles are made from Hudson Bay Company blankets, with totemic + figures worked on them in a variety of ways. The usual method is to + cut out the totemic figure in red cloth and sew it on to the garment + (ornamenting it with borders of beads and buttons) by the method + known as appliqué work; another method is to sew pieces of bright + abalone or pearl shell or pearl buttons on to the garment in the + totemic patterns. The illustration is a drawing of a vestment which + hangs down the back, representing the totem or crest of the wearer. + +This specimen is mentioned as the workmanship of the Tsimshian Indians, +at Point Simpson, British Columbia, and represents the halibut. + + + + +CHAPTER VIII. + +INSTRUMENTS AND MATERIALS BY WHICH PICTOGRAPHS ARE MADE. + + +So far as appears on ancient pictographic works the kind of instruments +and materials with which they were made can be inferred only from its +aspect, though microscopic examination and chemical analysis have +sometimes been successfully applied. A few examples relating to the +topic are given as follows, though other descriptions appear elsewhere +in this treatise. + + +SECTION 1. + +INSTRUMENTS FOR CARVING. + +This title, as here used, is intended to include cutting, pecking, +scratching, and rubbing. The Hidatsa, when scratching upon stone +or rocks, as well as upon pieces of wood, employ a sharply pointed +piece of hard stone, usually a fragment of quartz. The present writer +successfully imitated the Micmac scratchings at Kejimkoojik lake, Nova +Scotia, by using a stone arrow point upon the slate rocks. + +The bow-drill was largely used by the Innuit of Alaska in carving bone +and ivory. Their present method of cutting figures and other characters +is by a small steel blade, thick, though sharply pointed, resembling a +graver. + +Many petroglyphs, e. g., those at Conowingo, Maryland, at Machiasport, +Maine, and in Owens valley, California, present every evidence of having +been deepened if not altogether fashioned by rubbing, either with a +piece of wood and sand or with pointed stone. + +To incise or indent lines upon birch bark the Ojibwa, Ottawa, and other +Algonquian tribes used a sharply pointed piece of bone, though they now +prefer an iron nail. Examples of scratching upon the outer surface of +bark are mentioned elsewhere. + +Several examples of producing characters on stone by pecking with +another stone are mentioned in this paper, and Mr. J. D. McGuire (_a_), +of Ellicott City, Maryland, has been remarkably successful in forming +petroglyphs with the ordinary Indian stone hammer. Some of the results +established by him are published in The American Anthropologist. + + +SECTION 2. + +INSTRUMENTS FOR DRAWING. + +Drawings upon small slabs of wood, found among the Ojibwa, were made +with a piece of red-hot wire or thin iron rod hammered to a point. Such +figures are blackened by being burned in. + +When in haste or when better materials are not at hand, the Hidatsa +sometimes drew upon a piece of wood or the shoulder-blade of a buffalo +with a piece of charcoal from the fire or with a piece of red chalk or +red ocher, with which nearly every warrior is at all times supplied. + +Mr. A. W. Howitt, in Manuscript Notes on Australian Pictographs, says: + + Not having any process such as is used by some of the savage + tribes to soften skins, the harshness of these rugs is remedied by + marking upon them lines and patterns, which being partly cut through + the skin give to it a certain amount of suppleness. In former + times, before the white man enabled the black fellow to supplement + his meager stock of implements with those of civilization, a Kumai + made use of the sharp edge of a mussel shell (unio) to cut these + patterns. At the present time the sharpened edge of the bowl + of a metal spoon is used, partly because it forms a convenient + instrument, partly, perhaps, because its bowl bears a resemblance in + shape to the familiar ancestral tool. + + +SECTION 3. + +COLORING MATTER AND ITS APPLICATION. + +Painting upon robes or skins is executed by means of thin strips of +wood or sometimes of bone. Tufts of antelope hair are also used, by +tying them to sticks to make a brush, but this is evidently a modern +innovation. Pieces of wood, one end of which is chewed so as to produce +a loose fibrous brush, are also used at times, as has been specially +observed among the Teton Dakota. + +The Hidatsa and other Northwest Indians usually employ a piece of +buffalo rib or a piece of hard wood having an elliptical form. This is +dipped in a solution of glue, with or without color, and a tracing is +made, which is subsequently filled up and deepened by a repetition of +the process with the same or a stronger solution of the color. + +Of late years in the United States colors of civilized manufacture are +readily obtained by the Indians for painting and decoration. Frequently, +however, when the colors of commerce can not be obtained, the aboriginal +colors are still prepared and used. The ferruginous clays of various +shades of brown, red, and yellow occur in nature so widely distributed +that these are the most common and leading tints. Black is generally +prepared by grinding fragments of charcoal into a very fine powder. +Among some tribes, as has also been found in some of the “ancient” +pottery from the Arizona ruins, clay had evidently been mixed with +charcoal to give better body. The black color made by some of the Innuit +tribes is made with blood and charcoal intimately mixed, which is +afterwards applied to incisions in ivory, bone, and wood. + +Among the Dakota, colors for dyeing porcupine quills were obtained +chiefly from plants. The vegetable colors, being soluble, penetrate the +substance of the quills more evenly and beautifully than the mineral +colors of eastern manufacture. + +The black color of some of the Pueblo pottery is obtained by a special +burning with pulverized manure, into which the vessel is placed as it is +cooling after the first baking. The coloring matter--soot produced by +smoke--is absorbed into the pores of the vessel, and does not wear off +as readily as when colors are applied to the surface by brushes. + +In decorating skins or robes the Arikara Indians boil the tail of the +beaver, thus obtaining a viscous fluid which is thin glue. The figures +are first drawn in outline with a piece of beef-rib, or some other flat +bone, the edge only being used after having been dipped into the liquor. +The various pigments to be employed in the drawing are then mixed with +some of the same liquid, in separate vessels, when the various colors +are applied to the objects by means of a sharpened piece of wood or +bone. The colored mixture adheres firmly to the original tracing in glue. + +When similar colors are to be applied to wood, the surface is frequently +pecked or slightly incised to receive the color more readily. + +Jacques Cartier, in Hakluyt (_b_), reports the Indian women of the Bay +of Chaleur as smearing the face with coal dust and grease. + +A small pouch, discovered on the Yellowstone river in 1873, which had +been dropped by some fleeing hostile Sioux, contained several fragments +of black micaceous iron. The latter had almost the appearance and +consistence of graphite, so soft and black was the result upon rubbing +with it. It had evidently been used for decorating the face as war-paint. + +Mr. Wm. H. Dall (_a_), treating of the remains found in the mammalian +layers in the Amakuak cave, Unalaska, remarks: + + In the remains of a woman’s work-basket, found in the uppermost + layer in a cave, were bits of this resin [from the bark of pine or + spruce driftwood], evidently carefully treasured, with a little + birch-bark case (the bark also derived from drift logs) containing + pieces of soft hematite, graphite, and blue carbonate of copper, + with which the ancient seamstress ornamented her handiwork. + +The same author reports (_f_): + + The coloration of wooden articles with native pigments is of + ancient origin, but all the more elaborate instances that have come + to my knowledge bore marks of comparatively recent origin. The + pigments used were blue carbonates of iron and copper; the green + fungus, or peziza, found in decayed birch and alder wood; hematite + and red chalk; white infusorial or chalky earth; black charcoal, + graphite, and micaceous ore of iron. A species of red was sometimes + derived from pine bark or the cambium of the ground willow. + +Stephen Powers (_a_) states that the Shastika women “smear their faces +all over daily with choke-cherry juice, which gives them a bloody, +corsair aspect.” + +Mr. A. S. Gatschet, of the Bureau of Ethnology, reports that the +Klamaths of southwestern Oregon employ a black color, lgú, made of burnt +plum seeds and bulrushes, which is applied to the cheeks in the form of +small round spots. This is used during dances. Red paint, for the face +and body, is prepared from a resin exuding from the spruce tree, pánam. +A yellow mineral paint is also employed, consisting probably of ocher +or ferruginous clay. He also says that the Klamath spál, yellow mineral +paint, is of light yellow color, but turns red when burned, after which +it is applied in making small round dots upon the face. The white +infusorial clay is applied in the form of stripes or streaks over the +body. The Klamaths use charcoal, lgúm, in tattooing. + +Mud and white clay were used by the Winnebago for the decoration of the +human body and of horses. Some of the California Indians in the vicinity +of Tulare river used a white coloring matter, consisting of infusorial +earth, obtained there. The tribes at and near the geysers north of San +Francisco bay procured vermilion from croppings of cinnabar. The same +report is made with probability of truth concerning the Indians at +the present site of the New Almaden mines, where tribes of the Mutsun +formerly lived. Some of the black coloring matter of pictographs in +Santa Barbara, California, proved on analysis to be a hydrous oxide of +manganese. The Mojave pigments are ocher, clay, and charcoal mingled +with oil. + +Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, of the Bureau of Ethnology, reports regarding the +Osage that one of their modes of obtaining black color for the face was +by burning a quantity of small willows. When these were charred they +were broken in small pieces and placed in pans, with a little water in +each. The hands were then dipped into the pan and rubbed together and +finally rubbed over the parts to be colored. + +Dr. Hoffman reports that among the Hualpai, living on the western border +of the Colorado plateau, Arizona, some persons appeared as if they had +been tattooed in vertical bands from the forehead to the waist, but +upon closer examination it was found that dark and light bands of the +natural skin were produced in the following manner: When a deer or an +antelope had been killed the blood was rubbed over the face and breast, +after which the spread and curved fingers were scratched downward from +the forehead over the face and breast, thus removing some of the blood; +that remaining soon dried and gave the appearance of black stripes. The +exposed portion of the skin retained the natural dark-tanned color, +while that under the coating of coagulated blood became paler by being +protected against the light and air. These persons did not wash off the +marks and after a while the blood began to drop off by desquamation, +leaving lighter spots and lines which for a week or two appear like +tattoo marks. Similar streaks of blood have been held to have originated +tattoo designs in several parts of the world to record success in +hunting or in war, but such evolution does not appear to have resulted +from the transient decoration in the case mentioned. + +It is well known that the meal of maize called kunque is yet commonly +used by the Zuñi for ceremonial coloration of their own persons and of +objects used in their religious rites. Hoddentin is less familiarly +known. It is the pollen of the tule, which is a variety of cat-tail +rush growing in all the ponds of the southwestern parts of the United +States. It is a yellow powder with which small buckskin bags are filled +and those bags then attached to the belts of Apache warriors. They are +also worn as amulets by members of the tribe. In dances for the cure of +sickness the shaman applied the powder to the forehead of the patient, +then to his breast in the figure of a cross; next he sprinkles it in +a circle around his couch, then on the heads of the chanters and the +assembled friends of the patient, and lastly upon his own head and into +his own mouth. + +Everard F. im Thurn (_c_) gives the following details concerning British +Guiana: + + The dyes used by the Indians to paint their own bodies, and + occasionally to draw patterns on their implements, are red faroah, + purple caraweera, blue-black lana, white felspathic clay and, though + very rarely, a yellow vegetable dye of unknown origin. + + Faroah is the deep red pulp around the seed of a shrub (_Bixa + orellana_) which grows wild on the banks of some of the rivers, and + is cultivated by the Indians in their clearings. It is mixed with + a large quantity of oil. When it is to be used either a mass of it + is taken in the palm of the hand and rubbed over the skin or other + surface to be painted, or a pattern of fine lines is drawn with it + by means of a stick used as a pencil. + + Caraweera is a somewhat similar dye, of a more purplish red, + and by no means so commonly used. It is prepared from the leaves of + a yellow-flowered bignonia (_B. chicka_) together with some other + unimportant ingredients. The dried leaves are boiled. The pot is + then taken from the fire and the contents being poured into bowls + are allowed to subside. The clear water left at the top is poured + away and the sediment is of a beautiful purple color. + + Lana is the juice of the fruit of a small tree (_Genipa + americana_) with which without further preparation, blue-black lines + are drawn in patterns, or large surfaces are stained on the skin. + The dye thus applied is for about a week indelible. + +Paul Marcoy (_a_), in Travels in South America, says the Passés, Yuris, +Barrés and Chumanas of Brazil, employ a decoction of indigo or genipa in +tattooing. + +F. S. Moreat, M. D., in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc., XXXII, 1862, p. 125, says +that the Andaman Islanders rubbed earth on the top of the head, probably +for the purpose of ornamentation. + +Dr. Richard Andree (_b_) says: + + Long before Europeans came to Australia, the Australian blacks + knew a kind of pictorial representation, exhibiting scenes from + their life, illustrating it with great fidelity to nature. An + interesting specimen of that kind was found on a piece of bark that + had served as cover of a hut on Lake Tyrrell. The black who produced + this picture had had intercourse with white people, but had had no + instruction whatever in drawing. The bark was blackened by smoke + on the inside, and on this blackened surface the native drew the + figures with his thumb nail. + + + + +CHAPTER IX. + +MNEMONIC. + + +This is the most obvious and probably was the earliest use to +which picture-writing was applied. The contrivance of drawing the +representations of objects, to fix in the memory either the objects +themselves or the concepts, facts, or other matters connected with them, +is practiced early by human individuals and is found among peoples the +most ancient historically or in the horizons of culture. After the +adoption of the characters for purely mnemonic purposes, those at first +intended to be iconographic often became converted into ideographic, +emblematic, or symbolic designs, and perhaps in time so greatly +conventionalized that the images of the things designed could no longer +be perceived by the imagination alone. + +It is believed, however, that this form and use of picturing were +preceded by the use of material objects which afterwards were reproduced +graphically in paintings, cuttings, and carvings. In the present paper +many examples appear of objects known to have been so used, the graphic +representations of which, made with the same purpose, are explained by +knowledge of the fact. Other instances are mentioned as connected with +the evolution of pictographs, and they possibly may interpret some forms +of the latter which are not yet understood. + +This chapter is divided into (1) knotted cords and objects tied; +(2) notched or marked sticks; (3) wampum; (4) order of songs; (5) +traditions; (6) treaties; (7) appointment; (8) numeration; (9) +accounting. + + +SECTION 1. + +KNOTTED CORDS AND OBJECTS TIED. + +Dr. Hoffman reports a device among the Indians formerly inhabiting +the mountain valleys north of Los Angeles, California, who brought or +sent to the settlements blankets, skins, and robes for sale. The man +trusted to transport and sell those articles was provided with a number +of strings made of some flexible vegetable fiber, one string for each +class of goods, which were attached to his belt. Every one confiding +an article to the agent fixed the price, and when he disposed of it a +single knot was tied to the proper cord for each real received, or a +double knot for each peso. Thus any particular string indicated the +kind of goods sold, as well as the whole sum realized for them, which +was distributed according to the account among the former owners of the +goods. + +Mr. George Turner (_a_) says that among the South Sea Islanders tying +a number of knots in a piece of cord was a common way of noting and +remembering things in the absence of a written language. + +A peculiar and ingenious mode of expressing thoughts without pronouncing +or writing them in language is still met with among the Indian shepherds +in the Peruvian Cordilleras, though it is practiced merely in the +accounts of the flocks. This system consists of a peculiar intertwining +of various strings into a net-like braidwork, and the diverse modes of +tying these strings form the record, the knots and loops signifying +definite ideas and their combination the connection of these ideas. +This system of mnemonic device, which was practiced by the ancient +Peruvians, was called quipu, and, though a similar knot-writing is found +in China, Tartary, eastern Asia, on many islands of the Pacific, and +even in some parts of Africa, yet in Peru, at the time of the Incas, it +was so elaborately developed as to permit its employment for official +statistics of the government. Of course, as this writing gave no picture +of a word and did not suggest sounds, but, like the notched stick, +merely recalled ideas already existing, the writing could be understood +by those only who possessed the key to it; but it is noteworthy that +when the Jesuit missions began their work in Peru they were able to use +the quipus for the purpose of making the Indians learn Latin prayers by +heart. + +A more detailed account of the ancient quipu is extracted from Dr. von +Tschudi’s Travels in Peru (_a_) with condensation as follows: + + This method consisted in the dexterous intertwining of knots + on strings, so as to render them auxiliaries to the memory. The + instrument was composed of one thick head or top string, to which, + at certain distances, thinner ones were fastened. The top string + was much thicker than these pendent strings and consisted of two + doubly twisted threads, over which two single threads were wound. + The branches, or pendent strings, were fastened to the top ones by + a single loop; the knots were made in the pendent strings and were + either single or manifold. The length of the strings was various. + The transverse or top string often measures several yards, and + sometimes only a foot; the branches are seldom more than 2 feet + long, and in general they are much shorter. + + The strings were often of different colors, each having its + own particular signification. The color for soldiers was red; for + gold, yellow; for silver, white; for corn, green, etc. The quipu + was especially employed for numerical and statistical tables; + each single knot representing ten; each double knot stood for one + hundred; each triple knot for one thousand, etc.; two single knots + standing together made twenty; and two double knots, two hundred. + + In this manner the ancient Peruvians kept the accounts of their + army. On one string were numbered the soldiers armed with slings; on + another the spearmen; on a third, those who carried clubs, etc. In + the same manner the military reports were prepared. In every town + some expert men were appointed to tie the knots of the quipu and to + explain them. These men were called _quipucamayocuna_ (literally, + officers of the knots.) The appointed officers required great + dexterity in unriddling the meaning of the knots. It, however, + seldom happened that they had to read a quipu without some verbal + commentary. Something was always required to be added if the quipu + came from a distant province, to explain whether it related to the + numbering of the population, to tributes, or to war, etc. This + method of calculation is still practiced by the shepherds of Puna. + On the first branch or string they usually place the number of the + bulls; on the second, that of the cows, the latter being classed + into those which were milked and those which were not milked; on the + next string were numbered the calves according to their ages and + sizes. Then came the sheep, in several subdivisions. Next followed + the number of foxes killed, the quantity of salt consumed, and, + finally, the cattle that had been slaughtered. Other quipus showed + the produce of the herds in milk, cheese, wool, etc. Each list was + distinguished by a particular color or by some peculiarity in the + twisting of the string. + +Other accounts tell that the descendants of the Quiches still use +the quipu, perhaps as modified by themselves, for numeration. They +pierce beans and hang them by different colored strings, each of which +represents one of the column places used in decimal arithmetic. A green +string signifies 1,000; a red one, 100; a yellow, 10, and a white refers +to the 9 smaller digits. Thus if 7 beans are on a green, 2 on a red, 8 +on a yellow, and 6 on a white string, and the whole tied together, the +bundle expresses the number 7,286. + +Before the time of their acquaintance with the quipus, the Peruvians +used in the same way pebbles or maize-beans of various colors. The same +practice was known in Europe in the prehistoric period. The habit of +many persons in civilized countries to tie a knot in the handkerchief +to recall an idea or fact to mind is a familiar example to show how +naturally the action would suggest itself for the purpose, and perhaps +indicates the inheritance of the practice. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XVI + +PERUVIAN QUIPU AND BIRCH BARK DRAWING.] + +Dr. Andree (_b_) gives an illustration of a quipu (here reproduced as +part of Pl. XVI), which he represents as taken from Perez, and states +that the drawing was made soon after the exhuming of the object from an +ancient Peruvian grave. + +Capt. Bourke (_a_) gives descriptions and illustrations of varieties of +the izze-kloth or medicine cord of the Apache. A condensed extract of +his remarks is as follows: + + These cords, in their perfection, are decorated with beads and + shells strung along at intervals, with pieces of the sacred green + chalchihuitl, which has had such a mysterious ascendancy over the + minds of the American Indians--Aztec, Peruvian, Quiche, as well as + the more savage tribes like the Apache and Navajo; with petrified + wood, rock crystal, eagle down, claws of the hawk or eaglet, + claws of the bear, rattle of the rattlesnake, buckskin bags of + hoddentin, circles of buckskin in which are inclosed pieces of twigs + and branches of trees which have been struck by lightning, small + fragments of the abalone shell from the Pacific coast, and much + other sacred paraphernalia of a similar kind. + + That the use of these cords was reserved for the most sacred + and important occasions I soon learned. They were not to be seen + on occasions of no moment, but the dances for war, medicine, and + summoning the spirits at once brought them out, and every medicine + man of any consequence would appear with one hanging from his right + shoulder over his left hip. + + These cords will protect a man while on the warpath, and many of + the Apache believe firmly that a bullet will have no effect upon the + warrior wearing one of them. This is not their only virtue by any + means; the wearer can tell who has stolen ponies or other property + from him or from his friends, can help the crops, and cure the sick. + If the circle attached to one of these cords is placed upon the + head it will at once relieve any ache, while the cross attached to + another prevents the wearer from going astray, no matter where he + may be; in other words, it has some connection with cross-trails + and the four cardinal points, to which the Apache pay the strictest + attention. + + I was at first inclined to associate these cords with the quipus + of the Peruvians and also with the wampum of the aborigines of the + Atlantic coast, and investigation only confirms this first suspicion. + +The praying beads of the Buddhists and of many Oriental peoples, who +have used them from high antiquity, are closely allied to the quipu. +They are more familiar now in the shape of the rosaries of Roman +Catholics. In the absence of manufactured articles, arranged on wires, +the necessary materials were easily procured. Berries, nuts, pease, +or beans strung in any manner answered the purpose. The abacus of the +Chinese and Greeks was connected in origin with the same device. + +E. F. im Thurn (_d_) says of the Nikari-Karu Indians of Guiana: + + At last, after four days’ stay, we got off. The two or three + people from Euwari-manakuroo who came with us gave their wives + knotted strings of quippus, each knot representing one of the days + they expected to be away, and the whole string thus forming a + calendar to be used by the wives until the return of their husbands. + +That the general idea or invention for mnemonic purposes appearing +in the quipu was actually used pictorially is indicated in the +illustrations of the sculptures of Santa Lucia Cosumalhuapa in Guatemala +given by Dr. S. Habel (_b_). Upon these he remarks: + + It has been frequently affirmed that the aborigines of America + had nowhere arisen high enough in civilization to have characters + for writing and numeral signs, but the sculptures of Santa Lucia + exhibit signs which indicate a kind of cipher-writing higher in form + than mere hieroglyphics. From the mouth of most of the human beings, + living or dead, emanates a staff, variously bent, to the sides of + which nodes are attached. These nodes are of different sizes and + shapes, and variously distributed on the sides of the staff, either + singly or in twos and threes, the last named either separated or + in shape of a trefoil. This manner of writing not only indicates + that the person is speaking or praying, but also indicates the very + words, the contents of the speech or prayer. It is quite certain + that each staff, as bent and ornamented, stood for a well-known + petition, which the priest could read as easily as those acquainted + with a cipher dispatch can know its purport. Further, one may be + allowed to conjecture that the various curves of the staves served + the purpose of strength and rhythm, just as the poet chooses his + various meters for the same purpose. + +The following notices of the ancient mnemonic use of knotted cords and +of its survival in various parts of the world are extracted from the +essay of Prof. Terrien de Lacouperie (_d_): + + The Yang tung, south of Khoten, and consequently north of Tibet, + who first communicated with China in A. D. 641, had no written + characters. They only cut notches in sticks and tied knots in + strings for records. + + The Bratyki and Buriats of Siberia are credited with the use of + knotted cords. + + The Japanese are also reputed to have employed knots on strings + or bind-weeds for records. + + The Li of Hainan, being unacquainted with writing, use knotted + cords or notched sticks in place of bonds or agreements. + + In the first half of the present century cord records were still + generally used in the Indian archipelago and Polynesia proper. The + tax-gatherers in the island of Hawaii by this means kept accounts + of all the articles collected by them from the inhabitants. A rope + 400 fathoms long was used as a revenue book. It was divided into + numerous portions corresponding to the various districts of the + island; the portions were under the care of the tax-gatherers, who, + with the aid of loops, knots, and tufts of different shapes, colors, + and sizes, were enabled to keep an accurate account of the hogs, + pigs, and pieces of sandal wood, etc., at which each person was + taxed. + + In Timor island, according to the Chinese records in 1618, the + people had no writing. When they wanted to record something they did + it with flat stones, and a thousand stones were represented by a + string. + + Knotted cords were originally used in Tibet, but we have no + information about their system of using them. The bare statement + comes from the Chinese annals. + +The following statement regarding the same use by the Chinese is made +by Ernest Faber (_a_). He says: “In the highest antiquity, government +was carried on successfully by the use of knotted cords to preserve +the memory of things. In subsequent ages, the sages substituted for +these written characters. By means of these the doings of all the +officers could be regulated and the affairs of all the people accurately +examined.” + + +SECTION 2. + +NOTCHED OR MARKED STICKS. + +The use of notches for mere numeration was frequent, but there are also +instances of their special significance. + +The Dakotas, Hidatsa, and Shoshoni have been observed to note the number +of days during which they journeyed from one place to another by cutting +lines or notches upon a stick. + +The coup sticks carried by Dakota warriors often bear a number of small +notches, which refer to the number of the victims hit with the stick +after they had been wounded or killed. + +The young men and boys of the several tribes at Fort Berthold, Dakota, +frequently carry a stick, upon which they cut a notch for every bird +killed during a single expedition. + +In Seaver’s (_a_) life of Mary Jemison it is set forth that the +war chief in each tribe of Iroquois keeps a war-post, in order to +commemorate great events and preserve the chronology of them. This +post is a peeled stick of timber 10 or 12 feet high, and is erected in +the village. For a campaign they make, or rather the chief makes, a +perpendicular red mark about 3 inches long and half an inch wide. On the +opposite side from this, for a scalp taken, they make a red cross, thus +[Illustration] On another side, for a prisoner taken alive, they make +a red cross in this manner [Illustration] with a head or dot, and by +placing these significant signs in so conspicuous a situation they are +enabled to ascertain with great certainty the time and circumstances of +past events. + +It is suggested that the device first mentioned represents the scalp +severed and lifted from the head, and that the second refers to the +manner in which the prisoners were secured at night, pegged and tied in +the style called spread-eagle. + +Rev. Richard Taylor (_a_) notes that the Maori had neither the quipus +nor wampum, but only a board shaped like a saw, which was called “he +rakau wakapa-paranga,” or genealogical board. It was, in fact, a tally, +having a notch for each name, and a blank space to denote where the male +line failed and was succeeded by that of the female; youths were taught +their genealogies by repeating the names of each ancestor to whom the +notches referred. + +It is supposed that the use by bakers of notched sticks or tallies, as +they are called, still exists in some civilized regions, and there is an +interesting history connected with the same wooden tallies, which until +lately were used in the accounts of the exchequer of Great Britain. +They also appear more recently and in a different use as the Khe-mou +circulated by Tartar chiefs to designate the number of men and horses +required to be furnished by each camp. + + +SECTION 3. + +WAMPUM. + +[Illustration: FIG. 163.--Wampum strings.] + +Prof. Robert E. C. Stearns (_a_) says that wampum consisted of beads of +two principal colors having a cylindrical form, a quarter of an inch, +more or less, in length, the diameter or thickness being usually about +half the length. The color of the wampum determined its value. The term +wampum, wampon, or wampom, and wampum-peege was apparently applied to +these beads when strung or otherwise connected, fastened, or woven +together. The illustration given by him is now reproduced as Fig. 163. + +In the Jesuit Relations, 1656, p. 3, the first present of an Iroquois +chief to Jesuit missionaries at a council is described. This was a great +figure of the sun, made of 6,000 beads of wampum, which explained to +them that the darkness shall not influence them in the councils and the +sun shall enlighten them even in the depth of night. + +Among the Iroquoian and Algonquian tribes wampum belts were generally +used to record treaties. Mr. John Long (_a_) describes one of them: + + The wampum belts given to Sir William Johnson, of immortal + Indian memory, were in several rows, black on each side and white + in the middle; the white being placed in the center was to express + peace and that the path between them was fair and open. In the + center of the belt was a figure of a diamond made of white wampum, + which the Indians call the council fire. + +In the Jesuit Relations, 1642, p. 53, it is said that among the northern +Algonquins a present to deliver a prisoner consisted of three strings of +wampum to break the three bonds by which he was supposed to be tied, one +around the legs, one around the arms, and the third around the middle. + +In the same Relations, 1653, p. 19, is a good example of messages +attached to separate presents of wampum, etc. This was at a council in +1653 at the Huron town, 2 leagues from Quebec: + + The first was given to dry the tears which are usually shed at + the news of brave warriors massacred in combat. + + The second served as an agreeable drink, as an antidote to + whatever bitterness might remain in the heart of the French on + account of the death of their people. + + The third was to furnish a piece of bark or a covering for the + dead, lest the sight of them should renew the old strife. + + The fourth was to inter them and to tread well the earth upon + their graves, in order that nothing should ever come forth from + their tombs which could grieve their friends and cause the spirit of + revenge to arise in their minds. + + The fifth was to serve as a wrapping to pack up the arms which + were henceforth not to be touched. + + The sixth was to cleanse the river, soiled with so much blood. + + The last, to exhort the Hurons to agree to what Onontio, the + great captain of the French, should decide upon touching the peace. + +As a rule there was no intrinsic significance in a wampum belt, or +collar, as the French sometimes called it. It was not understood except +by the memory of those to whom and by whom it was delivered. This is +well expressed in a dialogue reported by Capt. de Lamothe Cadillac (_a_) +in 1703: + + + [Council of Hurons at Fort Ponchartrain, June 3, 1703.] + + QUARANTE-SOLS. I come on my way to tell you what I propose to + do at Montreal. Here is a collar which has been sent to us by the + Iroquois, and which the Ottawas have brought to us; we do not know + what it signifies. + + M. de LAMOTHE. How have you received this collar without knowing + the purpose for which it was sent you? + + QUARANTE-SOLS. It has already been long since we received it. I + was not there, and our old men have forgotten what it said. + + M. de LAMOTHE. Your old men are not regarded as children to have + such a short memory. + + QUARANTE-SOLS. We do not accept this collar; but we are going to + take it to Sonnontouan [the Seneca town] to find out what it means; + because it is a serious matter not to respond to a collar; it is the + custom among us. The Ottawas can tell you what it is, because our + people have forgotten it. + + M. de LAMOTHE. The Ottawas will reply that having received it + you should remember it, but since this collar is dumb and has lost + its speech I am obliged to be silent myself. + +In the Diary of the Siege of Detroit (_a_) it is narrated that after +receiving a belt of wampum from the commanding officer the Pottawatomi +chief called it the officer’s “mouth,” and said that those to whom it +was sent would believe it when “they saw his mouth.” + +But wampum designs, besides being mere credentials, and thus like the +Australian message sticks, and also mnemonic, became, to some extent, +conventional. The predominance of white beads indicated peace, and +purple or violet meant war. + +On the authority of Sir Daniel Wilson (_a_) a string of black wampum +sent round the settlement is still among the Indians of the Six Nations +the notice of the death of a chief. + +The Iroquois belts had an arrangement of wampum to signify the lakes, +rivers, mountains, valleys, portages, and falls along the path of trail +between them and the Algonkins, who were parties to their treaty in 1653. + +On the authority of a manuscript letter from St. Ange to D’Abbadie, +September 9, 1764, quoted by Parkman (_a_), Pontiac’s great wampum belt +was 6 feet long, 4 inches wide, and was wrought from end to end with the +symbols of tribes and villages, 47 in number, which were leagued with +him. + +In addition to becoming conventional the designs in wampum, perhaps from +expertness in their workmanship, exhibited ideographs in their later +development, of which the following description, taken from Rev. Peter +Jones’s (_a_), “History of the Ojebway Indians” is an instance: + + Johnson then explained the emblems contained in the wampum belt + brought by Yellowhead, which, he said, they acknowledged to be the + acts of their fathers. Firstly, the council fire at the Sault Ste. + Marie has no emblem, because then the council was held. Secondly, + the council fire at Mamtoulni has the emblem of a beautiful white + fish; this signifies purity, or a clean white heart--that all our + hearts ought to be white toward each other. Thirdly, the emblem + of a beaver, placed at an island on Penetanguishew bay, denotes + wisdom--that all the acts of our fathers were done in wisdom. + Fourthly, the emblem of a white deer, placed at Lake Simcoe, + signified superiority; the dish and ladles at the same place + indicated abundance of game and food. Fifthly, the eagle perched on + a tall pine tree at the Credit denotes watching, and swiftness in + conveying messages. The eagle was to watch all the council fires + between the Six Nations and the Ojebways, and being far-sighted, he + might, in the event of anything happening, communicate the tidings + to the distant tribes. Sixthly, the sun was hung up in the center + of the belt to show that their acts were done in the face of the + sun, by whom they swore that they would forever after observe the + treaties made between the two parties. + +In the same work, p. 119, is a description of a wampum belt that +recorded the first treaty between the Ojibwa and the Six Nations of the +Iroquois confederacy. It has the figure of a dish or bowl at its middle +to represent that the Ojibwa and the Six Nations were all to eat out of +the same dish, meaning, ideographically, that all the game in the region +should be for their common use. + +[Illustration: FIG. 164.--Penn wampum belt.] + +Mr. W. H. Holmes (_c_) gives an illustration of the well-known Penn +wampum belt, reproduced here as Fig. 164, with remarks condensed as +follows: + + It is believed to be the original belt delivered by the + Leni-Lenape sachems to William Penn at the celebrated treaty under + the elm tree at Schackamaxon in 1682. Up to the year 1857 this belt + remained in the keeping of the Penn family. In March, 1857, it was + presented to the Pennsylvania Historical Society by Granville John + Penn, a great-grandson of William Penn. Mr. Penn, in his speech on + this occasion, states that there can be no doubt that this is the + identical belt used at the treaty, and presents his views in the + following language: + + “In the first place, its dimensions are greater than of those + used on more ordinary occasions, of which we have one still in + our possession--this belt being composed of 18 strings of wampum, + which is a proof that it was the record of some very important + negotiation. In the next place, in the center of the belt, which + is of white wampum, are delineated in dark-colored beads, in a + rude, but graphic style, two figures--that of an Indian grasping + with the hand of friendship the hand of a man evidently intended + to be represented in the European costume wearing a hat, which can + only be interpreted as having reference to the treaty of peace and + friendship which was then concluded between William Penn and the + Indians, and recorded by them in their own simple but descriptive + mode of expressing their meaning by the employment of hieroglyphics.” + + +SECTION 4. + +ORDER OF SONGS. + +The Indian songs or, more accurately, chants, with which pictography is +connected, have been preserved in their integrity by the use of pictured +characters. They are in general connected with religious ceremonies, +and are chiefly used in the initiation of neophytes to secret religious +orders. Some of them, however, are used in social meetings or ceremonies +of cult societies, though the distinction between social or any other +general associations and those to be classified as religious is not +easily defined. Religion was the real life of the tribes, permeating all +their activities and institutions. + +The words of these songs are invariable, even to the extent that by +their use for generations many of them have become archaic and form no +part of the colloquial language. Indeed, they are not always understood +by the best of the shaman songsters, which fact recalls the oriental +memorization of the Veda ritual through generations by the priests, who +thus, without intent, preserved a language. The sounds were memorized, +although the characters designating or, more correctly, recalling them, +were not representations of sound, but of idea. + +Practically, the words--or sounds, understood or not, which passed for +words--as well as the notes, were memorized by the singers, and their +memory, or that of the shaman, who acted as leader or conductor or +precentor, was assisted by the charts. Exoteric interpretation of any +ideographic and not merely conventional or purely arbitrary characters +in the chart, which may be compared for indistinctness with the +translated libretto of operas, may suggest the general subject-matter, +perhaps the general course, of the chant, but can not indicate the exact +words, or, indeed, any words, of the language chanted. + +A simple mode of explaining the amount of symbolism necessarily +contained in the charts of the order of songs is by likening them to the +illustrated songs and ballads lately published in popular magazines, +where every stanza has at least one appropriate illustration. Let it +be supposed that the text was obliterated forever, indeed, the art of +reading lost, the illustrations remaining, as also the memory to some +persons of the words of the ballad. The illustrations, kept in their +original order, would always supply the order of the stanzas and also +the particular subject-matter of each particular stanza, and that +subject-matter would be a reminder of the words. This is what the rolls +of birchbark supply to the initiated Ojibwa. Schoolcraft pretended that +there is intrinsic symbolism in the characters employed, which might +imply that the words of the chants were rather interpretations of those +characters than that the latter were reminders of the words. But only +after the vocables of the actual songs and chants have been learned +can the mnemonic characters be clearly understood. Doubtless the more +ideographic and the less arbitrary the characters the more readily can +they be learned and retained in the memory, and during the long period +of the practical use of the mnemonic devices many exhibiting ideography +and symbolism have been invented or selected. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XVII + +ORDER OF SONGS--OJIBWA.] + +The ceremonial songs represented pictorially in Pl. XVII, A, B, C, and +D, were obtained from Ojibwa shamans at White Earth, Minnesota, by Dr. +Hoffman, and pertain to the ceremony of initiating new members into +the Midē' wiwin or Grand Medicine Society. The language, now omitted, +differs to some extent from that now spoken. The songs and ritual are +transmitted from generation to generation, and although an Indian who +now receives admission into the society may compose his own songs for +use in connection with his profession, he will not adopt the modern +Ojibwa words, but employs the archaic whenever practicable. To change +the ancient forms would cause loss of power in the charms which such +songs are alleged to possess. + +The translation of the songs was given by the Ojibwa singers, while the +remarks in smaller type further elucidate the meaning of the phrases, as +afterwards explained by the shaman. + +The characters were all drawn upon birch bark, as is usual with +the “medicine songs” of the Ojibwa, and the words suggested by the +incisions were chanted. The incompleteness of some of the phrases was +accounted for by the shaman by the fact that they are gradually being +forgotten. The ceremonies are now of infrequent occurrence, which tends +to substantiate this assertion. + +One song, as presented on a single piece of birch bark, really consists +of as many songs as there are mnemonic characters. Each phrase, +corresponding to a character, is repeated a number of times; the greater +the number of repetitions the greater will be the power of inspiration +in the singer. One song or phrase may, therefore, extend over a period +of from two to ten or more minutes. + +The song covers much more time when dancing accompanies it, as is the +case with the first one presented below. The dancing generally commences +after a pause, designated by a single vertical bar. + +The following characters are taken from A, Pl. XVII, and are here +reproduced separately to facilitate explanation: + +[Illustration] + +The earth, spirit that I am, I take medicine out of the earth. + + The upper figure represents the arm reaching down toward the + earth, searching for hidden remedies. + +[Illustration] + +(Because of) a spirit that I am, my son. + + The headless human figure emerging from the circle is a + mysterious being, representing the power possessed by the speaker. + He addresses a younger and less experienced Midē' or shaman. + +[Illustration] + +Bar or rest. + + The vertical line denotes a slight pause in the song, after + which the chant is renewed, accompanied by dancing. + +[Illustration] + +They have pity on me, that is why they call us to the Grand Medicine. + + The inner circle represents the speaker’s heart; the outer + circle, the gathering place for shamans, while the short lines + indicate the directions from which the shamans come together. + +[Illustration] + +I want to see you, medicine man. + + The figure of a head is represented with lines running downward + (and forward) from the eyes, donating sight. The speaker is looking + for the shaman, spoken to, to make his appearance within the sacred + structure where the Midē' ceremonies are to take place. + +[Illustration] + +My body is a spirit. + + The character is intended to represent the body of a bear, with + a line across the body, signifying one of the most powerful of the + sacred Man'idōs or spirits, of the Midē' wiwin or “Grand Medicine + Society.” + +[Illustration] + +You would [know] it, it being a spirit. + + The figure of a head is shown with lines extending both upward + and downward from the ears, denoting a knowledge of things in realm + of the Man'idōs above, and of the secrets of the earth beneath. + +[Illustration] + +As I am dressed, I am. + + The otter is emerging from the sacred Midē' inclosure; the otter + typifies the sacred Man'idō who received instruction for the people + from Mi'nabō'zho, the intermediary between the “Great Spirit” and + the Ânîshinâbeg. + +[Illustration] + +That is what ails me, I fear my Midē' brothers. + + The arm reaching into a circle denotes the power of obtaining + mysterious influence from Kítschi Man'idō, but the relation between + the pictograph and the phrase is obscure; unless the speaker fears + such power as possessed by others. + +The following is the order of another Midē' song. The general style of +the original resembles the specific class of songs which are used when +digging medicines, i. e., plants or roots. The song is shown in Pl. +XVII, B as the character appears on the bark. + +[Illustration] + +As I arise from [slumber]. + + The speaker is shown as emerging from a double circle, his + sleeping place. + +[Illustration] + +What have I unearthed? + + The speaker has discovered a bear Man'idō, as shown by the two + hands grasping that animal by the back. + +[Illustration] + +Down is the bear. + + The bear is said to have his legs cut off, by the outline of the + Midē' structure, signifying he has become helpless because he is + under the influence of the shamans. + +[Illustration] + +Big, I am big. + + The speaker is great in his own estimation; his power of + obtaining gifts from superior beings is shown by the arm reaching + for an object received from above; he has furthermore overcome the + bear Man'idō and can employ it to advantage. + +[Illustration] + +You encourage me. + + Two arms are shown extended toward a circle containing spots + of mī'gis, or sacred shells. The arms represent the assistance of + friends of the speaker encouraging him with their assistance. + +[Illustration] + +I can alight in the medicine pole. + + The eagle or thunder-bird is perched upon the medicine pole + erected near the shamans’ sacred structure. The speaker professes + to have the power of flight equal to the thunder-bird, that he may + transport himself to any desired locality. + +The following is another example of a pictured Midē' song, and is +represented in Pl. XVII, C. + +[Illustration] + +I know you are a spirit. + + The figure is represented as having waving lines extending + from the eyes downward toward the earth, and indicating search for + secrets hidden beneath the surface of the earth. The hands extending + upward indicate the person claims supernatural powers by which he is + recognized as “equal to a spirit.” + +[Illustration] + +I lied to my son. + + The signification of the phrase could not be explained by the + informant, especially its relation to the character, which is an + arm, reaching beyond the sky for power from Ki'tshi Man'idō. The + waving line upon the arm denotes mysterious power. + +[Illustration] + +Spirit I am, the wolf. + + The speaker terms himself a wolf spirit, possessing peculiar + power. The animal as drawn has a line across the body signifying its + spirit character. + +[Illustration] + +At last I become a spirit. + + The circle denotes the spot occupied by the speaker; his hands + extended are directed toward the source of his powers. + +[Illustration] + +I give you the mī'gis. + + The upper character represents the arm reaching down giving a + sacred shell, the mī'gis, the sacred emblem of the “Grand Medicine + Society.” The “giving of the mī'gis” signifies its “being shot” into + the body of a new member of the society to give him life and the + power of communing with spirits, or Man'idōs. + +[Illustration] + +You are speaking to me. + + An arm is extended toward a circle containing a smaller one, the + latter representing the spot occupied by Midē' friends. + +The characters next explained are taken from the last line, D, of the +series given in Pl. XVII. The speaker appears to have great faith in his +own powers as a Midē'. + +[Illustration] + +Spirit I am, I enter. + + The otter, which Man'idō, the speaker, professes to represent, + is entering the sacred structure of Midē' lodge. + +[Illustration] + +Midē' friends, do you hear me? + + The circles denote the locality where the Midē' are supposed to + be congregated. The waving lines signify hearing, when, as in this + case, attached to the ears. + +[Illustration] + +The first time I heard you. + + The speaker asserts that he heard the voices of the Man'idōs + when he went through his first initiation into the society. He is + still represented as the otter. + +[Illustration] + +The spirit, he does hear (?) + + The interpretation is vague, but could not be otherwise + explained. The lines from the ears denote hearing. + +[Illustration] + +They, the Midē' friends, have paid enough. + + The arm in the attitude of giving, to Ki'tshi Man'idō, signifies + that the Midē' have made presents of sufficient value to be enabled + to possess the secrets, which they received in return. + +[Illustration] + +They have pity on me, the chief Midē'. + + The arms of Ki'tshi Man'idō are extended to the Midē' lodge, + giving assistance as besought. + +The song mnemonically represented in Pl. XVIII A (reproduced from Pl. +X A. of the Seventh Ann. Rep. Bur. of Ethn.) is sung by the Ojibwa +preceptor who has been instructing the candidate for initiation. It +praises the preceptor’s efforts and the character of the knowledge +he has imparted. Its delivery is made to extend over as much time as +possible. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XVIII + +MNEMONIC SONGS--OJIBWA.] + +The mnemonic characters were drawn by Sikas'sigĕ, and are a copy +of an old birchbark scroll, which has for many years been in his +possession, and which was a transcript of one in the possession of +his father Baiédzĭk, one of the leading Midē' at Mille Lacs, Minnesota. + +[Illustration] + +My arm is almost pulled out with digging medicine. It is full of +medicine. + + The short zigzag lines signifying magic influence, erroneously + designated “medicine.” + +[Illustration] + +Almost crying because the medicine is lost. + + The lines extending downward from the eye signify weeping; + the circle beneath the figure, the place where the “medicine” + is supposed to exist. The idea of “lost” signifies that some + information has been forgotten through death of those who possessed + it. + +[Illustration] + +Yes, there is much medicine you may cry for. + + Refers to that which is yet to be taught. + +[Illustration] + +Yes, I see there is plenty of it. + + The Midē' has knowledge of more than he has imparted, but + reserves that knowledge for a future time. The lines of “sight” run + to various medicines which he perceives or knows of. + +[Illustration] + +Rest. + +[Illustration] + +When I come out the sky becomes clear. + + When the otter-skin Midē' sack is produced the sky becomes + clear, so that the ceremonies may proceed. + +[Illustration] + +The spirit has given me power to see. + + The Midē' sits on a mountain the better to commune with the good + Man'idō. + +[Illustration] + +I brought the medicine to bring life. + + The Midē' Man'idō, the Thunderer, after bringing some of the + plants--by causing the rains to fall--returns to the sky. The short + line represents part of the circular line usually employed to + designate the imaginary vault of the sky. + +[Illustration] + +I too, see how much there is. + + His power elevates the Midē' to the rank of a Man'idō, from + whose position he perceives many secrets hidden in the earth. + +[Illustration] + +I am going to the medicine lodge. + + The vertical, left-hand figure denotes a leg going toward the + Midē'wigân. + +[Illustration] + +I take life from the sky. + + The Midē' is enabled to reach into the sky and to obtain from + Ki'tshi Man'idō' the means of prolonging life. The circle at the top + denotes the sacred migis or shell. + +[Illustration] + +Let us talk to one another. + + The circles denote the places of the speaker (Midē') and + the hearer (Ki'tshi Man'idō), the short lines signifying magic + influences, the Midē' occupying the left hand and smaller seat. + +[Illustration] + +The spirit is in my body, my friend. + + The mī'gis, given by Ki'tshi Man'idō, is in contact with the + Midē'’s body, and he is possessed of life and power. + +In the order of song, Pl. XVIII, B, reproduced from Pl. IX, C, of the +Seventh Ann. Rep. of the Bureau of Ethnology, the preceptor appears to +feel satisfied that the candidate is prepared to receive the initiation, +and therefore tells him that the Midē' Man'idō announces to him the +assurance. The preceptor therefore encourages his pupil with promises of +the fulfillment of his highest desires: + +[Illustration] + +I hear the spirit speaking to us. + + The Midē'-singer is of superior power, as designated by the + horns and pointer upon his head. The lines from the ears indicate + hearing. + +[Illustration] + +I am going into the medicine lodge. + + The Midē'wigân is shown with a line through it, to signify + that the preceptor is going through it in imagination, as in the + initiation. + +[Illustration] + +I am taking (gathering) medicine to make me live. + + The disks indicate the sacred objects sought for, which are + successively obtained by the speaker, who represents the officiating + shaman. + +[Illustration] + +I give you medicine, and a lodge, also. + + The Midē', as the personator of Makwá Man'idō, is empowered to + offer this privilege to the candidate. + +[Illustration] + +I am flying into my lodge. + + Represents the thunder-bird, a deity flying into the arch of the + sky, the abode of spirits or Man'idōs. The short lines cutting the + curve are spirit lines. + +[Illustration] + +The spirit has dropped medicine from the sky where we can get it. + + The line from the sky, diverging to various points, indicates + that the sacred objects fall in scattered places. + +[Illustration] + +I have the medicine in my heart. + + The singer’s heart is filled with knowledge relating to sacred + objects from the earth. + +The song depicted in Pl. XVIII C, was drawn by “Little Frenchman,” an +Ojibwa Midē' of the first degree, who reproduced it from a bark record +belonging to his preceptor. “Little Frenchman” had not yet received +instruction in these characters, and consequently could not sing the +songs, but from his familiarity with mnemonic delineations of the order +of the Grand Medicine of ideas he was able to give an outline of the +signification of the figures and the phraseology which they suggested to +his mind. In the following description the first line pertaining to a +character is the objective description, the second being the explanation. + +It is furthermore to be remarked that in this chart and the one +following the interpretation of characters begins at the right hand +instead of the left, contrary to rule. The song is reproduced from. Pl. +XXII, A, of the Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology: + +[Illustration] + +From the place where I sit. + + A man, seated and talking or singing. + +[Illustration] + +The big tree in the middle of the earth. + + Tree; inclosure represents the world as visible from a given + spot of observation--horizon. + +[Illustration] + +I will float down the fast running stream. + + Stream of water; the spots indicate progress of traveler, and + may be rude indications of canoes or equally rude foot tracks, the + usual pictograph for traveling. + +[Illustration] + +The place that is feared I inhabit; the swift running stream. + + A spirit surrounded by a line indicating the shore. + +[Illustration] + +You who speak to me. + + Two spirits communing. + +[Illustration] + +I have long horns. + + Horned water monster. + +[Illustration] + +Rest; dancing begins with next character. + +[Illustration] + +I, observing, follow your example. + + Man listening to water monster (spirit). + +[Illustration] + +You are my body; you see anybody; you see my nails are worn off in +grasping the stone (from which medicine is taken). + + Bear, with claws, scratching; depression shown by line under + claws, where scratching has been done. + +[Illustration] + +You (i. e., the spirits who are there), to whom I am speaking. + + Spirit panther. + +[Illustration] + +I am floating down smoothly. + + Spirit otter, swimming; outer lines are river banks. + +[Illustration] + +Rest. + +[Illustration] + +I have finished my drum. + + Spirit holding drum; sound ascending. + +[Illustration] + +My body is like unto you. + + This is the mī'gis shell--the special symbol of the Midē' wiwin. + +[Illustration] + +Hear me, thou, who art talking to me. + + Listening, and wanting others (spirits) to hear. + +[Illustration] + +See what I am taking. + + Spirit (Midē') taking “medicine root.” + +[Illustration] + +See me whose head is out of the water. + + Otters, two spirits, the left-hand one being the “speaker.” + +The Midē' song, Pl. XVIII, D, was also copied by “Little Frenchman” upon +birchbark, from one in the possession of his preceptor, but upon which +he had not yet received careful instruction; hence the incompleteness of +some of his interpretations. It is reproduced from Pl. XXII, B, of the +Seventh Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology. + +[Illustration] + +I am sitting down with my pipe. + + Man sitting, holding a pipe. He has been called upon to “make + medicine.” The short lines beneath the body represent that he is + seated. He holds a filled pipe which he is not yet smoking. + +[Illustration] + +I, me the spirit, the spirit of the owl. + + Owl, held by Midē'; arm above bird. This character appears upon + the Grand Medicine chart from Red Lake, as passing from the midē' + lodge to the ghost lodge. + +[Illustration] + +It stands, that which I am going after. + + Tree; showing tracks made by bear spirit. The speaker terms + himself equal with this spirit and represents himself seeking + remedies. + +[Illustration] + +I, who fly. + + Medicine bag, flying. The figure is that of the thunder bird + (eagle) whose skin was used for a bag. The trees beneath show the + bird to have ascended beyond their tops. + +[Illustration] + +Kibinan is what I use--the magic arrow. + + An arrow, held by hand. + +[Illustration] + +I am coming to the earth. + + Otter spirit. Circle denotes the surrounding sky in which is the + spirit. The earth is shown by the horizontal line above which is the + Indian hut. The speaker likens himself to the otter spirit who first + received the rites of the Midē' initiation. + +[Illustration] + +I am feeling for it. + + Man (spirit) seeking for hidden medicine. The circle represents + a hole in the earth. + +[Illustration] + +I am talking to it. + + Medicine bag made of an owl skin is held by shaman; latter is + talking to the magic elements contained therein. + +[Illustration] + +They are sitting in a circle (“around in a row”). + + Midē' lodge; Midē' sitting around. The crosses represent the + persons present. + +[Illustration] + +You who are newly hung, and you who have reached half, and you who are +now full. + + Full moon, one half, and quarter moon. + +[Illustration] + +I am going for my dish. + + Footprints leading to dish (ghost society dish). The circular + objects here each denotes a “feast,” usually represented by a “dish.” + +[Illustration] + +I go through the medicine lodge. + + Grand medicine lodge; tracks leading through it. The speaker, + after having prepared a feast, is entitled to enter for initiation. + + +[Illustration] + +Let us commune with one another. + + Two men conversing; two Midē'. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XIX + +MNEMONIC SONGS--OJIBWA.] + +The mnemonic order of song, Pl. XIX a, is another example from Red Lake, +prepared by the Ojibwa last mentioned: + +[Illustration] + +“Carved images.” + + Carved images. These represent the speaker to say that he + prepares fetishes for hunting, love, etc. + +[Illustration] + +I am holding my grand medicine sack. + + Man holding “medicine bag.” + +[Illustration] + +“Wants a woman.” [No interpretation was ventured by “Little Frenchman.”] + +[Illustration] + +Hear me, great spirit. + + Lines from the ears, to denote hearing. + +[Illustration] + +I am about to climb. + + Medicine tree at grand lodge. The marks on either side are bear + tracks, the footprints of the bear spirit--the speaker representing + him. + +[Illustration] + +I am entering the grand medicine lodge. + + The Midē'wigân, showing footprints of the bear Man'idō which are + simulated by the boastful shaman. + +[Illustration] + +I am making my tracks on the road. + + Footprints on the path. + +[Illustration] + +I am resting at my home. + + Human figure, with “voice” issuing--singing. + +Pl. XIX b is a similar song, also made by “Little Frenchman,” and +relates to magic remedies and his powers of incantation: + +[Illustration] + +The stars. + + Stars, preceded by a mark of rest or beginning. It may be + noticed that one star has eight and the other six rays, showing that + their number is not significant. + +[Illustration] + +The wolf that runs. + + Wolf; the banded tail distinguishes it from the otter. + +[Illustration] + +See me what I have; what I have (goods given in the midē' wigwân). + + Man holding bow. + +[Illustration] + +See what I am about to do. + + Arm, holding a gun. + +[Illustration] + +The house of the beaver. + + Beaver, in his house. + +[Illustration] + +I, who make a noise. + + A frog, croaking, shown by “voice” lines. + +[Illustration] + +My white hair. + + Head with hair. The signification of white hair is great age, + though there is no way to ascertain this without oral statement by + the singer. + +[Illustration] + +The house of the otter. + + Otter in his burrow. + +[Illustration] + +Hear me, you, to whom I am talking. + + Mī'gis, spoken to by man, lines showing hearing. The sacred + emblem of the Midē'wiwin is implored for aid in carrying out a + desired scheme. + +[Illustration] + +I stoop as I walk. + + An old man. Age is denoted by the act of walking with a staff. + +[Illustration] + +I stand by the tree. + + Standing near medicine tree. The speaker knows of valued + remedies which he desires to dispose of for payment. + +[Illustration] + +I am raising a rock. + + Man with stone for Midē' lodge. Carrying stone to Midē' lodge, + against which to place a patient. + +[Illustration] + +I am holding my pail. + + Vessel of medicine; arm reaching down to it. + +[Illustration] + +My arrow point is of iron, and about to kill a male bear. + + Bear, above arrow. Bow--lower character. + +[Illustration] + +I am about to speak to the sky. + + Speaking to the “sky.” Power of communing with the Great Spirit, + Ki'tshi Man'idō'. + +[Illustration] + +I am about to depart; I will liken myself to a bear. + + Bear, tracks and path. + +[Illustration] + +I am walking on the hard sand beach. + + Body of water, and lynx. The ellipse denotes a lake. + +Another song of a similar character, reproduced from birchbark on Pl. +XIX c, is explained below. It was also made by “Little Frenchman,” and +relates to the searching for and preparation of objects used in sorcery. + +[Illustration] + +It is fiery, that which I give you. + + Vessel, with flames on top. Contains strong water wi-bīn', a + magical decoction. + +[Illustration] + +It is growing, the tree. + + Midē'wigân, with trees growing around it at four corners. + +[Illustration] + +I cover the earth with my length. + + Snakes; guardians of the first degree. + +[Illustration] + +The bear is contained within me. + + Bear spirit within the man--i. e., the speaker. This indicates + that he possesses the power of the Bear Man'idō, one of the most + powerful of the guardians of the Midē' society. + +[Illustration] + +He has Man'idō (spirit) in his mouth. + + Possessing the power of curing by “sucking” bad spirits from + patient’s body. This is the practice of the lower shamans, known as + Jēs'sakkīd'. + +[Illustration] + +The hawk genus et sp. + + Ki-ni-en', the hawk from which “medicine” is obtained. + +[Illustration] + +I, who am about to talk. + + Head of man; lines from mouth denote speech. + +The interpretation now again proceeds from right to left. + +[Illustration] + +I am about to walk. + + Bear spirit, talking. The lines upon the back indicate his + spirit character. + +[Illustration] + +I am crawling away. + + Mī'gis shell. The sacred emblem of the Midē' society. + +[Illustration] + +Rest. + +[Illustration] + +From this, I wish to be able to walk. + + Taking “medicine” trail (behind man). The speaker is addressing + a Man'idō which he holds. + +[Illustration] + +I am being called to go there. + + Sacred lodges, with spirits within. + +[Illustration] + +I am going. + + Footprints, leading toward a wigwam. + +[Illustration] + +Rest. + +The Ojibwa chart, used in the “Song for the Metai, or for Medicine +Hunting,” is taken from Tanner’s (_a_) Narrative and reproduced in Fig. +165. It should be noted that the Metai of Tanner’s interpretation, which +follows, is the same as the Midē' in the foregoing interpretations: + +[Illustration: FIG. 165.--Song for Medicine Hunting.] + +_a_. Now I hear it, my friends of the Metai, who are sitting about me. + +This and the three following are sung by the principal chief of the +Metai, to the beat of his bwoin ah-keek, or drum. The line from the +sides of the head of the figure indicate hearing. + +_b._ Who makes this river flow? The Spirit, he makes this river flow. + +The second figure is intended to represent a river, and a beaver +swimming down it. + +_c._ Look at me well, my friends; examine me, and let us understand that +we are all companions. + +This translation is by no means literal. The words express the boastful +claims of a man who sets himself up for the best and most skillful in +the fraternity. + +_d._ Who maketh to walk about, the social people? A bird maketh to walk +about the social people. + +By the bird the medicine man means himself; he says that his +voice has called the people together. Weej-huh nish-a-nauba, or +weeja-nish-a-nau-ba seems to have the first syllable from the verb which +means to accompany. The two lines drawn across, between this figure and +the next, indicate that here the dancing is to commence. + +_e._ I fly about and if anywhere I see an animal, I can shoot him. + +This figure of a bird (probably an eagle or hawk) seems intended to +indicate the wakefulness of the senses and the activity required to +insure success in hunting. The figure of the moose which immediately +follows, reminding the singer of the cunning and extreme shyness of that +animal, the most difficult of all to kill. + +_f._ I shoot your heart; I hit your heart, oh, animal--your heart--I hit +your heart. + +This apostrophe is mere boasting and is sung with much gesticulation and +grimace. + +_g._ I make myself look like fire. + +This is a medicine man disguised in the skin of a bear. The small +parallelogram under the bear signifies fire, and the shamans, by +some composition of gunpowder, or other means, contrive to give the +appearance of fire to the mouth and eyes of the bear skin, in which +they go about the village late at night, bent on deeds of mischief, +oftentimes of blood. We learn how mischievous are these superstitions +when we are informed that they are the principal men of the Metai, who +thus wander about the villages in the disguise of a bear, to wreak their +hatred on a sleeping rival or their malice on an unsuspecting adversary. +But the customs of the Indians require of anyone who may see a medicine +man on one of these excursions to take his life immediately, and whoever +does so is accounted guiltless. + +_h._ I am able to call water from above, from beneath, and from around. + +Here the medicine man boasts of his power over the elements, and his +ability to do injury or benefit. The segment of a circle with dots in it +represents water and the two short lines touching the head of the figure +indicate that he can draw it to him. + +_i._ I cause to look like the dead, a man I did. + +I cause to look like the dead, a woman I did. + +I cause to look like the dead, a child I did. + +The lines drawn across the face of this figure indicate poverty, +distress, and sickness; the person is supposed to have suffered from the +displeasure of the medicine man. Such is the religion of the Indians. +Its boast is to put into the hands of the devout supernatural means by +which he may wreak vengeance on his enemies whether weak or powerful, +whether they be found among the foes of his tribe or the people of his +own village. This Metai, so much valued and revered by them, seems to be +only the instrument in the hands of the crafty for keeping in subjection +the weak and the credulous, which may readily be supposed to be the +greater part of the people. + +_k._ I am such, I am such, my friends; any animal, any animal, my +friends, I hit him right, my friends. + +This boast of certain success in hunting is another method by which he +hopes to elevate himself in the estimation of his hearers. Having told +them he has the power to put them all to death, he goes on to speak of +his infallible success in hunting, which will always enable him to be a +valuable friend to such as are careful to secure his good will. + +The following chart for the “Song for beaver hunting and the Metai,” is +taken from the same author, loc. cit., and reproduced in Fig. 166, with +interpretations as follows: + +[Illustration: FIG. 166.--Song for beaver hunting.] + +_a._ I sit down in the lodge of the Metai, the lodge of the Spirit. + +This figure is intended to represent the area of the Metai-we-gaun, or +medicine lodge, which is called also the lodge of the Man'idō, and two +men have taken their seats in it. The matter of the song seems to be +merely introductory. + +_b._ Two days must you sit fast, my friend; four days must you sit fast, +my friend. + +The two perpendicular lines on the breast of this figure are read +ne-o-gone (two days), but are understood to mean two years; so of the +four lines drawn obliquely across the legs, these are four years. The +heart must be given to this business for two years, and the constrained +attitude of the legs indicates the rigid attention and serious +consideration which the subject requires. + +_c._ Throw off, woman, thy garments, throw off. + +The power of their medicines and the incantations of the Metai are +not confined in their effect to animals of the chase, to the lives +and health of men; they control also the minds of all and overcome +the modesty as well as the antipathies of women. The Indians firmly +believe that many a woman who has been unsuccessfully solicited by a +man is not only by the power of the Metai made to yield, but even in a +state of madness to tear off her garments and pursue after the man she +before despised. These charms have greater power than those in the times +of superstition among the English, ascribed to the fairies, and they +need not, like the plant used by Puck, be applied to the person of the +unfortunate being who is to be transformed; they operate at a distance +through the medium of the Miz-zin-ne-neens. + +_d._ Who makes the people walk about? It is I that calls you. + +This is in praise of the virtue of hospitality, that man being most +esteemed among them who most frequently calls his neighbors to his feast. + +_e._ Anything I can shoot with it (this medicine) even a dog, I can kill +with it. + +_f._ I shoot thy heart, man, thy heart. + +He means, perhaps, a buck moose by the word e-nah-ne-wah, or man. + +_g._ I can kill a white loon, I can kill. + +The white loon (rara avis nigroque similimo cygno) is certainly a rare +and most difficult bird to kill; so we may infer that this boaster can +kill anything, which is the amount of the meaning intended in that part +of his song recorded by the five last figures. Success in hunting they +look upon as a virtue of a higher character, if we may judge from this +song, than the patience under suffering or the rakishness among women, +or even the hospitality recommended in the former part. + +_h._ My friends—— + +There seems to be an attempt to delineate a man sitting with his hands +raised to address his friends; but the remainder of his speech is +not remembered. This is sufficient to show that the meaning of the +characters in this kind of picture writing is not well settled and +requires a traditional interpretation to render it intelligible. + +_i._ I open my wolf skin and the death struggle must follow. + +This is a wolf skin used as a medicine bag and he boasts that whenever +he opens it something must die in consequence. + +Tanner’s Narrative (_b_) says of musical notation drawn on bark by +Ojibwas: + + Many of these songs are noted down by a method probably peculiar + to the Indians, on birch bark, or small flat pieces of wood: the + ideas being conveyed by emblematic figures, somewhat like those * * + * used in communicating ordinary information. + +Rev. P. J. De Smet (_a_) gives an account of the mnemonic order of songs +among the Kickapoo and Pottawatomi. He describes a stick 1-1/2 inches +broad and 8 or 10 long, upon which are arbitrary characters which they +follow with the finger in singing the prayers, etc. There are five +classes of these characters. The first represents the heart, the second +heart and flesh (chair), the third life, the fourth their names, and the +fifth their families. + +A. W. Howitt (_b_) says: + + The makers of the Australian songs, or of the combined songs and + dances are the poets or bards of the tribe and are held in great + esteem. Their names are known to the neighboring peoples, and their + songs are carried from tribe to tribe until the very meaning of the + words is lost as well as the original source of the song. + + Such an instance is a song which was accompanied by a carved + stick painted red, which was held by the chief singer. This traveled + down the Murray river from some unknown source. The same song, + accompanied by such a stick, also came into Gippsland many years ago + from Melbourne and may even have been the above mentioned one on its + return. + + +SECTION 5. + +TRADITIONS. + +Even since the Columbian discovery some tribes have employed devices yet +ruder than the rudest pictorial attempt as markers for the memory. An +account of one of these is given in E. Winslow’s Relation (A. D. 1624), +Col. Mass. Hist. Soc., 2d series, IX, 1822, p. 99, as follows: + + Instead of records and chronicles they take this course: Where + any remarkable act is done, in memory of it, either in the place + or by some pathway near adjoining, they make a round hole in the + ground about a foot deep and as much over, which, when others + passing by behold, they inquire the cause and occasion of the same, + which, being once known, they are careful to acquaint all men as + occasion serveth therewith. And lest such holes should be filled or + grown over by any accident, as men pass by they will often renew + the same, by which means many things of great antiquity are fresh + in memory. So that as a man traveleth, if he can understand his + guide, his journey will be the less tedious by reason of the many + historical discourses which will be related unto him. + +In connection with this section students may usefully consult Dr. +Brinton’s (_f_) Lenâpé and their Legends. + +As an example of a chart used in the exact repetition of traditions, +Fig. 167 is presented with the following explanation by Rev. J. Owen +Dorsey: + +[Illustration: FIG. 167.--Osage chart.] + + The chart accompanies a tradition chanted by members of a secret + society of the Osage tribe. It was drawn by an Osage, Red Corn. + + The tree at the top represents the tree of life. By this flows + a river. The tree and the river are described later in the degrees. + When a woman is initiated she is required by the head of her gens to + take four sips of water (symbolizing the river), then he rubs cedar + on the palms of his hands, with which he rubs her from head to foot. + If she belongs to a gens on the left side of a tribal circle, her + chief begins on the left side of her head, making three passes, and + pronouncing the sacred name three times. Then he repeats the process + from her forehead down; then on the right side of her head; then at + the back of her head; four times three times, or twelve passes in + all. + + Beneath the river are the following objects: The Watse ʇuʞa, + male slaying animal (?), or morning star, which is a red star. 2. + Six stars called the “Elm rod” by the white people in the Indian + territory. 3. The evening star. 4. The little star. Beneath these + are the moon, seven stars, and sun. Under the seven stars are the + peace pipe and war hatchet; the latter is close to the sun, and the + former and the moon are on the same side of the chart. Four parallel + lines extending across the chart, represent four heavens or upper + worlds through which the ancestors of the Tsiↄu people passed before + they came to this earth. The lowest heaven rests on an oak tree; the + ends of the others appear to be supported by pillars or ladders. The + tradition begins below the lowest heaven, on the left side of the + chart, under the peace pipe. Each space on the pillar corresponds + with a line of the chant; and each stanza (at the opening of the + tradition) contains four lines. The first stanza precedes the + arrival of the first heaven, pointing to a time when the children of + the “former end” of the race were without human bodies as well as + human souls. The bird hovering over the arch denotes an advance in + the condition of the people; then they had human souls in the bodies + of birds. Then followed the progress from the fourth to the first + heaven, followed by the descent to earth. The ascent to four heavens + and the descent to three, makes up the number seven. + + When they alighted, it was on a beautiful day when the earth was + covered with luxuriant vegetation. From that time the paths of the + Osages separated; some marched on the right, being the war gentes, + while those on the left were peace gentes, including the Tsiↄu, + whose chart this is. + + Then the Tsiↄu met the black bear, called in the tradition + Káxe-wáhü-sa^n' (Crow-bone-white), in the distance. He offered to + become their messenger, so they sent him to the different stars for + aid. According to the chart he went to them in the following order: + Morning star, sun, moon, seven stars, evening star, little star. + + Then the black bear went to the Waↄiñʞa-ↄüʇse, a female red bird + sitting on her nest. This grandmother granted his request. She gave + them human bodies, making them out of her own body. + + The earth lodge at the end of the chart denotes the village + of the Hañʞa uta¢a^nʇsi, who were a very warlike people. Buffalo + skulls were on the tops of the lodges, and the bones of the animals + on which they subsisted whitened on the ground. The very air was + rendered offensive by the decaying bodies and offal. + + The whole of the chart was used mnemonically. Parts of it, such + as the four heavens and ladders, were tattooed on the throat and + chest of the old men belonging to the order. + +The tradition relating to Minabō'zho and the sacred objects received +from Kítshi Man'idō is illustrated in Fig. 168, which, represents a copy +(one-third original size) of the record preserved at White Earth. This +record is read from left to right and is, briefly, as follows: + +[Illustration: FIG. 168.--Midē' record.] + +_a_ represents Minabō'zho, who says of the adjoining characters +representing the members of the Midéwin: “They are the ones, they are +the ones who put into my heart the life.” Minabō'zho holds in his left +hand the sacred medicine bag. + +_b_ and _c_ represent the drummers; at the sound of the drum everybody +rises and becomes inspired, because the Great Spirit is then present in +the lodge. + +_d_ denotes that women also have the privilege of becoming members of +the Midéwin. This figure holds a snake-skin “medicine bag” in her left +hand. + +_e_ represents the tortoise, the good spirit, who was the giver of some +of the sacred objects used in the rite. + +_f_ the bear, also a benevolent spirit, but not held in so great +veneration as the tortoise. His tracks are visible in the lodge. + +_g_ the sacred medicine bag, Biń-ji-gú-sân, which contains life and can +be used by the Midē' to prolong the life of a sick person. + +_h_ represents a dog given by the spirits to Minabō'zho as a companion. + +Fig. 169 gives copies, one-third actual size, of two records in +possession of different Midē' at Red lake. The characters are almost +identical, and one record appears to have been copied from the other. +The lower figure, however, contains an additional character. The +following is an incomplete interpretation of the characters, the +letters applying equally to both: + +[Illustration: FIG. 169.--Midē' records.] + +_a_, Esh'gibŏ'ga, the great uncle of the Unish'-in-ab'-aig, the receiver +of the Midéwin. + +_b_, the drum and drumsticks. + +_c_, a bar or rest, observed while chanting the words pertaining to the +records. + +_d_, the bin'-ji-gu'-sân, or sacred medicine bag. It consists of an +otter skin, and is the mī'gis, or sacred symbol of the midē'wigân' or +grand medicine lodge. + +_e_, a Midē' shaman, the one who holds the mī'gis while chanting +the Midē' song in the grand medicine lodge, _f_. He is inspired, as +indicated by the line extending from the heart to the mouth. + +_f_, representation of the grand medicine lodge. This character, with +slight addition, is usually employed by the southern division of the +Ojibwa to denote the lodge of a jĕssakkī'd, and is ordinarily termed a +“jugglery.” + +_g_, a woman, and signifies that women may also be admitted to the +midē'wigân', shown in the preceding character. + +_h_, a pause or rest in the chant. + +_i_, the sacred snake-skin bag, having the power of giving life through +its skin. This power is indicated by the lines radiating from the head +and the back of the snake. + +_j_ represents a woman. + +_k_, another illustration of the mī'gis, represented by the sacred otter. + +_l_ denotes a woman who is inspired, as shown by the line extending from +the heart to the mouth in the lower chart, and simply showing the heart +in the upper. In the latter she is also empowered to cure with magic +plants. + +_m_ represents a Midē' shaman, but no explanation was obtained of the +special character delineated. + +[Illustration: FIG. 170.--Minabozho.] + +In Fig. 170 is presented a variant of the characters shown in _a_ of +Fig. 169. The fact that this denotes the power to cure by the use of +plants would appear to indicate an older and more appropriate form than +the delineation of the bow and arrow, as well as being more in keeping +with the general rendering of the tradition. + +Fig. 171, two-thirds real size, is a reproduction, introduced here for +comparison and explanation, of a record illustrating the alleged power +of a Midē'. + +[Illustration: FIG. 171.--Midē' practicing incantation.] + +_a_, the author, is the Midē', who was called upon to take a man’s life +at a distant camp. The line extending from the Midē' to _i_, explained +below, signifies that his power extended to at least that distance. + +_b_, an assistant Midē'. + +_c_, _d_, _e_, and _f_ represent the four degrees of the Midéwin, of +which both shamans are members. The degrees are also indicated by the +vertical lines above each lodge character. + +_g_ is the drum used in the ceremony. + +_h_ is an outline of the victim. A human figure is drawn upon a piece +of birchbark, over which the incantations are made, and, to insure the +death of the subject, a small spot of red paint is rubbed upon the +breast and a sharp instrument thrust into it. + +_i_, the outer line represents a lake, while the inner one is an island, +upon which the victim resides. + +The ceremony indicated in the above description actually occurred at +White Earth during the autumn of 1884, and, by a coincidence, the Indian +“conjured” died the following spring of pneumonia resulting from cold +contracted during the winter. This was considered as the result of the +Midē'’s power, and naturally secured for him many new adherents and +believers. + +[Illustration: FIG. 172.--Jĕssakkī'd curing a woman.] + +Fig. 172 represents a jĕssakkī'd, named Ne-wik'-ki, curing a sick +woman by sucking the demon through a bone tube. It is introduced here +for comparison, though equally appropriate to Chap. XIV, sec. 3. The +left-hand character represents the Midē' holding a rattle in his hand. +Around his head is an additional circle, denoting quantity (literally, +more than an ordinary amount of knowledge), the short line projecting to +the right therefrom indicating the tube used. The right-hand character +is the patient operated upon. + +The juggling trick of removing disease by sucking it through tubes +is performed by the Midē' after fasting and is accompanied with many +ceremonies. + + +THE ORIGIN OF THE INDIANS. + +Sikas'sigé, one of the officiating priests of the Midē' society of the +Ojibwa at White Earth, Minnesota, gives the following explanation of +Fig. 173, which is a reduced copy of a pictorial representation of a +tradition explaining the origin of the Indians: + +[Illustration: FIG. 173.--Origin of the Indians.] + + In the beginning, Ki'tshi Man'idō--Dzhe Man'idō, _a_--made the + Midē' Man'idōs. He first created two men, _b_ and _c_, and two + women, _d_ and _e_, but they had no power of thought or reason. + Then Dzhe Man'idō made them reasoning beings. He then took them in + his hands so that they should multiply; he paired them, and from + this sprung the Indians. Then, when there were people, he placed + them upon the earth; but he soon observed that they were subject to + sickness, misery, and death, and that unless he provided them with + the sacred medicine they would soon become extinct. + + Between the position occupied by Dzhe Man'idō and the earth were + four lesser spirits, _f_, _g_, _h_, and _i_, with whom Dzhe Man'idō + decided to commune, and to impart the mysteries by which the Indians + could be benefited; so he first spoke to a spirit at _f_, and told + him all he had to say, who in turn communicated the same information + to _g_, and he in turn to _h_, who also communed with _i_. Then they + all met in council and determined to call in the four wind gods at + _j_, _k_, _l_, and _m_. After consulting as to what would be best + for the comfort and welfare of the Indians, these spirits agreed to + ask Dzhe Man'idō to communicate the mystery of the sacred medicine + to the people. + + Dzhe Man'idō then went to the Sun Spirit (_o_) and asked him to + go to the earth and instruct the people as had been decided upon by + the council. The Sun Spirit, in the form of a little boy, went to + the earth and lived with a woman (_p_) who had a little boy of her + own. + + This family went away in the autumn to hunt, and during the + winter this woman’s son died. The parents were so much distressed + that they decided to return to the village and bury the body there; + so they made preparations to return, and as they traveled along + they would each evening erect several poles upon which the body was + placed to prevent the wild beasts from devouring it. When the dead + boy was thus hanging upon the poles the adopted child--who was the + Sun Spirit--would play about the camp and amuse himself, and finally + told his adopted father he pitied him, and his mother, for their + sorrow. The adopted son said he could bring his dead brother to + life, whereupon the parents expressed great surprise and desired to + know how that could be accomplished. + + The adopted boy then had the party hasten to the village, when + he said, “Get the women to make a wig'iwam of bark (_q_), put the + dead boy in a covering of birch bark and place the body on the + ground in the middle of the wig'iwam.” On the next morning, when + this had been done, the family and friends went into this lodge and + seated themselves around the corpse. + + After they had all been sitting quietly for some time they saw, + through the doorway, the approach of a bear (_r_), which gradually + came toward the wig'iwam, entered it, and placed itself before the + dead body, and said hŭ', hŭ', hŭ', hŭ', when he passed around it + toward the left side, with a trembling motion, and as he did so the + body began quivering, which increased as the bear continued, until + he had passed around four times, when the body came to life and + stood up. Then the bear called to the father, who was sitting in + the distant right-hand corner of the wig'iwam, and addressed to him + the following words: + + Nōs |Ka-wi'-na |ni'-shi-nâ'-bi|wis'-si|a-ya'wi-an'|man'-i-do|nin-gi'-sis. + My father| is not | an Indian | not | you are | a spirit| son. + + Be-mai'-a-mi'-nik|ni'-dzhi |man'-i-do|mi'-a-zhi'-gwa|tshi-gi'-a-we-an'. + Insomuch |my fellow| spirit | now | as you are. + + Nōs |a-zhi'-gwa|a-se'-ma|tshi-a'-to-yek'. |Â'-mi-kun'-dem | mi-e'-ta + My father| now |tobacco | you shall put.| He speaks of| only + + a-wi-dink'|dzhi-gŏsh'-kwi-tōt' | wen'-dzhi-bĭ-mâ'-di-zid'-o-ma'|a-ga'-wa + once |to be able to do it | why he shall live here | now + + bi-mâ'-di-zid'-mi-o-ma';|ni'-dzhi |man'-i-do|mi'-a-zhi'-gwa|tshi-gi'-we-an'. + that he scarcely lives; |my fellow| spirit |now I shall go| home. + + The little bear boy (_r_) was the one who did this. He then + remained among the Indians (_s_) and taught them the mysteries of + the Grand Medicine (_t_), and after he had finished he told his + adopted father that as his mission had been fulfilled, that he was + to return to his kindred spirits, the Indians would have no need to + fear sickness, as they now possessed the Grand Medicine which would + assist them to live. He also said that his spirit could bring a body + to life but once, and he would now return to the sun from which they + would feel his influence. + + This is called Kwi'-wi-sĕns' wed-di'-shi-tshi' + ge'-wi-nĭp'--“Little boy, his work.” + + From subsequent information it was learned that the line (_w_) + denotes the earth, and that, being considered as one step in the + course of initiation into the Midē'wiwin, three others must be taken + before a candidate can be admitted. These steps, or rests, as they + are denominated, are typified by four distinct gifts of goods, which + must be remitted to the Midē' priests before the ceremony can take + place. + + The characters _s_ and _t_ are repetitions of the figures + alluded to in the tradition (_q_ and _r_) to signify that the + candidate must personate the Makwa' Man'idō--bear spirit--when + entering the Midē'wiwin (_t_); _t_ is the Midē' Man'idō, as Ki'tshi + Man'idō is termed by the Midē' priests. The device of horns, + attached to the head, is a common symbol of superior power, found + in connection with the figures of human and divine forms in many + Midē' songs and other mnemonic records; _v_ represents the earth’s + surface, similar to that designated as _w_. _w_, _x_, _y_, and _z_ + represent the four degrees of the grand medicine. + + +SECTION 6. + +TREATIES. + +Fig. 174 is copy of a birchbark record which was made to commemorate a +treaty of peace between the Ojibwa and Assinaboin Indians. The drawing +on bark was made by an Ojibwa chief at White Earth, Minnesota. + +[Illustration: FIG. 174.--Record of treaty.] + +The figure on the left, holding a flag, represents the Ojibwa chief, +while that on the right denotes the chief acting on the part of the +Assinaboins. The latter holds in his left hand the pipe which was used +in the preliminaries, and smoke is seen issuing from the mouth of +the Assinaboin. He also holds in his right hand the drum used as an +accompaniment to the songs. + +The Ojibwa holds a flag used as an emblem of peace. + +A considerable number of pictographic records of treaties are presented +in different parts of the present work (see under the headings of +Wampum, Chap. ix, Sec. 3; Notices, Chap. xi; History, Chap. xvi; Winter +Counts, Chap. x, Sec. 2). + + +SECTION 7. + +APPOINTMENT. + +Le Page Du Pratz (_b_) says in describing the council of conspiracy +which resulted in the Natchez war of 1729: + + An aged councillor advised that after all the nations had been + informed of the necessity of taking this violent action, each one + should receive a bundle of sticks, all containing an equal number, + and which were to mark the number of days to pass before that on + which they were all to strike at once; that in order to guard + against any mistake it would be necessary to take care to extract + one stick every day and to break it and throw it away; a man of + wisdom should be charged with this duty. All the old men approved of + his advice and it was adopted. + +Père Nicholas Perrot (_a_) says: + + Celui qui, chez les Hurons, prenait la parole en cette + circonstance, recevait un petit faisceau de pailles d’pied de long + qui luy servoient comme de jetons, pour supputer les nombres et + pour ayder la mémoire des assistans, les distribuant en divers + lots, suyvant la diversité des choses. Dans l’Amérique du Sud, les + Galibis de la rivière d’Amacourou et de l’Orénoque usaient du même + procédé mnémotechnique, mais perfectionné. Le capitaine [Galibis] et + moy, écrit le P. la Pierre (Voyage en terre-ferme et à la coste de + Paria, p. 15 du Ms. orig.), eusmes un grand discours ... luy ayant + demandé ce qu’il alloit faire à Barime, il me respondit qu’il alloit + avertir tous les capitaines des aultres rivières, du jour qu’il en + faudroit sortir pour aller donner l’attaque à leurs ennemis. Et, + pour me faire comprendre la façon dont il s’y prenoit il me montra + vingt petites buches liées ensemble qui se plient à la façon d’un + rouleau. Les six premières estoient d’une couleur particulière; + elles signifioent que, les six premiers jours, il falloit préparer + du magnot [manioc] pour faire vivres. Les quatre suivantes estoient + d’une aultre couleur pour marque qu’il falloit avertir les hommes. + Les six d’aultre couleur et ainsi du reste, marquant par leur + petites buches, faites en façon de paille, l’ordre que chaque + capitaine doit faire observer à ses gens pour estre prest tous en + mesme temps. La sortie devroit se faire dans vingt jours; car il n’y + avoit que cest [vingt] petites buches. + +Im Thurn (_e_) tells of the Indians of Guiana as follows: + + When a paiwari feast is to be held, invitations are sent to + the people of all neighboring settlements inhabited by Indians of + the same tribe as the givers of the feast. The latter prepare a + number of strings, each of which is knotted as many times as there + are days before the feast day. One of these strings is kept by the + headman of the settlement where the feast is to be held; the others + are distributed, one to the headman of each of the settlements from + which guests are expected. Every day one of the knots, on each of + the strings, is untied, and when the last has been untied guests and + hosts know that the feast day has come. + + Sometimes, instead of knots on a string, notches on a piece + of wood are used. This system of knot-tying, the quippoo system + of the Peruvians, which occurs in nearly identical form in all + parts of the world, is not only used as in the above instance + for calendar-keeping, but also to record items of any sort; for + instance, if one Indian owes another a certain number of balls + of cotton or other articles, debtor and creditor each has a + corresponding string or stick, with knots or notches to the number + of the owed article, and one or more of these is oblitered each time + a payment is made until the debt is wiped out. + +Darius (Herodot. IV, 98) did something of the kind when he took a thong +and, tying sixty knots in it, gave it to the Ionian chiefs, that they +might untie a knot every day and go back to their own land if he had not +returned when all the knots were undone. + +Champlain (_a_) describes a mode of preparation for battle among the +Canadian Algonquins which partook of the nature of a military drill as +well as of an appointment of rank and order. It is in its essentials +mnemonic. He describes it as follows: + + Les chefs prennent des bâtons de la longueur d’un pied autant + en nombre qu’ils sont et signalent par d’autres un peu plus grands, + leurs chefs; puis vont dans le bois et esplanadent une place de + cinq ou six pieds en quarré où le chef comme Sergent Major, met + par ordre tous ces bâtons comme bon luy semble; puis appelle tous + ses compagnons, qui viennent tous armez, et leur monstre le rang + et ordre qu’ils deuvont tenir lors qu’ils se battront avec leurs + ennemis. + +The author adds detail with regard to alignment, breaking ranks, and +resumption of array. + + +SECTION 8. + +NUMERATION. + +D. W. Eakins, in Schoolcraft I, p. 273, describes the mnemonic +numeration marks of the Muskoki thus: + + Each perpendicular stroke stood for one, and each additional + stroke marked an additional number. The ages of deceased persons + or number of scalps taken by them, or war-parties which they have + headed, are recorded on their grave-posts by this system of strokes. + The sign of the cross represents ten. The dot and comma never + stood as a sign for a day, or a moon, or a month, or a year. The + chronological marks that were and are in present use are a small + number of sticks made generally of cane. Another plan sometimes in + use was to make small holes in a board, in which a peg was inserted + to keep the days of the week. + +Capt. Bourke (_b_) gives the following account of an attempt at +compromise between the aboriginal method of numbering days, weeks, and +months, and that of the civilized intruders to whose system the Indians +found it necessary to conform. + + The Apache scouts kept records of the time of their absence on + campaign. There were several methods in vogue, the best being that + of colored beads which were strung on a string, six white ones to + represent the days of the week, and one black, or other color, to + stand for Sundays. This method gave rise to some confusion, because + the Indians had been told that there were four weeks, or Sundays + (“Domingos”), in each “Luna,” or moon, and yet they soon found + that their own method of determining time by the appearance of the + crescent moon was much the more satisfactory. Among the Zuñi I have + seen little tally sticks with the marks for the days and months + incised on the narrow edges, and among the Apache another method of + indicating the flight of time by marking on a piece of paper along a + horizontal line a number of circles or of straight lines across the + horizontal datum line to represent the full days which had passed, + a heavy straight line for each Sunday, and a small crescent for the + beginning of each month. + +It is not necessary to discuss the obvious method of repeating strokes, +dots, knots, human heads or forms, weapons, and totemic designs, +to designate the number of persons or articles referred to in the +pictographs where they appear. + + +SECTION 9. + +ACCOUNTING. + +The Abnaki, in especial the Passamaquoddy division of the tribe in +Maine, during late years have been engaged in civilized industries +in which they have found it necessary to keep accounts. These are +interesting as exhibiting the aboriginal use of ideographic devices +which are only partially supplemented by the imitation of the symbols +peculiar to European civilization. Several of these devices were +procured by the present writer in 1888, and are illustrated and +explained as follows: + +A deer hunter brings 3 deerskins, for which he is allowed $2 each, +making $6; 30 pounds of venison, at 10 cents per pound, making $3. In +payment thereof he purchases 3 pounds of powder, at 40 cents per pound; +5 pounds of pork, at 10 cents per pound; and 2 gallons of molasses, at +50 cents per gallon. The debit foots $3.30, according to the Indian +account, but it seems on calculation to be 30 cents in excess, an +overcharge, showing the advance in civilization of the Passamaquoddy +trader. + +[Illustration: FIG. 175.--Shop account.] + +The following explanation will serve to make intelligible the characters +employed, which are reproduced in Fig. 175. The hunter is shown as the +first character in line _a_, and that he is a deer-hunter is furthermore +indicated by his having a skin-stretcher upon his back, as well as the +figure of a deer at which he is shooting. The three skins referred to +are shown stretched upon frames in line _b_, the total number being also +indicated by the three vertical strokes, between which and the drying +frames are two circles, each with a line across it, to denote dollars, +the total sum of $6 being the last group of dollar marks on line _b_. + +The 30 pounds of venison are represented in line _c_, the three crosses +signifying 30, the T-shaped character designating a balance scale, +synonymous with pound, while the venison is indicated by the drawing +of the hind quarter or ham. The price is given by uniting the X, or +numeral, and the T, or pound mark, making a total of $3 as completing +the line _c_. + +The line _d_ refers to the purchase of 3 pounds of powder, as expressed +by the three strokes, the T, or scale for pound, and the powder horn, +the price of which is four Xs or 40 cents per pound, or T; and 3 pounds +of powder, the next three vertical strokes succeeded by a number of +spots to indicate grains of powder, which is noted as being 10 cents per +pound, indicated by the cross and T, respectively. The next item, shown +on line _e_, charges for 5 pounds of pork, the latter being indicated +by the outline of a pig, the price being indicated by the X or 10, and +T, scale or pound; then two short lines preceding one small oblong +square or quart measure, indicates that 2 quarts of molasses, shown by +the black spot, cost 5 crosses, or 50 cents per measure, the sum of the +whole of the purchase being indicated by three rings with stems and +three crosses, equivalent to $3.30. + +Another Indian, whose occupation was to furnish basket wood, brought +some to the trader for which he received credit to the amount of $1.15, +taking in exchange therefor pork sufficient to equal the above amount. + +[Illustration: FIG. 176.--Shop account.] + +In Fig. 176 the Indian is shown with a bundle of basket wood, the value +of which is given in the next characters, consisting of a ring with a +line across to denote $1, a cross to represent 10 cents, and the five +short vertical lines for an additional 5 cents, making a total of $1.15. +The pork received from the trader is indicated by the outline of a pig, +while the crossed lines to the right denotes that the “account” is +canceled. + +Another customer, as shown in Fig. 177, was an old woman, the descendent +of an ancient name--one known before the coming of white people. She was +therefore called the “Owl,” and is represented in the “account” given +below. She had bought on credit 1 plug of smoking tobacco, designated +by one vertical stroke for the quantity and an oblong square figure +corresponding to the shape of the package, which was to be used for +smoking, as indicated by the spiral lines to denote smoke. She had also +purchased 2 quarts of kerosene oil, the quantity designated by the two +strokes preceding the small squares to represent quart measures, and +the liquid is indicated by the rude outline of a kerosene lamp. This +is followed by two crosses, representing 20 cents, as the value of the +amount of her purchases. This account was settled by giving one basket, +as shown in the device nearly beneath the owl, half of which is marked +with crossed lines, connected by a line of dots or dashes with the +cancellation mark at the extreme right of the record. + +[Illustration: FIG. 177.--Shop account.] + +[Illustration: FIG. 178.--Book account.] + +Another Passamaquoddy Indian, unable to read or write, carries on +business and keeps his books according to a method of his own invention. +One account is reproduced in Fig. 178. It is with a very slim Indian, as +will be observed from the drawing, who carries on “trucking” and owns a +horse, that animal being represented in outline and connected by lines +with its owner. For services he was paid $5.45, which sum is shown in +the lower line of characters by five dollar-marks--i. e., rings with +strokes across them--4 crosses or numerals signifying 10 cents each, and +five short vertical lines for 5 cents. The date is shown in the upper +line of characters, the 4 short lines in front of the horse signifying +4, the oval figure next, to the right and intended for a circle, +denoting the moon--i. e., the fourth moon, or April--while the 10 short +strokes signify the tenth day of the month--i. e., he was paid $5.45 in +full for services to April 10. + +[Illustration: FIG. 179.--Book account.] + +Another account was with a young woman noted as very slim, and is shown +in Fig. 179. The girl brought a basket to the store, for which she was +allowed 20 cents. She received credit for 10 cents on account of a plug +of tobacco bought some time previously. + +In the illustration the decidedly slim form of the girl is portrayed, +her hands holding out the basket which she had made. The unattached +cross signifies 10 cents, which she probably received in cash, while +the other cross is connected by a dotted line with the piece of plug +tobacco for which she had owed 10 cents. The attachment of the plug to +the unpaid dime is amusingly ideographic. + +Another Indian, descended from the prehistoric Indians, was called +“Lox,” the evil or tricksy deity, appearing as an animal having a long +body and tail and short legs, which is probably a wolverine, under which +form Lox is generally depicted by the Passamaquoddy. His account with +the trader is given in Fig. 180, and shows that he brought 1 dozen ax +handles, for which he received $1.50. + +[Illustration: FIG. 180.--Book account.] + +Beneath the figure of Lox are 2 axes, the 12 short lines denoting the +number of handles delivered, while the dotted line to the right connects +them with the amount received, which is designated by 1 one dollar mark +and 5 crosses or dime marks. + +Dr. Hoffman found in Los Angeles, California, a number of notched +sticks, which had been invented and used by the Indians at the Mission +of San Gabriel. They had chief herders, who had under their charge +overseers of the several classes of laborers, herders, etc. The chief +herder was supplied with a stick of hard wood, measuring about 1 inch in +breadth and thickness and from 20 to 24 inches long. The corners were +beveled at the handle. The general form of the stick is given in the +upper character of Fig. 181, with the exception that the illustration is +intentionally shortened so as to show both ends. + +[Illustration: FIG. 181.--Notched sticks.] + +Upon each of the beveled surfaces on the handle are marks to indicate +the kind of horned cattle referred to. The cross indicates that the +corner of the stick upon which it is incised relates to heifers, each +notch designating one head, the long transverse cut denoting ten, with +an additional three cuts signifying that the herder has in charge +thirteen heifers. Upon the next beveled edge appears an arrow-pointed +mark, to denote in like manner which edge of the stick is to be +notched for indicating the oxen. Upon the third beveled surface is one +transverse cut for the record of the number of bulls in the herd, while +upon the fourth bevel of the handle are two notches to note the number +of cows. + +The stick is notched at the end opposite the handle to signify that it +refers only to horned cattle. That used to designate horses is sharpened +from two sides only, so that the end is wedge-shaped, or exactly the +reverse of the one first mentioned. The marks upon the handle would +be the same, however, with this exception--that one cut would mean a +stallion, two cuts a mare, the cross a gelding, and the arrow-shaped +figure a colt. Sticks were also marked to denote the several kinds of +stock and to record those which had been branded. + +Another class of sticks were also used by the overseers, copies of which +were likewise preserved by the laborers and herders, to keep an account +of the number of days on which labor was performed, and to record the +sums of money received by the workman. + +The lower character of Fig. 181 represents a stick, upon the beveled +edge of the handle of which is a cross to denote work. The short notches +upon the corner of the stick denote days, each seventh day or week being +designated by a cut extending across the stick. + +Upon the opposite side of the handle is a circle or a circle with a +cross within it to denote the number of reals paid, each real being +indicated upon the edge of the stick by a notch, while each ten reals +or peso is noted by making the cut all the way across that face of the +stick. + +Mr. Dall (_a_) says that the Innuit frequently keep accounts by tying +knots in a string or notching a stick. Capt. Bourke (_c_) reports: + + In the Mexican state of Sonora I was shown, some twenty years + ago, a piece of buckskin, upon which certain Opata or Yaqui + Indians--I forget exactly which tribe, but it matters very little, + as they are both industrious and honest--had kept account of the + days of their labor. There was a horizontal datum line as before, + with complete circles to indicate full days and half circles + to indicate half days, a long heavy black line for Sundays and + holidays, and a crescent moon for each new month. These accounts had + to be drawn up by the overseer or superintendent of the rancho at + which the Indians were employed before the latter left for home each + night. + +Terrien de Lacouperie (_e_) says of the Sonthals of Bengal: + + Their accounts are either notches on a stick, like those + formerly used by the rustics for keeping scores at cricket matches + in country villages in England, or knots on a piece of grass string, + or a number of bits of straw tied together. I well remember my + astonishment while trying my first case between a grasping Mahajun + and a Sonthal when I ordered them to produce their accounts. * * * + The Sonthal produced from his back hair, where it had been kept, I + suppose, for ornament, a dirty bit of knotted grass string and threw + it on the table, requesting the court to count that, as it had got + too long for him. Each knot represented a rupee, a longer space + between two knots represented the lapse of a year. + +Many modes of accounting in a pictorial manner are noted in Europe +and America among people classed as civilized. Some of these are very +curious, but want of space prevents their recital here. A valuable +description of the survival of the system in Brittany is given by M. +Armand Landrin (_a_), translated and condensed as follows: + + In the department of Finisterre the farmers, in keeping + accounts, made bags of their old socks and coat sleeves, of + different colors, each color representing one of the divisions of + farm outlay or receipt, as cows, butter, milk, and corn. Each amount + received was placed in coin in the appropriate bag. When any coins + were taken out the same number of small stones or of peas or beans + was put in to replace the coins. Other farmers substituted for the + bags small sticks of different length and thickness in which they + made cuts representing the receipts. + + In the accounts with the laborers and farm hands the women were + designated by the triangle, intended to represent the Breton head + dress _á grandes barbes_. The kind of work performed was expressed + by the tool connected with it, _e. g._, a horseshoe denoted the + blacksmith, a scythe the mower, an ax the carpenter, a saddle the + harness-maker, and a tub the cooper. The bill of a veterinary + surgeon was rendered by drawing the figures of the several animals + treated united in one group by a line. + +Until quite recently the important accounts of the British exchequer +were kept by wooden tallies, and some bakers in the United States yet +persevere in keeping their accounts with their customers by duplicate +tallies, one of which is rendered as a bill and is verified by the +other. + + + + +CHAPTER X. + +CHRONOLOGY. + + +It is not within the scope of the present work to examine the several +systems of chronology of the American Indians, but only those +pictorially exhibited. The Mexican system, much more scientific and +more elaborate than that employed by the northern tribes, resembled it +in the graphic record or detail of exhibit, and is highly interesting +as compared with the Dakota Winter Counts. Although the principle of +designating the years was wholly different, the mode of that designation +was often similar, as is shown by collating the Codex Vaticanus and +the Codex Telleriano Remensis with the Winter Counts of Lone Dog and +Battiste Good, infra. It is also desirable to note the remarks of Prof. +Brinton (_e_) with regard to the Chilan Balam. At the close of each of +the Maya larger divisions of time (the so-called “Katum”), a “chilan” or +inspired diviner uttered a prediction of the character of the year or +epoch which was about to begin. This prophetic designation of the year +was like a Zadkiel’s almanac, while the Dakotan method was a selection +of the most important events of the past. + + +SECTION 1. + +TIME. + +Dr. William H. Corbusier, surgeon, U. S. Army, gives the following +information: + +[Illustration: FIG. 182.--Device denoting succession of time. Dakota.] + + The Dakotas make use of the circle as the symbol of a cycle of + time; a small one for a year and a large one for a longer period + of time, as a life time, one old man. Also a round of lodges or a + cycle of seventy years, as in Battiste Good’s Winter Count. The + continuance of time is sometimes indicated by a line extending in a + direction from right to left across the page when on paper, and the + annual circles are suspended from the line at regular intervals by + short lines, as in Fig. 182, upper character, and the ideograph for + the year is placed beneath each one. At other times the line is not + continuous, but is interrupted at regular intervals by the yearly + circle, as in the lower character of Fig. 182. + +Under other headings in this paper are presented graphic expressions for +divisions of time--month, day, night, morning, noon, and evening. See, +for some of them, Chap. XX, Sec. 2. + + +SECTION 2. + +WINTER COUNTS. + +In the preliminary paper on “Pictographs of the North American Indians,” +published in the Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 58 +pages of text and 46 full-page plates were devoted to the winter counts +of the Dakota Indians. The minute detail of explanation, the systematic +comparison, and the synoptic presentation which seemed to be necessary +need not now be repeated to establish the genuine character of the +invention. This consisted in the use of events, which were in some +degree historical, to form a system of chronology. The record of the +events was only the device by which was accomplished the continuous +designation of years, in the form of charts corresponding in part with +the orderly arrangement of divisions of time termed calendars. It was +first made public by the present writer in a paper entitled “A Calendar +of the Dakota Nation,” which was issued in April, 1877, in Bulletin III, +No. I, of the United States Geological and Geographical Survey. The +title is now changed to that adopted by the Dakotas themselves, viz, +Winter Counts--in the original, wan'iyetu wo'wapi. + +The lithographed chart published with that paper, substantially the +same as Pl. XX, Lone-Dog’s Winter Count, now much better presented than +ever before, is the winter count used by, or at least known to, a large +portion of the Dakota people, extending over the seventy-one years +commencing with the winter of A. D. 1800-’01. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XX + +LONE DOG’S WINTER COUNT.] + +The copy from which the lithograph was taken is traced on a strip +of cotton cloth, in size 1 yard square, which the characters almost +entirely fill, and is painted in two colors, black and red, used in the +original, of which it is a facsimile. The plate is a representation of +the chart as it would appear on the buffalo robe. It was photographed +from the copy on linen cloth, and not directly from the buffalo robe. +It was painted on the robe by Lone-Dog, an Indian belonging to the +Yanktonais tribe of the Dakotas, who in the autumn of 1876 was near +Fort Peck, Montana. His Dakota name is given in the ordinary English +literation as Shunka-ishnala, which words correspond nearly with the +vocables in Riggs’s lexicon for dog-lone. Lone-Dog claimed that, with +the counsel of the old men of his tribe, he decided upon some event +or circumstance which should distinguish each year as it passed, and +marked what was considered to be its appropriate symbol or device upon +a buffalo robe kept for the purpose. The robe was at convenient times +exhibited to other Indians of the tribe, who were thus taught the +meaning and use of the signs as designating the several years. + +It is not, however, supposed that Lone-Dog was of sufficient age in the +year 1800 to enter upon the work. Either there was a predecessor from +whom he received the earlier records or, when he had reached manhood, +he gathered the traditions from his elders and worked back, the object +either then or before being to establish some system of chronology for +the use of the tribe or more probably in the first instance for the use +of his own band. + +Present knowledge of the winter-count systems shows that Lone-Dog was +not their originator. They were started, at the latest, before the +present generation, and have been kept up by a number of independent +recorders. The idea was one specially appropriate to the Indian genius, +yet the peculiar mode of record was an invention, and it is not probably +a very old invention, as it has not been used beyond a definite district +and people. If an invention of that character had been of great +antiquity it would probably have spread by intertribal channels beyond +the bands or tribes of the Dakota, where alone the copies of such charts +have been found and are understood. + +The fact that Lone-Dog’s Winter Count, the only one known at the time +of its first publication, begins at a date nearly coinciding with the +first year of the present century, as it is called in the arbitrary +computation that prevails among most of the civilized peoples, awakened +a suspicion that it might be due to civilized intercourse and was not a +mere coincidence. If the influence of missionaries or traders started +any plan of chronology, it is remarkable that they did not suggest one +in some manner resembling the system so long and widely used, and the +only one they knew, of counting the numbers from an era, such as the +birth of Christ, the Hegira, the Ab Urbe Conditâ, or the first Olympiad. +But the chart shows nothing of this nature. The earliest character +merely represents the killing of a small number of Dakotas by their +enemies, an event neither so important nor interesting as many others +of the seventy-one shown in the chart, more than one of which, indeed, +might well have been selected as a notable fixed point before and after +which simple arithmetical notation could have been used to mark the +years. Instead of any plan that civilized advisers would naturally have +introduced, the one actually adopted was to individualize each year by +a specific recorded symbol. The ideographic record, being preserved +and understood by many, could be used and referred to with ease and +accuracy. Definite signs for the first appearance of the smallpox and +for the first capture of wild horses were dates as satisfactory to the +Dakota as the corresponding expressions A. D. 1802 and 1813 are to the +Christian world, and far more certain than the chronology expressed in +terms of A. M. and B. C. The arrangement of separate characters in an +outward spiral starting from a central point is a clever expedient to +dispense with the use of numbers for noting the years, yet allowing +every date to be determined by counting backward or forward from any +other known. The whole conception seems one strongly characteristic +of the Indians, who in other instances have shown such expertness in +ideography. The discovery of several other charts, which differ in +their times of commencement and ending from that of Lone-Dog and from +each other, removed any inference arising from the above-mentioned +coincidence in beginning with the present century. The following copies +of charts, substantially the same as that of Lone-Dog, are now or have +been in the possession of the present writer: + +1. A chart made and kept by Bo-i'-de, The-Flame, a Dakota, who, in 1877, +lived near Fort Sully, Dakota. + +The facsimile copy is on a cotton cloth about a yard square and in black +and red, thus far similar to the copy of Lone-Dog’s chart, but the +arrangement is different. The character for the first year mentioned +appears in the lower left-hand corner, and the record proceeds toward +the right to the extremity of the cloth, then crossing toward the left +and again toward the right at the edge of the cloth, and so throughout, +in the style called boustrophedon. It thus answers the same purpose of +orderly arrangement, allowing constant additions, like the more circular +spiral of Lone-Dog. This record is for the years 1786-’87 to 1876-’77, +thus commencing earlier and ending later than that of Lone-Dog. + +2. A Minneconjou chief, The-Swan, kept another record on the dressed +skin of an antelope or deer, claiming that it had been preserved in his +family for seventy years. + +The characters are arranged in a spiral similar to those in Lone-Dog’s +chart, but more oblong in form. The course of the spiral is from left to +right, not from right to left. + +3. Another chart was kindly loaned to the writer by Bvt. Maj. Joseph +Bush, captain Twenty-second U. S. Infantry. It was procured by him, in +1870 at the Cheyenne Agency. This copy is one yard by three-fourths +of a yard, spiral, beginning in the center, from right to left. The +figures are substantially the same as those in Lone-Dog’s chart, with +which it coincides in time, except that it ends at 1869-’70, but the +interpretation differs from that accompanying the latter in a few +particulars. + +4. The chart of Mato Sapa, Black-Bear. He was a Minneconjou warrior, +residing in 1868 and 1869 on the Cheyenne Agency reservation, on the +Missouri river, near the mouth of the Cheyenne river. + +This copy is on a smaller scale than that of Lone-Dog, being a flat and +elongated spiral, 2 feet 6 inches by 1 foot 6 inches. The spiral reads +from right to left. This chart, which begins like that of Lone-Dog, ends +with the years 1868-’69. + +5. A most important and interesting Winter Count is that made by +Battiste Good, a Brulé Dakota, which was kindly contributed by Dr. +William H. Corbusier, surgeon U. S. Army. It begins with peculiar cyclic +devices from the year A. D. 900, and in thirteen figures embraces the +time to A. D. 1700, all these devices being connected with myths, and +some of them showing European influence. From 1700-’01 to 1879-’80 a +separate character is given for each year, with its interpretation, +in much the same style as shown in the other charts mentioned. Several +Indians and half-breeds said that this count formerly embraced about the +same number of years as the others, but that Battiste Good gathered the +names of many years from the old people and placed them in chronological +order as far back as he was able to learn them. + +Another Winter Count, communicated by Dr. Corbusier, is that in the +possession of American-Horse, an Oglala Dakota, at the Pine Ridge agency +in 1879, who asserted that his grandfather began it, and that it is the +production of his grandfather, his father, and himself. + +A third Winter Count is communicated by Dr. Corbusier as kept by +Cloud-Shield. He was also an Oglala Dakota, at the Pine Ridge agency, +but of a different band from American-Horse. The last two counts embrace +nearly the same number of years, viz, from A. D. 1775 to 1878. Two dates +belong to each figure, as a Dakota year covers a portion of two of the +calendar years common to civilization. + +Dr. Corbusier also saw copies of a fourth Winter Count, which was kept +by White-Cow-Killer, at the Pine Ridge agency. He did not obtain a copy +of it, but learned most of the names given to the winters. + +With reference to all the Winter Counts and to the above remarks that +a Dakota year covers a portion of two calendar years, the following +explanation may be necessary: The Dakota count their years by winters +(which is quite natural, that season in their high levels and latitudes +practically lasting more than six months), and say a man is so many +snows old, or that so many snow seasons have passed since an occurrence. +They have no division of time into weeks, and their months are +absolutely lunar, only twelve, however, being designated, which receive +their names upon the recurrence of some prominent physical phenomenon. +For example, the period partly embraced by February is called the +“raccoon moon;” March, the “sore-eye moon;” and April, that “in which +the geese lay eggs.” As the appearance of raccoons after hibernation, +the causes inducing inflamed eyes, and oviposition by geese vary with +the meteorological character of each year, and as the twelve lunations +reckoned do not bring back the point in the season when counting +commenced, there is often dispute in the Dakota tipis toward the end of +winter as to the correct current date. In careful examination of the +several counts it often is left in doubt whether the event occurred in +the winter months or was selected in the months immediately before or in +those immediately after the winter. No regularity or accuracy is noticed +in these particulars. + +In considering the extent to which Lone-Dog’s chart is understood and +used, it may be mentioned that every intelligent Dakota of full years to +whom the writer has shown it has known what it meant, and many of them +knew a large part of the years portrayed. When there was less knowledge, +there was the amount that may be likened to that of an uneducated person +or a child who is examined about a map of the United States, which +had been shown to him before, with some explanation only partially +apprehended or remembered. He would tell that it was a map of the United +States; would probably be able to point out with some accuracy the state +or city where he lived; perhaps the capital of the country; probably +the names of the states of peculiar position or shape, such as Maine, +Delaware, or Florida. So the Indian examined would often point out in +Lone-Dog’s chart the year in which he was born, or that in which his +father died, or in which there was some occurrence that had strongly +impressed him, but which had no relation whatever to the significance of +the character for the year in question. It had been pointed out to him +before, and he had remembered it, while forgetting the remainder of the +chart. + +On comparing all the Winter Counts it is found that they often +correspond, but sometimes differ. In a few instances the differences are +in the succession of events, but they are usually due to an omission or +to the selection of another event. When a year has the same name in all +of them, the bands were probably encamped together, or else the event +fixed upon was of general interest; and when the name is different the +bands were scattered, or nothing of general interest occurred. Many of +the recent events are fresh in the memory of the people, as the warriors +who strive to make their exploits a part of the tribal traditions +proclaim them on all occasions of ceremony, count their coups, as the +performance is called. Declarations of this kind partake of the nature +of affirmations made in the invoked presence of a supposed divinity. War +shirts, on which scores of the enemies killed are kept, and which are +carefully transmitted from generation to generation, help to refresh +their memories in regard to some of the events. + +The study of all the charts renders plain some points remaining in +doubt while the Lone-Dog chart was the only example known. It became +clear that there was no fixed or uniform mode of exhibiting the order +of continuity of the year-characters. They were arranged spirally or +lineally, or in serpentine curves, by boustrophedon or direct, starting +backward from the last year shown or proceeding uniformly forward from +the first year selected or remembered. Any mode that would accomplish +the object of continuity with the means of regular addition seemed +equally acceptable. So a theory advanced that there was some symbolism +in the right-to-left circling of Lone-Dog’s chart was abandoned, +especially when an obvious reproduction of that very chart was made by +an Indian with the spiral reversed. It was also obvious that when copies +were made, some of them probably from memory, there was no attempt at +Chinese accuracy. It was enough to give the graphic or ideographic +character, and frequently the character is better defined on one of the +charts than on the others for the corresponding year. One interpretation +would often throw light on the others. It also appeared that, while +different events were selected by the recorders of the different +systems, there was sometimes a selection of the same event for the +same year and sometimes for the next, such as would be natural in the +progress of a famine or epidemic, or as an event gradually became known +over a vast territory. + +A test of the mode of selecting events for designating the Winter Counts +may be found in a suggestion made by the present writer in his account +of Lone-Dog’s chart, published in 1877, as follows: + + The year 1876 has furnished good store of events for the + recorder’s choice, and it will be interesting to learn whether + he has selected as the distinguishing event the victory over + Custer, or, as of still greater interest, the general seizure of + ponies, whereat the tribes, imitating Rachel, weep and will not be + comforted, because they are not. + +It now appears that two of the Counts made for 1876 and observed by the +writer several years later have selected the event of the seizure of the +ponies, and that none of them make any allusion to the defeat of Custer. + +After examination of all the charts it is obvious that the design is +not narrative, that the noting of events is being subordinated to +the marking of the years by them, and that the pictographic serial +arrangements of sometimes trivial though generally notorious incidents +having been selected with special adaptation for use as a calendar. +That in a few instances small personal events, such as the birth of the +recorder or the death of members of his family, are set forth, may be +regarded as interpolations in or unauthorized additions to the charts. +If they had exhibited a complete national or tribal history for the +years embraced in them, their discovery would have been in some respects +more valuable, but they are interesting to anthropologists because they +show an attempt before unsuspected among the northern tribes of American +Indians to form a system of chronology. + +While, as before mentioned, it is not now necessary to recapitulate the +large amount of matter before published concerning the Winter Counts of +the Dakota, it has been decided to present in an abbreviated form the +characters and interpretations of the Lone-Dog chart as being the system +which was first discovered, and the publication of which occasioned +the discovery of all the other charts mentioned. The Winter Count of +Battiste Good has not hitherto been published, and it possesses special +importance and interest apart from its chronology, for which reason it +is inserted in the present paper, see infra. + +The several charts of The-Flame, The-Swan, American-Horse, and +Cloud-Shield, published in the Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of +Ethnology, are omitted, but selections from all of them are presented +under the headings of Ideography, Tribal and Personal Designations, +Religion, Customs, History, Biography, Conventionalizing, Comparison, +and in short are interspersed through the present paper where they +appropriately belong. + +The reader of the Lone-Dog and Battiste Good charts may find it +convenient to note the following brief account of the tribal names +frequently mentioned: + +The great linguistic stock or family which embraces not only the Sioux +or Dakota proper, but the Missouri, Omaha, Ponka, Osage, Kansa, Oto, +Assinaboin, Gros Ventre or Minnitari, Crow, Iowa, Mandan, and some +others, has been frequently styled the Dakota family. Maj. J. W. Powell, +the Director of the Bureau of Ethnology, from consideration of priority, +has lately adopted the name Siouan for the family, and for the grand +division of it popularly called Sioux has used the term Dakota, which +the people claim for themselves. + +The word “Dakota” is translated in Riggs’s dictionary of that language +as “leagued” or “allied.” The title Sioux, which is indignantly +repudiated by the people, is either the last syllable or the last two +syllables, according to pronunciation, of “Nadowesioux,” which is the +French plural of the Algonkin name for the Dakotas “Nadowessi,” “hated +foe.” The Ojibwa called the Dakota “Nadowessi,” which is their word +meaning rattlesnake, or, as others translate, adder, with a contemptuous +or diminutive termination; the plural is Nadowessiwak or Nadawessyak. +The French gave the name their own form of the plural and the voyagers +and trappers cut it down to “Sioux.” + +The more important of the tribes and organized bands into which the +Dakotas are now divided, being the dislocated remains of the “Seven +Great Council Fires,” are as follows: + +Yankton and Yanktonai or Ihankto^nwạ^n, both derived from a root meaning +“at the end,” alluding to the former locality of their villages. + +Sihasapa, or Blackfeet. + +Oheno^npa, or Two-Kettles. + +Itaziptco, Without Bow. The French equivalent Sans Arc is more commonly +used. + +Minneconjou, translated “Those who plant by the water,” the physical +features of their old home. + +Sitca^ngu, Burnt Hip or Brulé. + +Santee, subdivided into Wahpeton, Men among Leaves, i. e., among +forests, and Sisseton, Men of Prairie Marsh. Two other bands, now +practically extinct, formerly belonged to the Santee, or as it is more +correctly spelled, Isanti tribes, from the root “Issan,” knife. Their +former territory furnished the material for stone knives, from the +manufacture of which they were called the “knife people.” + +Uncpapa, once the most warlike and probably the most powerful of all the +bands, though not the largest. + +Oglala. The meaning and derivation of this name and of Uncpapa have been +the subjects of controversy. + +Hale, Gallatin, and Riggs designate a “Titon tribe” as located west +of the Missouri, and as much the largest division of the Dakotas, +the latter authority subdividing into the Sicha^ngu, Itazipcho, +Sihasapa, Minneconjou, Ohenonpa, Oglala, and Huncpapa, seven of the +tribes specified above, which he calls bands. “Titon,” (from the word +_ti^ntan_, meaning “at or on land without trees or prairie,”) was the +name of a tribal division, but it has become only an expression for +all those tribes whose ranges are on the prairie, and thus it is a +territorial and accidental, not a tribular distinction. One of the +Dakotas at Fort Rice spoke to the present writer of the “hostiles” +as “Titons,” with obviously the same idea of locality, “away on the +prairie,” it being well known that they were a conglomeration from +several tribes. + + +LONE-DOG’S WINTER COUNT. + +[Illustration: FIG. 183.] + +Fig. 183, 1800-’01.--Thirty Dakotas were killed by Crow Indians. The +device consists of thirty parallel black lines in three columns, the +outer lines being united. In this chart, such black lines always signify +the death of Dakotas killed by their enemies. + +The Absaroka or Crow tribe, although belonging to the Siouan family, has +nearly always been at war with the Dakotas proper since the whites have +had any knowledge of either. They are noted for the extraordinary length +of their hair, which frequently distinguishes them in pictographs. + +[Illustration: FIG. 184.] + +Fig. 184, 1801-’02.--Many died of smallpox. The smallpox broke out in +the tribe. The device is the head and body of a man covered with red +blotches. In this, as in all other cases where colors in this chart are +mentioned, they will be found to correspond with Pl. XX, but not in that +respect with the text figures, which have no coloration. + +[Illustration: FIG. 185.] + +Fig. 185, 1802-’03.--A Dakota stole horses with shoes on, i. e., stole +them either directly from the whites or from some other Indians who +had before obtained them from whites, as the Indians never shoe their +horses. The device is a horseshoe. + +[Illustration: FIG. 186.] + +Fig. 186, 1803-’04.--They stole some “curly horses” from the Crows. Some +of these horses are still on the plains, the hair growing in closely +curling tufts. The device is a horse with black marks for the tufts. The +Crows are known to have been early in the possession of horses. + +[Illustration: FIG. 187.] + +Fig. 187, 1804-’05.--The Dakota had a calumet dance and then went +to war. The device is a long pipestem, ornamented with feathers and +streamers. The feathers are white, with black tips, evidently the tail +feathers of the adult golden eagle (Aquila chrysaëtos), highly prized +by the Plains Indians. The streamers anciently were colored strips of +skin or flexible bark; now gayly colored strips of cloth are used. The +word calumet is a corruption of the French chalumeau. Capt. Carver (_c_) +in his Three Years Travels Through the Interior Parts of North America, +after puzzling over the etymology of “calumet,” describes the pipe as +“about 4 feet long, bowl of red marble, stem of a light wood curiously +painted with hieroglyphics in various colors and adorned with feathers. +Every nation has a different method of decorating these pipes and can +tell at once to what band it belongs. It is used as an introduction +to all treaties, also as a flag of truce is among Europeans.” Among +the Indian tribes generally the pipe, when presented or offered to a +stranger or enemy, was the symbol of peace, yet when used ceremonially +by members of the same tribe among themselves was virtually a token of +impending war. For further remarks on this point see the year 1842-’43 +of this Winter Count. + +[Illustration: FIG. 188.] + +Fig. 188, 1805-’06.--The Crows killed eight Dakotas. Again the short +parallel black lines, this time eight in number, united by a long +stroke. The interpreter, Fielder, says that this character with black +strokes is only used for grave marks. + +[Illustration: FIG. 189.] + +Fig. 189, 1806-’07.--A Dakota killed an Arikara (Ree) as he was about to +shoot an eagle. The sign gives the head and shoulders of a man with a +red spot of blood on his neck, an arm being extended, with a line drawn +to a golden eagle. + +The drawing represents an Indian in the act of catching an eagle by the +legs, as the Arikara were accustomed to catch eagles in their earth +traps. These were holes to which the eagles were attracted by baits +and in which the Indians were concealed. They rarely or never shot war +eagles. The Arikara was shot in his trap just as he put his hand up to +grasp the bird. + +[Illustration: FIG. 190.] + +Fig. 190, 1807-’08.--Red-Coat, a chief, was killed. The figure shows the +red coat pierced by two arrows, with blood dropping from the wounds. + +[Illustration: FIG. 191.] + +Fig. 191, 1808-’09.--The Dakota who had killed the Ree shown in this +record for 1806-’07 was himself killed by the Rees. He is represented +running, and shot with two arrows, blood dripping. These two figures, +taking in connection, afford a good illustration of the method pursued +in the chart, which was not intended to be a continuous history, or even +to record the most important event of each year, but to exhibit some one +of special peculiarity. There was some incident about the one Ree who +was shot when, in fancied security, he was bringing down an eagle, and +whose death was avenged by his brethren the second year afterward. It +would, indeed, have been impossible to have graphically distinguished +the many battles, treaties, horse-stealings, big hunts, etc., so most of +them were omitted and other events of greater individuality and better +adapted for portrayal were taken for the year count, the criterion being +not that they were of historic moment, but that they were of general +notoriety, or perhaps of special interest to the recorders. + +[Illustration: FIG. 192.] + +Fig. 192, 1809-’10.--A chief, Little-Beaver, set fire to a trading +store, and was killed. The character simply designates his name-totem. +The other interpretations say that he was a white trapper, but probably +he had gained a new name among the Indians. + +[Illustration: FIG. 193.] + +Fig. 193, 1810-’11.--Black-Stone made medicine. The expression medicine +is too common to be successfully eliminated, though it is altogether +misleading. The “medicine men” have no connection with therapeutics, +feel no pulses, and administer no drugs, or, if sometimes they direct +the internal or external use of some secret preparation, it is as a +part of superstitious ceremonies, and with main reliance upon those +ceremonies. Their incantations are not only to drive away disease, +but for many other purposes, such as to obtain success in war, avert +calamity, and were very frequently used to bring within reach the +buffalo, on which the Dakotas depended for food. The rites are those +known as shamanism, noticeable in the ethnic periods of savagery and +barbarism. In the ceremonial of “making medicine,” a buffalo head, and +especially the head of an albino buffalo, held a prominent place among +the plains tribes. Many references to this are to be found in the Prince +of Wied’s Travels in the Interior of North America. Also see infra, +Chap. XIV. The device in the chart is the man figure, with the head of +an albino buffalo held over his own. + +[Illustration: FIG. 194.] + +Fig. 194, 1811-’12.--The Dakota fought a battle with the Gros Ventres +and killed a great many. Device, a circle inclosing three round objects +with flat bases, resembling heads severed from trunks, which are too +minute in this device for decision of objects represented; but they +appear more distinct in the record for 1864-’65 as the heads of enemies +slain in battle. In the sign language of the plains, the Dakota are +denoted by drawing a hand across the throat, signifying that they +cut the throats of their enemies. The Dakota count by the fingers, +as is common to most peoples, but with a peculiarity of their own. +When they have gone over the fingers and thumbs of both hands, one +finger is temporarily turned down for _one ten_. At the end of the +next ten another finger is turned, and so on to a hundred. _Opawinge_ +(_Opawi^nxe_), one hundred, is derived from pawinga (pawi^nxa), to go +round in circles, to make gyrations, and contains the idea that the +round of all the fingers has again been made for their respective tens. +So the circle is never used for less than one hundred, but sometimes +signifies an indefinite number greater than a hundred. The circle, in +this instance, therefore, was at first believed to express the killing +in battle of many enemies. But the other interpretations removed all +symbolic character, leaving the circle simply as the rude drawing of a +dirt lodge to which the Gros Ventres were driven. The present writer, by +no means devoted to symbolism, had supposed a legitimate symbol to be +indicated, which supposition further information on the subject showed +to be incorrect. + +[Illustration: FIG. 195.] + +Fig. 195, 1812-’13.--Wild horses were first run and caught by the +Dakotas. The device is a lasso. The date is of value, as showing when +the herds of prairie horses, descended from those animals introduced +by the Spaniards in Mexico, or those deposited by them on the shores +of Texas and at other points, had multiplied so as to extend into the +far northern regions. The Dakotas undoubtedly learned the use of the +horse and perhaps also that of the lasso from southern tribes, with whom +they were in contact; and it is noteworthy that notwithstanding the +tenacity with which they generally adhere to ancient customs, in only +two generations since they became familiar with the horse they had been +so revolutionized in their habits as to be utterly helpless, both in war +and the chase, when deprived of that animal. + +[Illustration: FIG. 196.] + +Fig. 196, 1813-’14.--The whooping-cough was very prevalent and fatal. The +sign is suggestive of a blast of air coughed out by the man-figure. + +[Illustration: FIG. 197.] + +[Illustration: FIG. 198.] + +The interruption in the cough peculiar to the disease is more clearly +delineated in the Winter Count of The-Flame for the same year, Fig. 197, +and still better in The-Swan’s Winter Count, Fig. 198. + +[Illustration: FIG. 199.] + +Fig. 199, 1814-’15.--A Dakota killed an Arapaho in his lodge. The device +represents a tomahawk or battle-ax, the red being blood from the cleft +skull. + +[Illustration: FIG. 200.] + +Fig. 200, 1815-’16.--The Sans Arcs made the first attempt at a dirt +lodge. This was at Peoria Bottom, Dakota. Crow-Feather was their +chief, which fact, in the absence of the other charts, seemed to +explain the fairly drawn feather of that bird protruding from the +lodge top, but the figure must now be admitted to be a badly drawn +bow, in allusion to the tribe Sans Arc, without, however, any sign of +negation. As the interpreter explained the figure to be a crow feather +and as Crow-Feather actually was the chief, Lone-Dog’s chart with its +interpretation may be independently correct. + +[Illustration: FIG. 201.] + +Fig. 201, 1816-’17.--“Buffalo belly was plenty.” The device rudely +portrays a side of buffalo. + +[Illustration: FIG. 202.] + +Fig. 202, 1817-’18.--La Framboise, a Canadian, built a trading store +with dry timber. The dryness is shown by the dead tree. La Framboise +was an old trader among the Dakota, who once established himself in the +Minnesota valley. His name is mentioned by various travelers. + +[Illustration: FIG. 203.] + +Fig. 203, 1818-’19.--The measles broke out and many died. The device in +the copy is the same as that for 1801-’02, relating to the smallpox, +except a very slight difference in the red blotches; and, though +Lone-Dog’s artistic skill might not have been sufficient to distinctly +vary the appearance of the two patients, both diseases being eruptive, +still it is one of the few serious defects in the chart that the sign +for the two years is so nearly identical that, separated from the +continuous record, there would be confusion between them. Treating the +document as a mere aide-de-mémoire no inconvenience would arise, it +probably being well known that the smallpox epidemic preceded that of +the measles; but care is generally taken to make some, however minute, +distinction between the characters. It is also to be noticed that the +Indian diagnosis makes little distinction between smallpox and measles, +so that no important pictographic variation could be expected. The head +of this figure is clearly distinguished from that in 1801-’02. + +[Illustration: FIG. 204.] + +Fig. 204, 1819-’20.--Another trading store was built, this time by Louis +La Conte, at Fort Pierre, Dakota. His timber, as one of the Indians +consulted especially mentioned, was rotten. + +[Illustration: FIG. 205.] + +Fig. 205, 1820-’21.--The trader, La Conte, gave Two-Arrow a war dress +for his bravery. So translated an interpreter, and the sign shows +the two arrows as the warrior’s name-totem; likewise the gable of a +house, which brings in the trader; also a long strip of black tipped +with red streaming from the roof, which possibly may be the piece of +parti-colored material out of which the dress was fashioned. This +strip is not intended for sparks and smoke, which at first sight was +suggested, as in that case the red would have been nearest the roof +instead of farthest from it. + +[Illustration: FIG. 206.] + +Fig. 206, 1821-’22.--The character represents the falling to earth of a +very brilliant meteor. + +[Illustration: FIG. 207.] + +Fig. 207, 1822-’23.--Another trading house was built, which was by +a white man called Big-Leggings, and was at the mouth of the Little +Missouri or Bad river. The drawing is distinguishable from that for +1819-’20. + +[Illustration: FIG. 208.] + +Fig. 208, 1823-’24.--White soldiers made their first appearance in +the region. So said the interpreter, Clement, but from the unanimous +interpretation of others the event portrayed is the attack of the United +States forces accompanied by Dakotas upon the Arikara villages, the +historic account of which is given in some detail in Chap. XVI, infra. + +The device represents an Arickara palisaded village and attacking +soldiers. Not only the remarkable character and triumphant result of +this expedition, but the connection that the Dakotas themselves had with +it, made it a natural subject for the year’s totem. + +All the winter counts refer to this expedition. + +[Illustration: FIG. 209.] + +Fig. 209, 1824-’25.--Swan, chief of the Two-Kettle tribe, had all of his +horses killed. Device, a horse pierced by a lance, blood flowing from +the wound. + +[Illustration: FIG. 210.] + +Fig. 210, 1825-’26.--There was a remarkable flood in the Missouri river +and a number of Indians were drowned. With some exercise of fancy the +symbol may suggest heads appearing above a line of water, and this is +more distinct in some of the other charts. + +[Illustration: FIG. 211.] + +Fig. 211, 1826-’27.--“An Indian died of the dropsy.” So Basil Clement +said. It was at first suggested that this circumstance was noted because +the disease was so unusual in 1826 as to excite remark. Baron de La +Hontan (_c_), a good authority concerning the Northwestern Indians +before they had been greatly affected by intercourse with whites, +specially mentions dropsy as one of the diseases unknown to them. +Carver, op. cit., also states that this malady was extremely rare. The +interpretations of other charts explained, however, that some Dakotas +on the warpath had nearly perished with hunger when they found and ate +the rotting carcass of an old buffalo on which the wolves had been +feeding. They were seized soon after with pains in the stomach, their +abdomens swelled, and gas poured from the mouth. This disease is termed +tympanites, the external appearance occasioned by it much resembling +that of dropsy. + +[Illustration: FIG. 212.] + +Fig. 212, 1827-’28.--Dead-Arm was stabbed with a knife or dirk by a +Mandan. The illustration is quite graphic, showing the long-handled dirk +in the bloody wound and withered arm. + +[Illustration: FIG. 213.] + +Fig. 213, 1828-’29.--A white man named Shadran, who lately, as reported +in 1877, was still living in the same neighborhood, built a dirt lodge. +The hatted head appears under the roof. This name should probably +be spelled Chadron, with whom Catlin hunted in 1832, in the region +mentioned. + +[Illustration: FIG. 214.] + +Fig. 214, 1829-’30.--A Yanktonai Dakota was killed by Bad-Arrow Indians. + +The Bad-Arrow Indians is a translation of the Dakota name for a certain +band of Blackfeet Indians. + +[Illustration: FIG. 215.] + +Fig. 215, 1830-’31.--Bloody battle with the Crows, of whom it is said +twenty-three were killed. Nothing in the sign denotes number, it being +only a man figure with red or bloody body and red war bonnet. + +[Illustration: FIG. 216.] + +Fig. 216, 1831-’32.--Le Beau, a white man, killed another named Kermel. +Le Beau was still alive at Little Bend, 30 miles above Fort Sully, in +1877. + +[Illustration: FIG. 217.] + +Fig. 217, 1832-’33.--Lone-Horn had his leg “killed,” as the +interpretation gave it. The single horn is on the figure, and a leg is +drawn up as if fractured or distorted, though not unlike the leg in the +character for 1808-’09, where running is depicted. + +[Illustration: FIG. 218.] + +Fig. 218, 1833-’34.--“The stars fell,” as the Indians all agreed. This +was the great meteoric shower observed all over the United States on the +night of November 12 of that year. In this chart the moon is black and +the stars are red. + +[Illustration: FIG. 219.] + +Fig. 219, 1834-’35.--The chief Medicine-Hide was killed. The device +shows the body as bloody, but not the war bonnet, by which it is +distinguished from the character for 1830-’31. + +[Illustration: FIG. 220.] + +Fig. 220, 1835-’36.--Lame-Deer shot a Crow Indian with an arrow; drew +it out and shot him again with the same arrow. The hand is drawing the +arrow from the first wound. This is another instance of the principle +on which events were selected. Many fights occurred of greater moment, +but with no incident precisely like this. Lame-Deer was a distinguished +chief among the hostiles in 1876. His camp of five hundred and ten +lodges was surprised and destroyed by Gen. Miles, and four hundred and +fifty horses, mules, and ponies were captured. + +[Illustration: FIG. 221.] + +Fig. 221, 1836-’37.--Band’s-Father, chief of the Two Kettles, died. +The device is nearly the same as that for 1816-’17, denoting plenty of +buffalo belly. + +Interpreter Fielder throws light on the subject by saying that this +character was used to designate the year when The-Breast, father of +The-Band, a Minneconjou, died. The-Band himself died in 1875, on Powder +river. His name was O-ye-a-pee. The character was, therefore, the +Buffalo-Breast, a personal name. + +[Illustration: FIG. 222.] + +Fig. 222, 1837-’38.--Commemorates a remarkably successful hunt, in which +it is said 100 elk were killed. The drawing of the elk is good enough to +distinguish it from the other quadrupeds in this chart. + +[Illustration: FIG. 223.] + +Fig. 223, 1838-’39.--A dirt lodge was built for Iron-Horn. The other +dirt lodge (1815-’16) has a mark of ownership, which this has not. A +chief of the Minneconjous is mentioned in Gen. Harney’s report in 1856 +under the name of The-One-Iron-Horn. + +The word translated “iron” in this case and appearing thus several times +in the charts does not always mean the metal of that name. According +to Rev. J. Owen Dorsey it has a mystic significance, in some manner +connected with water and with water spirits. In pictographs objects +called iron are painted blue when that color can be obtained. + +[Illustration: FIG. 224.] + +Fig. 224, 1839-’40.--The Dakotas killed an entire village of Snake or +Shoshoni Indians. The character is the ordinary tipi pierced by arrows. + +[Illustration: FIG. 225.] + +Fig. 225, 1840-’41.--The Dakotas made peace with the Cheyennes. The +symbol of peace is the common one of the approaching hands of two +persons. The different coloration of the two hands and arms shows that +they belonged to two different persons, and in fact to different tribes. +The mere unceremonial hand grasp or “shake” of friendship was not used +by the Indians before it was introduced by Europeans. + +[Illustration: FIG. 226.] + +Fig. 226, 1841-’42.--Feather-in-the-Ear stole 30 spotted ponies. The +spots are shown red, distinguishing them from those of the curly horse +in the character for 1803-’04. + +A successful theft of horses, demanding skill, patience, and daring, is +generally considered by the Plains Indians to be of equal merit with the +taking of scalps. Indeed, the successful horse thief is more popular +than a mere warrior, on account of the riches gained by the tribe, +wealth until lately being generally estimated in ponies as the unit of +value. + +[Illustration: FIG. 227.] + +Fig. 227, 1842-’43.--One-Feather raised a large war party against the +Crows. This chief is designated by his long solitary red eagle feather, +and holds a pipe with black stem and red bowl, alluding to the usual +ceremonies before starting on the warpath. For further information on +this subject see Chap. XV. The Red-War-Eagle-Feather was at this time a +chief of the Sans Arcs. + +[Illustration: FIG. 228.] + +Fig. 228, 1843-’44.--The Sans Arcs made medicine to bring the buffalo. +The medicine tent is denoted by a buffalo’s head drawn on it, which in +this instance is not the head of an albino buffalo. + +[Illustration: FIG. 229.] + +Fig. 229, 1844-’45.--The Minneconjous built a pine fort. Device, a pine +tree connected with a tipi. Another account explains that they went to +the woods and erected their tipis there as affording some protection +from the unusually deep snow. This would account for the pine tree. + +[Illustration: FIG. 230.] + +Fig. 230, 1845-’46.--Plenty of buffalo meat, which is represented +as hung upon poles and trees to dry. This device has become the +conventional sign for plenty and frequently appears in the several +charts. + +[Illustration: FIG. 231.] + +Fig. 231, 1846-’47.--Broken-Leg died. Rev. Dr. Williamson says he knew +him. He was a Brulé. There is enough difference between this device and +those for 1808-’09 and 1832-’33 to distinguish each. + +[Illustration: FIG. 232.] + +Fig. 232, 1847-’48.--Two-Man was killed. His totem is drawn, two small +man figures side by side. Another interpretation explains the figure as +indicating twins. + +[Illustration: FIG. 233.] + +Fig. 233, 1848-’49.--Humpback was killed. An ornamented lance pierces +the distorted back. Other records name him Broken-Back. He was a +distinguished chief of the Minneconjous. + +[Illustration: FIG. 234.] + +Fig. 234, 1849-’50.--The Crows stole a large drove of horses (it is said +eight hundred) from the Brulés. The circle is a design for a camp or +corral from which a number of horse-tracks are departing. + +[Illustration: FIG. 235.] + +Fig. 235, 1850-’51.--The character is a distinct drawing of a buffalo +containing a human figure. Clément translated that “a buffalo cow was +killed in that year and an old woman found in her belly;” also that +all the Indians believed this. Good-Wood, examined through another +interpreter, could or would give no explanation except that it was +“about their religion.” The Dakotas have long believed in the appearance +from time to time of a monstrous animal that swallows human beings. This +superstition was perhaps suggested by the bones of mastodons, often +found in the territory of those Indians; and, the buffalo being the +largest living animal known to them, its name was given to the legendary +monster, in which nomenclature they were not wholly wrong, as the horns +of the fossil _Bison latifrons_ are 10 feet in length. Major Bush +suggests that perhaps some old squaw left to die sought the carcass of a +buffalo for shelter and then died. He has known this to occur. + +[Illustration: FIG. 236.] + +Fig. 236, 1851-’52.--Peace with the Crows. Two Indians, with differing +arrangement of hair, showing two tribes, are exchanging pipes for a +peace smoke. + +[Illustration: FIG. 237.] + +Fig. 237, 1852-’53.--The Nez Percés came to Lone-Horn’s lodge at +midnight. The device shows an Indian touching with a pipe a tipi, the +top of which is black or opaque, signifying night. + +Touch-the-Clouds, a Minneconjou, son of Lone-Horn, when this chart was +shown to him by the present writer, designated this character as being +particularly known to him from the fact of its being his father’s lodge. +He remembered all about it from talk in his family, and said it was the +Nez Percés who came. + +[Illustration: FIG. 238.] + +Fig. 238, 1853-’54.--Spanish blankets were first brought to the country. +A fair drawing of one of those striped blankets is held out by a white +trader. + +[Illustration: FIG. 239.] + +Fig. 239, 1854-’55.--Brave-Bear was killed. His extended arms are +ornamented with pendent stripes. + +[Illustration: FIG. 240.] + +Fig. 240, 1855-’56--Gen. Harney, called by the Dakota Putinska (“white +beard” or “white mustache”), made peace with a number of the tribes or +bands of the Dakotas. The figure shows an officer in uniform shaking +hands with an Indian. + +Executive document No. 94, Thirty-fourth Congress, first session, +Senate, contains the “minutes of a council held at Fort Pierre, +Nebraska, on the 1st day of March, 1856, by Brevet Brig. Gen. William +S. Harney, U. S. Army, commanding the Sioux expedition, with the +delegations from nine of the bands of the Sioux, viz, the Two Kettle +band, Lower Yankton, Uncpapas, Blackfeet Sioux, Minneconjous, Sans Arcs, +Yanctonnais (two bands), Brulés of the Platte.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 241.] + +Fig. 241, 1856-’57.--Four-Horn was made a calumet or medicine man. + +A man with four horns holds out the same kind of ornamented pipestem +shown in the character for 1804-’05, it being his badge of office. +Four-Horn was one of the subchiefs of the Uncpapas, and was introduced +to Gen. Harney at the council of 1856 by Bear-Rib, head chief of that +tribe. + +Interpreter Clément, in the spring of 1874, said that Four-Horn and +Sitting-Bull were the same person, the name Sitting-Bull being given him +after he was made a calumet man. No other authority tells this. + +[Illustration: FIG. 242.] + +Fig. 242, 1857-’58.--The Dakotas killed a Crow squaw. She is pierced by +four arrows, and the peace made with the Crows in 1851-’52 seems to have +been short lived. + +[Illustration: FIG. 243.] + +Fig. 243, 1858-’59.--Lone-Horn, whose solitary horn appears, made +buffalo “medicine,” doubtless on account of the scarcity of that +animal. Again the head of an albino bison. One-Horn, probably the same +individual, is recorded as the head chief of the Minneconjous at this +date. + +[Illustration: FIG. 244.] + +Fig. 244, 1859-’60.--Big-Crow, a Dakota chief, was killed by the Crows. +He had received his name from killing a Crow Indian of unusual size. + +[Illustration: FIG. 245.] + +Fig. 245, 1860-’61.--Device, the head and neck of an elk, similar to +that part of the animal for 1837-’38, with a line extending from its +mouth, at the extremity of which is the albino buffalo head. “The elk +made you understand the voice while he was walking.” The interpreter +persisted in this oracular rendering. This device and its interpretation +were unintelligible to the writer until examination of Gen. Harney’s +report, above referred to, showed the name of a prominent chief of the +Minneconjous set forth as “The Elk that Holloes Walking.” It then became +probable that the device simply meant that the aforesaid chief made +buffalo medicine, which conjecture, published in 1877, was verified by +the other records subsequently discovered. + +Interpreter A. Lavary said, in 1867, that The-Elk-that-Holloes-Walking, +then chief of the Minneconjous, was then at Spotted-Tail’s camp. His +father was Red-Fish. He was the elder brother of Lone-Horn. His name +is given as A-hag-a-hoo-man-ie, translated The Elk’s Voice Walking; +compounded of he-ha-ka, elk, and omani, walk; this according to Lavary’s +literation. The correct literation of the Dakota word meaning elk is +heqaka; voice, ho; and to walk, walking, mani. Their compound would be +heqaka-ho-mani, the translation being the same as above given. + +[Illustration: FIG. 246.] + +Fig. 246, 1861-’62.--Buffalo were so plentiful that their tracks came +close to the tipis. The cloven-hoof mark is cleverly distinguished from +the tracks of horses in the character for 1849-’50. + +[Illustration: FIG. 247.] + +Fig. 247, 1862-’63.--Red-Feather, a Minneconjou, was killed. His feather +is shown entirely red, while the “one-feather” in 1842-’43 has a black +tip. + +It is to be noted that there is no allusion to the great Minnesota +massacre, which commenced in August, 1862, and in which many of the +Dakotas belonging to the tribes familiar with these charts were engaged. +Little-Crow was the leader. He escaped to the British possessions, but +was killed in July, 1863. Perhaps the reason of the omission of any +character to designate the massacre was the terrible retribution that +followed it. + +[Illustration: FIG. 248.] + +Fig. 248, 1863-’64.--Eight Dakotas were killed. Again the short, +parallel black lines united by a long stroke. In this year Sitting-Bull +fought General Sully in the Black Hills. + +[Illustration: FIG. 249.] + +Fig. 249, 1864-’65.--The Dakotas killed four Crows. Four of the same +rounded objects, like severed heads, shown in 1825-’26, but these are +bloody, thus distinguishing them from the cases of drowning. + +[Illustration: FIG. 250.] + +Fig. 250, 1865-’66.--Many horses died for want of grass. The horse here +drawn is sufficiently distinct from all others in the chart. + +[Illustration: FIG. 251.] + +Fig. 251, 1866-’67.--Swan, father of Swan, chief of the Minneconjous in +1877, died. With the assistance of the name the object intended for his +totem may be recognized as a swan swimming on the water. + +[Illustration: FIG. 252.] + +Fig. 252, 1867-’68.--Many flags were given them by the Peace Commission. +The flag refers to the visit of the Peace Commissioners, among whom +were Generals Sherman, Terry, and other prominent military and civil +officers. Their report appears in the Annual Report of the Commissioner +of Indian Affairs for 1868. They met at Fort Leavenworth, August 13, +1867, and between August 30 and September 13 held councils with the +various bands of the Dakota Indians at Forts Sully and Thompson, and +also at the Yankton, Ponka, and Santee reservations. These resulted in +the Dakota treaty of 1868. + +[Illustration: FIG. 253.] + +Fig. 253, 1868-’69.--Texas cattle were brought into the country. This +was done by Mr. William A. Paxton, a well-known business man, resident +in Dakota in 1877. + +[Illustration: FIG. 254.] + +Fig. 254, 1869-’70.--An eclipse of the sun. This was the solar eclipse +of August 7, 1869, which was central and total on a line drawn through +the Dakota country. This device has been criticised because Indians +generally believe an eclipse to be occasioned by a dragon or aerial +monster swallowing the sun, and it is contended that they would so +represent it. An answer is that the design is objectively good, the sun +being painted black, as concealed, while the stars come out red, i. e., +bright, and graphic illustration prevails throughout the charts where it +is possible to employ it. + +Dr. Washington Matthews, surgeon, U. S. Army, communicated the fact +that the Dakotas had opportunities all over their country of receiving +information about the real character of the eclipse. He was at Fort +Rice during the eclipse and remembers that long before it occurred +the officers, men, and citizens around the post told the Indians of +the coming event and discussed it with them so much that they were on +the tip-toe of expectancy when the day came. Two-Bears and his band +were then encamped at Fort Rice, and he and several of his leading men +watched the eclipse along with the whites and through their smoked +glass, and then and there the phenomenon was thoroughly explained to +them over and over again. There is no doubt that similar explanations +were made at all the numerous posts and agencies along the river that +day. The path of the eclipse coincided nearly with the course of the +Missouri for over a thousand miles. The duration of totality at Fort +Rice was nearly two minutes (1′ 48″). + +[Illustration: FIG. 255.] + +Fig. 255, 1870-’71.--The Uncpapas had a battle with the Crows, the +former losing, it is said, 14, and killing 29 out of 30 of the latter, +though nothing appears to show those numbers. The central object is not +a circle denoting multitude, but an irregularly rounded object, perhaps +intended for one of the wooden inclosures or forts frequently erected +by the Indians, and especially the Crows. The Crow fort is shown as +nearly surrounded, and bullets, not arrows or lances, are flying. This +is the first instance in this chart in which any combat or killing is +portrayed where guns explicitly appear to be used by Indians, though +nothing in the chart is at variance with the fact that the Dakotas had +for a number of years been familiar with firearms. The most recent +indications of any weapon were those of the arrows piercing the Crow +squaw in 1857-’58, and Brave-Bear in 1854-’55, while the last one before +those was the lance used in 1848-’49, and those arms might well have +been employed in all the cases selected, although rifles and muskets +were common. There is an obvious practical difficulty in picturing, by +a single character, killing with a bullet, not arising as to arrows, +lances, dirks, and hatchets, all of which can be and are shown in the +chart projecting from the wounds made by them. Other pictographs show +battles in which bullets are denoted by continuous dotted lines, the +spots at which they take effect being sometimes indicated, and the +fact that they did hit the object aimed at is expressed by a specially +invented symbol. It is, however, to be noted that the bloody wound on +the Ree’s shoulder (1806-’07) is without any protruding weapon, as if +made by a bullet. + +More distinct information regarding this fight, the record of which +concludes the original Lone-Dog chart, has been kindly communicated by +Mr. Luther S. Kelly, of Garfield County, Colorado. + +The war party of Uncpapas mentioned charged upon a small trading post +for the Crows on the Upper Missouri river, at the mouth of Musselshell +river. Usually this post was garrisoned by a few frontiersmen, but +on that particular day there happened to be a considerable force of +freighters and hunters. The Indians were afoot and, being concealed by +the sage brush, got within shooting distance of the fort before being +discovered. They were easily driven off, and going a short distance +took shelter from the rain in a circular washout, not having any idea +of being followed by the whites. Meanwhile the whites organized and +followed. The surprise was complete, the leading white man only being +killed. The Indians sang their song and made several breaks to escape, +but were shot down as fast as they rose above the bank. Twenty-nine were +killed. + + +BATTISTE GOOD’S WINTER COUNT. + +Dr. William H. Corbusier, surgeon, U. S. Army, while stationed in 1879 +and 1880 at Camp Sheridan, Nebraska, near the Pine Ridge Indian Agency, +Dakota, obtained a copy of this Winter Count from its recorder Baptiste, +commonly called Battiste Good, a Brulé Dakota, whose Dakotan name is +given as Wa-po-cta^n-xi, translated Brown-Hat. He was then living at the +Rose Bud Agency, Dakota, and explained the meaning of the pictographs to +the Rev. Wm. J. Cleveland, of the last named agency, who translated them +into English. + +The copy made by Battiste Good from his original record, of which it +is said to be a facsimile, is painted in five colors besides black, +in which the outlines are generally drawn, but with the exception of +red blood-marks these colors do not often appear to be significant. +This copy, which was kindly contributed by Dr. Corbusier, is made in +an ordinary paper drawing-book, the last page of which contains the +first record. This is represented in Fig. 256, and pictures what is +supposed to be an introduction in the nature of a revelation. The next +page, reading backwards and corresponding with Pl. XXI, is a pretended +record of a cycle comprising the years (presumed to be in the Christian +chronology) from 901 to 930. Eleven similar pages and cycles bring the +record down to 1700. These pages are only interesting from the mythology +and tradition referred to and suggested by them, and which must be +garnered from the chaff of uncomprehended missionary teaching. From +1700 to 1880, when the record closes, each year, or rather winter, is +represented by a special character according to the Dakota system above +explained. + +Battiste Good, by his own statement in the present record, was born in +the year 1821-’22. Any careful examination of the figures as worked +over by his own hand shows that he has received about enough education +in English and in writing to induce him to make unnecessary additions +and presumptuous emendations on the pictographs as he found them and +as perhaps he originally kept and drew the more recent of them. He +has written English words and Arabic numerals over and connected with +the Dakota devices, and has left some figures in a state of mixture +including the methods of modern civilization and the aboriginal +system. To prevent the confusion to the reader which might result from +Battiste’s meddlesome vanity, these interpolated marks are in general +omitted from the plates and figures as now presented, but, as specimens +of the kind and amount of interference referred to, the designs on the +copy for the years 1700-’01, 1701-’02, and 1707-’08 are given below as +furnished. + +The facts stated to have occurred so long ago as the beginning of +the last century can not often be verified, but those of later date +given by Battiste are corroborated by other records in the strongest +manner--that is, by independent devices which are not mere copies. +Therefore, notwithstanding Battiste’s mythic cycles and English writing, +the body of his record, which constitutes the true Winter Counts, must +be regarded as genuine. He is simply the bad editor of a good work. But +whether or not the events occurred as represented, the pictography is +of unique interest. It may be remarked that Battiste’s record is better +known among the Oglala and Brulé, and Lone-Dog’s Winter Count among the +Minneconjou. + +It should be noted that when allusions are made to coloration in Fig. +256, and in any one of the other figures in the text which illustrate +this Winter Count, they must be understood as applicable to the +original. Pls. XXI, XXII, and XXIII are colored copies of those +furnished by Battiste Good, reduced, however, in size. + +[Illustration: FIG. 256.--Battiste Good’s Revelation.] + +Fig. 256 illustrates Battiste Good’s introduction. He is supposed to be +narrating his own experience as follows: “In the year 1856, I went to +the Black Hills and cried, and cried, and cried, and suddenly I saw a +bird above me, which said: ‘Stop crying, I am a woman, but I will tell +you something: My Great-Father, Father God, who made this place, gave +it to me for a home and told me to watch over it. He put a blue sky +over my head and gave me a blue flag to have with this beautiful green +country. [Battiste has made the hill country, as well as the curve for +sky and the flag, blue in his copy.] My Great-Father, Father God (or The +Great-Father, God my Father) grew, and his flesh was part earth and part +stone and part metal and part wood and part water; he took from them +all and placed them here for me, and told me to watch over them. I am +the Eagle-Woman who tell you this. The whites know that there are four +black flags of God; that is, four divisions of the earth. He first made +the earth soft by wetting it, then cut it into four parts, one of which, +containing the Black Hills, he gave to the Dakotas, and, because I am a +woman, I shall not consent to the pouring of blood on this chief house +(or dwelling place), i. e., the Black Hills. The time will come that you +will remember my words; for after many years you shall grow up one with +the white people.’ She then circled round and round and gradually passed +out of my sight. I also saw prints of a man’s hands and horse’s hoofs on +the rocks [here he brings in petroglyphs], and two thousand years, and +one hundred millions of dollars ($100,000,000). I came away crying, as I +had gone. I have told this to many Dakotas, and all agree that it meant +that we were to seek and keep peace with the whites.” + +(NOTE BY DR. CORBUSIER.--The Oglálas and Brulés say that they, with the +rest of the Dakota nation, formerly lived far on the other side of the +Missouri River. After they had moved to the river, they lived at first +on its eastern banks, only crossing it to hunt. Some of the hunting +parties that crossed at length wandered far off from the rest and, +remaining away, became the westernmost bands.) + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXI + +BATTISTE GOOD’S CYCLES. + +A 901-930. B 931-1000.] + +Pl. XXI A. The record shown by this figure dates from the appearance of +The-Woman-from-Heaven, 901 A. D.; but the Dakotas were a people long +before this. The circle of lodges represents a cycle of thirty years, +from the year 901 to 930, and incloses the “legend” by which this period +is known. All the tribes of the Dakota nation were encamped together, as +was then their custom, when all at once a beautiful woman appeared to +two young men. One of them said to the other, “Let us catch her and have +her for our wife.” The other said, “No; she may be something waka^n” +(supernatural or sacred). Then the woman said to them, “I came from +Heaven to teach the Dakotas how to live and what their future shall be.” +She had what appeared to be snakes about her legs and waist, but which +were really braids of grass. She said, “I give you this pipe; keep it +always;” and with the pipe she gave them a small package, in which they +found four grains of maize, one white, one black, one yellow, and one +variegated. The pipe is above the buffalo. She said, “I am a buffalo, +The White-Buffalo-Cow. I will spill my milk all over the earth, that +the people may live.” She meant by her milk maize, which is seen in the +picture dropping from her udders. The colored patches on the four sides +of the circle are the four quarters of the heavens (the cardinal points +of the compass). In front of the cow are yellow and red. She pointed in +this direction and said, “When you see a yellowish (or brownish) cloud +toward the north, that is my breath; rejoice at the sight of it, for you +shall soon see buffalo. Red is the blood of the buffalo, and by that you +shall live.” Pointing east [it will be noticed that Battiste has placed +the east toward the top of the page], she said, “This pipe is related to +the heavens, and you shall live with it.” The line running from the +pipe to the blue patch denotes the relation. The Dakotas have always +supposed she meant by this that the blue smoke of the pipe was one +with or nearly related to the blue sky; hence, on a clear day, before +smoking, they often point the stem of the pipe upward, in remembrance of +her words. Pointing south, she said, “Clouds of many colors may come up +from the south, but look at the pipe and the blue sky and know that the +clouds will soon pass away and all will become blue and clear again.” +Pointing west, i. e., to the lowest part of the circle, she said, “When +it shall be blue in the west, know that it is closely related to you +through the pipe and the blue heavens, and by that you shall grow rich.” +Then she stood up before them and said, “I am The White-Buffalo-Cow; +my milk is of four kinds; I spill it on the earth that you may live by +it. You shall call me Grandmother. If you young men will follow me over +the hills you shall see my relatives.” She said this four times, each +time stepping back from them a few feet, and after the fourth time, +while they stood gazing at her, she mysteriously disappeared. [It is +well known that four is the favorite or magic number among Indian tribes +generally, and has reference to the four cardinal points.] The young men +went over the hills in the direction she took and there found a large +herd of buffalo. + +(NOTE BY DR. CORBUSIER.--Mr. Cleveland states that he has heard several +different versions of this tradition.) + +The man who first told the people of the appearance of the woman is +represented both inside and outside the circle. He was thirty years old +at the time, and said that she came as narrated above, in July of the +year of his birth. Outside of the circle, he is standing with a pipe in +his hand; inside, he is squatting, and has his hands in the position for +the gesture-sign for pipe. The elm tree and yucca, or Spanish bayonet, +both shown above the tipis, indicate that in those days the Dakota +obtained fire by rapidly revolving the end of a dry stalk of the yucca +in a hole made in a rotten root of the elm. The people used the bow and +stone-pointed arrows, which are shown on the right. From time immemorial +they have kept large numbers of sticks, shown by the side of the pipe, +each one about as thick and as long as a lead-pencil (sic), for the +purpose of counting and keeping record of numbers, and they cut notches +in larger sticks for the same purpose. + +(NOTE BY DR. CORBUSIER.--They commonly resort to their fingers in +counting, and the V of the Roman system of notation is seen in the +outline of the thumb and index, when one hand is held up to express +five, and the X in the crossed thumbs, when both hands are held up +together to express ten.) + +The bundle of these sticks drawn in connection with the ceremonial pipe +suggests the idea of an official recorder. + +Pl. XXI B, 931-1000. From the time the man represented in Pl. XXI A +was seventy years of age, i. e., from the year 931, time is counted by +cycles of seventy years until 1700. This figure illustrates the manner +of killing buffalo before and after the appearance of The-Woman. When +the Dakotas had found the buffalo, they moved to the herd and corralled +it by spreading their camps around it. The Man-Who-Dreamed-of-a-Wolf, +seen at the upper part of the circle, with bow and arrow in hand, then +shot the chief bull of the herd with his medicine or sacred arrow; at +this, the women all cried out with joy, “He has killed the chief bull!” +On hearing them shout the man with bow and arrow on the opposite side, +The-Man-Who-Dreamed-of-the-Thunder-and-received-an-arrow-from-the-Thunder-Bird +(wakinyan, accurately translated “the flying one”) shot a buffalo cow, +and the women again shouted with joy. Then all the men began to shout, +and they killed as many as they wished. The buffalo heads and the +blood-stained tracks show what large numbers were killed. They cut off +the head of the chief bull, and laid the pipe beside it until their +work was done. They prayed to The-Woman to bless and help them as they +were following her teachings. Having no iron or knives, they used sharp +stones, and mussel shells, to skin and cut up the buffalo. They rubbed +blood in the hides to soften and tan them. They had no horses, and had +to pack everything on their own backs. + +The cyclic characters that embrace the period from 1001 to 1140 +illustrate nothing of interest not before presented. Slight distinction +appears in the circles so that they can be identified, but without +enough significance to merit reproduction. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXII + +BATTISTE GOOD’S CYCLES. + +A 1141-1210. B 1211-1280.] + +Pl. XXII A, 1141-1210. Among a herd of buffalo, surrounded at one time +during this period, were some horses. The people all cried out, “there +are big dogs with them,” having never seen horses before, hence the name +for horse, sunka (dog) tanka (big), or sunka (dog) wakan (wonderful or +mysterious). After killing all the buffalo they said “let us try and +catch the big dogs;” so they cut a thong out of a hide with a sharp +stone and with it caught eight, breaking the leg of one of them. All +these years they used sharpened deer horn for awls, bone for needles, +and made their lodges without the help of iron tools. [All other Dakota +traditions yet reported in regard to the first capture of horses, place +this important event at a much later period and long after horses +were brought to America by the Spaniards. See this count for the year +1802-’03, and also Lone-Dog’s Winter Count for the same year.] + +Pl. XXII B, 1211-1280. At one time during this period a war party of +enemies concealed themselves among a herd of buffalo, which the Dakotas +surrounded and killed before they discovered the enemy. No one knows +what people, or how many they were; but the Dakotas killed them all. The +red and black lodges indicate war, and that the Dakotas were successful. + +The pages of the copy which embrace the period from 1281 to 1420 are +omitted as valueless. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIII + +BATTISTE GOOD’S CYCLES. + +A 1421-1490. B 1631-1700.] + +Pl. XXIII A, 1421-1490. “Found horses among the buffalo again and caught +six.” Five of the horses are represented by the hoof prints. The lasso +or possibly the lariat is shown in use. The bundle of sticks is now in +the recorder’s hands. + +Battiste’s pages which embrace the period from 1491 to 1630 are omitted +for the same reason as before offered. + +Pl. XXIII B, 1631-1700. This represents the first killing of buffalo on +horseback. It was done in the year 1700, inside the circle of lodges +pitched around the herd, by a man who was tied on a horse with thongs +and who received the name of Hunts-inside-the-lodges. They had but +one horse then, and they kept him a long time. Again the bundle of +count-sticks is in the recorder’s hands. + +This is the end of the obviously mythic part of the record, in which +Battiste has made some historic errors. From this time forth each year +is distinguished by a name, the explanation of which is in the realm of +fact. + +It must be again noted that when colors are referred to in the +description of the text figures, the language (translated) used by +Battiste is retained for the purpose of showing the coloration of the +original and his interpretation of the colors, which are to be imagined, +as they can not be reproduced by the process used. + +[Illustration: FIG. 257.] + +Fig. 257, 1700-’01.--“The-two-killed-on-going-back-to-the-hunting-ground +winter (or year).” Two Dakotas returned to the hunting ground, after the +hunt one day, and were killed by enemies, of what tribe is unknown. The +blood-stained arrow in the man’s side signifies killed; the numeral 2 +over his head, the number killed; and, the buffalo heads, the carcass +of a buffalo--which had been left behind because it was too poor to +eat--together with the arrow pointing toward them, the hunting-ground. +The dot under the figure 2, and many of the succeeding ones, signifies, +That is it. This corresponds with some gesture signs for the same +concept of declaration, in which the index finger held straight is +thrust forward with emphasis and repeatedly as if always hitting the +same point. + +With regard to the numeral 2 over the head of the man see remarks, page +288. + +[Illustration: FIG. 258.] + +Fig. 258, 1701-’02.--“The-three-killed-who-went-fishing winter.” The +arrow pointing toward the 3, indicates that they were attacked; the +arrow in the man’s arm, and the blood stain, that they were killed; the +pole, line, and fish which the man is holding, their occupation at the +time. + +[Illustration: FIG. 259.] + +Fig. 259, 1702-’03.--“Camped-cutting-the-ice-through winter.” A long +lake toward the east, near which the Dakotas were encamped, was frozen +over, when they discovered about one thousand buffalo. They secured +them all by driving them on the ice, through which they broke, and in +which they froze fast. Whenever the people wanted meat, they cut a +buffalo out of the ice. In the figure, the wave lines represent the +water of the lake; the straight lines, the shore; the blue lines outside +the black ones, trees; the blue patches inside, the ice through which +the heads of the buffalo are seen; the line across the middle, the +direction in which they drove the buffalo. The supply of meat lasted one +year. (NOTE by DR. CORBUSIER.--The Apache of Arizona, the Ojibwa, and +the Ottawa also represent water by means of waved lines.) + +[Illustration: FIG. 260.] + +Fig. 260, 1703-’04--“The-burying winter,” or “Many-hole winter.”--They +killed a great many buffalo during the summer, and, after drying the +meat, stored it in pits for winter’s use. It lasted them all winter, and +they found it all in good condition. The ring surrounding the buffalo +head, in front of the lodge, represents a pit. The forked stick, which +is the symbol for meat, marks the pit. [Other authorities suggest that +the object called by Battiste a pit, which is more generally called +“cache,” is a heap, and means many or much.] + +[Illustration: FIG. 261.] + +Fig. 261, 1704-’05.--“Killed-fifteen-Pawnees-who-came-to-fight winter.” +The Dakotas discovered a party of Pawnees coming to attack them. They +met them and killed fifteen. In this chart the Pawnee of the Upper +Missouri (Arikara or Ree), the Pawnee of Nebraska, and the Omaha are all +depicted with legs which look like ears of corn, but an ear of corn is +symbol for the Rees only. The Pawnee of Nebraska may be distinguished by +a lock of hair at the back of the head; the Omaha, by a cropped head or +absence of the scalp-lock. The absence of all signs denotes Dakota. Dr. +W. Matthews, in Ethnography and Philology of the Hidatsa Indians, states +that the Arikara separated from the Pawnee of the Platte valley more +than a century ago. [To avoid confusion the literation of the tribal +divisions as given by the translator of Battiste Good are retained, +though not considered to be accurate.] + +[Illustration: FIG. 262.] + +Fig. 262, 1705-’06.--“They-came-and-killed-seven-Dakotas winter.” It is +not known what enemies killed them. + +[Illustration: FIG. 263.] + +Fig. 263, 1706-’07.--“Killed-the-Gros-Ventre-with-snowshoes-on winter.” +A Gros-Ventre (Hidatsa), while hunting buffalo on snowshoes, was chased +by the Dakotas. He accidentally dropped a snowshoe, and, being then +unable to get through the snow fast enough, they gained on him, wounded +him in the leg, and then killed him. The Gros-Ventres and the Crows +are tribes of the same nation, and are therefore both represented with +striped or spotted hair, which denotes the red clay they apply to it. + +[Illustration: FIG. 264.] + +Fig. 264, 1707-’08.--“Many-kettle winter.” A man--1 man--named Corn, +killed (3) his wife, 1 woman, and ran off. He remained away for a year, +and then came back, bringing three guns with him, and told the people +that the English, who had given him these guns, which were the first +known to the Dakotas, wanted him to bring his friends to see them. +Fifteen of the people accordingly went with him, and when they returned +brought home a lot of kettles or pots. These were the first they ever +saw. Some numerical marks for reference and the written words in the +above are retained as perhaps the worst specimens of Battiste’s mixture +of civilized methods with the aboriginal system of pictography. See +remarks above, page 288. + +[Illustration: FIG. 265.] + +Fig. 265, 1708-’09.--“Brought-home-Omaha-horses winter.” The cropped +head over the horse denotes Omaha. + +[Illustration: FIG. 266.] + +Fig. 266, 1709-’10.--“Brought-home-Assiniboin-horses winter.” The Dakota +sign for Assiniboin, or Hohe, which means the voice, or, as some say, +the voice of the musk ox, is the outline of the vocal organs, as the +Dakotas conceive them, and represents the upper lip and roof of the +mouth, the tongue, the lower lip and chin, and the neck. + +[Illustration: FIG. 267.] + +Fig. 267, 1710-’11.--“The-war-parties-met, or killed-three-on-each-side +winter.” A war party of Assiniboins met one of Dakotas, and in the fight +which ensued three were killed on each side. + +[Illustration: FIG. 268.] + +Fig. 268, 1711-’12.--“Four-lodges-drowned winter.” When the thunders +returned in the summer the Dakotas were still in their winter camp, on +the bottom lands of a large creek. Heavy rains fell, which caused the +creek to rise suddenly; the bottoms were flooded, and the occupants of +four lodges were swept away and drowned. Water is represented by waved +lines, as before. The lower part of the lodge is submerged. The human +figure in the doorway of the lodge indicates how unconscious the inmates +were of their peril. + +[Illustration: FIG. 269.] + +Fig. 269, 1712-’13.--“Killed-the-Pawnee-who-was-eagle-hunting winter.” +A Pawnee (Ree) was crouching in his eagle-trap, a hole in the ground +covered with sticks and grass, when he was surprised and killed by the +Dakotas. This event is substantially repeated in this count for the year +1806-’07. + +[Illustration: FIG. 270.] + +Fig. 270, 1713-’14.--“Came-and-shot-them-in-the-lodge winter.” The +Pawnee (Rees) came by night, and, drawing aside a tipi door, shot a +sleeping man, and thus avenged the death of the eagle-hunter. + +[Illustration: FIG. 271.] + +Fig. 271, 1714-’15.--“Came-to-attack-on-horseback-but-killed-nothing +winter.” The horseman has a pine lance in his hand. It is not known what +tribe came. (NOTE BY DR. CORBUSIER.--It is probable that horses were not +numerous among any of the Indians yet, and that this mounted attack was +the first one experienced by the Brulé.) + +[Illustration: FIG. 272.] + +Fig. 272, +1715-’16.--“Came-and-attacked-on-horseback-and-stabbed-a-boy-near-the-lodge +winter.” Eagle tail-feathers hang from the butt end of the lance. + +[Illustration: FIG. 273.] + +Fig. 273, 1716-’17.--“Much-pemmican winter.” A year of peace and +prosperity. Buffalo were plentiful all the fall and winter. Large +quantities of pemmican (wasna) were made with dried meat and marrow. +In front of the lodge is seen the backbone of a buffalo, the marrow of +which is used in wasna; below this is the buffalo stomach, in which +wasna is packed for preservation. + +[Illustration: FIG. 274.] + +Fig. 274, 1717-’18.--“Brought-home-fifteen-Assiniboin-horses winter.” +The sign for Assiniboin is above the horse. + +[Illustration: FIG. 275.] + +Fig. 275, 1718-’19.--“Brought-home-Pawnee-horses winter.” The sign for +Ree, i. e., an ear of corn, is in front of the horse. + +[Illustration: FIG. 276.] + +Fig. 276, 1719-’20.--“Wore-snowshoes winter.” The snow was very deep, +and the people hunted buffalo on snowshoes with excellent success. + +[Illustration: FIG. 277.] + +Fig. 277, 1720-’21.--“Three-lodges-starved-to-death winter.” The bare +ribs of the man denote starvation. [The gesture-sign for poor or +lean indicates that the ribs are visible. In the Ojibwa and Ottawa +pictographs lines across the chest denote starvation.] + +[Illustration: FIG. 278.] + +Fig. 278, 1721-’22.--“Wore-snowshoes-and-dried-much-buffalo-meat +winter.” It was even a better year for buffalo than 1719-’20. + +[Illustration: FIG. 279.] + +Fig. 279, 1722-’23.--“Deep-snow-and-tops-of-lodges-only-visible winter.” +The spots are intended for snow. + +[Illustration: FIG. 280.] + +Fig. 280, 1723-’24.--“Many-drying-sticks-set-up winter.” They set up +more than the usual number of sticks for scaffolds, etc., as they dried +the buffalo heads, hides, and entrails, as well as the meat. This figure +is repeated with differentiation for the year 1745-’46 in this chart. + +[Illustration: FIG. 281.] + +Fig. 281, 1724-’25.--“Blackens-himself-died winter.” This man was in the +habit of blacking his whole body with charcoal. He died of some kind of +intestinal bend [sic] as is indicated by the stomach and intestines in +front of him, which represent the bowels in violent commotion, or going +round and round. + +[Illustration: FIG. 282.] + +Fig. 282, 1725-’26.--“Brought-home-ten-Omaha-horses winter.” The sign +for Omaha is the head, as before. + +[Illustration: FIG. 283.] + +Fig. 283, 1726-’27.--“Killed-two-Pawnees-among-the-lodges winter.” The +Pawnees (Rees) made an assault on the Dakota Village, and these two ran +among the lodges without any arrows. The sign for Ree is, as usual, an +ear of corn. + +[Illustration: FIG. 284.] + +Fig. 284, 1727-’28.--“Killed-six-Assiniboins winter.” Two signs are +given here for Assiniboin. There is some uncertainty as to whether they +were Assiniboins or Arikaras, so the signs for both are given. + +[Illustration: FIG. 285.] + +Fig. 285, 1728-’29.--“Brought-home-Gros-Ventre-horses winter.” A Gros +Ventre head is shown in front of the horse. + +[Illustration: FIG. 286.] + +Fig. 286, 1729-’30.--“Killed-the-Pawnees-camped-alone-with-their-wives +winter.” Two Pawnees and their wives, who were hunting buffalo by +themselves, and living in one lodge, were surprised and killed by a war +party of Dakotas. + +[Illustration: FIG. 287.] + +Fig. 287, 1730-’31.--“Came-from-opposite-ways-and-camped-together +winter.” By a singular coincidence, two bands of Dakotas selected the +same place for an encampment, and arrived there the same day. They had +been separated a long time, and were wholly ignorant of each other’s +movements. The caps of the tipis face one another. + +[Illustration: FIG. 288.] + +Fig. 288, 1731-’32.--“Came-from-killing-one-Omaha-and-danced winter.” +This is the customary feast at the return of a successful war party. The +erect arrow may stand for “one,” and the Omaha is drawn at full length +with his stiff short hair and painted cheeks. + +[Illustration: FIG. 289.] + +Fig. 289, 1732-’33.--“Brought-home-Assiniboin-horses winter.” The sign +for Assiniboin is as before, over the horse. + +[Illustration: FIG. 290.] + +Fig. 290, 1733-’34.--“Killed-three-Assiniboins winter.” There is again +uncertainty as to whether they were Assiniboins or Arikaras, and both +signs are used. + +[Illustration: FIG. 291.] + +Fig. 291, 1734-’35.--“Used-them-up-with-bellyache winter.” About fifty +of the people died of an eruptive disease which was accompanied by pains +in the bowels. The eruption is shown on the man in the figure. This was +probably the first experience by the Dakotas of the smallpox, which has +been so great a factor in the destruction of the Indians. + +[Illustration: FIG. 292.] + +Fig. 292, 1735-’36.--“Followed-them-up-and-killed-five winter.” A war +party of Dakotas were chased by some enemies, who killed five of them. +The arrows flying from behind at the man indicate pursuit, and the +number of the arrows, each with a bloody mark as if hitting, is five. + +[Illustration: FIG. 293.] + +Fig. 293, 1736-’37.--“Brought-home-Pawnee-horses winter.” This date must +be considered in connection with the figure in this record for 1802-’03. +There is a distinction between the wild and the shod horses, but the +difference in tribe is great. The ear of corn showing the husk is as +common in this record for Pawnee as for Arikara. + +[Illustration: FIG. 294.] + +Fig. 294, +1737-’38.--“Killed-seven-Assiniboins-bringing-them-to-a-stand-under-a-bank +winter.” The daub, blue in the original, under the crouching figure, +represents the bank. + +[Illustration: FIG. 295.] + +Fig. 295, 1738-’39.--“The-four-who-went-on-the-war-path-starved-to-death +winter.” Starvation is indicated as before. + +[Illustration: FIG. 296.] + +Fig. 296, 1739-’40--“Found-many-horse winter.” The horses had thongs +around their necks, and had evidently been lost by some other tribe. +Hoof prints are represented above and below the horse, that is all +around. + +[Illustration: FIG. 297.] + +Fig. 297, 1740-’41.--“The-two-came-home-having-killed-an-enemy winter.” +They took his entire scalp, and carried it home at the end of a pole. +Only a part of the scalp is ordinarily taken, and that from the crown of +the head. + +[Illustration: FIG. 298.] + +Fig. 298, 1741-’42.--“Attacked-them-while-gathering-turnips winter.” +Some women, who were digging turnips (pomme blanche) near the camp, were +assaulted by a party of enemies, who, after knocking them down, ran off +without doing them any further harm. A turnip, and the stick for digging +it, are seen in front of the horseman. + +[Illustration: FIG. 299.] + +Fig. 299, 1742-’43.--“Killed-them-on-the-way-home-from-the-hunt winter.” +The men were out hunting, and about 100 of their enemies came on +horseback to attack the camp, and had already surrounded it, when a +woman poked her head out of a lodge and said, “They have all gone on +the hunt. When I heard you, I thought they had come back.” She pointed +toward the hunting-ground, and the enemies going in that direction, met +the Dakotas, who killed many of them with their spears, and put the rest +to flight. Hoof-prints surround the circle of lodges, and are on the +trail to the hunting-ground. + +[Illustration: FIG. 300.] + +Fig. 300, 1743-’44.--“The-Omahas-came-and-killed-them-in-the-night +winter.” They wounded many, but killed only one. The Dakotas were all +encamped together. + +[Illustration: FIG. 301.] + +Fig. 301, 1744-’45.--“Brought-home-Omaha-horses winter.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 302.] + +Fig. 302, 1745-’46.--“Many-drying-scaffolds winter.” It was even a +better year for buffalo than 1723-’24. + +[Illustration: FIG. 303.] + +Fig. 303, 1746-’47.--“Came-home-having-killed-one-Gros-Ventre winter.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 304.] + +Fig. 304, 1747-’48.--“Froze-to-death-at-the-hunt winter.” The arrow +pointing toward the buffalo head indicates they were hunting, and the +crouching figure of the man, together with the snow above and below him, +that he suffered severely from cold or froze to death. + +[Illustration: FIG. 305.] + +Fig. 305, 1748-’49.--“Eat-frozen-fish winter.” They discovered large +numbers of fish frozen in the ice, and subsisted on them all winter. + +[Illustration: FIG. 306.] + +Fig. 306, 1749-’50.--“Many-hole-camp-winter.” The same explanation as +for Fig. 260, for the year 1703-’04. The two figures are different in +execution though the same in concept. There would, however, be little +confusion in distinguishing two seasons of exceptional success in the +hunt that were separated by forty-six years. + +[Illustration: FIG. 307.] + +Fig. 307, 1750-’51.--“Killed-two-white-buffalo-cows winter.” (Note +by Dr. Corbusier: Two white buffalo are so rarely killed one season +that the event is considered worthy of record. Most Indians regard the +albinos among animals with the greatest reverence. The Ojibwas, who look +upon a black loon as the most worthless of birds regard a white one as +sacred.) + +[Illustration: FIG. 308.] + +Fig. 308, 1751-’52.--“Omahas-came-and-killed-two-in-the-lodge winter.” +An Omaha war party surprised them in the night, shot into the lodge, +wounding two, and then fled. The two shot died of their wounds. + +[Illustration: FIG. 309.] + +Fig. 309, 1752-’53.--“Destroyed-three-lodges-of-Omahas winter.” The +Dakotas went to retaliate on the Omahas, and finding three lodges of +them killed them. It will be noticed that in this figure the sign for +Omaha is connected with the lodge, and in the preceding figure with the +arrow. + +[Illustration: FIG. 310.] + +Fig. 310, 1753-’54.--“Killed-two-Assiniboins-on-the-hunt winter.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 311.] + +Fig. 311, 1754-’55.--“Pawnees-shouted-over-the-people winter.” The +Pawnees (Rees) came at night, and standing on a bluff overlooking the +Dakota village shot into it with arrows, killing one man, and alarmed +the entire village by their shouts. + +[Illustration: FIG. 312.] + +Fig. 312, 1755-’56.--“Killed-two-Pawnees-at-the-hunt winter.” A war +party of Dakotas surprised some Pawnee (Ree) hunters and killed two of +them. + +[Illustration: FIG. 313.] + +Fig. 313, 1756-’57.--“The-whole-people-were-pursued-and-two-killed +winter.” A tribe, name unknown, attacked and routed the whole band. The +man in the figure is retreating, as is shown by his attitude; the arrow +on his bow points backward at the enemy, from whom he is retreating. The +two blood-stained arrows in his body mark the number killed. + +[Illustration: FIG. 314.] + +Fig. 314, +1757-’58.--“Went-on-the-warpath-on-horseback-to-camp-of-enemy-but-killed-nothing +winter.” The lack of success may have been due to inexperience in +mounted warfare as the Dakotas had probably for the first time secured a +sufficient number of horses to mount a war party. + +[Illustration: FIG. 315.] + +Fig. 315, 1758-’59.--“Killed-two-Omahas-who-came-to-the-camp-on-war-path +winter.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 316.] + +Fig. 316, 1759-’60.--“War-parties-met-and-killed-a-few-on-both-sides +winter.” The attitude of the opposed figures of the Dakota and Gros +Ventre and the footprints indicate that the parties met; the arrows in +opposition, that they fought; and the blood-stained arrow in each man +that some were killed on both sides. + +[Illustration: FIG. 317.] + +Fig. 317, 1760-’61.--“Assiniboins-came-and-attacked-the-camp-again +winter;” or “Assiniboins-shot-arrows-through-the-camp winter.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 318.] + +Fig. 318, 1761-’62.--“Killed-six-Pawnees (Rees) winter.” Besides the +arrow sticking in the body another is flying near the head of the man +figure, who has the tribal marks for Pawnee or Ree, as used in this +record. + +[Illustration: FIG. 319.] + +Fig. 319, 1762-’63.--“The-people-were-burnt winter.” They were living +somewhere east of their present country when a prairie fire destroyed +their entire village. Many of their children and a man and his wife, +who were on foot some distance away from the village, were burned to +death, as also were many of their horses. All the people that could get +to a long lake, which was near by, saved themselves by jumping into it. +Many of these were badly burned about the thighs and legs, and this +circumstance gave rise to the name Sican-zhu, burnt thigh (or simply +burnt as translated Brulé by the French), by which they have since been +known, and also to the gesture sign, as follows: “Rub the upper and +outer part of the right thigh in a small circle with the open right +hand, fingers pointing downward.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 320.] + +Fig. 320, 1763-’64.--“Many-sticks-for-drying-beef winter.” They dried so +much meat that the village was crowded with drying poles and scaffolds. + +[Illustration: FIG. 321.] + +Fig. 321, 1764-’65.--“Stole-their-horses-while-they-were-on-the-hunt +winter.” A Dakota war party chanced to find a hunting party of +Assiniboins asleep and stole twenty of their horses. It was storming at +the time and horses had their packs on and were tied. The marks which +might appear to represent a European saddle on the horse’s back denote +a pack or load. Hunting is symbolized as before, by the buffalo head +struck by an arrow. + +[Illustration: FIG. 322.] + +Fig. 322, 1765-’66.--“Killed-a-war-party-of-four-Pawnees winter.” The +four Pawnees (Rees) made an attack on the Dakota camp. + +[Illustration: FIG. 323.] + +Fig. 323, 1766-’67.--“Brought-home-sixty-Assiniboin-horses (one spotted) +winter.” They were all the horses the Assiniboins had and were on an +island in the Missouri river, from which the Dakotas cleverly stole them +during a snowstorm. + +[Illustration: FIG. 324.] + +Fig. 324, 1767-’68.--“Went-out-to-ease-themselves-with-their-bows-on +winter.” The Dakotas were in constant fear of an attack by enemies. When +a man left his lodge after dark, even to answer the calls of nature, he +carried his bows and arrows along with him and took good care not to go +far away from the lodge. The squatting figure, etc., close to the lodge +tells the story. + +[Illustration: FIG. 325.] + +Fig. 325, 1768-’69.--“Two-horses-killed-something winter.” A man who had +gone over a hill just out of the village was run down by two mounted +enemies who drove their spears into him and left him for dead, one of +them leaving his spear sticking in the man’s shoulder, as shown in the +figure. He recovered, however. (Note by Dr. Corbusier: They frequently +speak of persons who have been very ill and have recovered as dying and +returning to life again, and have a gesture sign to express the idea.) + +[Illustration: FIG. 326.] + +Fig. 326, 1769-’70.--“Attacked-the-camp-from-both-sides winter.” A +mounted war party--tribe unknown--attacked the village on two sides, and +on each side killed a woman. The footprints of the enemies’ horses and +arrows on each side of the lodge, which represents the village, show the +mode of attack. + +[Illustration: FIG. 327.] + +Fig. 327, 1770-’71--“Came-and-killed-the-lodges winter.” The enemy came +on horseback and assailed the Dakota lodges, which were pitched near +together, spoiling some of them by cutting the hide coverings with their +spears, but killing no one. They used spears only, but arrows are also +depicted, as they symbolize attack. No blood is shown on the arrows, as +only the lodges were “killed.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 328.] + +Fig. 328, 1771-’72.--“Swam-after-the-buffalo winter.” In the spring the +Dakotas secured a large supply of meat by swimming out and towing ashore +buffalo that were floating past the village and which had fallen into +the river on attempting to cross on the weak ice. + +[Illustration: FIG. 329.] + +Fig. 329, 1772-’73.--“Killed-an-Assiniboin-and-his-wife winter.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 330.] + +Fig. 330, 1773-’74.--“Killed-two-Pawnee-boys-while-playing winter.” A +war party of Dakotas surprised two Pawnee (Ree) boys who were wrestling +and killed them while they were on the ground. + +[Illustration: FIG. 331.] + +Fig. 331, 1774-’75.--“Assiniboins-made-an-attack winter.” They were +cowardly, however, and soon retreated. Perhaps the two arrows of the +Assiniboins compared with the one arrow of the attacked Dakotas suggests +the cowardice. + +[Illustration: FIG. 332.] + +Fig. 332, +1775-’76.--“Assiniboins-went-home-and-came-back-mad-to-make-a-fresh-attack +winter.” They were brave this time, being thoroughly aroused. They +fought with bows and arrows only. + +[Illustration: FIG. 333.] + +Fig. 333, 1776-’77.--“Killed-with-war-club-in-his-hand winter.” A Dakota +war club is in the man’s hand and an enemy’s arrow is entering his body. + +[Illustration: FIG. 334.] + +Fig. 334, 1777-’78.--“Spent-the-winter-in-no-particular-place winter.” +They made no permanent camp, but wandered about from place to place. + +[Illustration: FIG. 335.] + +Fig. 335, 1778-’79.--“Skinned-penis-used-in-the-game-of-haka winter.” +A Dakota named as mentioned was killed in a fight with the Pawnees and +his companions left his body where they supposed it would not be found, +but the Pawnees found it and as it was frozen stiff they dragged it into +their camp and played haka with it. The haka-stick which, in playing +the game, they cast after a ring, is represented on the right of the +man. This event marks 1777-’78 in the Winter Count of American-Horse +and 1779-’80 in that of Cloud-Shield. The insult and disgrace made it +remarkable. + +[Illustration: FIG. 336.] + +Fig. 336, 1779-’80.--“Smallpox-used-them-up winter.” The eruption and +pains in the stomach and bowels are shown as before. + +[Illustration: FIG. 337.] + +Fig. 337, 1780-’81.--“Smallpox-used-them-up-again winter.” There is in +this figure no sign for pain but the spots alone are shown. An attempt +to discriminate and distinguish the year-devices is perceived. + +[Illustration: FIG. 338.] + +Fig. 338, 1781-’82.--“Came-and-attacked-on-horseback-for-the-last-time +winter.” The name of the tribe is not known, but it is the last time +they ever attacked the Dakotas. + +[Illustration: FIG. 339.] + +Fig. 339, 1782-’83.--“Killed-the-man-with-the-scarlet-blanket-on +winter.” It is not known what tribe killed him. + +[Illustration: FIG. 340.] + +Fig. 340, 1783-’84.--“Soldier-froze-to-death winter.” The falling snow +and the man’s position with his legs drawn up to his abdomen, one hand +in an armpit and the other in his mouth, are indicative of intense cold. + +[Illustration: FIG. 341.] + +Fig. 341, 1784-’85.--“The-Oglala-took-the-cedar winter.” During a great +feast an Oglala declared he was wakan and could draw a cedar tree out +of the ground. He had previously fastened the middle of a stick to the +lower end of a cedar with a piece of the elastic ligament from the +neck of the buffalo and then planted the tree with the stick crosswise +beneath it. He went to this tree, dug away a little earth from around +it and pulled it partly out of the ground and let it spring back again, +saying “the cedar I drew from the earth has gone home again.” After he +had gone some young men dug up the tree and exposed the shallow trick. + +[Illustration: FIG. 342.] + +Fig. 342, 1785-’86.--“The-Cheyennes-killed-Shadow’s-father winter.” +The umbrella signifies, shadow; the arrow which touches it, attacked; +the three marks under the arrow (not shown in the copy), Cheyenne; the +blood-stained arrow in the man’s body, killed. Shadow’s name and the +umbrella in the figure intimate that he was the first Dakota to carry +an umbrella. The advantages of the umbrella were soon recognized by +them, and the first they obtained from the whites were highly prized. +It is now considered an indispensable article in a Sioux outfit. They +formerly wore a wreath of green leaves or carried green boughs, to shade +them from the sun. The marks used for Cheyenne stand for the scars on +their arms or stripes on their sleeves, which also gave rise to the +gesture-sign for this tribe, see Fig. 495, infra. + +[Illustration: FIG. 343.] + +Fig. 343, 1786-’87.--“Iron-Head-Band-killed-on-warpath winter.” They +formerly carried burdens on their backs, hung from a band passed across +the forehead. This man had a band of iron which is shown on his head. +So said the interpreter, but probably the band was not of the metal +iron. The word so translated has a double meaning and is connected with +religious ideas of water, spirit, and the color blue. + +[Illustration: FIG. 344.] + +Fig. 344, 1787-’88.--“Left-the-heyoka-man-behind winter.” A certain +man was heyoka--that is, his mind was disordered and he went about the +village bedecked with feathers singing to himself, and, while so, joined +a war party. On sighting the enemy the party fled, and called to him to +turn back also; as he was heyoka, he construed everything that was said +to him as meaning the very opposite, and therefore, instead of turning +back, he went forward and was killed. If they had only had sense enough +to tell him to go on, he would then have run away, but the thoughtless +people talked to him just as if he had been in an ordinary condition and +of course were responsible for his death. The mental condition of this +man and another device for the event are explained by other records (see +Fig. 651). + +[Illustration: FIG. 345.] + +Fig. 345, 1788-’89.--“Many-crows-died winter.” Other records for the +same year give as the explanation of the figure and the reason for its +selection that the crows froze to death because of the intense cold. + +[Illustration: FIG. 346.] + +Fig. 346, 1789-’90.--“Killed-two-Gros-Ventres-on-the-ice winter.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 347.] + +Fig. 347, 1790-’91.--“Carried-a-flag-about-with-them winter.” They went +to all the surrounding tribes with the flag, but for what purpose is +unknown. So said the interpreter, but The-Flame’s chart explains the +figure by the statement: “The first United States flags in the country +brought by United States troops.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 348.] + +Fig. 348, 1791-’92.--“Saw-a-white-woman winter.” The dress of the woman +indicates that she was not an Indian. This is obviously noted as being +the first occasion when the Dakotas, or at least the bands which this +record concerns, saw a white woman. + +[Illustration: FIG. 349.] + +Fig. 349, 1792-’93.--“Camped-near-the-Gros-Ventres winter.” They were +engaged in a constant warfare during this time. A Gros Ventre dirt +lodge, with the entrance in front, is depicted in the figure and on its +roof is a Gros Ventre head. + +[Illustration: FIG. 350.] + +Fig. 350, 1793-’94.--“Killed-a-long-haired-man-at-Rawhide-butte winter.” +The Dakotas attacked a village of 58 lodges and killed every soul in it. +After the fight they found the body of a man whose hair was done up with +deer-hide in large rolls, and, on cutting them open, found it was all +real hair, very thick, and as long as a lodge-pole. [Mem. Catlin tells +of a Crow called Long-Hair whose hair, by actual measurement, was 10 +feet and 7 inches long.] The fight was at Rawhide butte (now so called +by the whites), which the Dakotas named Buffalo-Hide butte, because they +found so many buffalo hides in the lodges. According to Cloud-Shield, +Long-Hair was killed in 1786-’87, and according to American-Horse, +Long-Hair, a Cheyenne, was killed in 1796-’97. + +[Illustration: FIG. 351.] + +Fig. 351, 1794-’95.--“Killed-the-little-faced-Pawnee winter.” The +Pawnee’s face was long, flat, and narrow, like a man’s hand, but he had +the body of a large man. + +White-Cow-Killer calls it: “Little-Face-killed winter.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 352.] + +Fig. 352, +1795-’96.--“The-Rees-stood-the-frozen-man-up-with-the-buffalo-stomach-in-his-hand +winter.” The body of a Dakota who had been killed in an encounter with +the Rees (Pawnees), and had been left behind, frozen. The Rees dragged +it into their village, propped it up with a stick, and hung a buffalo +stomach filled with ice in one hand to make sport of it. The buffalo +stomach was in common use at that time as a water-jug. + +[Illustration: FIG. 353.] + +Fig. 353, 1796-’97.--“Wears-the-War-Bonnet-died winter.” He did not +die this winter, but received a wound in the abdomen from which the +arrowhead could not be extracted, and he died of the “bellyache” years +after. + +[Illustration: FIG. 354.] + +Fig. 354, 1897-’98.--“Took-the-God-Woman-captive winter.” A Dakota war +party captured a woman--tribe unknown--who, in order to gain their +respect, cried out, “I am a Wakan-Tanka,” meaning that she belonged to +God, whereupon they let her go unharmed. This is the origin of their +name for God (Wakan Tanka, the Great Holy, or Supernatural One). They +had never heard of a Supernatural Being before, but had offered their +prayers to the sun, the earth, and many other objects, believing they +were endowed with spirits. [Those are the remarks of Battiste Good, who +is only half correct, being doubtless influenced by missionary teaching. +The term is much older and signifies mystic or unknown.] + +[Illustration: FIG. 355.] + +Fig. 355, 1798-’99.--“Many-women-died-in-childbirth winter.” They died +of bellyache. The convoluted sign for pain in the abdominal region has +appeared before. Cloud-Shield’s winter count for the same year records +the same mortality among the women which was perhaps an epidemic of +puerperal fever. + +[Illustration: FIG. 356.] + +Fig. 356, +1799-1800.--“Don’t-Eat-Buffalo-Heart-made-a-commemoration-of-the-dead +winter.” A buffalo heart is represented above the man. Don’t Eat +is expressed by the gesture sign for negation, a part of which is +indicated, and the line connecting the heart with his month. The red +flag which is used in the ceremony is employed as its symbol. The name +Don’t-Eat-Buffalo-Heart refers to the man for whom that viand is taboo, +either by gentile rules or from personal visions. The religious ceremony +of commemoration of the dead is mentioned elsewhere in this work, see +Chapter XIV, section 6. + +[Illustration: FIG. 357.] + +Fig. 357, 1800-’01.--“The-Good-White-Man-came winter.” Seven white men +came in the spring of the year to their village in a starving condition; +after feeding them and treating them well, they allowed them to go on +their way unmolested. The Dakotas [of the recorder’s band] had heard of +the whites, but had never seen any before. In the fall some more came, +and with them, The-Good-White-Man, who is represented in the figure, and +who was the first one to trade with them. They became very fond of him +because of his fair dealings with them. The gesture made by his hands is +similar to benediction, and suggests a part of the Indian gesture sign +for “good.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 358.] + +Fig. 358, 1801-’02.--“Smallpox-used-them-up-again winter.” The man +figure is making a part of a common gesture sign for death, which +consists substantially in changing the index from a perpendicular to a +horizontal position and then pointing to the ground. + +[Illustration: FIG. 359.] + +Fig. 359, 1802-’03.--“Brought-home-Pawnee-horses-with-iron-shoes-on +winter.” The Dakotas had not seen horseshoes before. This agrees with +and explains Lone-Dog’s Winter Count for the same year. + +[Illustration: FIG. 360.] + +Fig. 360, +1803-’04.--“Brought-home-Pawnee-horses-with-their-hair-rough-and-curly +winter.” The curly hair is indicated by the curved marks. Lone-Dog’s +Winter Count for the same year records the same incident, but states +that the curly horses were stolen from the Crows. + +[Illustration: FIG. 361.] + +Fig. 361, 1804-’05.--“Sung-over-each-other-while-on-the-war-path +winter.” A war party while out made a large pipe and sang each other’s +praises. The use of an ornamented pipe in connection with the ceremonies +of organizing a war party is mentioned in Chapter XV. + +[Illustration: FIG. 362.] + +Fig. 362, 1805-’06.--“They-came-and-killed-eight winter.” The enemy +killed eight Dakotas, as shown by the arrow and the eight marks beneath +it. + +[Illustration: FIG. 363.] + +Fig. 363, 1806-’07.--“Killed-them-while-hunting-eagles winter.” Some +Dakota eagle-hunters were killed by enemies. See Lone-Dog’s Winter Count +for the same year. + +[Illustration: FIG. 364.] + +Fig. 364, 1807-’08.--“Came-and-killed-man-with-red-shirt-on winter.” +Other records say that Red-Shirt killed in this year was an Uncpapa +Dakota, and that he was killed by Arikaras. + +[Illustration: FIG. 365.] + +Fig. 365, 1808-’09.--“Pawnees-(Rees)-killed-Blue-Blanket’s-father +winter.” A blanket, which in the original record is blue, is represented +above the arrow and across the man’s body. + +[Illustration: FIG. 366.] + +Fig. 366, 1809-’10.--“Little-Beaver’s-house-burned winter.” +Little-Beaver was an English trader, and his trading house was a log one. + +[Illustration: FIG. 367.] + +Fig. 367, +1810-’11.--“Brought-home-horse-with-his-tail-braided-with-eagle-feathers +winter.” They stole a band of horses beyond the South Platte. One of +them was very fleet, and had his tail ornamented as described. + +[Illustration: FIG. 368.] + +Fig. 368, 1811-’12.--“First-hunted-horses winter.” The Dakotas caught +wild horses in the Sand Hills with braided lariats. + +[Illustration: FIG. 369.] + +Fig. 369, 1812-’13.--“Rees-killed-Big-in-the-Middle’s-father winter.” +Other records call this warrior Big-Waist and Big-Belly. + + +[Illustration: FIG. 370.] + +Fig. 370, 1813-’14.--“Killed-six-Pawnees (Rees) winter.” Six strokes are +under the arrow, but are not shown in the copy. + +[Illustration: FIG. 371.] + +Fig. 371, 1814-’15.--“Smashed-a-Kiowa’s-head-in winter.” The tomahawk +with which it was done is sticking in the Kiowa’s head. + +[Illustration: FIG. 372.] + +Fig. 372, 1815-’16.-“The-Sans-Arcs-made-large-houses winter.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 373.] + +Fig. 373, 1816-’17.--“Lived-again-in-their-large-houses winter.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 374.] + +Fig. 374, 1817-’18.--“Chozé-built-a-house-of-dead-logs winter.” The +house was for trading purposes. The Frenchman’s name is evidently a +corruption. + +[Illustration: FIG. 375.] + +Fig. 375, 1818-’19.--“Smallpox-used-them-up-again winter.” They at this +time lived on the Little White river, about 20 miles above the Rosebud +agency. The two fingers held up may mean the second time the fatal +epidemic appeared in the particular body of Indians concerned in the +record. + +[Illustration: FIG. 376.] + +Fig. 376, 1819-’20.--“Chozé-built-a-house-of-rotten-wood winter.” +Another trading house was built. + +[Illustration: FIG. 377.] + +Fig. 377, +1820-’21.--“They-made-bands-of-strips-of-blanket-in-the-winter.” These +bands were of mixed colors and reached from the shoulders to the heels. +They also made rattles of deer’s hoofs by tying them to sticks with +bead-covered strings. The man has a sash over his shoulders and a rattle +in his hand. + +[Illustration: FIG. 378.] + +Fig. 378, 1821-’22.--“Star-passed-by-with-loud-noise winter,” +“Much-whisky winter,” and “Used-up-the-Omahas winter.” In the figure +the meteor, its pathway, and the cloud from which it came are shown. +Whisky was furnished to them for the first time and without stint. +It brought death to them in a new form, many since then having died +from the excessive use of it, Red-Cloud’s father among the number. +Battiste Good, alias Wa-po’stan-gi, more accurately Wa-po-cta^n-xi +(Brown-Hat), historian and chief, was born. He says that Omaha bullets +were whizzing through the village and striking and piercing his mother’s +lodge as she brought him forth. Red-Cloud was also born. In the count +of American-Horse for this year he makes no mention of the meteor, but +strongly marks the whisky as the important figure for the winter. + +[Illustration: FIG. 379.] + +Fig. 379, 1822-’23.--“Peeler-froze-his-leg winter.” Peeler was a white +trader, and his leg was frozen while he was on his way to or from the +Missouri river. The name is explained by White Cow Killer’s record as +follows: “White-man-peels-the-stick-in-his-hand-broke-his-leg winter.” +He was probably a Yankee, addicted to whittling. + +[Illustration: FIG. 380.] + +Fig. 380, 1823-’24.--“General-——-first-appeared-and-the-Dakotas-aided- +in-an-attack-on-the-Rees winter.” Also “Much-corn winter”. The gun and +the arrow in contact with the ear of corn show that both whites and +Indians fought the Rees. This refers to Gen. Leavenworth’s expedition +against the Arikara in 1823, when several hundred Dakotas were his +allies. This expedition is mentioned several times in this work. + +[Illustration: FIG. 381.] + +Fig. 381, 1824-’25.--“Killed-two-picking-plums winter.” A Dakota war +party surprised and killed two Pawnees who were gathering plums. + +[Illustration: FIG. 382.] + +Fig. 382, 1825-’26.--“Many-Yanktonais-drowned winter.” The river bottom +on a bend of the Missouri river, where they were encamped, was suddenly +submerged, when the ice broke and many women and children were drowned. +All the Winter Counts refer to this flood. + +[Illustration: FIG. 383.] + +Fig. 383, 1826-’27.--“Ate-a-whistle-and-died winter.” Six Dakotas on +the war path (shown by bow and arrow) had nearly perished with hunger, +when they found and ate the rotting carcass of an old buffalo, on which +the wolves had been feeding. They were seized soon after with pains in +the stomach, the abdomen swelled, and gas poured from mouth and anus, +and they died of a whistle or from eating a whistle. The sound of gas +escaping from the mouth is illustrated in the figure. + +[Illustration: FIG. 384.] + +Fig. 384, 1827-’28.--“Wore-snowshoes winter.” The snow was very deep. + +[Illustration: FIG. 385.] + +Fig. 385, 1828-’29.--“Killed-two-hundred-Gros Ventres (Hidatsas) winter.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 386.] + +Fig. 386, 1829-’30.--“Old-Speckled-Face-clung-to-his-son-in-law winter.” +The daughter of Speckled-Face, who was coming out second best in an +altercation with her husband, called to her father for help. The latter +ran and grabbed his son-in-law around the waist, and, crying “That is my +daughter,” stabbed him. The son-in-law fell and the old man fell on top +of him, and, clinging to him, begged the lookers on to put an end to him +also, as he wished to bear his beloved son-in-law company to the spirit +land. No one, however, was in the humor to speed him on the journey, and +he remained with the living. + +[Illustration: FIG. 387.] + +Fig. 387, 1830-’31.--“Shot-many-white-buffalo-cows winter.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 388.] + +Fig. 388, 1831-’32.--“Killed-him-while-looking-about-on-the-hill +winter.” A Dakota, while watching for buffalo at Buffalo Gap, in the +Black Hills, was shot by the Crows. The man is represented on a hill, +which is dotted with pine trees and patches of grass. Battiste makes the +grass blue. Blue and green are frequently confounded by other Indians +than Battiste, and some tribes have but one name for the two colors. + +[Illustration: FIG. 389.] + +Fig. 389, 1832-’33.--“Stiff-Leg-with-War-Bonnet-on-died winter.” He was +killed in an engagement with the Pawnees on the Platte river, in which +the Brulés killed one hundred Pawnees. + +[Illustration: FIG. 390.] + +Fig. 390, 1833-’34.--“Storm-of-stars winter.” All the Winter Counts +refer to this great meteoric display, which occurred on the night of +November 12, 1833, and was seen over most of the United States. + +[Illustration: FIG. 391.] + +Fig. 391, 1834-’35.--“Killed-the-Cheyenne-who-came-to-the-camp winter.” +A Cheyenne who stole into the village by night was detected and killed. +The village was near what is now the Pine Ridge agency. + +[Illustration: FIG. 392.] + +Fig. 392, 1835-’36.--“Killed-the-two-war-party-leaders winter.” A Dakota +war party met one of Pawnees and killed two of their leaders, whereupon +the rest ran. + +[Illustration: FIG. 393.] + +Fig. 393, 1836-’37.--“Fight-on-the-ice winter.” They fought with the +Pawnees on the ice, on the Platte river, and killed seven of them. The +two vertical marks, which are for the banks of the river, and the two +opposed arrows, signify that the tribes were on opposite sides of the +river. + +[Illustration: FIG. 394.] + +Fig. 394, 1837-’38.--“Spread-out-killed winter.” A Santee man, whose +name is indicated by his spread hands, was killed by soldiers. + +[Illustration: FIG. 395.] + +Fig. 395, 1838-’39.--“Came-and-killed-five-Oglálas winter.” They were +killed by Pawnees. The man in the figure has on a capote, the hood of +which is drawn over his head. This garment is used here as a sign for +war, as the Dakotas commonly wear it on their war expeditions. + +[Illustration: FIG. 396.] + +Fig. 396, 1839-’40.--“Came-home-from-the-starve-to-death-war-path +winter.” All of the Dakota tribes united in an expedition against the +Pawnees. They killed one hundred Pawnees, but nearly perished with +hunger. + +[Illustration: FIG. 397.] + +Fig. 397, 1840-’41--“Came-and-killed-five-of-Little-Thunder’s-brothers +winter,” and “Battiste-alone-returns winter.” The five were killed in an +encounter with the Pawnees. Battiste Good was the only one of the party +to escape. The capote is shown again. + +[Illustration: FIG. 398.] + +Fig. 398, 1841-’42.--“Pointer-made-a-commemoration-of-the-dead winter.” +Also “Deep-snow winter.” The extended index denotes the man’s name, the +ring and spots deep snow. + +[Illustration: FIG. 399.] + +Fig. 399, +1842-’43.--“Killed-four-lodges-of-Shoshoni-and-brought-home-many-horses +winter.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 400.] + +Fig. 400, 1843-’44.--“Brought-home-the-magic-arrow winter.” This arrow +originally belonged to the Cheyennes from whom the Pawnees stole it. The +Dakotas captured it this winter from the Pawnees and the Cheyennes then +redeemed it for one hundred horses. + +[Illustration: FIG. 401.] + +Fig. 401, 1844-’45.--“The-Crows-came-and-killed-thirty-eight-Oglálas +winter.” The Oglálas were on the warpath, as indicated by the capote. + +[Illustration: FIG. 402.] + +Fig. 402, +1845-’46.--“Broke-out-on-faces-had-sore-throats-and-camped-under-the-bluff +winter.” “Also-had-bellyache.” The position of the camp is shown, also +the suggestive attitude of the man. + +[Illustration: FIG. 403.] + +Fig. 403, 1846-’47.--“Winter-camp-broke-his-neck winter.” He was thrown +from his horse while on a hunt. The red on his neck is the break. + +[Illustration: FIG. 404.] + +Fig. 404, 1847-’48.--“The-Teal-broke-his-leg winter.” His arm is +lengthened to direct attention to his leg. The Chinese radical and +phonetic character for the same concept, Fig. 1193, infra, may be +compared, as also Fig. 231, supra. + +[Illustration: FIG. 405.] + +Fig. 405, 1848-’49.--“Killed-the-hermaphrodite winter” and +“Big-horse-stealing winter.” They captured a Crow who pretended to be a +woman, but who proved to be a man, and they killed him. It is probable +that this was one of the men, not uncommon among the Indian tribes, who +adopt the dress and occupation of women. This is sometimes compulsory +from failure to pass an ordeal or from exhibition of cowardice. Eight +hundred horses were stolen from the Dakotas, but seven hundred of them +were recovered. The Crows killed one Dakota, as is indicated by the +arrow in contact with the red spot in the hoof print. + +[Illustration: FIG. 406.] + +Fig. 406, 1849-’50.--“Brought-the-Crows-to-a-stand winter.” This was +done at Crow Butte, near Camp Robinson, Nebraska. It is said that a +party of Crows, who were flying from the Dakotas, took refuge on the +Butte about dark and that the Dakotas surrounded them, confident of +capturing them the next morning, but the Crows escaped during the night, +very much to the chagrin of the Dakotas. The Crow’s head is just visible +on the summit of the hill, as if the body had gone down. + +[Illustration: FIG. 407.] + +Fig. 407, 1850-’51.--“The-big-smallpox winter.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 408.] + +Fig. 408, 1851-’52.--“First-issue-of-goods winter.” The colored patches +outside the circle are at the four cardinal points, the colored patches +inside the circle are meant for blankets and the other articles issued, +and the circle of strokes the people sitting. The Dakotas were told +that fifty-five years after that issue they would have to cultivate the +ground, and they understood that they would not be required to do it +before. + +[Illustration: FIG. 409.] + +Fig. 409, 1852-’53.--“Deep-snow-used-up-the-horses winter.” The spots +around the horses represent snow. + +[Illustration: FIG. 410.] + +Fig. 410, 1853-’54.--“Cross-Bear-died-on-the-hunt winter.” The travail +means they moved; the buffalo, to hunt buffalo; the bear with mouth +open and paw advanced, Cross-Bear; the stomach and intestines, took +the bellyache and died. The gesture sign for bear is made as follows: +Slightly crook the thumbs and little fingers, and nearly close the other +fingers; then, with their backs upward, hold the hands a little in +advance of the body or throw them several times quickly forward a few +inches. The sign is sometimes made with one hand only. + +For explanation of the word “travail,” applied to the Indian sledge made +of the joined tent poles, see Fig. 764 and accompanying remarks. + +[Illustration: FIG. 411.] + +Fig. 411, 1854-’55.--“Killed-five-Assiniboins winter.” The Dakotas are +ashamed of the part they took in the following deplorable occurrence and +it is not therefore noted in the record, although it really marks the +year. In consequence of a misunderstanding in regard to an old foot-sore +cow, which had been abandoned on the road by some emigrants and which +the Dakotas had innocently appropriated, Lieut. Grattan, Sixth U. S. +Infantry, killed Conquering Bear (Mato-way'uhi, Startling Bear properly) +about ten miles east of Fort Laramie, August 19, 1854. The Dakotas then, +in retaliation, massacred Lieut. Grattan and the thirty men of Company +G, Sixth U. S. Infantry, he had with him. + +The figure without the above statement tells the simple story about the +killing of five Assiniboins who are denoted by the usual tribal sign, +the number being designated by the five strokes below the arrow. + +[Illustration: FIG. 412.] + +Fig. 412, +1855-’56.--“Little-Thunder-and-Battiste-Good-and-others-taken-prisoners- +at-Ash-Hollow-on-the-Blue-creek winter,” and one hundred and +thirty Dakotas were killed by the white soldiers. Also called +“Many-sacrificial-flags winter.” The last-mentioned name for the +winter is explained by other records and by Executive Document No. 94, +Thirty-fourth Congress, first session, Senate, to refer to a council +held on March 18, 1856, by Brevet Brig. Gen. W. S. Harney, U. S. Army, +with nine of the bands of the Dakotas. + +[Illustration: FIG. 413.] + +Fig. 413, +1856-’57.--“Bad-Four-Bear-trades-with-Battiste-Good-for-furs-all +winter.” Bad-Four-Bear, a white trader, is represented sitting smoking +a pipe in front of Battiste’s tipi under a bluff at Fort Robinson, +Nebraska. + +[Illustration: FIG. 414.] + +Fig. 414, 1857-’58.--“Hunted-bulls-only winter.” They found but few +cows, the buffalo being composed principally of bulls. The travail is +shown. + +[Illustration: FIG. 415.] + +Fig. 415, 1858-’59.--“Many-Navajo-blankets winter.” A Navajo blanket is +shown in the figure. Several of the records agree in the explanation +about the bringing of these blankets at that time. + +[Illustration: FIG. 416.] + +Fig. 416, 1859-’60.--“Came-and-killed-Big-Crow winter.” The two marks +under the arrow indicate that two were killed. + +[Illustration: FIG. 417.] + +Fig. 417, +1860-’61.--“Broke-out-with-rash-and-died-with-pains-in-the-stomach +winter.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 418.] + +Fig. 418, 1861-’62.--“Killed-Spotted-Horse winter.” Spotted Horse and +another Crow came and stole many horses from the Dakotas, who followed +them, killed them, and recovered their horses. + +[Illustration: FIG. 419.] + +Fig. 419, 1862-’63--“Cut-up-the-boy-in-the-camp winter.” The Crows came +to the lodges and cut up the boy while the people were away. The knife +above his head shows that he was cut to pieces. + +[Illustration: FIG. 420.] + +Fig. 420, 1863-’64.--“Crows-came-and-killed-eight winter.” Some of the +eight were Cheyennes. The marks below the arrow represent the killed. + +[Illustration: FIG. 421.] + +Fig. 421, 1864-’65.--“Roaster-made-a-commemoration-of-the-dead winter.” +A piece of roasted meat is shown on the stick in the man’s hand. The +Dakotas roast meat on a stick held in front of the fire. + +[Illustration: FIG. 422.] + +Fig. 422, 1865-’66.--“Deep-snow-used-up-the-horses winter.” The horse is +obviously in a deplorable condition. + +[Illustration: FIG. 423.] + +Fig. 423, 1866-’67.--“Beaver’s-Ears-killed winter.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 424.] + +Fig. 424, +1867-’68.--“Battiste-Good-made-peace-with-General-Harney-for-the-people +winter.” This refers to the great Dakota treaty of 1868 in which other +general officers besides Gen. Harney were active and other Indian chiefs +much more important than Battiste took part. The assumption of his +intercession is an exhibition of boasting. + +[Illustration: FIG. 425.] + +Fig. 425, 1868-’69.--“Killed-Long-Fish winter” and “Killed-fifteen +winter.” The Crows killed fifteen Sans Arcs and Long-Fish also, a Lower +Brulé. The long fish is shown attached by a line to the mouth of the man +figure in the manner that personal names are frequently portrayed in +this paper. + +[Illustration: FIG. 426.] + +Fig. 426, 1869-’70.--“Trees-killed-them winter.” A tree falling on a +lodge killed a woman. + +[Illustration: FIG. 427.] + +Fig. 427, 1870-’71.--“Came-and-killed-High-Back-Bone winter.” He was a +chief. The Crows and Shoshoni shot him at long range, and the pistol +with which he was armed was of no service to him. + +[Illustration: FIG. 428.] + +Fig. 428, 1871-’72.--“Gray-Bear-died winter.” He died of the bellyache. + +[Illustration: FIG. 429.] + +Fig. 429, 1872-’73.--“Issue-year winter.” A blanket is shown near the +tipi. A blanket is often used as the symbol for issue of goods by the +United States Government. + +[Illustration: FIG. 430.] + +Fig. 430, 1873-’74.--“Measles-and-sickness-used-up-the-people winter.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 431.] + +Fig. 431, 1874-’75.--“Utes-stole-horses winter.” They stole five hundred +horses. The Utes are called “black men,” hence the man in the figure is +represented as black. He is throwing his lariat in the direction of the +hoof prints. + +[Illustration: FIG. 432.] + +Fig. 432, 1875-’76.--“Bull-Head-made-a-commemoration-of-the-dead winter.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 433.] + +Fig. 433, 1876-’77.--“Female-Elk-Walks-Crying-died winter.” For some +explanation of this figure see Lone Dog’s Winter Count for 1860-’61. + +[Illustration: FIG. 434.] + +Fig. 434, +1877-’78.--“Crazy-Horse-came-to-make-peace-and-was-killed-with-his- +hands-stretched-out winter.” This refers to the well-known killing of +the chief Crazy-Horse while a prisoner. + +[Illustration: FIG. 435.] + +Fig. 435, +1878-’79.--“Brought-the-Cheyennes-back-and-killed-them-in-the-house +winter.” The Cheyennes are shown in prison surrounded by blood stains, +and with guns pointing toward them. The Cheyennes referred to are those +who left the Indian Territory in 1878 and made such a determined effort +to reach their people in the north, and who, after committing many +atrocities, were captured and taken to Fort Robinson, Nebraska. They +broke from the house in which they were confined and attempted to escape +January 9, 1879. Many of them were killed; it was reported at the time +among the Dakotas that they were massacred in their prison by the troops. + +[Illustration: FIG. 436.] + +Fig. 436, 1879-’80.--“Sent-the-boys-and-girls-to-school winter.” A boy +with a pen in his hand is represented in the picture. + + + + +CHAPTER XI. + +NOTICES. + + +This is an important division of the purposes for which pictographs are +used. The pictographs and the objective devices antecedent to them under +this head may be grouped as follows: 1st. Notice of visit, departure, +and direction. 2d. Direction by drawing topographic features. 3d. Notice +of condition. 4th. Warning and guidance. + + +SECTION 1. + +NOTICE OF VISIT, DEPARTURE, AND DIRECTION. + +Mr. G. K. Gilbert, of the U. S. Geological Survey, discovered drawings +at Oakley spring, Yavapai County, Arizona, in 1878. He remarks that +an Oraibi chief explained them to him and said that the “Mokis make +excursions to a locality in the canyon of the Colorado Chiquito to get +salt. On their return they stop at Oakley spring and each Indian makes +a picture on the rock. Each Indian draws his crest or totem, the symbol +of his gens (?). He draws it once, and once only, at each visit.” Mr. +Gilbert adds, further, that-- + + There are probably some exceptions to this, but the drawings + show its general truth. There are a great many repetitions of + the same sign and from two to ten will often appear in a row. + In several instances I saw the end drawings of a row quite fresh + while the others were not so. Much of the work seems to have been + performed by pounding with a hard point, but a few pictures are + scratched on. Many drawings are weather-worn beyond recognition, + and others are so fresh that the dust left by the tool has not been + washed away by rain. Oakley spring is at the base of the Vermilion + cliff, and the etchings are on fallen blocks of sandstone, a + homogeneous, massive, soft sandstone. Tubi, the Oraibi chief above + referred to, says his totem is the rain cloud, but it will be made + no more, as he is the last survivor of the gens. + +[Illustration: FIG. 437.--Petroglyphs at Oakley spring, Arizona.] + +A group from Oakley spring, of which Fig. 437 is a copy, furnished +by Mr. Gilbert, measures 6 feet in length and 4 feet in height. +Interpretations of several of the separated characters are given in +Chapter XXI, infra. + +Champlain (_b_) reports: + + Quelque marque ou signal par où ayont passé leurs ennemis, ou + leurs amis, ce qu’ils cognoissent par de certaines marques que les + chefs se donnent d’une nation a l’autre, qui ne sont pas toujours + semblables, s’advertisans de temps en temps quand ils en changent; + et par ce moyen ils recognoissent si ce sont amis ou ennemis qui ont + passé. + +A notice of departure, direction, and purpose made in 1810 by +Algonquins, of the St. Lawrence River, is described by John Merrick in +the Collections of the Maine Historical Society (_a_), of which the +following is an abstract; + + It was drawn with charcoal on a chip cut from a spruce tree + and wedged firmly into the top of a stake. It represented two male + Indians paddling a canoe in an attitude of great exertion, and + in the canoe were bundles of baggage and a squaw with a papoose; + over all was a bird on the wing ascertained to be a loon. The + whole was interpreted by an Indian pilot on the St. Lawrence, to + be a Wickheegan or Awickheegan, and that it was left by a party + of Indians for the information of their friends. The attitude of + exertion showed that the party, consisting of two men, a woman, and + a child, were going upstream. They intended to remain during the + whole period allotted by Indians to the kind of hunting which was + then in season, because they had all their furniture and family in + the canoe. The loon expressed the intention to go without stopping + anywhere before they arrived at the hunting ground, as the loon, + from the shortness of its legs, walking with great difficulty, never + alighted on its way. + +The following account is from Doc. Hist. N.Y. (_a_). + + When they go to war and wish to inform those of the party who + may pass their path, they make a representation of the animal of + their tribe, with a hatchet in his dexter paw; sometimes a saber + or a club; and if there be a number of tribes together of the same + party, each draws the animal of his tribe, and their number, all + on a tree from which they remove the bark. The animal of the tribe + which heads the expedition is always the foremost. + +The three following figures show the actual use of the wikhegan by +the Abnaki in the last generation. Wikhegan is a Passamaquoddy word +which corresponds in meaning nearly to our missive, or letter, being +intelligence conveyed to persons at a distance by marks on a piece of +birch bark, which may be either sent to the person or party with whom it +is desired to hold communication, or may be left in a conspicuous place +for such persons to notice on their expected arrival. In the cases now +figured the wikhegan was left as notice of departure and direction. +They were made at different times by the brother, now dead, of Big +Raven, baptized as Noel Joseph, who lived all alone on Long Lake, a +few miles from Princeton, Maine. He would not have anything to do with +civilization, and subsisted by hunting and fishing in the old fashion, +nor would he learn a word of French or English. When he would go on any +long expedition his custom was to tie to a stick conspicuously attached +to his wigwam a small roll of birch bark, with the wikhegan on it for +the information of his friends. + +[Illustration: FIG. 438.--Hunting notices.] + +The upper device of Fig. 438 means, I am going across the lake to hunt +deer. + +The middle device means, I am going towards the lake and will turn off +at the point where there is a pointer, before reaching the lake. + +The lower device means, I am going hunting--will be gone all winter, the +last information indicated by snowshoes and packed sledge. + +The following description of a pictograph on the Pacific coast is +extracted from Dr. Gibbs’ (_a_) account, “Tribes of Western Washington,” +etc., Contrib. to N. A. Ethn. I, p. 222, of the Sound tribes. + + A party of Snakes are going to hunt strayed horses. A figure + of a man, with a long queue or scalp lock, reaching to his heels, + denoted Shoshone; that tribe being in the habit of braiding horse or + other hair into their own in that manner. A number of marks follow, + signifying the strength of the party. A footprint, pointing in the + direction they take, shows their course, and a hoof mark turned + backward, that they expect to return with animals. If well armed, + and expecting a possible attack, a little powder mixed with sand + tells that they are ready, or a square dotted about the figures + indicates that they have fortified. These pictographs are often an + object of study to decipher the true meaning. The shrewder or more + experienced old men consult over them. It is not everyone that is + sufficiently versed in the subject to decide correctly. + +Dr. W. J. Hoffman obtained the original of the accompanying drawing, +Fig. 439, from Naumoff, an Alaskan, in San Francisco in 1882; also the +interpretation. + +The drawing was in imitation of similar ones made by the natives to +inform their visitors or friends of their departure for a purpose +designated. They are depicted upon strips of wood, which are placed in +conspicuous places near the doors of the habitations. + +[Illustration: FIG. 439.--Alaskan notice of hunt.] + +The following is the explanation of the characters: _a_, the speaker, +with the right hand indicating himself and with the left pointing in +the direction to be taken; _b_, holding a boat-paddle, going by boat; +_c_, the right hand to the side of the head, to denote sleep, and the +left elevated with one finger erect to signify one night; _d_, a circle +with two marks in the middle, signifying an island with huts upon it; +_e_, same as _a_; _f_, a circle to denote another island; _g_, same as +_c_, with an additional finger elevated, signifying two nights; _h_, +the speaker, with his harpoon, making the sign of a sea-lion with the +left hand. The flat hand is held edgewise with the thumb elevated, then +pushed outward from the body in a slightly downward curve. At _i_ is +represented a sea-lion; _j_, shooting with bow and arrow; _k_, the boat +with two persons in it, the paddles projecting downward; _l_, the winter +or permanent habitation of the speaker. + +The following, Fig. 440, is of a similar nature to the preceding, and +was obtained under similar circumstances. + +[Illustration: FIG. 440.--Alaskan notice of departure.] + +The explanation of the above characters is as follows: + +The letters _a_, _c_, _e_, _g_, represent the person spoken to. + +_b._ Indicates the speaker with his right hand to the side or breast, +indicating _self_, the left hand pointing in the direction in which he +is going. + +_d._ Both hands elevated, with fingers and thumbs signifies many, +according to the informant. When the hands are thus held up, in +sign-language, it signifies _ten_, but when they are brought toward and +backward from one another, _many_. + +_f._ The right hand is placed to the head to denote sleep--_many +sleeps_, or, in other words, _many nights and days_; the left hand +points downward, _at that place_. + +_h._ The right hand is directed toward the starting point, while the +left is brought upward toward the head--_to go home_, or _whence he +came_. + +The drawing presented in Fig. 441 was made by a native Alaskan, and +represents information to the effect that the artist contemplates +making a journey to hunt deer. The drawing is made upon a narrow strip +of wood, and placed on or near the door of the house, where visitors +will readily perceive it. + +[Illustration: FIG. 441.--Alaskan notice of hunt.] + +In this figure the curves _a a_ represent the contour lines of the +country and mountain peaks; _b_, native going away from home; _c_, +stick placed on hilltop, with bunch of grass attached, pointing in the +direction he has taken; _d_, native of another settlement, with whom the +traveler remained over night; _e_, lodge; _f_, line representing the end +of the first day, i. e., the time between two days; rest; _g_, traveler +again on the way; _h_, making signal that on second day (right hand +raised with two extended fingers) he saw game (deer, _i_,) on a hilltop, +which he secured, so terminating his journey; _i_, deer. + +Figs. 442, 443, and 444 were drawn by Naumoff and signify “Have gone +home.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 442.--Alaskan notice of direction.] + +His explanation of this figure is as follows: + +When one of a hunting party is about to return home and wishes to inform +his companions that he has started, he ascends the hilltop nearest to +which they became separated, where he ties a bunch of grass or other +light-colored material to the top of a long stick or pole. The lower end +of the stick is placed firmly in the ground, leaning in the direction +taken. When another hill is ascended, another stick with similar +attachment is erected, again leaning in the direction to be taken. These +sticks are placed at proper intervals until the village is sighted. This +device is employed by Southern Alaskan Indians. + +[Illustration: FIG. 443.--Alaskan notice of direction.] + +He explained Fig. 443 as follows: + +Seal hunters thus inform their comrades that they have returned to the +settlement. The first to return to the regular landing place sometimes +sticks a piece of wood into the ground, leaning toward the village, upon +which is drawn or scratched the outline of a baidarka, or skin canoe, +heading toward one or more outlines of lodges, signifying that the +occupants of the boat have gone toward their homes. + +[Illustration: FIG. 444.--Alaskan notice of direction.] + +This device is used by coast natives of Southern Alaska and Kadiak. He +explained Fig. 444 as follows: + +When hunters become separated, the one first returning to the forks +of the trail puts a piece of wood in the ground, on the top of which +he makes an incision, into which a short piece of wood is secured +horizontally, so as to point in the direction taken. + +Maj. Long--Keating’s Long (_a_)--says: + + When we stopped to dine, White Thunder (the Winnebago chief + that accompanied me), suspecting that the rest of his party were + in the neighborhood, requested a piece of paper, pen, and ink, to + communicate to them the intelligence of his having come up with me. + He then seated himself and drew three rude figures, which, at my + request, he explained to me. The first represented my boat with a + mast and flag, with three benches of oars and a helmsman. To show + that we were Americans, our heads were represented by a rude cross, + indicating that we wore hats. The representation of himself was a + rude figure of a bear over a kind of cipher, representing a hunting + ground. The second figure was designed to show that his wife was + with him; the device was a boat with a squaw seated in it; over her + head lines were drawn in a zigzag direction, indicating that she + was the wife of White Thunder. The third was a boat with a bear + sitting at the helm, showing that an Indian of that name [or of + the bear gens] had been seen on his way up the river and had given + intelligence where the party were. This paper he set up at the mouth + of Kickapoo creek, up which the party had gone on a hunting trip. + +An ingenious mode of giving intelligence is practiced at this day by +the Abnaki, as reported by H. L. Masta, chief of that tribe, lately +living at Pierreville, Quebec. When they are in the woods, to say “I +am going to the east,” a stick is stuck in the ground pointing in that +direction, Fig. 445, _a_. “I am not gone far,” another stick is stuck +across the former, close to the ground, same figure, _b_. “Gone far” is +the reverse, same figure, _c_. The number of days’ journey of proposed +absence is shown by the same number of sticks across the first; thus, +same figure, _d_, signifies five days’ journey. + +[Illustration: FIG. 445.--Abnaki notice of direction.] + +Fig. 446, scratched on birch bark, was given to the present writer +at Fredericton, New Brunswick, in August, 1888, by Gabriel Acquin, +an Amalecite, then 66 years old, who spoke English quite well. The +circumstances under which it was made and used are in the Amalecite’s +words, as follows: + +[Illustration: FIG. 446.--Amalecite notice of trip.] + +“When I was about 18 years old I lived at a village 11 miles above +Fredericton and went with canoe and gun. I canoed down to Washademoak +lake, about 40 miles below Fredericton; then took river until it became +too narrow for canoe; then ‘carried’ to Buctoos river; followed down to +bay of Chaleur; went up the northwest Mirimachi, and ‘carried’ into the +Nepisigiut. There spent the summer. On that river met a friend of my +time; we camped there. + +“One time while I was away my friend had gone down the river by himself +and had not left any wikhe'gan for me. I had planned to go off and left +for him this wikhe'gan, to tell where I would be and how long gone. The +wigwam at the lower left-hand corner showed the one used by us, with the +river near it. The six notches over the door of the wigwam meant that I +would be gone six days. The canoe and man nearest to the wigwam referred +to my friend, who had gone in the opposite direction to that I intended +to travel. Next to it I was represented in my own canoe, with rain +falling, to show the day I started, which was very rainy. Then the canoe +carried by me by a trail through woods shows the ‘carry’ to Nictaux +lake, beside which is a very big mountain. I stayed at that lake for six +days, counting the outgoing and returning. As I had put the wikhe'gan +in the wigwam before I started, my friend on his return understood all +about me, and, counting six from and including the rainy day, knew just +when I was coming back, and was waiting for me.” + +The chief point of interest in this notice is the ingenious mode of +fixing the date of departure. The marks for rain are nearly obliterated, +but it flows from the man’s hair. The topography is also delineated. + +The following is extracted from James Long’s Expedition (_b_): + + On the bank of the Platte river was a semicircular row of + sixteen bison skulls, with their noses pointing down the river. + Near the center of the circle which this row would describe, if + continued, was another skull marked with a number of red lines. + + Our interpreter informed us that this arrangement of skulls + and other marks here discovered were designed to communicate the + following information, namely, that the camp had been occupied by + a war party of the Skeeree or Pawnee Loup Indians, who had lately + come from an excursion against the Cumancias, Ietans, or some of + the western tribes. The number of red lines traced on the painted + skull indicated the number of the party to have been thirty-six; the + position in which the skulls were placed, that they were on their + return to their own country. Two small rods stuck in the ground, + with a few hairs tied in two parcels to the end of each, signified + that four scalps had been taken. + +When a hunting party of the Hidatsa arrived at any temporary camping +ground from which some of them had left on a short reconnoitering +expedition, the remainder, having occasion to move, erect a pole and +cause it to lean in the direction taken. At the foot of this pole a +buffalo shoulder blade or other flat bone is placed, upon which is +depicted the reason of departure; e. g. should buffalo or antelope be +seen, the animal is drawn with a piece of charred wood or red lead. + +When a Hidatsa party has gone on the warpath, and a certain number is +detailed to take another direction, the point of separation is taken as +the rendezvous. After the return of the first party to the rendezvous, +should the second not come up in a reasonable length of time, they +will set sticks in the ground leaning in the direction to be taken, +and notches are cut into the upper ends of the sticks to represent the +number of nights spent there by the waiting party. + +A party of Hidatsa who may be away from home for any purpose whatever +often appoint a rendezvous, from which point they return to their +respective lodges. Should one of the party return to the rendezvous +before any others and wish to make a special trip, he will, for the +information of the others, place a stick of about 3 or 4 feet in length +in the ground, upon the upper end of which a notch is cut, or perhaps a +split made for the reception of a thinner piece of twig or branch having +a length of about a foot. This horizontal top piece is inserted at one +end, so that the whole may point in the direction to be taken. Should +he wish to say that the trail would turn at a right angle, to either +side, at about half the distance of the whole journey in prospect, the +horizontal branch is either bent in that direction or a naturally curved +branch is selected having the turn at the middle of its entire length, +thus corresponding to the turn in the trail. Any direction can be +indicated by curves in the top branch. + +No prescribed system of characters is used at the present time by the +Ojibwa, in the indication of direction or travel. When anyone leaves +camp or home for any particular hunting or berry ground, a concerted +arrangement is made by which only those interested can, with any +certainty, recognize “blaze” or trail marks. + +[Illustration: FIG. 447.--Ojibwa notice of direction.] + +Three characters cut upon the bark of large pine trees observed in the +forest near Red Lake, Minnesota, are shown in Fig. 447. The Ojibwa using +such a mark will continue on a trail leading from his home, until he +leaves the trail, when a conspicuous tree, or in its absence a piece of +wood or bark, is selected upon which a human figure is cut, with one +arm elevated and pointing in the direction to be taken. These figures +measure about 18 inches in height. Those represented on the two sides +of the copy were cut into the bark of a “jack pine” without coloration, +and the one in the middle had been rubbed with red chalk upon the wood +of the trunk after the bark had been removed and the incision made. The +middle figure indicates the direction by its bearings, although the +pointers are differently arranged. + +Plain sticks are sometimes used by the Ojibwa to indicate direction. +These vary in length according to the fancy of the person and the +requirements of the case. They are stuck into the ground, and lean in +the direction to which notice is invited. + +When a preconcerted arrangement is made, scrolls of birch bark are +used, upon which important geographic features are delineated, so that +the reader can, with little difficulty, learn the course taken by the +traveler. For instance, a hunter upon leaving his home, deposits there a +scroll bearing marks such as appear in Fig. 448: + +[Illustration: FIG. 448.--Ojibwa notice of direction.] + +_a_ is a stream to be followed to a lake _b_, where the hunter will +erect his lodge _c_, during his stay. The do-dém (totem) is added, used +between persons or parties communicating, to show who was the one that +drew it. It is in the nature of a signature. + +Fig. 449 shows a still existing use of the wikhegan between a Penobscot +Indian and his nephew. It is copied from the original, incised on birch +bark, by Nicholas Francis, a Penobscot, of Oldtown, Maine, which was +obtained and kindly presented by Miss A. L. Alger of Boston. + +[Illustration: FIG. 449.--Penobscot notice of direction.] + +Pitalo (Roaring Lion), English name, Noel Lyon, and his old uncle, aged +over 70 years, went trapping for beaver in 1885 and camped at _d_, near +Moosehead Lake _h_, having their supply tent at _e_. They visited the +ponds _a_ and _b_ and knew there were beaver there, and set traps for +them, _f f_. The beaver dams are also shown extending across the outlets +of the streams. Noel came back from pond _b_ one day to the camping +tent and found this birch-bark wikhegan made by the old uncle, who still +used the pictographic method, as he does not know how to write, and by +this Noel knew his uncle had gone to pond _c_ to see if there were any +beaver there and would be gone one night, the latter expressed by one +line _g_ drawn between the two arrows pointing in opposite directions, +showing the going and returning on the same trail. + +The notable part of the above description is that the wikhegan +consisted of the chart of the geographic features before traversed by +the two trappers, with the addition of new features of the country +undoubtedly known to both of the Indians, but not before visited in the +present expedition. This addition exhibited the departure, its intent, +direction, and duration. + +[Illustration: FIG. 450.--Passamaquoddy notice of direction.] + +Sapiel Selmo, a chief of the Passamaquoddy tribe, who gave to the writer +the wikhegan copied as Fig. 450, in 1887, was then a very aged man and +has since died. He lived at Pleasant point, 7 miles north of Eastport, +Maine. He was the son of a noted chief, Selmo Soctomah (a corruption of +St. Thomas), who, as shown by a certificate exhibited, commanded 600 +Passamaquoddy Indians in the Revolutionary war. When a young man Sapiel, +with his father, had a temporary camp, _a_, at Machias Lake. He left +his father and went to their permanent home at Pleasant Point, _b_, to +get meat, and then returned to the first camp (route shown by double +track) and found that his father had gone, but that he had left in the +temporary wigwam the wikhegan on birch bark, showing that he had killed +one moose, the meat of which Sapiel found in the snow, and that the +father was going to hunt moose on the other lake (East Machias lake) +and would camp there three days, shown by the same number of strokes at +_c_; so he waited for him until he came back. + +Josiah Gregg (_a_) says of the Plains tribes: + + When traveling they will also pile heaps of stones upon mounds + or conspicuous points so arranged as to be understood by their + passing comrades; and sometimes they set up the bleached buffalo + heads, which are everywhere scattered over those plains, to indicate + the direction of their march, and many other facts which may be + communicated by those simple signs. + +Putnam (_a_) gives one example of this character: + + A family of five persons were killed--a tall man, a short, fat + woman, and three children--at some place to the north. Five sticks + were cut of various lengths. The longest being forked or split + indicated the man, the thick short one the woman, and three of + smaller sizes and lengths the children. They were all scalped, as + is shown by the peeling of the bark. There were thirteen Indians, + as we are informed by the stick with stripes and thirteen notches; + and they have fled south with two prisoners, as we judge from the + pointer and little strips of bark seemingly tied together. Sometimes + all the intimations would be on one stick or piece of bark. A spy + finding, at places well known, some of these mysterious articles, + would bring them to the station, where a consultation would be + held and conclusion drawn as to the meaning. A spy or hunter would + intimate to his friend his want of powder or lead or other want and + the place at which he would look for supplies. + +Hind (_a_) speaks of a special form of notice by the natives of the +Labrador peninsula: + + To indicate their speed and direction on a march, the Nasquapees + of the Labrador peninsula thrust a stick in the ground, with a tuft + of grass at the top, pointing toward their line of route, and they + show the rate at which they are traveling by the greater or less + inclination of the stick. This mode of communicating intelligence to + those who may follow is universal among Indians; but the excellent + and simple contrivance for describing the speed at which they travel + is not generally employed as far as I am aware, by other nations. + +Mr. Charles G. Leland, in a letter, tells that the English gypsies, at +a crossroad, drew the ordinary Latin cross with the long arm pointing +in the direction taken. Others pulled up three bunches of grass by the +roots and laid the green points in the direction. Others again, at the +present time, take a small stick and set it up inclining at an angle of +45 degrees in the line of travel. + +Dr. George M. Dawson (_a_) reports of the Shuswap people of British +Columbia-- + + A rag of clothing, particularly a small piece or pieces of + colored or other easily recognizable material from a woman’s dress, + left in a forked twig, indicates that a person or party of persons + has passed. If the stick stands upright, it means that the hour was + noon, if inclined it may either point to the direction of the sun at + the time or show the direction in which the person or party went. If + it is desired to show both, a larger stick points to the position + of the sun, a smaller to that of the route followed. If those for + whose information the signs are left are likely to arrive after an + interval of several days, a handful of fresh grass or a leafy branch + may be left, from the condition of which an estimate of the time + which has elapsed can be formed. Such signs are usually placed near + the site of the camp fire. + +The device to indicate the time of depositing the notice may be compared +with that shown in Fig. 446. + + +SECTION 2. + +DIRECTION BY DRAWING TOPOGRAPHIC FEATURES. + +[Illustration: FIG. 451.--Micmac notice of direction.] + +Fig. 451 is a notice by Micmac scouts, which tribe was then at war with +the Passamaquoddy, erected on a tree, to warn the rest of the tribe +that ten Passamaquoddy Indians have been observed in canoes on the lake +going toward the outlet of the lake and probably down the river. The +Passamaquoddy tribal pictograph is shown and the whole topography is +correctly drawn. + +Notes in literature relating to the skill of the North American Indians +in delineating geographic features are very frequent. The following are +selected for reference: + +Champlain (_c_), in 1605, described how the natives on the coast drew +with charcoal its bays, capes, and the mouths of rivers with such +accuracy that Massachusetts bay and Merrimack river have been identified. + +Lafitau (_d_) says of the northeastern tribes of Indians-- + + Ils tracent grossierement sur des écorces, on sur le sable, des + Cartes exactes, et ausquelles il ne manque que la distinction des + degrés. Ils conservent même de ces sortes de Cartes Geographiques + dans leur Trésor public, pour les consulter dans le besoin. + +Sir Alexander Mackenzie, (_a_) in 1793, spoke of the skilled manner of +chart-making by an Athabascan tribe, in which the Columbia river was +drawn. + +An interesting facsimile of a map with which the treaty of Hopewell, in +1875, made by the Cherokees, is connected, appears in American State +Papers, Indian Affairs, I, 40. + +Hind (_b_) writes: + + On lake Tash-ner-nus-kow, Labrador, was found a “letter” stuck + in a cleft pole overhanging the bank. It was written on birchbark, + and consisted of a small map of the country, with arrows showing the + direction the writer had taken, some crosses indicating where he + had camped, and a large cross to show where he intended to make his + first winter quarters. It was probably written by some Nasquapees as + a guide to others who might be passing up the river or hunting in + the country. + +The Tegua Pueblos, of New Mexico, “traced upon the ground a sketch of +their country, with the names and locations of the pueblos occupied in +New Mexico,” a copy of which, “somewhat improved,” is given by Lieut. +Whipple (_c_). + +A Yuma map of the Colorado river, with the names and locations of tribes +within its valley, is also figured in the last mentioned volume, page +19. The map was originally traced upon the ground. + +A Piute map of the Colorado river, which was obtained by Lieut. Whipple, +is also figured in the same connection. + +[Illustration: FIG. 452.--Lean-Wolf’s map. Hidatsa.] + +Lean-Wolf, of the Hidatsa, who drew the picture of which Fig. 452 is a +copy, made a trip on foot from Fort Berthold to Fort Buford, Dakota, +to steal a horse from the Dakotas encamped there. The returning horse +tracks show that he was successful and that he rode home. The following +is his explanation of the characters: + + Lean-Wolf is represented at _a_ by the head only of a man to + which is attached the outline of a wolf; _b_, Hidatsa earth lodges, + circular in form, the spots representing the pillars supporting + the roof--Indian village at Fort Berthold, Dakota; _c_, human + footprints, the course taken by the recorder; _d_, the Government + buildings at Fort Buford (square); _e_, several Hidatsa lodges + (round), the occupants of which had intermarried with the Dakotas; + _f_, Dakota lodges; _g_, a small square--a white man’s house--with + a cross marked upon it to represent a Dakota lodge, which denotes + that the owner, a white man, had married a Dakota woman, who dwelt + there; _h_, horse tracks returning to Fort Berthold; _i_, the + Missouri river; _j_, Tule creek; _k_, Little Knife river; _l_, White + Earth river; _m_, Muddy creek; _n_, Yellowstone river; _o_, Little + Missouri river; _p_, Dancing Beard creek. + +The following illustration, Fig. 453, is the chart of the field of a +battle between Ojibwas and Sioux with its description. The illustration, +made by Ojibwa, the old Indian elsewhere mentioned, was drawn on birch +bark, while the details of the description were oral. The locality +referred to is above the mouth of Crow river, near Sauk rapids, +Minnesota. + +[Illustration: FIG. 453.--Chart of battle field.] + + In the description _a_ is the Mississippi river; _b_, Crow river; + _c_, branch of Crow river; _d_, _e_, _f_, Crow lakes; _g_, Rice + lake; _h_, Clear Water lake; _i_, Clear Water river; _j_, Sauk + river; _k_, Big Sauk lake; _l_, Big prairie lake; _m_, Osakis lake; + _n_, Sauk rapids; _o_ and _p_, canoe and deer-hunting and fishing + grounds; _q_, 1 man and 2 women killed (Ojibwas); _r_, Sauk Center; + _s_, copses of timber--known as timber islands--on the prairie. + +The chart refers to an episode of war in 1854, when 3 Ojibwa were +pursued by 50 Dakota. Many of the lakes appear to be duplicated in name, +simply because no special name for them was known. + +Dr. Hoffman tells how at Grapevine springs, Nevada, in 1871, the Paiute +living at that locality informed the party of the relative position +of Las Vegas, the objective point. The Indian sat upon the sand and +with his hands formed an oblong ridge to represent Spring mountain, +and southeast of this ridge another gradual slope, terminating on the +eastern side more abruptly; over the latter he passed his fingers to +represent the side valleys running eastward. He then took a stick and +showed the direction of the old Spanish trail running east and west over +the lower portion of the last-named ridge. When this was completed, +with a mixture of English, Spanish, Paiute, and gesture signs, he told +that from where they were now they would have to go southward east of +Spring mountain to the camp of Paiute Charlie, where they would have to +sleep; then indicated a line southeastward to another spring (Stump’s) +to complete the second day; then he followed the line representing the +Spanish trail to the east of the divide of the second ridge above named, +where he left it, and passing northward to the first valley he thrust +the short stick into the ground and said, “Las Vegas.” + +Mr. W. von Streeruwitz, of the Geological Survey of Texas, contributes +the copy of a map, evidently the work of Indians, which is received +too late for reproduction. The map is roughly scratched into the flat +surface of a large granite block, and is an approximately correct sketch +of a pass and the nearest surrounding. The rock is situated in the pass +above the so-called rattlesnake or mica tank, in a spur on the west side +of the Van Horn mountains, El Paso county, Texas. An Indian trail passes +near the very rough and weathered rear part of the rock, which on this +side shows weak traces of some scratched-in drawings, which are nearly +weathered off, made no doubt with the purpose to lead the attention of +passing parties to the other side of the rock upon which the map is +drawn. An old trail leads from the Rio Grande across the Eagle mountains +to this pass and in the shortest line from the Green river valley to the +northern main range of the Van Horn and from there east to the Davis +mountains, formerly Apache mountains, and thence through the southern +extension of the Guadeloupe mountains to this range and into New Mexico; +also through the Sierra Carrizo to the Sierra Diablo; so that this trail +must be regarded as one of the best warpaths for raids across the Rio +Grande. An arrowhead at the upper end of the trail points out water +(small or doubtful supply), as far as could be ascertained from drawings +made by Apaches. + +Following are modes of exhibiting pictographically topographic features, +Fig. 454: + +[Illustration: FIG. 454.--Topographic features.] + +_a_, from Copway’s Ojibway Nation, p. 136, represents “mountains.” + +_b_ is the Chinese character for “mountain,” from Edkins, p. 14. “A +picture of the object. More anciently, two upright cones or triangles +connected at their bases.” + +_c_ is the representation by the Dakotas of a gap in the mountains, +taken from Red-Cloud’s census. + +_d_, from Copway, p. 135, represents “islands.” + +_e_, from the same, p. 134, is a representation of the character for +“sea” or “water,” probably a large body of water, e. g., lake, such as +the Ojibwa were familiar with. + +_f_ is from the same authority, p. 134. It shows the character for +“river” or “stream.” + +_g_ gives two Chinese characters for “river,” “stream,” from Edkins, p. +14. Three parallel lines drawn downward express “flowing” in all cases. + +_h_ is the Chinese character for “flowing water,” from Edkins, p. 23. +“In the Chwen wen three strokes descending indicate the appearance of +flowing water as seen in a river. The two outside strokes are broken in +the middle.” + +The same authority, p. 155, gives another character, _i_, with the same +meaning as the last. The author says: “It is supposed to be turned on +end. It is better to regard the old form with its three descending lines +as a picture of water flowing downward.” + +_k_, from Copway (_a_), represents the character for “land.” It is a +turtle, and refers to a common cosmologic myth concerning the recovery +of land after the deluge. + +G. Holm (_a_) gives the following account, translated and condensed, +descriptive of Fig. 455, a wooden map made by the natives of the east +coast of Greenland: + +[Illustration: FIG. 455.--Greenland map.] + + In reference to map making I will only remark that many are + inclined to enlarge the scale as they approach the better known + places, which in fact is quite natural, as they would not otherwise + find room for all details. As a natural result, map drawing in the + form of ground plat is something quite new to them. Their mode of + representing their land is by carving it on wood. This has the + advantage that not only the contour of the land, but also its + appearance and rock forms, can in a certain degree be represented. + + The block of wood brought back represents the tract between + Kangerdluarsikajik, east of Sermiligak, and Sieralik, north of + Kangerdlugsuatsiak. The mainland continues from one side of the + wooden block to the other, while the islands are located on the + accompanying block without regard to the distance between them in + reference to the mainland. All places where there are old ruins of + houses, and therefore good storage places, are marked on the wood + map, which also shows the points where a kayak can be carried over + the ground between two fiords when the sea ice blocks the headland + outside. This kind of models serves to represent the route the + person in question has followed, inasmuch as during his recital he + moves the stick, so that the islands are shown in their relative + positions. The other wooden map, which was prepared by request, + represents the peninsula between Sermiligak and Kangerdluarsikajik. + + A and B represent the tract between Kangerdluarsikajik + (immediately east of Sermiligak) and Sieralik (slightly north of + Kangerdlugsuatsiak). B represents the coast of the mainland, and + is continuous from one side of the block to the other, while the + outlying islands are represented by the wooden block of A, on which + the connecting pieces between the various islands must be imagined + as being left out. While the narrator explains the map he moves the + stick to and fro, so as to get the islands into the right position + in reference to the mainland. + + Kunit explained the map to me. The names of the islands on A + are: _a_, Sardlermiut, on the west side of which is the site of an + old settlement; _b_, Nepinerkit (from napavok), having the shape of + a pyramid; _c_, Ananak, having the site of an old settlement on the + southwest point. (NOTE.--Others give the name Ananak to the cape on + the mainland directly opposite, calling the island Kajartalik.) _d_, + Aputitek; _e_, Itivdlersuak; _f_, Kujutilik; _g_, Sikivitik. + + For B I obtained the following names, beginning at the north, + as in the case of the islands: _h_, Itivdlek, where there are + remains of a house; _i_, Sierak, a small fiord, in which salmon are + found; _k_, Sarkarmiut, where there are remains of a house; _l_, + Kangerdlugsuatsiak, a fiord of such length that a kayak can not + even in a whole day row from the mouth to the head of the fiord and + back again; _m_, Erserisek, a little fiord; _n_, Nutugat, a little + fiord with a creek at the bottom; _o_, Merkeriak, kayak portage from + Nutugkat to Erserisek along the bank of the creek, when the heavy + ice blocks the headland between the two fiords; _p_, Ikerasakitek, + a bay in which the land ice goes straight out to the sea; _q_, + Kangerajikajik, a cape; _r_, Kavdlunak, a bay into which runs a + creek; _s_, Apusinek, a long stretch where the land ice passes + out into the sea; _t_, Tatorisik; _u_, Iliartalik, a fiord with + a smaller creek; _v_, Nuerniakat; _x_, Kugpat; _y_, Igdluarsik; + _z_, Sangmilek, a little fiord with a creek; _aa_, Nutugkat; + _bb_, Amagat; _cc_, Kangerdluarsikajik, a smaller fiord; _dd_, + Kernertuarsik. + + C represents the peninsula between the fiords Sermiligak and + Kangerdluarsikajik. + + +SECTION 3. + +NOTICE OF CONDITION. + +In the curious manuscript of Gideon Lincecum, written with Roman +characters in the Choctaw language about 1818, and referring to the +ancient customs of that tribe, appears the following passage (p. 276): + + They had a significant and very ingenious method of marking the + stakes so that each iksa could know its place as soon as they saw + the stake that had been set up for them. Every clan had a name, + which was known to all the rest. It was a species of heraldry, each + iksa having its coat of arms. The iksas all took the name of some + animal--buffalo, panther, dog, terrapin, any race of animals--and a + little picture of whatever it might be, sketched on a blazed tree + or stake, indicated the clan to which it belonged. They could mark + a tree when they were about to leave a camp, in their traveling or + hunting excursions, with a set of hieroglyphs, that any other set + of hunters or travelers who might pass that way could read, telling + what iksa they belonged to, how long they had remained at that camp, + how many there were in the company, if any were sick or dead, and if + they had been successful or otherwise in the hunt. Thus, drawn very + neatly on a peeled tree near the camp, a terrapin; five men marching + in a row, with bows ready strung in their hands, large packs on + their backs, and one man behind, no pack, bow unstrung; one circle, + half circle, and six short marks in front of the half circle; below, + a bear’s head, a buffalo head, and the head of an antelope. The + reading is, “Terrapin iksa, 6 men in company, one sick; successful + hunt in killing bear, buffalo, and antelope; that they remained at + the camp a moon and a half and six days, and that they have gone + home.” + +Among the Abnaki of the Province of Quebec, as reported by Masta, their +chief, cutting the bark off from a tree on one, two, three, or four +sides near the butt means “Have had poor, poorer, poorest luck.” Cutting +it off all around the tree means “I am starving.” Smoking a piece of +birch bark and hanging it on a tree means “I am sick.” + +Tanner’s Narrative (_c_) mentions regarding the Ojibwa that, in cases +where the information to be communicated is that the party mentioned +is starving, the figure of a man is sometimes drawn, and his mouth is +painted white, or white paint may be smeared about the mouth of the +animal, if it happens to be one, which is his totem. + +[Illustration: FIG. 456.--Passamaquoddy wikhegan.] + +Fig. 456 is a copy of a drawing incised on birch bark by the old +Passamaquoddy chief, Sapiel Selmo, who made comments upon it as follows: +Two hunters followed the river _a_ until it branches off _b_, _c_. +Indian _d_ takes one river and its lakes and small branches, and the +other hunter (not figured in the chart) follows the other branch and +also claims its small streams and lakes. Sometimes during the winter +they visit one another. If it happen that the other hunter was away from +his wigwam _e_ and if the visiting hunter wishes to leave word with +his friend and wishes to inform him of his luck, he makes a picture on +a piece of birch bark and describes such animals he has killed with +the number of animals as seen in _f_ and _g_ (figure of moose’s head) +which, with two crosses to each, means 20 moose. He killed in each +hunt altogether 40. _h_ is a whole moose, also with two crosses, and +means 20, and also the figure of a caribou _i_ with one cross means 10 +caribou, and also a figure of a bear with four crosses _j_ means 40 +bears, and _k_ shows a figure of bear with one cross which means 10 +bears, and also a sable _l_ with five crosses means 50 sables. If he +wish to inform him he is in poor luck and hungry, he marked a figure +of an Indian with a pot on one hand, the pot upside down; this means +hunger. A figure of an Indian in lying position means sickness. + +Fig. 457 was also incised on birch bark by Sapiel Selmo and described by +him. + +[Illustration: FIG. 457.--Passamaquoddy wikhegan.] + +Two Indian hunters follow the river to hunt. They go together as far +as the river’s forks and then separate. One went to the river _c_. The +other follows river _e_ and kills a moose. They both build their winter +wigwams. + +Indian _b_ went to hunt and found a bear’s den under the foot of a big +tree. He attempted to stab the bear, but missed the vital part. The bear +got hold of him, bit him severely, and mortally wounded him. He went to +his wigwam _h_ and thinks he is going to die, so he makes his mark or +wikhegan on a birch-bark. He makes notches _j_ on the bark to mean his +tracks and also marks a tree as in _f_ and also a bear as in _g_. His +friend _d_ came to visit him and found him lying dead in his wigwam, and +also found the marks on the piece of birch-bark, which he read and knew +at once his partner was killed by the bear, and he followed his bear +tracks, and he also found the bear dead. + +_a_. Main river. _b_. One of the Indians who goes up _c_, branch of +river. _d_. The other Indian who goes on _e_, another branch of river. +_f_. Tree above the bear’s den. _g_. Bear. _h_. Wigwam of Indian _b_. +_i_. Moose which Indian _d_ killed. _j_. Tracks of Indian _b_. _k_. +Bear’s den under the tree. _l_. Indian _d_’s wigwam. + +[Illustration: FIG. 458.--Passamaquoddy wikhegan.] + +Fig. 458 originally scraped on birch bark tells its own story, but was +described by Sapiel Selmo, who drew it, thus: + +Two Indian hunters, _b_ and _c_, went to hunt and follow river, _a_. +They continued together as far as _d_, where the river branches off. +Indian _c_ follows the east branch _e_. He went as far as lake _f_, +where he built his wigwam _g_. Indian _c_ is very unlucky; he doesn’t +kill any bears or moose, so he became very hungry. Indian _b_, who had +followed the north branch and built his wigwam, _l_, near lake _k_, went +to visit Indian _c_, who was away at the time, but _b_ found mark on the +birch bark, a pot upside down, _h_; this means hunger. He also makes his +own mark, _i_, a moose’s head, showing success. He appoints lake _j_, +where he killed moose, and wants him, _c_, to come to his, _b_’s, wigwam +_l_. + +_o_, lower lake, not connected with the story, but doubtless drawn to +complete the topography. The two trails, _m_ and _n_, are designated by +notches showing foot-path or snow-shoe tracks. The Abnaki have footpaths +or snow-shoe tracks where the line of kelhign sisel, or sable dead +falls, extends from one hunting camp to another, between two lakes or +rivers. + +The Ottawa and the Pottawatomi Indians indicate hunger and starvation +by drawing a black line across the breast or stomach of the figure of +a man. (See Fig. 1046.) This drawing is either incised upon a piece of +wood, or drawn on it with a mixture of powdered charcoal and glue water, +or red ocher. The piece of wood is then attached to a tree or fastened +to a pole, and erected near the lodge on a trail, where it will be +observed by passers by, who are thus besought to come to the rescue of +the sufferer who erected the notice. + +Fig. 459 illustrates information with regard to distress in another +village, which occasioned the departure of the party giving the +notification. The drawing was made in 1882 by the Alaskan, Naumoff, in +imitation of drawings used at his home. The designs are traced upon a +strip of wood, which is then stuck upon the roof of the house belonging +to the draftsman. + +[Illustration: FIG. 459.--Alaskan notice of distress.] + +_a_, the summer habitation, showing a stick leaning in the direction to +be taken; _b_, the baidarka, containing the residents of the house; the +first person is observed pointing forward, indicating that they “go by +boat to the other settlement”; _c_, a grave stick, indicating a death +in the settlement; _d_, _e_, summer and winter habitations, denoting a +village. + +The drawing, Fig. 460, also made in 1882, by a native Alaskan, in +imitation of originals familiar to him in Alaska, is intended to be +placed in a conspicuous portion of a settlement which has been attacked +by a hostile force and finally deserted. The last one to leave prepares +the drawing upon a strip of wood to inform friends of the resort of the +survivors. + +[Illustration: FIG. 460. Alaskan notice of departure and refuge.] + +_a_ represents three hills or ranges, signifying that the course taken +would carry them beyond that number of hills or mountains; _b_, the +draftsman, indicating the direction, with the left hand pointing to the +ground, _one_ hill, and the right hand indicating the number _two_, the +number still to be crossed; _c_, a circular piece of wood or leather, +with the representation of a face, placed upon a pole and facing the +direction to be taken from the settlement; in this instance the drawing +of the character denotes a hostile attack upon the town, for which +misfortune such devices are sometimes erected; _d_, _e_, winter and +summer habitations; _f_, storehouse, erected upon upright poles. The +latter device is used by Alaskan coast natives generally. + +The design shown in Fig. 461 is in imitation of drawings made by natives +of Southern Alaska to convey to the observer the information that the +draftsman had gone away to another settlement, the inhabitants of which +were in distress. The drawings were made on a strip of wood which was +placed at the door of the house, where it might be seen by visitors or +inquirers. + +[Illustration: FIG. 461.--Notice of departure to relieve distress. +Alaska.] + +Naumoff gave the following explanation: _a_, a native making the gesture +of indicating _self_ with the right hand and with the left indicating +direction of _going_; _b_, the native’s habitation; _c_, scaffold used +for drying fish; upon the top of a pole is placed a piece of wood tied +so that the longest end points in the direction to be taken by the +relief party; _d_, the baidarka conveying it; _e_, a native of the +settlement to be visited; _f_, summer habitation; _g_, “shaman stick,” +or grave stick, erected to the memory of a recently deceased person, the +cause which has necessitated the journey; _h_, winter habitation. This, +together with _f_, indicates a settlement. + +Fig. 462, also drawn by Naumoff, means “ammunition wanted.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 462.--Ammunition wanted. Alaska.] + +When a hunter is tracking game and exhausts his ammunition, he returns +to the nearest and most conspicuous part of the trail and sticks his +ihú^nŭk in the ground, the top leaning in the direction taken. The +ihú^nŭk is the pair of sticks arranged like the letter A, used as a +gun-rest. This method of transmitting the request to the first passer is +resorted to by the coast people of Southern Alaska. + +Fig. 463, also drawn by Naumoff, means “discovery of bear; assistance +wanted.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 463.--Assistance wanted in hunt. Alaska.] + +When a hunter discovers a bear and requires assistance, he ties together +a bunch of grass, or other fibrous matter, in the form of the animal and +places it upon a long stick or pole which is erected at a conspicuous +point. The head of the effigy is directed toward the locality where the +animal was last seen. + +This device is used by most of the Alaskan Indians. + +Fig. 464 was also drawn by Naumoff, and signifies “starving hunters.” + +Hunters who have been unfortunate, and are suffering from hunger, +scratch or draw on a piece of wood characters similar to those figured, +and place the lower end of the stick in the ground on the trail where +there is the greatest chance of its discovery. The stick is inclined +toward their shelter. The following are the details of the information +contained in the drawing: + +[Illustration: FIG. 464.--Starving hunters. Alaska.] + +_a_, A horizontal line denoting a canoe, showing the persons to be +fishermen; _b_, a man with both arms extended signifying _nothing_, +corresponding with the gesture for negation; _c_, a person with the +right hand to the mouth, signifying _to eat_, the left hand pointing to +the house occupied by the hunters; _d_, the shelter. + +The whole signifies that there is _nothing to eat_ in the _house_. This +is used by natives of Southern Alaska. + +[Illustration: FIG. 465.--Starving hunters. Alaska.] + +Fig. 465, with the same signification and from the same hand, is similar +to the preceding in general design. This is placed in the ground near +the landing place of the canoemen, so that the top points toward the +lodge. The following is the explanation of the characters: + +_a_, Baidarka, showing double projections at bow, as well as the two +men, owners, in the boat; _b_, a man making the gesture for _nothing_ +(see in this connection Fig. 983); _c_, gesture drawn, denoting _to +eat_, with the right hand, while the left points to the lodge; _d_, a +winter habitation. + +This is used by the Alaskan coast natives. + + +SECTION 4. + +WARNING AND GUIDANCE. + +The following description of an Ojibwa notice of a murderer’s being at +large is extracted from Tanner’s Narrative: (_d_). + + As I was one morning passing one of our usual encamping places + I saw on shore a little stick standing in the bank and attached + to the top of it a piece of birchbark. On examination I found the + mark of a rattlesnake with a knife, the handle touching the snake + and the point sticking into a bear, the head of the latter being + down. Near the rattlesnake was the mark of a beaver, one of its + dugs, it being a female, touching the snake. This was left for my + information, and I learned from it that Wa-me-gon-a-biew, whose + totem was She-she-gwah, the rattlesnake, had killed a man whose + totem was Muk-kwah, the bear. The murderer could be no other than + Wa-me-gon-a-biew, as it was specified that he was the son of a woman + whose totem was the beaver, and this I knew could be no other than + Net-no-kwa. + +An amusing instance of the notice or warning, “No thoroughfare,” is +presented in Fig. 466. It was taken in 1880 from a rock drawing in +Canyon de Chelly, New Mexico, by Mr. J. K. Hillers, photographer of the +U. S. Geological Survey. + +[Illustration: FIG. 466.--No thoroughfare.] + +The design on the left is undoubtedly a notice in the nature of warning, +that, although a goat can climb up the rocky trail, a horse would tumble +down. + +During his connection with the geographic surveys west of the one +hundredth meridian, Dr. Hoffman observed a practice among the Tivátikai +Shoshoni, of Nevada, of erecting heaps of stones along or near trails +to indicate the direction to be taken and followed to reach springs +of water. Upon slight elevations of ground, or at points where a trail +branched into two or more directions, or at the intersection of two +trails, a heap of stones would be placed varying in height according to +the elevation requisite to attract attention. Upon the top of this would +be fixed an elongated piece of rock so placed that the most conspicuous +point projected and pointed in the course to be followed. This was +continued sometimes at intervals of several miles unless indistinct +portions of a trail or intersections demanded a repetition at shorter +distances. A knowledge of this custom proved very beneficial to the +early prospectors and pioneers. + +Fig. 467 is a copy, one-sixteenth actual size, of colored petroglyphs +found by Dr. Hoffman in 1884 on the North fork of the San Gabriel river, +also known as the Azuza canyon, Los Angeles county, California. + +[Illustration: FIG. 467.--Rock painting, Azuza canyon, California.] + +The bowlder upon which the paintings occur measures 8 feet long, about 4 +feet high, and the same in width. The figures are on the eastern side of +the rock, so that the left arm of the human figure on the right points +toward the north. + +Fig. 468 is a map drawn on a scale of 1,000 yards to the inch, showing +the topography of the immediate vicinity and the relative positions of +the rocks bearing the paintings. + +[Illustration: FIG. 468.--Site of paintings in Azuza canyon, California.] + +The stream is hemmed in by precipitous mountains, with the exception of +two points marked _c c_, over which the old Indian trail passed in going +from the Mojave desert on the north to the San Gabriel valley below, +this course being the nearest for reaching the mission settlements at +San Gabriel and Los Angeles. In attempting to follow the water course +the distance would be greatly increased and a rougher trail encountered. +Fig. 467, painted on the rock marked _b_ on the map, shows characters in +pale yellow upon a bowlder of almost white granite partly obliterated +by weathering and annual floods, though still enough remains to +indicate that the right-hand figure is directing the observer to the +northeast, although upon taking that course it would be necessary to +round the point a short distance to the west. It may have been placed +as a notification of direction to those Indians who might have come up +the canyon instead of on the regular trail. Farther west, at the spot +marked _a_ on the map, is a granite bowlder bearing a large number of +paintings, part of which have become almost obliterated. These were +drawn with red ocher (ferric oxide). A selection of these is shown in +Fig. 469. + +[Illustration: FIG. 469.--Sketches from Azuza canyon, California.] + +This is on the almost vertical western face of the rock. These +characters also appear to refer to the course of the trail, which might +readily be lost on account of the numerous mountain ridges and spurs. +The left-hand human figure appears to place its hand upon a series of +ridges, as if showing pantomimically the rough and ridged country over +the mountains. + +The middle figure is making a gesture which in its present connection +may indicate direction of the trail, i. e., toward the left, or +northward in an uphill course, as indicated by the arm and leg, and +southward, or downward, as suggested by the lower inclination of the leg +and lower forearm and hand on the right of the painting. + +These illustrations, as well as other pictographs on the same rock, not +now represented, exhibit remarkable resemblance to the general type +of Shoshonean drawing, and from such evidence as is now attainable it +is probable that they are of Chemehuevi origin, as that tribe at one +time ranged far to the west, though north of the mountains, and also +visited the valley and settlements at Los Angeles to trade. It is also +known that the Mojaves came at stated periods to Los Angeles as late as +1845, and the trail indicated at point _a_ of the map would appear to +have been their most practicable and convenient route. There is strong +evidence that the Moki sometimes visited the Pacific coast and might +readily have taken this same course, marking the important portions of +the route by drawings in the nature of guideboards. + +The following curious account is taken from The Redman, Carlisle, +October, 1888: + +A ranchman visiting a deserted camp of Piegans found the following +notice: + + We called at this ranch at dinner time. They treated us badly, + giving us no dinner and sending us away. There is a head man who has + two dogs, one of which has no tail. There are two larger men who are + laborers. They have two pairs of large horses and two large colts, + also another smaller pair of horses and two ponies which have two + colts. + + The notice was composed thus: A circle of round stones + represented the horses and ponies, the latter being smaller stones; + the stones outside of the circle meant there were so many colts. + Near the center was a long narrow stone, upon the end of which was a + small one. This denoted the head man or owner, whose two dogs were + shown by two pieces of bark, one with a square end while the other + had a twig stuck in for a tail. Two other long narrow stones, larger + than the first, stood for the laborers; these had no small stones on + them. Some sticks of wood, upon which was a small pile of buffalo + chips, meant that dinner was ready; and empty shells turned upside + down told they got nothing to eat, but were sent away. + +Mr. Charles W. Cunningham, formerly of Phœnix, Arizona, reports the +finding of petroglyphs in Rowe canyon, one-half mile from the base of +Bradshaw mountain, Arizona. The characters are pecked upon its vertical +wall of hard porphyry, covering a space between 12 or 15 feet in length +and about 30 feet above the surface of the earth. They consist of human +figures with outstretched arms, apparently driving animals resembling +sheep or goats, while at the head of the procession appears the figure +of a bear. The explanation given seems to be a notification to Indian +herders that in going through the canyon they should be careful to guard +against bears or possibly other dangerous animals, as the trail or +canyon leads down to some water tanks where the herders may habitually +have driven the stock. + +D’Albertis (_b_) mentions of the Papuans that a warning not to enter a +dwelling is made by erecting outside of it a stick, on the top of which +is a piece of bark or a cocoanut, and in Yule island these warnings or +taboo sticks are furnished with stone heads. + +When a Tartar shaman wished to be undisturbed he placed a dried +goat’s-head, with its prominent horns, over a wooden peg outside of his +tent and then dropped the curtain. No one would dare to venture in. + +The following is quoted from Franz Keller (_b_): + + In the immense primeval forests, extending between the Ivahy + and the Paranapanama, the Paraná and the Tibagy, the rich hunting + grounds of numerous Coroado hordes, one frequently encounters, + chiefly near forsaken palm sheds, a strange collection of objects + hung up between the trees on thin cords or cipós, such as little + pieces of wood, feathers, bones, and the claws and jaws of different + animals. + + In the opinion of those well versed in Indian lore these + hieroglyphs are designed as epistles to other members of the tribe + regarding the produce of the chase, the number and stay of the + huntsmen, domestic intelligence, and the like; but this strange + kind of composition, reminding one of the quippus (knotted cords), + of the old Peruvians, has not yet been quite unraveled, though it + is desirable that it should be, for the naïve son of the woods also + uses it sometimes in his intercourse with the white man. + + Settlers in this country, on going in the morning to look after + their very primitive mills near their cottages, have frequently + discovered them going bravely, but bruising pebbles instead of the + maize grains, while on the floor of the open shed names and purposes + of the unwelcome nocturnal visitors have been legibly written in + the sand. Among the well-drawn zigzag lines were inserted the + magnificent long tail feathers of the red and blue macaw, which are + generally used by the Coroados for their arrows; and, as these are + the symbols of war and night attacks, the whole was probably meant + for a warning and admonition ad hominem: “Take up your bundle and go + or beware of our arrows.” + + + + +CHAPTER XII. + +COMMUNICATIONS. + + +Under this heading notes and illustrations are grouped of transmitted +drawings, which were employed as letters and missives now are by +people who possess the art of writing. To the drawings are added +some descriptions of objects sent for the same purposes. These are +sometimes obviously ideographic, but often appear to be conventional +or arbitrary. It is probable that the transmittal or exchange of such +objects anteceded the pictorial attempt at correspondence, so that the +former should be considered in connection with the latter. The topic +is conveniently divided by the purposes of the communications, viz, +(1) declaration of war, (2) profession of peace and friendship, (3) +challenge, (4) social and religious missives, (5) claim or demand. + + +SECTION 1. + +DECLARATION OF WAR. + +Le Page du Pratz (_a_), in 1718, reported the following: + + The Natchez make a declaration of war by leaving a hieroglyphic + picture against a tree in the enemy’s country, and in front of + the picture they place, saltierwise, two red arrows. At the upper + part of the picture at the right is the hieroglyphic sign which + designates the nation that declares war; next, a naked man, easy + to recognize, who has a casse-tête in his hand. Following is an + arrow, drawn so as in its flight to pierce a woman, who flees with + her hair spread out and flowing in the air. Immediately in front of + this woman is a sign belonging to the nation against which war is + declared; all this is on the same line. That which is below is not + so clear or so much relied upon in the interpretation. This line + begins with the sign of a moon (_i. e._, month) which will follow in + a short time. The days that come afterward are indicated by straight + strokes and the moon by a face without rays. There is also a man + who has in front of him many arrows which seem directed to hit a + woman who is in flight. All that announces that when the moon will + be so many days old they will come in great numbers to attack the + designated nation. + +Lahontan (_a_) writes: + + The way of declaring war by the Canadian Algonquian Indians is + this: They send back to the nation that they have a mind to quarrel + with a slave of the same country, with orders to carry to the + village of his own nation an axe, the handle of which is painted red + and black. + +The Huron-Iroquois of Canada sent a belt of black wampum as a +declaration of war. + +Material objects were often employed in declaration of war, some of +which may assist in the interpretation of pictographs. A few instances +are mentioned: + +Capt. Laudonnière (_a_) says: “Arrows, to which long hairs are attached, +were stuck up along the trail or road by the Florida Indians, in 1565, +to signify a declaration of war.” + +Dr. Georg. Schweinfurth (_a_) gives the following: + + I may here allude to the remarkable symbolism by which war + was declared against us on the frontiers of Wando’s territory. * + * * Close on the path, and in full view of every passenger, three + objects were suspended from the branch of a tree, viz, an ear of + maize, the feather of a fowl, and an arrow. * * * Our guides readily + comprehended and as readily explained the meaning of the emblems, + which were designed to signify that whoever touched an ear of maize + or laid his grasp upon a single fowl would assuredly be the victim + of the arrow. + +In the Notes on Eastern Equatorial Africa, by MM. V. Jacques (_a_) and +É. Storms, it is stated that when a chief wishes to declare war he sends +to the chief against whom he has a complaint an ambassador bearing a +leaden bullet and a hoe. If the latter chooses the bullet, war ensues; +if the hoe, it means that he consents to enter into negotiations to +maintain peace. + +Terrien de Lacouperie, op. cit., pp. 420, 421, reports: + + The following instance in Tibeto-China is of a mixed character. + The use of material objects is combined with that of notched + sticks. When the Li-su are minded to rebel they send to the Moso + chief (who rules them on behalf of the Chinese Government) what + the Chinese call a muhki and the Tibetans a shing-tchram. It is + a stick with knife-cut notches. Some symbols are fastened to it, + such, for instance, as a feather, calcined wood, a little fish, etc. + The bearer must explain the meaning of the notches and symbols. + The notches may indicate the number of hundreds or thousands of + soldiers who are coming; the feather shows that they arrive with + the swiftness of a bird; the burnt wood, that they will set fire to + everything on their way; the fish, that they will throw everybody + into the water, etc. This custom is largely used among all the + savage tribes of the region. It is also the usual manner in which + chiefs transmit their orders. + + +SECTION 2. + +PROFESSION OF PEACE AND FRIENDSHIP. + +The following account of pictorial correspondence leading to peace was +written by Governor Lewis Cass, while on one of his numerous missions to +the Western tribes, before 1820: + + Some years before, mutually weary of hostilities, the chiefs of + the Ojibwas and the Dakotas met and agreed upon a truce. But the + Sioux, disregarding the solemn contract which they had formed, and + actuated by some sudden impulse, attacked the Ojibwas and murdered a + number of them. + + On our arrival at Sandy lake I proposed to the Ojibwa chiefs + that a deputation should accompany us to the mouth of the St. + Peters, with a view to establish a permanent peace between them + and the Sioux. The Ojibwas readily acceded to this, and ten of + their principal men descended the Mississippi with us. The computed + distance from Sandy lake to the St. Peters is 600 miles. As we + neared this part of the country we found our Ojibway friends + cautious and observing. + + The Ojibwa landed occasionally to examine whether any of the + Sioux had recently visited that quarter. In one of these excursions + an Ojibwa found in a conspicuous place a piece of birch bark, made + flat by fastening between two sticks at each end, and about 18 + inches long by 2 broad. + + This bark contained the answer of the Sioux nation. So + sanguinary had been the contest between these two tribes that no + personal communication could take place. Neither the sanctity + of office nor the importance of the message could protect the + ambassador of either party from the vengeance of the other. + + Some time preceding, the Ojibwas, anxious for peace, had sent a + number of their young men into these plains with a similar piece of + bark, upon which they represented their desire. This bark had been + left hanging to a tree, in an exposed situation, and had been found + and taken away by a party of Sioux. + + The proposition had been examined and discussed in the Sioux + villages, and the bark contained their answer. The Ojibwa explained + to us with great facility the intention of the Sioux. + + The junction of the St. Peters with the Mississippi, where the + principal part of the Sioux reside, was represented, and also the + American fort, with a sentinel on duty, and a flag flying. + + The principal Sioux chief was named The-Six, alluding, I + believe, to the band of villages under his influence. To show that + he was not present at the deliberation upon the subject of peace, + he was represented on a smaller piece of bark, which was attached + to the other. To identify him, he was drawn with six heads and a + large medal. Another Sioux chief stood in the foreground, holding a + pipe in his right hand and his weapons in his left. Even we could + not misunderstand that; like our own eagle with the olive branch and + arrows, he was desirous for peace, but prepared for war. + + The Sioux party contained fifty-nine warriors, indicated by + fifty-nine guns, drawn upon one corner of the bark. + + The encampment of our troops had been removed from the low + grounds upon the St. Peters to a high hill upon the Mississippi. Two + forts were therefore drawn upon the bark, and the solution was not + discovered until our arrival at St. Peters. + + The effect of the discovery of the bark upon the minds of the + Ojibwas was visible and immediate. + + The Ojibwa bark was drawn in the same general manner, and Sandy + lake, the principal place of their residence, was represented with + much accuracy. To remove any doubts respecting it, a view was given + of the old northwestern establishment, situated upon the shore, and + now in the possession of the American Fur Company. + + No proportion was preserved in their attempt at delineation. + One mile of the Mississippi, including the mouth of the St. Peters, + occupied as much space as the whole distance to Sandy Lake, nor was + there anything to show that one part was nearer to the spectator + than another. + +The above pictorially professed attitude of being ready for either peace +or war may be compared with the account in Champlain--Voyages (_d_)--of +the chief whose name was Mariston, but he assumed that of Mahigan +Atticq, translated as Wolf Deer. He thereby proclaimed that when at +peace he was mild as a deer, but when at war was savage as a wolf. + +In Davis’ Conquest of New Mexico (_a_) it is stated that Vargas’ +Expedition in 1694 was met by the Utes, who hoisted a deerskin in token +of peace. + +The following “speech of an Ojibwa chief in negotiating a peace with +the Sioux, 1806,” from Maj. Pike’s (_a_) Expeditions, etc., shows the +pictographic use of the pipe as a profession of peace: + + My father, tell the Sioux on the upper part of the river St. + Peters that they mark trees with the figure of a calumet; that we of + Red lake who may go that way should we see them, that we may make + peace with them, being assured of their pacific disposition when we + shall see the calumet marked on the trees. + +D’Iberville, in 1699, as printed in Margry, IV, 153, said that the +Indians met by him near the mouth of the Mississippi river indicated +their peaceful and friendly purposes by holding up in the air a small +stick of whitened wood. The same authority, in the same volume, p. 175, +tells that the Oumas bore a white cross as a similar declaration; and +another journal, in the same volume, p. 239, describes a stick also so +borne as being fashioned like a pipe. The actual use of the pipe in +profession of peace and friendship is mentioned in several parts of the +present paper. See, also, the passport mentioned on p. 214 and wampum, +p. 225. + +Lieut. Col. Woodthorpe, in Jour. Anthr. Inst. Gr. Br. and I., XI, p. +211, says of the wild tribes of the Naga Hills, on the northeastern +frontier of India: + + On the road to Niao we saw on the ground a curious mud figure of + a man in slight relief presenting a gong in the direction of Senua. + This was supposed to show that the Niao men were willing to come to + terms with Senua, then at war with Niao. Another mode of evincing + a desire to turn away the wrath of an approaching enemy and induce + him to open negotiations is to tie up in his path a couple of goats, + sometimes also a gong, with the universal symbol of peace, a palm + leaf planted in the ground hard by. + +[Illustration: FIG. 470.--West African message.] + +G. W. Bloxam (_a_) gives the following description of Fig. 470: + + It represents a message of peace and good news from the King + of Jebu to the King of Lagos, after his restoration to the throne + on the 28th of December, 1851. It appears complicated, but the + interpretation is simple enough. First we find eight cowries + arranged in pairs, and signifying the people in the four corners of + the world, and it will be observed that, while three of the pairs + are arranged with their faces upwards, the fourth and uppermost, i. + e., the pair in the most important position, are facing one another, + thus signifying that the correspondents, or the people of Jebu and + Lagos, are animated by friendly feeling towards each other; so, + too, there are two each of all the other objects, meaning, “you and + I,” “we two.” The two large seeds or warres, _a_, _a_, express a + wish that “you and I” should play together as intimate friends do, + at the game of “warre,” in which these seeds are used and which is + the common game of the country, holding very much the same position + as chess or draughts with us; the two flat seeds, _b_, _b_, are + seeds of a sweet fruit called “osan,” the name of which is derived + from the verb, “san,” to please [Mem. Notice the rebus] they, + therefore, indicate a desire on the part of a sender of the message + to please and to be pleased; lastly, the two pieces of spice, _c_, + _c_, signify mutual trust. The following is the full meaning of the + hieroglyphic: + + Of all the people by which the four corners of the world are + inhabited, the Lagos and Jebu people are the nearest. + + As “warre” is the common play of the country, so the Jebus and + Lagos should always play and be friendly with each other. + + Mutual pleasantness is my desire; as it is pleasant with me so + may it be pleasant with you. + + Deceive me not, because the spice would yield nothing else but a + sweet and genuine odor unto god. I shall never deal doubly with you. + + +SECTION 3. + +CHALLENGE. + +H. H. Bancroft (_a_), in Native Races, says that the Shumeias challenged +the Pomos (in central California) by placing three little sticks notched +in the middle and at both ends, on a mound which marked the boundary +between the two tribes. If the Pomos accept they tie a string round +the middle notch. Heralds then meet and arrange time and place and the +battle comes off as appointed. + +The sending of material objects was the earliest and most natural mode +for low cultured tribes to communicate when out of sight and hearing. +Such was the system in use among the Scythians at the time of the +invasion of their land by Darius. The version of the story in Herodotus +is that commonly cited, but there is another by Pherecydes of Heros, +who relates that Idanthuras, the Scythian king, when Darius had crossed +the Ister, threatened him with war, sending him not a letter, but a +composite symbol, which consisted of a mouse, a frog, a bird, an arrow, +and a plow. When there was much discussion concerning the meaning of +this message, Orontopagas, the chiliarch, maintained that it was a +surrender; for he conjectured the mouse to mean their dwelling, the frog +their waters, the bird their air, the arrow their arms, and the plow +their country. But Xiphodres offered a contrary interpretation, thus: +“Unless like birds we fly aloft, or like mice burrow under the ground, +or like frogs take ourselves to the water, we shall never escape their +weapons, for we are not masters of their country.” + + +SECTION 4. + +SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS MISSIVES. + +Fig. 471 is a letter, one-half actual size, written by an Ojibwa girl, +the daughter of a Midē', to a favored lover, requesting him to call at +her lodge. This girl had taken no Midē' degrees, but had simply acquired +her pictographic skill from observation in her home. + +[Illustration: FIG. 471.--Ojibwa love letter.] + +The explanation of the figure is as follows: + +_a._ The writer of the letter, a girl of the Bear totem, as indicated by +that animal, _b_. + +_e_ and _f_. The companions of _a_, the crosses signifying that the +three girls are Christians. + +_c_ and _g_. The lodges occupied by the girls. The lodges are near +a large lake, _j_, a trail leading from _g_ to _h_, which is a +well-traveled road. + +The letter was written to a man of the Mud Puppy totem, as indicated in +_d_. + +_i._ The road leading to the lodge occupied by the recipient of the +letter. + +_k_ and _l_. Lakes near which the lodges are built. + +In examining _c_, the writer’s hand is seen protruding from an opening +to denote beckoning and to indicate which lodge to visit. The clear +indications of the locality serve as well as if in a city a young woman +had sent an invitation to her young man to call at a certain street and +number. + +[Illustration: FIG. 472.--Cheyenne letter.] + +Fig. 472 is a letter sent by mail from a Southern Cheyenne, named +Turtle-following-his-Wife, at the Cheyenne and Arapaho Agency, Indian +Territory, to his son Little-Man, at the Pine Ridge Agency, Dakota. +It was drawn on a half-sheet of ordinary writing paper, without a +word written, and was inclosed in an envelope, which was addressed to +“Little-Man, Cheyenne, Pine Ridge Agency,” in the ordinary manner, +written by some one at the first named agency. The letter was evidently +understood by Little-Man, as he immediately called upon Dr. V. T. +McGillycuddy, Indian agent at Pine Ridge Agency, and was aware that the +sum of $53 had been placed to his credit for the purpose of enabling +him to pay his expenses in going the long journey to his father’s home +in Indian Territory. Dr. McGillycuddy had, by the same mail, received +a letter from Agent Dyer, inclosing $53, and explaining the reason for +its being sent, which enabled him also to understand the pictographic +letter. With the above explanation it very clearly shows, over the +head of the figure to the left, the turtle following the turtle’s wife +united with the head of the figure by a line, and over the head of the +other figure, also united by a line to it, is a little man. Also over +the right arm of the last-mentioned figure is another little man in +the act of springing or advancing toward Turtle-following-his-Wife, +from whose mouth proceed two lines, curved or hooked at the end, as +if drawing the little figure toward him. It is suggested that the last +mentioned part of the pictograph is the substance of the communication, +i. e., “come to me,” the larger figures with their name totems being +the persons addressed and addressing. Between and above the two large +figures are fifty-three round objects intended for dollars. Both the +Indian figures have on breechcloths, corresponding with the information +given concerning them, which is that they are Cheyennes who are not all +civilized or educated. + +Sagard (_a_) tells of the Algonkins of the Ottawa river, that when a +feast was to be given, the host sent to each person whose presence was +desired a little stick of wood, peculiar to them (i. e., probably marked +or colored) of the length and thickness of the little finger, which he +was obliged to show on entering the lodge, as might be done with a card +of invitation and admission. The precaution was seemingly necessary +both for the host’s larder and the satisfaction of the guests, as on an +occasion mentioned by the good brother, each of the guests was provided +with a big piece of sturgeon and plenty of “sagamite huylée.” There was +probably some principle of selection connected with totems or religious +societies on such occasions, not told by the narrator, as the ordinary +custom among Indians is to keep open house to all comers, who generally +were the aboriginal “tramps,” with the result of waste and subsequent +famine. + +The Rev. Peter Jones (_b_), an educated Ojibwa missionary, in speaking +of the eastern bands of the Ojibwa says: + + Their method of imploring the favor or appeasing the anger of + their deities is by offering sacrifices to them in the following + order: When an Indian meets with ill-luck in hunting, or when + afflictions come across his path, he fancies that by the neglect + of some duty he has incurred the displeasure of his munedoo, for + which he is angry with him; and in order to appease his wrath, he + devotes the first game he takes to making a religious feast, to + which he invites a number of the principal men and women from the + other wigwams. A young man is generally sent as a messenger to + invite the guests, who carries with him a bunch of colored quills + or sticks, about 4 inches long. On entering the wigwam he shouts + out “Keweekomegoo;” that is, “You are bidden to a feast.” He then + distributes the quills to such as are invited; these answer to the + white people’s invitation cards. When the guests arrive at the + feast-maker’s wigwam the quills are returned to him; they are of + three colors, red, green, and white; the red for the aged, or those + versed in the wahbuhnoo order; the green for the media order, and + the white for the common people. + +Mr. David Boyle (_b_) refers to the above custom, and quotes Rev. Peter +Jones, also giving as illustrations copies of the quills and sticks +presented by Dr. P. E. Jones which had been brought by his father, the +author above mentioned, from the Northwest fifty years ago. These are +reproduced in Fig. 473. + +[Illustration: FIG. 473.--Ojibwa invitations.] + +When the ceremony of the Grand Medicine Society of the Ojibwa is to be +performed, the chief midē' priest sends out a courier to deliver to each +member an invitation to attend. These invitations consist of sticks of +cedar, or other wood when that can not be found, measuring from 4 to 6 +inches in length and of the thickness of an ordinary lead pencil. They +may be plain, though the former custom of having one end painted red or +green is sometimes continued. The colored band is about the width of +one-fifth of the length of the stick. It is stated that in old times +these invitation sticks were ornamented with colored porcupine quills, +or strands of beads, instead of with paint. + +The courier detailed to deliver invitations is also obliged to state +the day, and locality of the place of meeting. It is necessary for the +invited member to present himself and to deposit the invitation stick +upon the floor of the inclosure in which the meeting is held; should he +be deprived of the privilege of attending, he must return the stick +with an explanation accounting for his absence. + +[Illustration: FIG. 474.--Ojibwa invitation sticks.] + +Fig. 474 exhibits the sticks without coloration. + +Another mode of giving invitations for the same ceremony is by sending +around a piece of birch bark bearing characters similar to those in Fig. +475, taken from Copway, p. 136. + +[Illustration: FIG. 475.--Summons to Midē' ceremony.] + +The characters, beginning at the left hand, signify as follows: Medicine +house; great lodge; wigwam; woods; lake; river; canoe; come; Great +Spirit. + +Copway remarks as follows: + +“In the above, the wigwam and the medicine pale, or worship, represent +the depositories of medicine, record, and work. The lodge is represented +with men in it; the dots above indicate the number of days. + +“The whole story would thus read: + + ‘Hark to the words of the Sa-ge-mah'. The Great Medicine Lodge + will be ready in eight days. Ye who live in the woods and near the + lakes and by streams of water come with your canoes or by land to + the worship of the Great Spirit.’” + +The above interpretation is too much adapted to the ideas and language +of Christianity. The more simple and accurate expression would change +the rendition from “worship” and “Great Spirit” to the simple notice +about holding a session of the Grand Medicine Society. + +[Illustration: FIG. 476.--Passamaquoddy wikhegan.] + +Fig. 476, drawn by a Passamaquoddy, shows how the Indians of the tribe +would now address the President of the United States, or the governor of +Maine for help, and formerly would have made wikhegan for transmittal +to a great chief having power over them. They say by this: “You are at +the top of the pole, so no one can be higher than you. From this pole +you can see the farthest of your country and can see all your children, +and when any of your children come to see you they must work hard to get +where you are, on top of the high pole. They must climb up this pole to +reach you. You must pity them because they come long ways to see you, +the man of power on the high pole.” This kind of wikhegan the old men +called _kinjemeswi waligoh_, homage or salutation to the great chief. It +was always in the old time accompanied by a belt of wampum. + +A highly interesting illustration and account of a diplomatic packet +from the pueblo of Tesuque appears in Schoolcraft (_g_), and in the same +series (_h_) is a pictograph from the Caroline islands still more in +point. + +A. W. Howitt (_c_) reports: + + Messengers in central Australia were sent to gather people + together for dances from distances even up to 100 miles. Such + messengers were painted with red ocher and wore a headdress of + feathers. + + In calling people together for the ceremonies of Wilyaru or + Mindari the messengers were painted with diagonal stripes of yellow + ocher, and had their beards tied tightly into a point. They carried + a token shaped like a Prince of Wales feather, and made of emu + feathers tied tightly with string. + + The sending of a handful of red ocher tied up in a small bundle + signifies the great Mindari or peace festival. In giving notice of + the intention to “make some young men” the messenger takes a handful + of charcoal and places a piece in the mouth of each person present + without saying a word. This is fully understood to mean the “making + of young men” at the Wilyaru ceremony. + +The following is a description of a Turkish love letter, which was +obtained by Lady Mary Wortley Montagu (_a_) in 1717: + + I have got for you a Turkish love letter. * * * The translation + of it is literally as follows. The first piece you should pull out + of the purse is a little pearl, which must be understood in this + manner: + + Pearl Fairest of the young. + Clove You are as slender as the clove. + You are an unblown rose. + I have long loved you and you have not known it. + Jonquil Have pity on my passion. + Paper I faint every hour. + Pear Give me some hope. + Soap I am sick with love. + Coal May I die and all my years be yours. + A rose May you be pleased and your sorrows mine. + A straw Suffer me to be your slave. + Cloth Your price is not to be found. + Cinnamon But my fortune is yours. + A match I burn, I burn! My flame consumes me. + Gold thread Don’t turn away your face from me. + Hair Crown of my head. + Grape My two eyes. + Gold wire I die; come quickly. + + And, by way of postscript: + + Pepper Send me an answer. + + You see this letter is all in verse, and I can assure you there + is as much fancy shown in the choice of them as in the most studied + expressions of our letters, there being, I believe, a million of + verses designed for this use. There is no color, no flower, no weed, + no fruit, herb, pebble, or feather that has not a verse belonging + to it; and you may quarrel, reproach, or send letters of passion, + friendship, or civility, or even of news without ever inking your + fingers. + +The use by Turks and Persians of flower letters or communications, the +significance of which is formed by the selection and arrangement of +flowers, is well known. A missive thus composed of flowers is called +sélam, but the details are too contradictory and confused to furnish +materials for an accurate dictionary of the flower language, though +dictionaries and treatises on it have been published. (See Magnat.) +Individual fancy and local convention, it seems, fix the meanings. + +A Japanese girl who decides to discourage the further attentions of a +lover sends to him, instead of the proverbial “mitten” of New England, +a sprig of maple, because the leaf changes its color more markedly than +any other. In this connection it is told that the Japanese word for love +also means color, which would accentuate the lesson of the changing +leaf. + + +MESSAGE STICKS. + +The following extracts are made from Curr’s (_a_) Australian Race: + + I believe every tribe in Australia has its messenger, whose + life, whilst he is in the performance of his duties, is held sacred + in peace and war by the neighboring tribes. His duties are to convey + the messages which the tribe desires to send to its neighbors, + and to make arrangements about places of meeting on occasions of + fights or corroborees. In many tribes it is the custom to supply + the messenger when he sets out with a little carved stick, which he + delivers with his message to the most influential man of the tribe + to which he is sent. This carved stick he often carries whilst + traveling stuck in the netted band which the blacks wear round the + head. I have seen many of them, and been present when they were + received and sent, and have some from Queensland in my possession + at present. They are often flat, from 4 to 6 inches long, an inch + wide, and a third of an inch thick; others are round, of the same + length, and as thick as one’s middle finger. When flat their edges + are often notched, and their surface always more or less carved + with indentations, transverse lines, and squares; in fact, with + the same sort of figures with which the blacks ornament their + weapons throughout the continent; when round, fantastic lines are + cut around them or lengthwise. I have one before me at this moment + which is a miniature boomerang, carved on both sides, notched at + the edges, and colored with red ocher. Any black could fashion + sticks of this sort in an hour or two. Some of my correspondents + have spoken of them as a sort of writing, but when pressed on the + subject have admitted that their surmise, all the circumstances + weighed, was not tenable. The flat sticks especially have that sort + of regularity and repetition of pattern which wall papers exhibit. + That they do not serve the purpose of writing or hieroglyphics I + have no hesitation in asserting; and I may remark that in all cases + which have come under my notice the messenger delivered his message + before he presented the carved stick. That done the recipient would + attempt to explain to those about him how the stick portrayed the + message. Still this eminently childish proceeding leads one to + consider whether the most savage mind does not contain the germ of + writing. Bernal Diaz del Castillo, in his Discovery and Conquest of + New Spain, relates that, when his country sent verbal messages by + Mexican bearers to distant tribes, the messengers who had seen the + Spaniards write always asked to be supplied with a letter, which, + of course, neither they nor the people to whom they were sent could + read. + +[Illustration: FIG. 477.--Australian message sticks.] + +Fig. 477 reproduces the illustration of the message sticks published in +the work above mentioned. + + Vol. I, p. 306.--In the Majanna tribe messengers are sent with a + notched or carved stick, and the bearer has to explain its meaning. + If it be a challenge to fight, and the challenge is accepted, + another stick is returned. + + Vol. II, p. 183.--The bearer of an important communication + from one party to another often carries a message stick with him, + the notches and lines on which he refers to whilst delivering his + message. This custom, which prevails from the north coast to the + south, is a very curious one. No black fellow ever pretends to be + able to understand a message from a notched stick, but always looks + upon it as confirmatory of the message it accompanies. + + Vol. II, p. 427.--Message sticks are in use, the marks carved on + them being a guaranty of the messenger, the same as a ring with us + in former times. + + Vol. III, p. 263.--Message sticks are used by the Maranoa river + tribe. An informant has in his possession a reed necklace attached + to a piece of flat wood about 5 inches long; on the wood are carved + straight and curved lines, and this piece of wood was sent by one + portion of the tribe to another by a messenger, the two parties + being about 60 miles apart. The interpretation of the carving was: + “My wife has been stolen; we shall have to fight; bring your spears + and boomerangs.” The straight lines, it was explained, meant spears + and the curved ones boomerangs; but the stealing of the wife seems + to have been left to the messenger to tell. + +A. W. Howitt (_a_) gives a further account on this topic: + + The messenger carries with him as the emblems of his missions + a complete set of male attire, together with the sacred humming + instrument, which is wrapped in a skin and carefully concealed from + women and children. It is, therefore, in such cases, the totem which + assembles the whole community. + + In the Adjadura tribe of South Australia the ceremonies are + ordered to be held by the headman of the whole tribe by his + messenger, who carries a message stick marked in such a manner that + it serves to illustrate his message; together with this there is + also sent a sacred humming instrument. + +Drs. Houzé and Jacques (_a_) give a different view of the significance +of the marks on message sticks: + + It proves very difficult to discover the signification of + the notched message sticks. The Europeans have not succeeded + in deciphering them. Some marks may represent a whole history. + The following anecdote on this subject is reported by M. Cauvin + (according to J. M. Davis, Aborigines of Victoria, v. I, p. 356, + note): A European, having formed the project of establishing a + new station, started from Edward river with a herd of cattle and + some Indians. When, all being arranged, the colonist was on the + point of returning home, one of the young blacks requested him to + take a letter to his father, and, on the consent of his patron, he + gave him a stick about a foot long covered with notches and signs. + On arriving home the colonist went to the camp of the blacks and + delivered the letter to the father of his young follower, who, + calling around him the whole encampment, to the great surprise of + the European, read from this stick a daily account of the doings of + the company from the departure from Edward river until the arrival + at the new station, describing the country which they had traversed + and the places where they had camped each night. + +The Queenslanders did not give Drs. Houzé and Jacques such a long +translation of their message sticks, but they informed them that one of +the sticks related to the crossing from Australia into America, which is +recounted by Tambo, the author of the message. An illustration of it is +presented on p. 93 of the above cited work of Houzé and Jacques, but is +not sufficiently distinct for reproduction. + + +WEST AFRICAN AROKO. + +[Illustration: FIG. 478.--West African aroko.] + +G. W. Bloxam (_b_) says of the aroko, or symbolic letters, used by the +tribe of Jebu, in West Africa, describing Fig. 478: + + This is a message from a native general of the Jebu force to + a native prince abroad. It consists of six cowries. Six in the + Jebu language is E-fà, which is derived from the verb fà, to draw. + They are arranged two and two, face to face, on a long string; the + pairs of cowries set face to face indicate friendly feeling and + good fellowship; the number expresses a desire to draw close to the + person to whom the message is sent [note the rebus]; while the long + string indicates considerable distance or a long road. This is the + message: “Although the road between us be very long, yet I draw you + to myself and set my face towards you. So I desire you to set your + face towards me and draw to me.” + +On p. 298 he adds: + + Among the Jebu in West Africa odd numbers in their message are + of evil import, while even numbers express good will. Thus a single + cowrie may be sent as an unfavorable answer to a request or message. + +[Illustration: FIG. 479.--West African aroko.] + +The same author writes, on p. 297, describing Fig. 479: + + It is a message from His Majesty Awnjale, the King of Jebu, + to his nephew abroad; and here we find other substances besides + cowries included in the aroko. Taking the various articles in order, + commencing from the knot, we observe four cowries facing in the same + direction, with their backs to the knot; this signifies agreement. + Next a piece of spice, _a_, which produces when burnt a sweet odor + and is never unpleasant; then come three cowries facing in the same + direction; then a piece of mat, _b_; then a piece of feather, _c_; + and, lastly, a single cowrie turned in the same direction as all the + others. The interpretation is: + + “Your ways agree with mine very much. Your ways are pleasing to + me and I like them. + + “Deceive me not, because the spice would yield nothing else but + a sweet and genuine odor unto God. + + “I shall never deal doubly with you all my life long. + + “The weight of your words to me is beyond all description. + + “As it is on the same family mat we have been sitting and lying + down together, I send to you. + + “I am, therefore, anxiously awaiting and hoping to hear from + you.” + +The following account of “African Symbolic Messages,” condensed from +the paper of the Rev. C. A. Gollmer, which appeared in Jour. Anthrop. +Inst. of Gr. Bn. and I., XIV, p. 169, et. seq., is highly interesting +as showing the ideography attached to the material objects transmitted. +The step in evolution by which the graphic delineation of those objects +was substituted for their actual presence was probably delayed only by +the absence of convenient material, such as birch bark, parchment, or +other portable rudimentary form of paper on which to draw or paint, or +at least by the want of a simple invention for the application of such +material: + + The natives in the Yoruba country, West Africa, in the absence + of writing, and as a substitute for it, send to one another messages + by means of a variety of tangible objects, such as shells, feathers, + pepper, corn, stone, coal, sticks, powder, shot, razors, etc., + through which they convey their ideas, feelings, and wishes, good + and bad, and that in an unmistakable manner. The object transmitted + is seen, the import of it known and the message verbally delivered + by the messenger sent, and repeated by one or more other persons + accompanying the messenger for the purpose as the importance of the + message is considered to require. + + Cowry shells in the symbolic language are used to convey, by + their number and the way in which they are strung, a variety of + ideas. One cowry may indicate “defiance and failure;” thus: A cowry + (having a small hole made at the back part, so as to be able to pass + a string through it and the front opening) strung on a short bit of + grass fiber or cord, and sent to a person known as a rival, or one + aiming at injuring the other, the message is: “As one finger can not + take up a cowry (more than one are required), so you one I defy; + you will not be able to hurt me, your evil intentions will come to + nothing.” + + Two cowries may indicate “relationship and meeting;” thus: Two + cowries strung together, face to face, and sent to an absent brother + or sister, the message is: “We are children of one mother, were + nursed by the same breasts.” + + Two cowries may indicate “separation and enmity;” thus: Two + cowries strung back to back and sent to a person gone away, the + message is: “You and I are now separated.” + + Two cowries and a feather may indicate “speedy meeting;” thus: + Two cowries strung face to face, with a small feather (of a chicken + or other bird) tied between the two cowries, and sent to a friend + at a distance, the message is: “I want to see you, as the bird + (represented by the feather) flies straight and quickly, so come as + quickly as you can.” + + The following fivefold painful symbolic message was sent by D., + whilst in captivity at Dahomey, to his wife, who happened to be + staying with Mr. Gollmer, at Badagry, at the time. The symbols were + a stone, a coal, a pepper, corn, and a rag. During the attack of the + King of Dahomey, with his great army of Amazons and other soldiers, + upon Abeokuta in March, 1852, D., one of the native Christians and + defenders of his town, home, and family, was taken captive and + carried to Dahomey, where he suffered much for a long time. Whilst + waiting for weeks to know the result his wife received the symbolic + letter which conveyed the following message: + + The stone indicated “health” (the stone was a small, common one + from the street); thus the message was: “As the stone is hard, so my + body is hardy, strong--i. e., well.” + + The coal indicated “gloom” (the coal was a small piece of + charcoal); thus the message was: “As the coal is black, so are my + prospects dark and gloomy.” + + The pepper indicated “heat” (the pepper was of the hot cayenne + sort); thus the message was: “As the pepper is hot so is my mind + heated, burning on account of the gloomy prospect--i. e., not + knowing what day I may be sold or killed.” + + The corn indicated “leanness” (the corn was a few parched grains + of maize or Indian corn); thus the message was: “As the corn is + dried up by parching; so my body is dried up or become lean through + the heat of my affliction and suffering.” + + The rag indicated “worn out;” thus (the rag was a small piece + of worn and torn native cloth, in which the articles were wrapped) + the message was: “As the rag is, so is my cloth cover--i. e., native + dress, worn and torn to a rag.” + + A tooth brush may indicate “remembrance;” thus: It is a + well-known fact that the Africans in general can boast of a finer + and whiter set of teeth than most other nations. And those Europeans + who lived long among them know from constant observation how much + attention they pay to their teeth, not only every morning, but often + during the day. The tooth brush made use of is simply a piece of + wood about 6 to 9 inches long, and of the thickness of a finger. + One end of the stick, wetted with the saliva, is rubbed to and fro + against the teeth, which end after awhile becomes soft. This sort of + tooth brush is frequently given to friends as an acceptable present, + and now and then it is made use of as a symbolic letter, and in such + a case the message is: “As I remember my teeth the first thing in + the morning, and often during the day, so I remember and think of + you as soon as I get up, and often afterwards.” + + Sugar may indicate “peace and love;” in the midst of a war + this good disposition was made known from one party to another by + the following symbol: A loaf of white sugar was sent by messengers + from the native church at A. to the native church at I., and the + message was: “As the sugar is white, so there is no blackness (i. + e., enmity) in our hearts towards you; our hearts are white (i. e., + pure and free from it). And as the sugar is sweet, so there is no + bitterness among us against you; we are sweet (i. e., at peace with + you) and love you.” + + A fagot may indicate “fire and destruction;” when a fagot (i. + e., a small bundle of bamboo poles, burnt on one end) is found + fastened to the bamboo fence inclosing a compound, or premises, + it conveys the message: “Your house will be burnt down”--i. e., + destroyed. + + Powder and shot are often made use of and sent as a symbolic + letter; the message is to either an individual or a people, viz: “As + we can not settle the quarrel, we must fight it out” (i. e., “we + shall shoot you, or make war upon you”). + + A razor may indicate “murder.” A person suspected and accused of + having by some means or other been the cause of death of a member of + a family, the representative of that family will demand satisfaction + by sending the symbolic objects, viz, a razor or knife, which is + laid outside the door of the house of the accused offender and + guilty party, and the message is well understood to be: “You have + killed or caused the death of N., you must kill yourself to avenge + his death.” + +The following examples indicate a still further step in evolution by +which the names of the objects or of the numbers are of the same sound +as words in the language the significance of which constitutes the real +message. This objective rebus corresponds with the pictorial rebus so +common in Mexican pictographs, and which is well known to have borne +a chief part in the development of Egyptian and other ancient forms of +writing. + + Three cowries with some pepper may indicate “deceit;” thus: + Three cowries strung with their faces all looking one way (as + mentioned before) with an alligator pepper tied to the cowries. Eru + is the name of the pepper in the native language, which in English + means “deceit.” The message may be either a “caution not to betray + one another,” or, more frequently, an accusation of having deceived + and defrauded the company. + + Six cowries may indicate “attachment and affection;” thus: + Efa in the native language means “six” (cowries implied); it also + means “drawn,” from the verb fa, to draw. Mora is always implied as + connected with Efa; this means “stick to you,” from the verb mo, to + stick to, and the noun ara, body--i. e. you. Six cowries strung (as + before mentioned) and sent to a person or persons, the message is: + “I am drawn (i. e. attached) to you, I love you,” which may be the + message a young man sends to a young woman with a desire to form an + engagement. + +Rev. Richard Taylor (_b_) says: + + The Maori used a kind of hieroglyphical or symbolical way of + communication; a chief, inviting another to join in a war party, + sent a tattooed potato and a fig of tobacco bound up together, which + was interpreted to mean that the enemy was a Maori and not European + by the tattoo, and by the tobacco that it represented smoke; he + therefore roasted the one and eat it, and smoked the other, to show + he accepted the invitation, and would join him with his guns and + powder. Another sent a waterproof coat with the sleeves made of + patchwork, red, blue, yellow, and green, intimating that they must + wait until all the tribes were united before their force would be + waterproof, i. e., able to encounter the European. Another chief + sent a large pipe, which would hold a pound of tobacco, which was + lighted in a large assembly, the emissary taking the first whiff, + and then passing it around; whoever smoked it showed that he joined + in the war. + + +SECTION 5. + +CLAIM OR DEMAND. + +Stephen Powers (_b_) states that the Nishinam of California have the +following mode of collecting debts: + + When an Indian owes another, it is held to be in bad taste, if + not positively insulting, for the creditor to dun the debtor, as the + brutal Saxon does, so he devises a more subtle method. He prepares + a certain number of little sticks, according to the amount of the + debt, and paints a ring around the end of each. These he carries and + tosses into the delinquent’s wigwam without a word and goes his way; + whereupon the other generally takes the hint, pays the debt, and + destroys the sticks. + +The San Francisco (California) Western Lancet, XI, 1882, p. 443, thus +reports: + + When a patient has neglected to remunerate the shaman [of the + Wikehumni tribe of the Mariposan linguistic stock] for his services, + the latter prepares short sticks of wood, with bands of colored + porcupine quills wrapped around them at one end only, and every time + he passes the delinquent’s lodge a certain number of them are thrown + in as a reminder of the indebtedness. + +[Illustration: FIG. 480.--Jebu complaint.] + +G. W. Bloxam (_c_) describes Fig. 480 thus: + + Among the Jehu of West Africa two cowries facing one another + signify two blood relations; two cowries, however, back to back may + be sent as a message of reproof for nonpayment of debt, meaning: + “You have given me the back altogether; after we have come to an + arrangement about the debt you have owed me, I will also turn my + back against you.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 481.--Jebu complaint.] + +The same authority, p. 299, describes Fig. 481: + + It consists of two cowries face to face, followed by one above + facing upwards, and is a message from a creditor to a bad debtor, + meaning: “After you have owed me a debt you kicked against me; I + also will throw you off, because I did not know that you could have + treated me thus.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 482.--Samoyed requisition.] + +Prof. Anton Schrifner (_a_) describing Fig. 482, says: + + On this plank the cuts marked _b_ signify the number of reindeer + required. Opposite these cuts are placed the hand marks, _a_, of + various Samoyeds of whom the reindeer are demanded. At the bottom + is found the official mark, _c_, of the Samoyed chief who forwarded + this board to the various Samoyed settlements in place of a written + communication. + + + + +CHAPTER XIII. + +TOTEMS, TITLES, AND NAMES. + + +The employment of pictographs to designate tribes, groups within tribes, +and individual persons has been the most frequent of all the uses to +which they have been applied. Indeed, the constant need that devices to +represent the terms styled by grammarians proper names should be readily +understood for identification has, more than any other cause, maintained +and advanced pictography as an art, and in some parts of the world has +evolved from it syllabaries and afterwards alphabets. From the same +origin came heraldry, which in time designated with absolute accuracy +persons and families for the benefit of letterless people. Trade-marks +have the same history. + +From the earliest times men have used emblems to indicate their tribes +or clans. Homer makes no clear allusion to their manifestation at the +poetic siege of Troy; but even if his Greeks did not bear them, other +nations of the period did. The earlier Egyptians carried images of bulls +and crocodiles into battle, probably at first with religious sentiments. +Each of the twelve tribes of Israel had a special ensign of its own, +which is now generally considered to have been totemic. The subjects of +Semiramis adopted doves and pigeons as their token in deference to their +queen, whose name meant “dove.” + +At later dates Athens chose an owl for her sign, as a compliment to +Minerva; Corinth, a winged horse, in memory of Pegasus and his fountain; +Carthage, a horse’s head, in homage to Neptune; Persia, the sun, because +its people worshiped fire; Rome, an eagle, in deference to Jupiter. +These objects appear to have been carved in wood or metal. There is no +evidence of anything resembling modern flags, except, perhaps, in parts +of Asia, until the Romans began to use something like them about the +time of Cæsar. But these small signs had no national or public character +so as to be comparable with the eagles on the Roman standard; nor was +any floating banner associated with ruling power until Constantine gave +a religious meaning to the labarum. + +Emblems also were often adopted by political and religious parties, e. +g., the cornstalks and slings of the Mazarinists and anti-Mazarinists +during the Fronde, the caps and hats in the Swedish diet in 1788, the +scarf of the Armagnacs, and the cross of the Burgundians. The topic of +emblems is further discussed in Chapter XVIII. + +As with increased culture clans and tribes have become nations, so there +has been an evolution by which the ensigns of bands and orders have +been discontinued and replaced by the emblems of nationalities. Frederic +Marshall (_a_) well says: “Images of animals, badges, war cries, +cockades, liveries, coats of arms, tokens, tattooing, are all replaced +practically by national ensigns.” This change is toward the higher and +nobler significance and employment, all members of the community being +protected and designated by the simple exhibition of a single emblem. + +This chapter is naturally divided into (1) Pictorial tribal +designations, (2) Gentile and clan designations, (3) Significance of +tattoo, (4) Designations of individuals. + + +SECTION 1. + +PICTORIAL TRIBAL DESIGNATIONS. + +Capt. de Lamothe Cadillac (_a_) writing in the year 1696 of the +Algonquians of the Great Lake region near Mackinac, etc., describes the +emblems on their canoes as follows: “On y voit la natte de guerre le +corbeau, l’ours on quelque autre animal * * * estant l’esprit qui doit +conduire cette enterprise.” + +This, however, was a mistake as applicable to the time when it was +written. The animals used as emblems may originally have been regarded +as supernatural totemic beings, but had probably become tribal +designations. + + +IROQUOIAN TRIBAL DESIGNATIONS. + +Bacqueville de la Potherie (_c_) says that a treaty with the French in +Canada, about 1700, was “sealed” with the “proper arms,” pictorially +drawn, of the Indian tribes which were parties to it. The following is a +copy of the original statement in its archaic form: + + Monsieur de Callieres, de Champigni, & de Vaudreüil, en + signerent le Traité, que chaque Nation scella de ses propres armes. + Les Tsonnontouans & les Onnontaguez designerent une araignée, le + Goyogouin un calumet, les Onneyouts un morceau de bois en fourche, + une pierre au milieu, un Onnontagué mit un Ours pour les Aniez, + quoi qu’ils ne vinrent pas. Le Rat mit un Castor, les Abenaguis un + Chevreüil, les Outaouaks un Liévre, ainsi des autres. + +From this it appears that-- + +The Seneca and Onondaga tribes were represented by a “spider.” [This +was doubtless a branching tree, so badly drawn as to be mistaken for a +spider.] + +The Cayuga tribe, by a calumet. + +The Oneida tribe, by a forked stick with a stone in the fork. [The +forked stick was really designed for the fork of a tree.] + +The Mohawk tribe, by a bear. + +Le Rat, who was a representative Huron of Mackinaw, by a beaver. + +The Abnaki, by a deer. + +The Ottawa, by a hare. + +Several other accounts of the tribal signs of the Iroquois are +published, often with illustrations, e. g., in Documents relating to +the Colonial History of New York (_a_), with the following remarks: + + When they go to war, and wish to inform those of the party who + may pass their path, they make a representation of the animal of + their tribe, with a hatchet in his dexter paw; sometimes a saber + or a club; and if there be a number of tribes together of the same + party, each draws the animal of his tribe, and their number, all on + a tree, from which they remove the bark. The animal of the tribe + which heads the expedition is always the foremost. + +Another account of interest, which does not appear to have been +published, was traced and contributed by Mr. William Young, of +Philadelphia. It is a deed from the representatives of the Six Nations +(the Tuscaroras then being admitted) to the King of Great Britain, dated +November 4, 1768, and recorded at the recorder’s office, Philadelphia, +in Deed Book I, vol. 5, p. 241. Nearly all of these accounts and +illustrations are confused and imperfect. An instructive blunder occurs +in the translated signature representing the Mohawk tribe in the above +mentioned deed. It is called “The Steel,” which could hardly have been +an ancient tribal name, but after study it was remembered that the +Mohawks have sometimes been called by a name properly translated the +“Flint people.” By some confusion about flint and steel, which were +still used in the middle of the last century to produce sparks of fire, +perhaps assisted by the pantomime of striking those objects together, +the one intended to be indicated, viz, the flint, was understood to be +the other, the steel, and so these words were written under the figure, +which was so roughly drawn that it might have been taken for a piece of +flint or of steel or, indeed, anything else. + + +EASTERN ALGONQUIAN TRIBAL DESIGNATIONS. + +The illustrations in Fig. 483 were drawn in 1888 by a Passamaquoddy +Indian, in Maine, near the Canada border. The Passamaquoddy, Penobscot, +and Amalecite are tribal divisions of the Abnaki, who formerly were +also called Tarrateens by the more southern New England tribes and +Owenunga by the Iroquois. The Micmacs are congeners of the Abnaki, but +not classed in their tribal divisions. All the four tribes belong to the +Algonquian linguistic stock. + +[Illustration: FIG. 483.--Eastern Algonquian tribal designations.] + +Fig. 483 _a_ is the tribal emblem of the Passamaquoddy. It shows two +Indians in a canoe, both using paddles and not poles, following a +fish, the pollock. The variation which will appear in the represented +use of poles and paddles in the marks of the Algonquian tribes in +Maine, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, etc., is said to have originated +in the differing character of the waters, shoal or deep, sluggish or +rapid, of the regions of the four bodies of Indians whose totems are +indicated as next follows, thus requiring the use of pole and paddle, +respectively, in a greater or less degree. The animals figured are in +all cases repeated consistently by each one of the several delineators, +and in all cases there is some device to show a difference between the +four canoes, either in their structure or in their mode of propulsion, +but these devices are not always consistent. It is therefore probable +that the several animals designated constitute the true and ancient +totemic emblems, and that the accompaniment of the canoes is a modern +differentiation. + +_b_ The Maresquite or Amalecite emblem. Two Indians in a canoe, both +with poles, following a muskrat. + +_c_ The Micmac emblem. Two Indians, both with paddles, in a canoe built +with high middle parts familiarly called “humpback,” following a deer. + +_d_ The Penobscot emblem. Two Indians in a canoe, one with a paddle and +the other with a pole, following an otter. + +In Margry (_a_) is an account, written about 1722, of the “Principal +divisions of the Sioux and their distinctive marks,” thus translated: + + There are from twenty to twenty-six villages of Scioux and they + comprise the nations of the prairies: + + (1) The Ouatabatonha, or Scioux des Rivières, living on the + St. Croix river or Lake de la Folle-Avoine which is below, and 15 + leagues from the Serpent river. Their distinctive sign is a bear + wounded in the neck. + + (2) The Menesouhatoba, or Scioux des Lacs, having for their mark + a bear wounded in the neck. + + (3) The Matatoba, or Scioux des Prairies, having for their mark + a fox with an arrow in its mouth. + + (4) The Hictoba, or Scioux de la Chasse, having for their symbol + the elk. + + (5) The Titoba, or Scioux des Prairies, whose emblem is the + deer. It bears a bow on its horns. + + We have as yet had no commerce save with five nations. The + Titoba live 80 leagues west of Sault Saint-Antoine. + +The above early, though meager, notice will serve as an introduction +to the following series of pictorial tribal signs, all drawn by +Sioux Indians, and many of them representing tribal divisions of the +Siouan linguistic stock. The history and authority of the several +“Winter Counts” mentioned are referred to supra, chapter X, section +2. Red-Cloud’s census and the Oglala roster are also described below. +Explanations of some figures are added which have no reference to the +present topic, but which seemed necessary and could not be separated and +transferred to more appropriate division without undue multiplication of +figures and text. + + +ABSAROKA OR CROW. + +[Illustration: FIG. 484.--Absaroka.] + +Fig. 484.--Dakota and Crow, Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1819-’20. In an +engagement between the Dakotas and the Crows both sides expended all of +their arrows, and then threw dirt at each other. A Crow is represented +on the right, and is distinguished by the manner in which the hair is +worn. Hidatsa and Absaroka are represented with striped or spotted hair, +which denotes the red clay they apply to it. + +The custom which prevails among these tribes, and is said to have +originated with the Crows, is to wear a wig of horse hair attached to +the occiput, thus resembling the natural growth, but much increased in +length. These wigs are made in strands having the thickness of a finger, +varying from eight to fifteen in number, and held apart and in place by +means of thin cross strands, thus resembling coarse network. At every +intersection of strands of hair and crossties, lumps of pine gum are +attached to prevent disarrangement and as in itself ornamental, and to +these lumps dry vermilion clay is applied by the richer classes and red +ocher or powdered clay by the poorer people. + +Pictures drawn by some of the northern tribes of the Dakota show the +characteristic and distinctive features for a Crow Indian to be the +distribution of the red war paint which covers the forehead. + +[Illustration: FIG. 485.--Absaroka.] + +Fig. 485.--Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1830-’31. The Crows were +approaching a village at a time when there was a great deal of snow on +the ground and intended to surprise it, but, some herders discovering +them, the Dakotas went out, laid in wait for the Crows, surprised them, +and killed many. A Crow’s head is represented in the figure. + +The Crow is designated not only by the arrangement of back hair, before +mentioned, but by a topknot of hair extending upward from the forehead, +brushed upward and slightly backward. See also the seated figure in the +record of Running Antelope, in Fig. 820, infra. + +[Illustration: FIG. 486.--Absaroka.] + +Fig. 486.--The Dakotas surrounded and killed ten Crows. Cloud-Shield’s +Winter Count, 1857-’58. + +The hair is somewhat shortened and not intentionally foreshortened, +which was beyond the artist’s skill. + +[Illustration: FIG. 487.--Absaroka.] + +Fig. 487.--The Dakotas killed a Crow and his squaw who were found on a +trail. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1839-’40. + +This is a front view. The union line signifies husband and wife. + + +ARAPAHO. + +[Illustration: FIG. 488.--Arapaho.] + +Fig. 488.--Arapaho, in the Dakota language, magpi-yato, blue cloud, is +here shown by a circular cloud, drawn in blue in the original, inclosing +the head of a man. Red-Cloud’s census. + + +ARIKARA OR REE. + +[Illustration: FIG. 489.--Arikara.] + +Fig. 489 is the tribal sign of the Arikara, made by the Dakota, taken from +the Winter Count of Battiste Good for the year 1823-’24, which he calls +“General-——-first-appeared-and-the-Dakotas-aided-in-an-attack-on-the-Rees +winter,” also “Much corn winter.” + +The gun and the arrow in contact with the ear of corn show that both +whites and Indians fought the Rees. The ear of corn signifies “Ree” +or Arikara Indians, who are designated in gesture language as “corn +shellers.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 490.--Arikara.] + +Fig. 490.--A Dakota kills one Ree. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1874-’75. +Here the ear of corn, the conventional sign for Arikara, has become +abbreviated. + + +ASSINIBOIN. + +[Illustration: FIG. 491.--Assiniboin.] + +Fig. 491 is the tribal designation for Assiniboin or Hohe made by the +Dakota, as taken from the Winter Count of Battiste Good for the year +1709-’10. + +The Hohe means the voice, or, as some say, the voice of the musk ox, and +the device is the outline of the vocal organs, according to the Dakota +concept, and represents the upper lip and roof of the mouth, the tongue, +the lower lip, and chin and neck. The view is lateral, and resembles the +sectional aspect of the mouth and tongue. + + +BRULÉ. + +[Illustration: FIG. 492.--Brulé.] + +Fig. 492.--A Brulé, who had left the village the night before, was found +dead in the morning outside the village, and the dogs were eating his +body. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1822-’23. + +The black spot on the upper part of the thigh shows he was a Brulé. + +[Illustration: FIG. 493.--Brulé.] + +Fig. 493.--A Brulé was found dead under a tree, which had fallen on him. +Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1808-’10. + +Again the burnt thigh is suggested by the black spot. + +The significance of these two figures is explained by the gesture sign +for Brulé as follows: Rub the upper and outer part of the right thigh +in a small circle with the open right hand, fingers pointing downward. +These Indians were once caught in a prairie fire, many burned to death, +and others badly burned about the thighs; hence the name Si-ca^n-gu, +burnt thigh, and the sign. According to the Brulé chronology, this fire +occurred in 1763, which they call “The-people-were-burned winter.” + + +CHEYENNE. + +[Illustration: FIG. 494.--Cheyenne.] + +Fig. 494.--The Cheyenne who boasted that he was bullet and arrow proof +was killed by white soldiers, near Fort Robinson, Nebraska, in the +intrenchments behind which the Cheyennes were defending themselves after +they had escaped from the fort. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1878-’79. + +[Illustration: FIG. 495.--Cheyenne.] + +The marks on the arm constitute the tribal pictographic emblem. It is +explained by the gesture sign as follows: Pass the ulnar side of the +extended index finger repeatedly across extended finger and back of the +left hand. Fig. 495 illustrates this gesture sign. Frequently, however, +the index is drawn across the wrist or forearm, or the extended index, +palm upward, is drawn across the forefinger of the left hand (palm +inward), several times, left hand stationary, right hand is drawn toward +the body until the index is drawn clear off; then repeat. Some Cheyennes +believe this to have reference to the former custom of cutting the arms +as offerings to spirits, while others think it refers to a more ancient +custom of cutting off the enemy’s fingers for necklaces, and sometimes +to cutting off the whole hand or forearm as a trophy to be displayed as +scalps more generally are. + +[Illustration: FIG. 496.--Cheyenne.] + +Fig. 496 is from the Winter Count of Battiste Good for the year +1785-’86. In that record this is the only instance where the short +vertical lines below the arrow signify Cheyenne. In all others those +marks are numerical and denote the number of persons killed. That these +short lines here signify Cheyenne is explained by the foregoing remarks. + +[Illustration: FIG. 497.--Cheyenne.] + +Fig. 497.--Picket-Pin went against the Cheyennes. A picket-pin is +represented in front of him and is connected with his mouth by the usual +line. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1790-’91. + +The black band across his face denotes that he was brave and had killed +enemies. The cross is the symbol for Cheyenne. This mark stands for the +scars on their arms or stripes on their sleeves, and also to the gesture +sign for this tribe. The cross is, therefore, the conventionalized form +both for the emblem and the gesture. + + +DAKOTA OR SIOUX. + +[Illustration: FIG. 498.--Dakota.] + +Fig. 498.--Standing-Bull, the great grandfather of the present +Standing-Bull, discovered the Black Hills. American-Horse’s Winter +Count, 1775-’76. He carried home with him a pine tree of a species +he had never seen before. In this count the Dakotas are usually +distinguished by the braided scalp lock and the feather they wear at the +crown of the head, or by the manner in which they brush back and tie the +hair with ornamented strips. Many illustrations are given in the present +paper in which this arrangement of the hair is shown more distinctly. + +With regard to the designation of this tribe by paint it seems +that pictures made by the northern Dakotas represent themselves as +distinguished from other Indians by being painted red from below the +eyes to the end of the chin. But this is probably rather a special war +painting than a tribal design. + + +HIDATSA, GROS VENTRE, OR MINITARI. + +[Illustration: FIG. 499.--Hidatsa.] + +Fig. 499 shows the tribal designation of the Gros Ventres by the +Dakotas, on the authority of Battiste Good, 1789-’90. + +Two Gros Ventres were killed on the ice by the Dakotas. The two are +designated by two spots of blood on the ice, and killed is expressed by +a blood-tipped arrow against the figure of the man above. The long hair, +with a red forehead, denotes the Gros Ventre. In other Dakota records +the same style of painting the forehead red designates the Arikara and +Absaroka Indians. The horizontal band, which is blue in the original, +signifies ice. + + +KAIOWA. + +[Illustration: FIG. 500.--Kaiowa.] + +Fig. 500 shows the tribal designation of the Kaiowa by the Dakota, taken +from the Winter Count of Battiste Good, 1814-’15. He calls the winter +“Smashed-a-Kaiowa’s-head-in winter.” The tomahawk with which it was done +is in contact with the Kaiowa’s head. + +The sign for Kaiowa is sometimes made by passing one or both hands, +naturally extended, in short horizontal circles on either side of +the head, together with a shaking motion, the conception being +“rattle-brained” or “crazy heads.” The picture is drawn to represent +the man in the attitude of making this gesture, and not the involuntary +raising of the hands upon receiving the blow, such attitudes not +appearing in Battiste Good’s system. + +[Illustration: FIG. 501.--Kaiowa.] + +This gesture is illustrated in Fig. 501. + + +MANDAN. + +[Illustration: FIG. 502.--Mandan.] + +Fig. 502.--Two Mandans killed by Minneconjous. The peculiar arrangement +of the hair distinguishes the tribe. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1789-’90. + + +MANDAN AND ARIKARA. + +[Illustration: FIG. 503.--Mandan and Arikara.] + +Fig. 503.--The Mandans and Rees made a charge on a Dakota village. An +eagle’s tail, which is worn on the head, stands for Mandan and Ree. +American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1783-’84. + +The mark on the tipi, which represents a village, is not, as it at first +sight appears, a hatchet, but a conventional sign for “it hit.” See Fig. +987 and accompanying remarks. + + +OJIBWA. + +Carver (_a_), writing in 1776-’78, tells that an Ojibwa drew the +designation of his own tribe as a deer. The honest captain of provincial +troops may have mistaken a clan mark to be a tribal mark, but the +account is mentioned for what it is worth, and the context serves to +support the statement. + + +OMAHA. + +[Illustration: FIG. 504.--Omaha.] + +Fig. 504 is the tribal designation of the Omahas by the Dakotas, taken +from the Winter Count of Battiste Good, for the year 1744-’45. The +pictograph is a human head with cropped hair and red cheeks. It is a +front view. This tribe cuts the hair short and uses red paint upon the +cheeks very extensively. This character is of frequent occurrence in +Battiste Good’s count. + +[Illustration: FIG. 505.--Omaha.] + +Fig. 505.--The Dakotas killed an Omaha in the night. Cloud-Shield’s +Winter Count, 1806-’07. + +This is a side view of the same. The illustration does not show the +color of the cheeks. + +[Illustration: FIG. 506.--Omaha.] + +Fig. 506.--The Dakotas and Omahas made peace. Cloud-Shield’s Winter +Count, 1791-’92. + +The Omaha is on the right and the Dakota on the left. + + +PAWNEE. + +[Illustration: FIG. 507.--Pawnee.] + +Fig. 507 is the tribal designation of the Pawnee by the Dakotas, taken +from Battiste Good’s Winter Count for the year 1704-’05. + +He says: The lower part of the legs are ornamented with slight +projections resembling the husks on the bottom of an ear of corn. + +[Illustration: FIG. 508.--Pawnee.] + +Fig. 508.--Brulés kill a number of Pawnees. The-Flame’s Winter Count, +1873-’74. + +This is the abbreviated or conventionalized form of the one preceding. + +[Illustration: FIG. 509.--Pawnee.] + +Fig. 509.--They killed many Pawnees on the Republican river. +Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1873-’74. + +Here the arrangement of the hair makes the distinction. + +In this connection it is useful to quote Dunbar (_a_): + + The tribal mark of the Pawnees in their pictographic or historic + painting was the scalp lock dressed to stand nearly erect or curving + slightly backwards, somewhat like a horn. This, in order that it + should retain its position, was filled with vermillion or other + pigment, and sometimes lengthened by means of a tuft of horse hair + skillfully appended so as to form a trail back over the shoulders. + This usage was undoubtedly the origin of the name Pawnee. * * * It + is most probably derived from _pá-rĭk-ĭ_, a horn, and seems to have + been once used by the Pawnees themselves to designate their peculiar + scalp lock. From the fact that this was the most noticeable feature + in their costume, the name came naturally to be the denominative + term of the tribe. + + +PONKA. + +[Illustration: FIG. 510.--Ponka.] + +Fig. 510.--The Ponkas came and attacked a village, notwithstanding peace +had just been made with them. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1778-’79. + +Some elk hair which is used to form a ridge about 8 inches long and 2 in +breadth, worn from the forehead to the back of the neck, and a feather, +represent Ponka. Horse tracks are used for horses. Attack is indicated +by marks which represent bullet marks, and which convey the idea that +the bullet struck. The marks are derived from the gesture-sign “it +struck.” See Chapter XVIII, section 4. + +[Illustration: FIG. 511.--Ponka.] + +Fig. 511.--An Indian woman, who had been unfaithful to a white +man to whom she was married, was killed by an Indian named Ponka. +American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1804-’05. + +The emblem for Ponka is the straight elk hair ridge. + +[Illustration: FIG. 512.--Ponka.] + +Fig. 512.--A Ponka, who was captured when a boy by the Oglalas, +was killed while outside the village by a war party of Ponkas. +American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1793-’94. + +The artificial headdress, consisting of a ridge of elk hair, is again +portrayed. + + +SHOSHONI. + +Dr. George Gibbs (_b_) describes a pictograph made by one of the Indian +tribes of Oregon and Washington, upon which “the figure of a man with a +long queue or scalp lock reached to his heels denoted a Shoshoni, that +tribe being in the habit of braiding horse or other hair into their own +in that manner.” + +This may be correct regarding the Shoshoni Indians among the extreme +northwestern tribes, but the mark of identification could not be based +upon the custom of braiding with their own hair that of animals, to +increase the length and appearance of the queue, as this custom also +prevails among the Absaroka, Hidatsa, and Arikaa Indians, respectively, +as before mentioned in this work. + +Tanner’s Narrative (_e_) gives additional information on this topic +regarding the absence of any tribal sign in connection with a human +figure. + + The men of the same tribe are extensively acquainted with the + totems which belong to each, and if on any record of this kind + the figure of a man appears without any designatory mark, it is + immediately understood that he is a Sioux or at least a stranger. + Indeed, in most instances the figures of men are not used at all, + merely the totem or surname, being given. * * * It may be observed + that the Algonkins believe all other Indians to have totems, + though from the necessity they are in general under of remaining + ignorant of those hostile bands, the omission of the totem in their + picture writing serves to designate an enemy. Thus, those bands + of Ojibbeways who border on the country of the Dahcotah or Sioux, + always understand the figure of a man without totem to mean one of + that people. + +[Illustration: FIG. 513.--Tamga of Kirghise tribes.] + +In Sketches of Northwestern Mongolia, (_a_) are the tamga or seals of +Kirghise tribes, of which Fig. 513 is a copy. + +The explanation given is as follows: _a._ Kipchaktamga: letter alip. +_b._ Arguin tamga: eyes. _c._ Naiman tamga: posts (of door). _d._ +Kong-rat, Kirei, tamga: vine. _e._ Nak tamga: prop. _f._ Tarakti tamga: +comb. _g._ Tyulimgut tamga: pike. + + +SECTION 2. + +GENTILE AND CLAN DESIGNATIONS. + +The clan and totemic system formerly called the gentile system +undoubtedly prevailed anciently in Europe and Asia, but first became +understood by observations of its existence in actual force among the +aborigines of America and Australia, and typical representations of it +are still found among them. In Australia it is called kobong. An animal +or a plant, or sometimes a heavenly body was mythologically at first and +at last sociologically connected with all persons of a certain stock, +who believe, or once believed, that it was their tutelar god and they +bear its name. + +Each clan or gens took as a badge or objective totem the representation +of the tutelar daimon from which it was named. As most Indian tribes +were zootheistic, the object of their devotion was generally an +animal--e. g., an eagle, a panther, a buffalo, a bear, a deer, a raccoon, +a tortoise, a snake, or a fish, but sometimes was one of the winds, a +celestial body, or other impressive object or phenomenon. + +American Indians once generally observed a prohibition against killing +the animal connected with their totem or eating any part of it. For +instance, most of the southern Indians abstained from killing the wolf; +the Navajo do not kill bears; the Osage never killed the beaver until +the skins became valuable for sale. Afterward some of the animals +previously held sacred were killed; but apologies were made to them at +the time, and in almost all cases the prohibition or taboo survived with +regard to certain parts of those animals which were not to be eaten on +the principle of synecdoche, the temptation to use the food being too +strong to permit entire abstinence. The Cherokee forbade the use of the +tongues of the deer and bear for food. They cut these members out and +cast them into the fire sacramentally. A practice still exists among the +Ojibwa as follows: There is a formal restriction against members of the +bear clan eating the animal, yet by a subdivision within the same clan +an arrangement is made so that sub-clans may among them eat the whole +animal. When a bear is killed, the head and paws are eaten by those who +form one branch of the bear totem, and the remainder is reserved for the +others. Other Indian tribes have invented a differentiation in which +some clansmen may eat the ham and not the shoulder of certain animals, +and others the shoulder and not the ham. + +It follows, therefore, that sometimes the whole animal is designated as +a clan totem, and also that sometimes only parts of it is selected. +Many of the devices given in this paper under the heading of personal +names have this origin. The following figures show a selection of +parts of animals that may further illustrate the subject. It must, +however, be borne in mind that some of the cases may be connected with +individual visions or with personal adventures and not directly with the +clan system. In the absence of detailed information in each instance +discrimination is impossible. + +Schoolcraft says that the Ojibwa always placed the totemic or clan +pictorial mark upon the _adjedatig_ or grave-post, thereby sinking the +personal name which is not generally indicative of the totem. The same +practice is found in other tribes. The Pueblos depict the gentile or +totemic pictorial sign upon their various styles of ceramic work. + +[Illustration: FIG. 514.--Dakota gentile designations.] + +Fig. 514, gives examples taken from Dakota drawings, which appear to +be pictured totemic marks of gentes or clans. If not in every instance +veritable examples, they illustrate the mode of their representation as +distinct from the mere personal designations mentioned below, and yet +without positive information in each case, it is not possible to decide +on their correct assignment to this section of the present chapter. + +_a._ Bear-Back. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +This and the six following figures exhibit respectively the portions +of the bear, viz, the back or chine, the ears, the head, the paw, the +brains, and the nostrils or muzzle, which are probably the subject of +taboo and are the sign of a clan or subclan. + +_b._ Bear’s-Ears, a Brulé, was killed in an Oglala village by the Crows. +American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1785-’86. + +_c._ Bear’s-Ears was killed in a fight with the Rees. Cloud-Shield’s +Winter Count, 1793-’94. + +This is another and more graphic delineation of the animal’s ears. + +_d._ Bear-Head. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +_e._ Bear-Paw. Red-Cloud’s Census. The paws of the bear are considered +to be a delicacy. + +_f._ Bear-Brains. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +_g._ Bear-Nostrils. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +_h._ Hump. Red-Cloud’s Census. The hump of the buffalo has been often +praised as a delicious dish. + +_i._ Elk-Head. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +Fig. 515 represents carved uprights in a house of the Kwakiutl Indians, +British Columbia, taken from a work of Dr. Franz Boas (_b_). + +[Illustration: FIG. 515.--Kwakiutl carvings.] + +The author says that these uprights are always carved according to the +crest of the gens of the house owner, and represent men standing on +the heads of animals. This use of the term “crest” is not heraldically +correct, as literally it would require the men to be standing on the +coverings of their own heads, but the idea is plain, the word being +used for a device similar in nature and significance to the crest in +heraldry, and it was adopted by the ancestors of the Kwakiutl gentes in +relation to certain exploits that they had made. Both human figures show +painting and probably also tattooing on their faces. + +The character on the left hand also shows a design on the breast. That +on the right hand presents a curious artifice of carving by which the +legs and an arm are exhibited while preserving the solidity of the +upright. + + +SECTION 3. + +SIGNIFICANCE OF TATTOO. + +Tattooing proper is a permanent marking of the skin accomplished by +the introduction of coloring matter under the cutaneous epidermis. In +popular expression and often in literature it includes penetration of +the skin by cuts, gashes, or sometimes burns, without the insertion of +coloring matter, the cicatrix being generally whiter than the sound +skin of the people, most frequently of the dark races, among whom +the practice is found. This form of figuration is distinguished as +scarification and some examples of it are given below. The two varieties +of tattoo may, however, for the purpose of this paper, be considered +together and also in relation to painting the human body, which in its +early use differs from them only in duration. + +Mr. Herbert Spencer (_a_) considers all forms of tattoo to be originally +tribal marks, and draws from that assumption additional evidence for his +favorite theory of the deification of a dead tribal chief. Miss A. W. +Buckland (_a_), in her essay on tattooing, follows in the same track, +although recognizing modern deviations from the rule. A valuable article +in the literature of the subject entitled “Tattooing among civilized +people,” by Dr. Robert Fletcher should be consulted. Also A tatuagem em +Portugal, by Rocha Peixoto. + +Dr. C. N. Starcke (_a_) lays down the law still more distinctly, thus: + + The tattoo-marks make it possible to discover the remote + connection between clans, and this token has such a powerful + influence on the mind that there is no feud between tribes which + are tattooed in the same way. * * * Tattooing may also lead to the + formation of a group within the tribe. + +Prof. Frederick Starr (_a_) makes these remarks: + + As a sign of war prowess the gash of the Kaffir warrior may be + described. After an act of bravery the priest cuts a deep gash in + the hero’s thigh. This heals blue and is a prized honor. To realize + the value of a tribal mark think for a moment of the savage man’s + relation to the world outside. He is a very Ishmaelite. So long as + he remains on his own tribal territory he is safe; when on the land + of another tribe his life is the legitimate prey of the first man he + meets. To men in such social relations the tribal mark is the only + safety at home; without it he would be slain unrecognized by his own + tribesmen. There must have been a time when the old Hebrews knew all + about this matter of tribe marks. By this custom only can we fully + understand the story of Cain (Gen. IV, 14, 15), who fears to be sent + from his own territory lest he be slain by the first stranger he + meets, but is protected by the tribal mark of those among whom he is + to wander being put upon him. But in scarring, as in so many other + cases, the original idea is often lost and the mark becomes merely + ornamental. This is particularly true among women. Among men it more + frequently retains its tribal significance. + +After careful study of the topic, less positive and conclusive +authority is found for this explanation of tattooing than was expected, +considering its general admission. + +The great antiquity of tattooing is shown by reference to it in the Old +Testament, and in Herodotus, Xenophon, Tacitus, Ammianus, and Herodian. +The publications on the topic are so numerous that the notes now to be +presented are by no means exhaustive. They mainly refer to the Indian +tribes of North America with only such comparatively recent reports from +other lands as seem to afford elucidation. + + +TATTOO IN NORTH AMERICA. + +G. Holm (_b_) says of the Greenland Innuit that geometric figures +consisting of streaks and points, are used in tattooing on the breasts, +arms, and legs of the females. + +H. H. Bancroft (_b_) says: + + The Eskimo females tattoo lines on their chins; the plebeian + female of certain bands has one vertical line in the center and one + parallel to it on either side. The higher classes mark two vertical + lines from each corner of the mouth. * * * Young Kadiak wives tattoo + the breast and adorn the face with black lines. The Kuskoquim women + sew into their chin two parallel blue lines. + +William H. Gilder (_a_) reports: + + The Esquimau wife has her face tattooed with lampblack and is + regarded as a matron in society. * * * The forehead is decorated + with the letter V in double lines, the angle very acute, passing + down between the eyes almost to the bridge of the nose, and sloping + gracefully to the right and left before reaching the roots of the + hair. Each cheek is adorned with an egg-shaped pattern, commencing + near the wing of the nose and sloping upward toward the corner of + the eye; these lines are also double. The most ornamented part, + however, is the chin, which receives a gridiron pattern; the lines + double from the edge of the lower lip, and reaching to the throat + toward the corners of the mouth, sloping outward to the angle of the + lower jaw. This is all that is required by custom, but some of the + belles do not stop here. * * * None of the men are tattooed. + +An early notice of tattooing in the territory now occupied by the United +States, mentioned in Hakluyt (_d_), is in the visit of the Florida +chief, Satouriona, in 1564, to Réné Laudonnière. His tattooed figure was +drawn by Le Moyne, Tabulæ VIII, IX. + +Capt. John Smith (_a_) is made to say of the Virginia Indians: + + They adorne themselues most with copper beads and paintings. + Their women, some haue their legs, hands, breasts and face cunningly + imbrodered with divers workes, as beasts, serpents, artificially + wrought into their flesh with blacke spots. + +[Illustration: FIG. 516.--Virginian tattoo designs.] + +Thomas Hariot (_a_), in Pl. XXIII, here reproduced as Fig. 516, +Discoveries of 1585, discussing “The Marckes of sundrye of the Chief +mene of Virginia,” says: + + The inhabitats of all the cuntrie for the most parte haue marks + rased on their backs, wherby yt may be knowen what Princes subiects + they bee, or of what place they haue their originall. For which + cause we haue set downe those marks in this figure, and haue annexed + the names of the places, that they might more easelye be discerned. + Which industrie hath god indued them withal although they be verye + simple, and rude. And to confesse a truthe I cannot remember, that + euer I saw a better or quietter people than they. + + The marks which I observed amonge them, are heere put downe in + order folowinge. + + The marke which is expressed by A. belongeth tho Wingino, the + cheefe lorde of Roanoac. + + That which hath B. is the marke of Wingino his sisters husbande. + + Those which be noted with the letters of C. and D. belonge vnto + diverse chefe lordes in Secotan. + + Those which haue the letters E. F. G. are certaine cheefe men of + Pomeiooc, and Aquascogoc. + +Frère Gabriel Sagard (_b_) says (about 1636) of the Hurons that they +tattooed by scratching with a bone of bird or fish, a black powder being +applied to the bleeding wounds. The operation was not completed at +once, but required several renewals. The object was to show bravery by +supporting great pain as well as to terrify enemies. + +In the Jesuit Relation for 1641, p. 75, it is said of the Neuter Nation +that on their bodies from head to foot they marked a thousand diverse +figures with charcoal pricked into the flesh on which beforehand they +have traced lines for them. + +Lemoyne D’Iberville, in 1649, Margry (_b_), remarked among the +Bayogoulas that some of the young women had their faces and breasts +pricked and marked with black. + +In the Jesuit Relation for 1663, p. 28, there is an account that the +head chief of the Iroquois, called by the French Nero, had killed sixty +enemies with his own hand, the marks of which he bears printed on his +thigh, which, therefore, appears covered over with black characters. + +Joutel, in Margry (_c_), speaks of tattooing among the Texas Indians in +1687. Some women make a streak from the top of the forehead to chin, +some make a triangle at the corners of their eyes, others on the breast +and shoulders, others prick the lips. The marks are indelible. + +Bacqueville de la Potherie (_b_) says of the Iroquois: + + They paint several colors on the face, as black, white, yellow, + blue, and vermillion. Men paint snakes from the forehead to the + nose, but they prick the greater part of the body with a needle to + draw blood. Bruised gunpowder makes the first coat to receive the + other colors, of which they make such figures as they desire and + they are never effaced. + +M. Bossu (_a_) says of tatooing among the Osages in 1756: + + It is a kind of knighthood to which they are only entitled by + great actions; they suffer with pleasure in order to pass for men of + courage. + + If one of them should get himself marked without having + previously distinguished himself in battle he would be degraded, and + looked upon as a coward, unworthy of an honor. * * * + + I saw an Indian, who, though he had never signalized himself + in defense of the nation, got a mark made on his body in order to + deceive those who only judged from appearance. The council agreed + that, to obviate such an abuse, which would confound brave men with + cowards, he who had wrongfully adorned himself with the figure of a + club on his skin, without ever having struck a blow at war, should + have the mark torn off; that is, the place should be flayed, and + that the same should be done to all who would offend in the same + case. + + The Indian women are allowed to make marks all over their body, + without any bad consequences; they endure it firmly, like the men, + in order to please them, and to appear handsomer to them. + +James Adair (_a_) says of the Chikasas in 1720: + + They readily know achievements in war by the blue marks over + their breasts and arms, they being as legible as our alphabetical + characters are to us. Their ink is made of the root of pitch + pine, which sticks to the inside of a greased earthen pot; then + delineating the parts, they break through the skin with gairfish + teeth, and rub over them that dark composition, to register them + among the brave, and the impression is lasting. I have been told + by the Chikasah that they formerly erased any false marks their + warriors proudly and privately gave themselves, in order to engage + them to give real proofs of their martial virtue, being surrounded + by the French and their red allies; and that they degraded them in + a public manner, by stretching the marked parts, and rubbing them + with the juice of green corn, which in a great degree took out the + impression. + +Sir Alex. Mackenzie (_b_) tells that the Slave and Dog Rib Indians of +the Athabaskan stock practiced tatooing. The men had two double lines, +either black or blue, tattooed upon each cheek from the ear to the nose. + +In James’s Long (_c_) it is reported that-- + + The Omahas are often neatly tattooed in straight lines, and in + angles on the breast, neck, and arms. The daughters of chiefs and + those of wealthy Indians generally are denoted by a small round spot + tattooed on the forehead. The process of tattooing is performed by + persons who make it a business of profit. + +Rev. J. Owen Dorsey (_a_) says: + + In order that the ghost may travel the ghost-road in safety it + is necessary for each Dakota, during his life, to be tattooed either + in the middle of the forehead or on the wrists. In that event his + spirit will go directly to the “Many Lodges.” + +The female Midē' of the Ojibwa frequently tattoo the temples, forehead, +or cheeks of sufferers from headache or toothache, which varieties of +pain are believed to be caused by some malevolent manido or spirit. +By this operation such demons are expelled, the ceremony being also +accompanied by songs and gesticulations of exorcism. Relief is sometimes +actually obtained through the counterirritant action of the tattooing, +which is effected by using a small bunch of needles, though formerly +several spicules of bone were tied together or used singly. + +One old Ojibwa woman who was observed in 1887 had a round spot over each +temple, made there to cure headache. The spots were of a bluish-black +color, and about five-eighths of an inch in diameter. Another had a +similar spot upon the nasal eminence, and a line of small dots running +from the nostrils, horizontally outward over either cheek, two-thirds of +the distance to the ears. + +The men of the Wichita wore tattoo lines from the lips downward, and it +is a significant fact that their tribal sign means “tattooed people,” +the same expression being used to designate them in the language of +several neighboring tribes. This would imply that tattooing was not +common in that region. The Kaiowa women, however, frequently had small +circles tattooed on their foreheads, and the Sixtown Choctaws still are +distinguished by perpendicular lines tatooed on the chin. + +Mr. John Murdoch (_b_) reports of the Eskimo: + + The custom of tattooing is almost universal among the women, but + the marks are confined almost exclusively to the chin, and form a + very simple pattern. This consists of one, three, five, or perhaps + as many as seven vertical lines from the under lip to the tip of the + chin, slightly radiating when there are more than one. When there + is a single line, which is rather rare, it is generally broad, and + the middle line is sometimes broader than the others. The women, + as a rule, are not tattooed until they reach a marriageable age, + though there were a few little girls in the two villages who had a + single line on the chin. I remember seeing but one married woman in + either village who was not tattooed, and she had come from a distant + settlement, from Point Hope, as well as we could understand. + + Tattooing on a man is a mark of distinction. Those men who + are, or have been, captains of whaling umiaks that have taken + whales have marks to indicate this tattooed somewhere on their + persons, sometimes forming a definite tally. For instance, An̄oru + had a broad band across each cheek from the corners of the mouth, + made up of many indistinct lines, which was said to indicate + “many whales.” Amaiyuna had the “flukes” of seven whales in a line + across his chest, and Mû'n̄ialu had a couple of small marks on + one forearm. Niăksára, the wife of An̄oru, also had a little mark + tattooed in each corner of her mouth, which she said were “whale + marks,” indicating that she was the wife of a successful whaleman. + Such marks, according to Petitot (Monographie, etc., p. 15), are a + part of the usual pattern in the Mackenzie district--“deux traits + aux commissures de la bouche.” One or two men at Nuwŭk had each a + narrow line across the face over the bridge of the nose, which were + probably also “whale marks,” though we never could get a definite + answer concerning them. + + The tattooing is done with a needle and thread, smeared with + soot or gunpowder, giving a peculiar pitted appearance to the + lines. It is rather a painful operation, producing considerable + inflammation and swelling, which lasts several days. The practice + of tattooing the women is almost universal among the Eskimo from + Greenland to Kadiak, including the Eskimo of Siberia, the only + exception being the natives of Smith sound, though the custom is + falling into disuse among the Eskimo who have much intercourse with + the whites. + + The simple pattern of straight, slightly diverging lines on the + chin seems to prevail from the Mackenzie district to Kadiak, and + similar chin lines appear always to form part of the more elaborate + patterns, sometimes extending to the arms and other parts of the + body, in fashion among the eastern Eskimo and those of Siberia, St. + Lawrence island, and the Diomedes. + +TATTOO ON THE PACIFIC COAST. + +During the summer of 1884 Dr. Hoffman met, at Port Townsend, Washington, +a party of Haida Indians from Queen Charlottes island, who were encamped +there for a short time. Most of them were tattooed after the manner +of the Haidas, the breast, back, forearm, and legs bearing partial or +complete designs of animate forms relating to totems or myths. Some +of the persons had been tattooed only in part, the figures upon the +forearms, for instance, being incomplete, because the operation at a +previous “potlatch” or festival had to be suspended on account of the +great length of time required, or on account of an extra inflammatory +condition of the affected parts. + +Among this party of Haidas was Makdē'gos, the tattooer of the tribe, +whose work is truly remarkable. The designs made by him are symmetrical, +while the lines are uniform in width and regular and graceful in every +respect. In persons tattooed upon the breast or back the part operated +upon is first divided into halves by an imaginary vertical line upon the +breast through the middle of the sternum and upon the back along the +middle of the vertebral column. Such designs are drawn double, facing +outward from this imaginary line. One side is first drawn and completed, +while the other is merely a reverse transfer, made immediately +afterwards or at such future time as the operation of tattooing may be +renewed. + +The colors are black and red, the former consisting of finely powdered +charcoal, gunpowder, or India ink, while the latter is Chinese +vermilion. The operation was formerly performed with sharp thorns, +spines of certain fishes, or spicules of bone; but recently a small +bunch of needles is used, which serves the purpose to better effect. + +As is well known, the black pigments, when picked into the human skin, +become rather bluish, which tint, when beneath the yellowish tinge of +the Indian’s cuticle, appears of an olive or sometimes a greenish-blue +shade. The colors, immediately after being tattooed upon the skin, +retain more or less of the blue-black shade; but by absorption of the +pigment and the persistence of the coloring matter of the pigmentary +membrane the greenish tint soon appears, becoming gradually less +conspicuous as time progresses, so that in some of the oldest tattooed +Indians the designs are greatly weakened in coloration. + +Upon the bodies of some persons examined the results of ulceration are +conspicuous. This destruction of tissue is the result of inflammation +caused by the tattooing and the introduction under the skin of so great +a quantity of irritating foreign matter that, instead of designs in +color, there are distinct, sharply defined figures in white or nearly +white cicatrices, the pigmentary membrane having been totally destroyed +by the ulceration. + +[Illustration: FIG. 517.--Haida tattoo, sculpin and dragon fly.] + +The figures represented upon the several Indians met with, as +above-mentioned, were not all of totemic signification, one arm, for +instance, bearing the figure of the totem of which the person is a +member, while the other arm presents the outline of a mythic being, as +shown in Fig. 517, copied from the arms of a woman. The left device is +taken from the left forearm, and represents kul, the skulpin, a totemic +animal, whereas the right hand device, taken from the right arm of the +same subject, represents mamathlóna, the dragon fly, a mythic insect. + +[Illustration: FIG. 518.--Haida tattoo, thunder-bird.] + +In Fig. 518 two forms of the thunderbird are presented, copied from the +right and left forearms and hands, respectively, of a Haida woman. The +right hand device is complete, but that on the left, copied from the +opposite forearm and hand, is incomplete, and it was expected that the +design would be entirely finished at the “potlatch” which was to be held +in the autumn of 1884. In the completed design the transverse curve in +the body of the tail was red, as also the three diagonal lines upon the +body of the bird running outward from the central vertical toward the +radial side of the hand. The brace-shaped lines within the head ornament +had also been tattooed in red. + +[Illustration: FIG. 519.--Haida tattoo, thunder-bird and tshimō's.] + +In some instances the totem and mythic character are shown upon the same +member, as is represented in Fig. 519. This tattooing was copied from +the left arm of a woman, the complete figure upon the forearm and hand +being that of a thunder bird, while the four heads upon the fingers +represent that of the tshimō's, a mythic animal. The thunder-bird +had been tattooed upon the arms a number of years before the heads +were added, probably because the protracted and painful operation of +tattooing so large a figure deterred the sufferer from further sitting. +Sometimes, however, such, postponement or noncompletion of an operation +is the result of inability on the part of the subject to defray the +expense. + +[Illustration: FIG. 520.--Haida tattoo, bear.] + +Another instance of the interrupted condition of tattooed designs is +presented in Fig. 520. The figure upon the forearm and hand is that of +the bear totem, and was made first. At a subsequent festival the bear +heads were tattooed upon the fingers, and, last of all, the body was +tattoed upon the middle finger, leaving three yet to be completed. + +[Illustration: FIG. 521.--Haida tattoo, mountain goat.] + +Fig. 521 shows tattoo designs upon the leg. These represent mēt, the +mountain goat. + +[Illustration: FIG. 522.--Haida tattoo, double thunder-bird.] + +It is seldom that double designs occur on the extremities, such being +reserved for the breast and back, but an instance was noted, represented +in Fig. 522, which is a representation of hélinga, the thunder-bird, and +was on the left arm of a man. + +[Illustration: FIG. 523.--Haida tattoo, double raven.] + +One of the most conspicuous examples of the art observed among the party +of traveling Haidas mentioned, was that of a double raven tattooed upon +the breast of Makdē'gos, copied here as Fig. 523. + +[Illustration: FIG. 524.--Haida tattoo, dogfish.] + +Upon the back of this Indian is also the figure of kahátta, the +dog-fish, Fig. 524. In addition to these marks he bears also upon his +extremities totemic and mythic animals. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIV + +HAIDA DOUBLE THUNDERBIRD.] + +Sometimes the simple outline designs employed in tattooing are painted +upon property belonging to various persons, such as boats, housefronts, +etc. In such instances colors are employed that could not be used in +tattooing. One fine example of such is presented in Pl. XXIV and another +of more elaborate design in Pl. XXV. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXV + +HAIDA DOG-FISH.] + +Mr. James G. Swan made a valuable contribution on tattoo marks of the +Haida Indians of Queen Charlotte islands, British Columbia, and the +Prince of Wales archipelago, Alaska, published in the Fourth Annual +Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, which, much condensed, is reproduced +as follows: + + Among all the tribes or bands belonging to the Haida family, + the practice of tattooing the person in some manner is common; but + the most marked are the Haidas proper, or those living on Queen + Charlotte islands, and the Kaiganis, of Prince of Wales archipelago, + Alaska. + + I am of the opinion, judging from my own observation of over + twenty years among the coast tribes, that but few females can + be found among the Indians, not only on Vancouvers island, but + all along the coast to the Columbia river, and perhaps even to + California, that are _not_ marked with some device tattooed on their + hands, arms, or ankles, either dots or straight lines; but of all + of the tribes mentioned, the Haidas stand preeminent for tattooing, + and seem to be excelled only by the natives of the Fiji islands or + the King’s Mills group in the south seas. The tattoo marks of the + Haidas are heraldic designs or the family totem, or crests of the + wearers, and are similar to the carvings depicted on the pillars and + monuments around the homes of the chiefs, which casual observers + have thought were idols. + + These designs are invariably placed on the men between the + shoulders just below the back of the neck, on the breast, on the + front part of both thighs, and on the legs below the knee. On the + women they are marked on the breast, on both shoulders, on both + forearms, from the elbow down over the back of the hands to the + knuckles, and on both legs below the knee to the ankle. + + Almost all of the Indian women of the northwest coast have + tattoo marks on their hands and arms, and some on the face; but as + a general thing these marks are mere dots or straight lines having + no particular significance. With the Haidas, however, every mark has + its meaning; those on the hands and arms of the women indicate the + family name, whether they belong to the bear, beaver, wolf, or eagle + totems, or any of the family of fishes. As one of them quaintly + remarked to me, “If you were tattooed with the design of a swan, the + Indians would know your family name.” + + In order to illustrate this tattooing as correctly as possible I + inclose herewith sketches of the tattoo marks on two women and their + husbands, taken by me at Port Townsend. + +[Illustration: FIG. 525.--Tattooed Haidas.] + +The man on the left hand of Fig. 525 is a tattooed Haida. On his breast +is the cod (kahátta), split from the head to the tail and laid open; +on each thigh is the octopus (noo), and below each knee is the frog +(flkamkostan). + +The woman in the same figure has on her breast the head and forepaws +of the beaver (tsching); on each shoulder is the head of the eagle +or thunder-bird (skamskwin); on each arm, extending to and covering +the back of the hand, is the halibut (hargo); on the right leg is the +skulpin (kull); on the left leg is the frog (flkamkostan). + +[Illustration: FIG. 526.--Tattooed Haidas.] + +The woman in Fig. 526 has a bear’s head (hoorts) on her breast. On each +shoulder is the eagle’s head, and on her arms and legs are figures of +the bear. + +The back of the man in the same figure has the wolf (wasko), split in +halves and tattooed between his shoulders, which is shown enlarged in +Fig. 531. Wasko is a mythological being of the wolf species, similar to +the chu-chu-hmexl of the Makah Indians, an antediluvian demon supposed +to live in the mountains. + +[Illustration: FIG. 527.--Two forms of skulpin, Haida.] + +[Illustration: FIG. 528.--Frog, Haida.] + +[Illustration: FIG. 529.--Cod, Haida.] + +[Illustration: FIG. 530.--Squid, Haida.] + +[Illustration: FIG. 531.--Wolf, Haida.] + +The skulpin, on the right leg of the woman in Fig. 525, is shown +enlarged in Fig. 527; the frog on the left leg in Fig. 528. The codfish +on the man in Fig. 525 is shown enlarged in Fig. 529; the octopus or +squid in Fig. 530. + +As the Haidas, both men and women, are very light-colored, some of +the latter--full blooded Indians, too--having their skins as fair as +Europeans, the tattoo marks show very distinct. + +The same author continues: + + This tattooing is not all done at one time, nor is it everyone + who can tattoo. Certain ones, almost always men, have a natural gift + which enables them to excel in this kind of work. One of the young + chiefs, named Geneskelos, was the best designer I knew, and ranked + among his tribe as a tattooer. + + He told me the plan he adopted was first to draw the design + carefully on the person with some dark pigment, then prick it in + with needles, and then rub over the wound with some more coloring + matter till it acquired the proper hue. He had a variety of + instruments composed of needles tied neatly to sticks. His favorite + one was a flat strip of ivory or bone, to which he had firmly tied + five or six needles, with their points projecting beyond the end + just far enough to raise the skin without inflicting a dangerous + wound, but these needle points stuck out quite sufficiently to make + the operation very painful, and although he applied some substance + to deaden the sensation of the skin, yet the effect was on some to + make them quite sick for a few days; consequently, the whole process + of tattooing was not done at one time. As this tattooing is a mark + of honor, it is generally done at or just prior to a Tomanawos + performance and at the time of raising the heraldic columns in front + of the chief’s houses. The tattooing is done in open lodge and is + witnessed by the company assembled. Sometimes it takes several years + before all the tattooing is done, but when completed and the person + well ornamented, then they are happy and can take their seats among + the elders. + +Other notices about the tattooing of the Indians of the Pacific slope of +North America are subjoined. + +Stephen Powers (_c_) says the Karok (California) squaws tattoo in blue +three narrow fern leaves perpendicularly on the chin, one falling from +each corner of the mouth and one in the middle. + +The same author reports, page 76: + + Nearly every (Hupâ, California) man has ten lines tattooed + across the inside of the left arm about halfway between the wrist + and the elbow; and in measuring shell money he takes the string in + his right hand, draws one end over his left thumb nail, and if the + other end reaches to the uppermost of the tattoo lines the five + shells are worth $25 in gold, or $5 a shell. Of course, it is only + one in ten thousand that is long enough to reach this high value. + +Also on page 96: + + The Pátawāt (California) squaws tattoo in blue three narrow + pinnate leaves perpendicularly on their chins, and also lines of + small dots on the backs of their hands. + +On page 148, of the Kástel Pomo: + + The women of this and other tribes of the Coast range frequently + tattoo a rude representation of a tree or other object covering + nearly the whole abdomen and breast. + +Of the Wintūns he says, page 233: “The squaws all tattoo three narrow +lines, one falling from each corner of the mouth and one between.” + +The same author says, on page 109: + + The Mattoal, of California, differ from other tribes in that + the men tattoo. Their distinctive mark is a round blue spot in the + center of the forehead. The women tattoo pretty much all over their + faces. + + In respect to this matter of tattooing there is a theory + entertained by some old pioneers which may be worth the mention. + They hold that the reason why the women alone tattoo in all other + tribes is that in case they are taken captives their own people may + be able to recognize them when there comes an opportunity of ransom. + There are two facts which give some color of probability to this + reasoning. One is that the California Indians are rent into such + infinitesimal divisions, any one of which may be arrayed in deadly + feud against another at any moment, that the slight differences in + their dialects would not suffice to distinguish the captive squaws. + The second is that the squaws almost never attempt any ornamental + tattooing, but adhere closely to the plain regulation mark of the + tribe. + +Blue marks tattooed upon a Mohave woman’s chin denote that she is +married. See Whipple (_f_). + +Mr. Gatschet reports that very few Klamath men now tattoo their faces, +but such as are still observed have but a single line of black running +from the middle of the lower lip to the chin. Half-breed girls appear to +have but one perpendicular line tattooed down over the chin while the +full-blood women have four perpendicular lines on the chin. + +In Bancroft’s Native Races (_c_), it is stated that the Modoc women +tattoo three blue lines, extending perpendicularly from the center and +corners of the lower lip to the chin. + +The same author on pages 117 and 127 of the same volume says: + + The Chippewas have tattooed cheeks and foreheads. Both sexes + have blue or black bars or from one to four straight lines to + distinguish the tribe to which they belong. They tattoo by entering + an awl or needle under the skin and drawing it out, immediately + rubbing powdered charcoal into the wounds. * * * On the Yukon river + among the Kutchins, the men draw a black stripe down the forehead + and the nose, frequently crossing the forehead and cheeks with red + lines and streaking the chin alternately with red and black, and the + women tattoo the chin with a black pigment. + +Stephen Powers, in Overland Monthly, XII, 537, 1874, says of the Normocs: + + I saw a squaw who had executed on her cheeks the only + representation of a living object which I ever saw done in + tattooing. It was a couple of bird’s wings, one on each cheek, done + in blue, bottom-edge up, the butt of the wing at the corner of the + mouth, and the tip near the ear. It was quite well wrought, both + in correctness of form and in delicateness of execution, not only + separate feathers but even the filaments of the vane, being finely + pricked in. + +Dr. Franz Boas (_c_) says: + + Tattooings are found on arms, breast, back, legs, and feet among + the Haida; on arms and feet among the Tshimshian, Kwakiutl and + Bilqula; on breast and arms among the Nootka; on the jaw among the + Coast Salish women. + + Among the Nootka scars may frequently be seen running at regular + intervals from the shoulder down the breast to the belly, and in the + same way down the legs and arms. * * * + + Members of tribes practicing the Hamats'a ceremonies show + remarkable scars produced by biting. At certain festivals it is the + duty of the Hamats'a to bite a piece of flesh out of the arms, leg, + or breast of a man. + + +TATTOO IN SOUTH AMERICA. + +Dr. im Thurn (_c_) says: + + Tattooing or any other permanent interference with the surface + of the skin by way of ornament is practiced only to a very limited + extent by the Indians; is used, in fact, only to produce the small + distinctive tribal mark which many of them bear at the corners of + their mouths or on their arms. It is true that an adult Indian is + hardly to be found on whose thighs and arms, or on other parts of + whose body are not a greater or less number of indelibly incised + straight lines; but these are scars originally made for surgical, + not ornamental purposes. + +Herndon and Gibbon (_a_), p. 319, report: + + Following the example of the other nations of Brazil (who tattoo + themselves with thorns, or pierce their nose, the lips, and the + ears,) and obeying an ancient law which commands these different + tortures, this baptism of blood, * * * the Mahués have preserved * * + * the great festival of the Tocandeira. + +Paul Marcoy (_b_) says of the Passés, Yuris, Barrés, and Chumanas, +of Brazil, that they mark their faces (in tattoo) with the totem, or +emblem of the nation to which they belong. It is possible at a few steps +distant to distinguish one nation from another. + + +EXTRA-LIMITAL TATTOO. + +Ancient monarchs adopted special marks to distinguish slaves; likewise +for vengeance as an indelible and humiliating brand, a certain tattoo +denounced him who had fallen into disgrace with a sovereign. Two monks +having censured the iconoclastic frenzy of the emperor Theophilus, he +ordered to be imprinted on their foreheads eleven iambic verses; Philip +of Macedon, from whom a soldier had solicited the possession of a man +saved by him from shipwreck, ordered that on his forehead should be +drawn signs indicative of his base greed; Caligula, without any object, +commanded the tattooing of the Roman nobles. + +In the period of the decline of Rome, tattooing was extensively +practiced. Regulative laws prescribed the adopted symbols which were +a proof of enlistment in the ranks and on which the military oath was +taken. The purpose of this ordinance, which continued in force for a +long time, was similar to that which authorized the marking of the +slaves, since, the spirit of the people having become degenerated, the +army was composed of mercenaries who, if they should run away, must +be recognized, pursued, and captured. Until recently the practice, +though more as a mark of manhood, was followed by the soldiers of the +Piedmontese army. + +Élisée Reclus (_a_) says: + + Tattooing was in Polynesia widespread, and so highly developed + that the artistic designs covering the body served also to clothe + it. In certain islands the operation lasted so long that it had to + be begun before the children were six years old, and the pattern was + largely left to the skill and cunning of the professional tattooers. + Still traditional motives recurred in the ornamental devices of the + several tribes, who could usually be recognized by their special + tracings, curved or parallel lines, diamond forms and the like. The + artists were grouped in schools like the old masters in Europe, and + they worked not by incision as in most Melanesian islands, but by + punctures with a small comb-like instrument slightly tapped with a + mallet. The pigment used in the painful and even dangerous operation + was usually the fine charcoal yielded by the nut of Aleurites + triloba, an oleaginous plant used for illuminating purposes + throughout eastern Polynesia. + +The following is from Rev. Richard Taylor (_c_) about the New +Zealanders, Te Ika a Maui: + + Before they went to fight, the youth were accustomed to mark + their countenances with charcoal in different lines, and their + traditions state that this was the beginning of the tattoo, for + their wars became so continuous, that to save the trouble of thus + constantly painting the face, they made the lines permanent by the + moko; it is, however, a question whether it did not arise from a + different cause; formerly the grand mass of men who went to fight + were the black slaves, and when they fought side by side with their + lighter colored masters, the latter on those occasions used charcoal + to make it appear they were all one. + + Whilst the males had every part of the face tattooed, and + the thighs as well, the females had chiefly the chin and the + lips, although occasionally they also had their thighs and + breasts, with a few smaller marks on different parts of the body + as well. There were regular rules for tattooing, and the artist + always went systematically to work, beginning at one spot and + gradually proceeding to another, each particular part having its + distinguishing name. + +[Illustration: FIG. 532.--Australian grave and carved trees.] + +Fig. 532 is an illustration from the same work, facing page 378. It +shows the “grave of an Australian native, with his name, rank, tribe, +etc., cut in hieroglyphics on the trees,” which “hieroglyphics” are +supposed to be connected with his tattoo marks. + +[Illustration: FIG. 533.--New Zealand tattooed head and chin mark.] + +Fig. 533 is a copy of a tattooed head carved by Hongi, and also of the +tattooing on a woman’s chin, taken from the work last cited. + +[Illustration: FIG. 534.--Tattoo design on bone, New Zealand.] + +The accompanying illustration, Fig. 534, is taken from a bone obtained +from a mound in New Zealand, by Prof. I. C. Russell, formerly of the U. +S. Geological Survey. He says that the Maori formerly tattooed the bones +of enemies, though the custom now seems to have been abandoned. The work +consists of sharp, shallow lines, as if made with a sharp-pointed steel +instrument, into which some blackish pigment has been rubbed, filling up +some of the markings, while in others scarcely a trace remains. + +In connection with the use of the tattoo marks as reproduced on +artificial objects see Fig. 734. + +[Illustration: FIG. 535.--Tattooed woman, New Zealand.] + +Fig. 535 is a copy of a photograph obtained in New Zealand by Prof. +Russell. It shows tattooing upon the chin. + +Prof. Russell, in his sketch of New Zealand, published in the Am. +Naturalist, XIII, 72, Feb., 1879, remarks, that the desire of the +Maori for ornament is so great that they covered their features with +tattooing, transferring indelibly to their faces complicated patterns +of curved and spiral lines, similar to the designs with which they +decorated their canoes and their houses. + +E. J. Wakefield (_a_) reports of a man observed in New Zealand that he +was a tangata tabu or sacred personage, and consequently was not adorned +with tatu. He adds, p. 155, that the deeds of the natives are signed +with elaborate drawings of the moko or tatu on the chiefs’ faces. + +Dr. George Turner (_b_) says: + + Herodotus found among the Thracians that the man who was not + tattooed was not respected. It was the same in Samoa. Until a young + man was tattooed he was considered in his minority. He could not + think of marriage, and he was constantly exposed to taunts and + ridicule, as being poor and of low birth, and as having no right + to speak in the society of men. But as soon as he was tattooed he + passed into his majority, and considered himself entitled to the + respect and privileges of mature years. When a youth, therefore, + reached the age of 16, he and his friends were all anxiety that he + should be tattooed. He was then on the outlook for the tattooing of + some young chief with whom he might unite. On these occasions six or + a dozen young men would be tattooed at one time, and for these there + might be four or five tattooers employed. Tattooing is still kept up + to some extent and is a regular profession, just as house-building, + and well paid. The custom is traced to mythologic times and has its + presiding deities. + +In Révue d’Ethnographie (_a_) (translated) it is published that-- + + Tattoo marks of Papuan men in New Guinea can be worn on the + chest only when the man has killed an enemy. Fig. 26, p. 101, shows + the marks upon the chest of Waara, who had killed five men. + + Tattoo marks upon parts other than the chest of the bodies + of men and women do not seem to have significance. They are made + according to the fancy of the designer. Frequently the professional + tattooers have styles of their own, which, being popular and + generally applied, become customary to a tribe. + +The illustration above mentioned is reproduced as Fig. 536. + +[Illustration: FIG. 536.--Tattoo on Papuan chief.] + +In the same article, p. 112, is the following, referring to Fig. 537: + +[Illustration: FIG. 537.--Tattooed Papuan woman.] + + Among the Papuans of New Guinea tattooing the chest of females + denotes that they are married, though all other parts of the body, + including the face and legs, may be tattooed long before; indeed the + tattooing of girls may begin at 5 years of age. Fig. 39, p. 112, + gives an illustration of a married woman. * * * The different forms + of tattoo depend upon the style of the several artists. Family marks + are not recognizable, but exist. + +De Clercq (_a_) gives further particulars about tattooing among the +Papuans of New Guinea. Among the Sègèt it is only on women. They call it +“fadjan,” and the figures consist of two rows of little circles, on each +side of the abdomen toward the region of the arm-pit, with a few cross +strokes on the outer edge; it is done by pricking with a needle and +afterwards the spots are fumigated with the smoke of burning resin. It +is said to be intended as an ornament instead of dress, and that young +girls do it because young men like to see it. + +At Roembati tattooing is called “gomanroeri” and at Sĕkar “béti.” They +do it there with bones of fish, with which they prick many holes in +the skin until the blood flows, and then smear on it in spots the soot +from pans and pots, which, after the staunching of the blood, leaves an +ineffaceable bluish spot or streak. Besides the breast and upper arm +they also tattoo in the same way the calf of the leg, and in some cases +the forehead, as a mere ornamentation, both of men and women--children +only in very exceptional cases. + +The Bonggose and Sirito are much tattooed over the breast and shoulder. +At Saoekorèm, a Doré settlement, a few women were seen tattooed on the +breast and in the face. At Doré it is called “pa,” and is done with +thorns, and charcoal is rubbed over the bloody spots; only here and at +Mansinam is it a sign of mourning; everywhere else it merely serves as +ornamentation. + +At Ansoes it does not occur much, and is principally in the face; it is +there called “toi.” It is found somewhat more commonly on Noord-Japèn, +and then on shoulder and upper arm. In Tarfia, Tana-mérah, and Humboldt +bay but few persons were tattooed, mostly on the forehead. + +The tattooing is always the work of women, generally members of the +family, both on men and on women. First the figure is drawn with +charcoal, and if it suits the taste then begins the pricking with the +thorn of a citrus or a fine bone of some animal. It is very painful and +only a small spot can be pricked at one time, so long as the tattooee +can stand it. If the pain is too violent, the wounds are gently pressed +with a certain leaf that has been warmed, in order to soothe the pain, +and the work is continued only after three or four days. No special +names are given to the figures; those are chosen which suit the taste. +Children are never tattooed at the wish of the parents; it is entirely a +matter of individual choice. + +Mr. Forbes, in Journ. Anthrop. Inst. G. B. and I., August, 1883, p. 10, +says that in Timor Laut, an island of the Malay archipelago-- + + Both sexes tattoo a few simple devices, circles, stars, and + pointed crosses, on the breast, on the brow, on the cheek, and on + the wrists, and scar themselves on the arms and shoulders with + red-hot stones, in imitation of immense smallpox marks, in order + to ward off that disease. * * * I have, however, seen no one + variola-marked, nor can I learn of any epidemic of this disease + among them. + +Prof. Brauns, of Halle, reports, Science, III, No. 50, p. 69, that among +the Ainos of Yazo the women tattoo their chins to imitate the beards of +the men. + +Carl Bock (_a_) says: + + All the married women here are tattooed on the hands and feet + and sometimes on the thighs. The decoration is one of the privileges + of matrimony and is not permitted to unmarried girls. + +In Myths and Songs from the South Pacific, London, 1876, p. 94, it is +said that in Mangaia, of the Hervey group, the tattoo is in imitation +of the stripes on the two kinds of fish, avini and paoro, the color of +which is blue. The legend of this is kept in the song of Iná. + +Elisée Reclus (_b_) says: + + Most of the Dayaks tattoo the arms, hands, feet, and thighs; + occasionally also breast and temples. The designs, generally of a + beautiful blue color on the coppery ground of the body, display + great taste, and are nearly always disposed in odd numbers, which, + as among so many other peoples, are supposed to be lucky. + +In L’Anthropologie (_a_), 1890, T. I, No. 6, p. 693, it is thus reported: + + Tradition tells that the Giao chi, the alleged ancestors of the + Annamites, were fishermen and in danger from marine monsters. To + prevent disasters from the genii of the waters the king directed + the people to tattoo their bodies with the forms of the marine + monsters, and afterwards the dragons, crocodiles, etc., ceased + their persecution. The custom became universal, and even the kings + tattooed a dragon on their thighs as a sign of power and nobility. + The same idea was in the painting of eyes, etc., on the prows of + Annamite boats, which strongly resembled the sea monsters. + +Mr. O’Reilly, the professional tattooer of New York, in a letter, says +that he is familiar with the tattoo system of Burmah, and that, besides +the ruling principle of ordeal, the Burmese use special tattoo marks +to charm and to bring love. They also believe that tattooing the whole +person renders the skin impenetrable to weapons. + +In Zeitschrift für Ethnologie (_a_) it is recounted of the Badagas in +the Nilgiri mountains, India: + + All the women are tattooed on the forehead. The following [Fig. + 538] _a_ is the most usual form: + + [Illustration: Fig 538 a] + + Besides this there occur the following (same Fig., _b_, _c_, + _d_, and _e_): + + [Illustration: Fig. 538 b-e] + + Besides the forehead, the tattooing of which is obligatory for + women, other parts of the body are often tattooed thus (same Fig., + _f_) + + [Illustration: Fig. 538 f-g] + + on each shoulder. Other forms not infrequently found are + variously grouped dots, also those shown in the same Fig., _g_, on + the forearm and the back of the hand. + +[Illustration: FIG. 538.--Badaga tattoo marks.] + +Nordenskiöld (_a_) gives the following account of tattooing among the +Chukchis of Siberia: + + It is principally the women that tattoo. The operation is + performed by means of pins and soot; perhaps also graphite is + employed, which the Chukchis gather. The tattooing of the women + seems to be the same along the whole Chukchi coast from Cape + Shelagskoy to Bering strait. The usual mode of tattooing is found + represented in Nordenskiöld’s “Voyage of the Vega around Asia and + Europe,” second part, p. 104. Still the tattooing on the cheek is + not rarely more compound than is there shown. The picture given + below [Fig. 539] represents a design of tattooing on the cheek. + + Girls under nine or ten years are never tattooed. On reaching + that age they gradually receive the two streaks running from the + point of the nose to the root of the hair; next follow the vertical + chin streaks and lastly the tattooing on the cheeks, of which the + anterior arches are first formed and the posterior part of the + design last. The last named in fact is the part of the design which + is oftenest wanting. + + The accompanying picture (the left hand of the same Fig.) + represents the tattooing of the arms of a woman from the town of + T’ápka. The design of the tattooing extends from the shoulder joint, + where the upper triple ring is situated, to the hand joint at the + bottom. As appears from the drawing, the tattooing on the right and + left arm is different. + + The men at the winter station of the Vega tattooed themselves + only with two short horizontal streaks across the root of the nose. + Some of the men at Rerkaypiya (C. North), on the other hand, had a + cross tattooed on each cheek bone; others had merely painted similar + ones with red mold. Some Chukchis at the latter place had also the + upper lip tattooed. + +[Illustration: FIG. 539.--Chukchi tattoo marks.] + +The Chukchi designs are much simpler than those of the Eskimo. + +Dr. Bazin, in “Étude sur le Tatouage dans la Régence de Tunis,” in +L’Anthropologie (_b_), tells that the practice of tattooing is very +widespread and elaborate in Tunisia, but chiefly among the natives of +Arab race, who are nomads, workmen in the towns, and laborers, and also +among the fellahs. The Berbers, on the contrary, who have remained +mountaineers, the merchants of the coast towns, and the rich proprietors +are little or not at all tattooed. In regard to the last class this +proves that tattooing has become nothing but an ornament, since the +members of this class are clothed in such a way that the legs and arms +are completely covered, so that it would be useless to draw figures +which would be invisible or almost entirely hidden. He adds that the +notables “du Tinge” do not disfigure themselves by incisions. The +distinctive sign of the lower classes is the presence of three incisions +on the temples, three on the cheeks, and three also on the lower part of +the face. + +Notes on East-Equatorial Africa, in Bull. Soc. d’Anthro. de Bruxelles +(_a_) contains the following memoranda: Tattooing is done by traveling +artists. Perhaps at first it showed tribal characteristics, but now +it is difficult to distinguish more than fancy. The exception is that +Wawenba alone tattoo the face. The local fetiches bear marks of tattoo. + +Gordon Cumming (_a_) says: + + One of the “generals” of Mosielely, King of the Bakatlas group + of the Bechuana tribe, had killed about twenty men in battle with + his own hand, and bore a mark of honor for every man. This mark was + a line tattooed on his ribs. + +David Greig Rutherford (_a_) makes remarks on the people of Batanga, +West Tropical Africa, from which the following is extracted: + + Tattooing evidently originated in certain marks being applied + to the face and other parts of the body in order to distinguish the + members of one tribe from those of another. The same marks would be + used for both sexes, but as the tendency to ornamentation became + developed, they would be apt to observe some artistic method in + making them. Among the Dualles the custom at one time appears to + have obtained with both sexes, with a preponderance, however, in the + practice of it on the side of the women. The men did not always see + the force of giving themselves needless pain, but the women, with + a shrewd idea that it added to their charms, persisted in having + it done. The men (and it is significant that in places where the + men have ceased to tattoo themselves they continue to do it for the + women) tattooed their children at an early age, but as the girls + approached a marriageable age they added, on their own account, + various ornamentations to those already existing. As an example that + tattooing in its later stages is regarded as an increase of beauty, + I may mention an instance given me by the wife of a missionary here. + A woman belonging to some neighboring tribe having come to stay at + the mission, was presented with a dress of some showy material as + an inducement to her to discard the loin cloth she had been in the + habit of wearing and as an introduction to the habits of civilized + life. She objected to wear the dress, however, upon the ground that + if she did so she would thereby hide her beauty. It appears certain + that the unmarried woman who is most finely tattooed wins most + admiration from the men. + +Oscar Peschel (_a_) describes tattooing as another substitute for +raiment and remarks: “That it actually takes away from the impression +of nudity is declared by all who have seen fully tattooed Albanese.” As +bearing in the same direction Mr. Darwin, in “Voyage of the Beagle,” may +be quoted, who, when at New Zealand, speaking of the clean, tidy, and +healthy appearance of the young women who acted as servants within the +houses, remarks: “The wives of the missionaries tried to persuade them +not to be tattooed, but a famous operator having arrived from the south +they said: ‘We really must have a few lines on our lips, else when we +grow old our lips will shrivel, and we shall be so very ugly.’” + +In September, 1891, a Zulu, claiming to be a son of the late Cetewayo, +gave to a reporter of the Memphis Avalanche the following account: + + When some one expressed a doubt of his coming from Zululand he + promptly rolled up his sleeve and showed on his right arm the brand + of the tribe. The brand is just below the elbow-joint, and it is of + a bright red color, showing conclusively that it had been burned + into the flesh. The design is very much on the principle of a double + heart with a cross running through the center. The same design has + been branded over his left eye in a somewhat smaller shape. When + questioned about these brands he said: + + “In our country all the men have to have the brand of their + tribe burned into their skin so that they can never desert us, and + no matter where they are found, you can always tell a Zulu by the + brand. Always look for it just over the left eye and on the inside + of the right arm. Does it hurt? Oh, no: you see they just take the + skin together in their fingers and when the brand is red hot touch + it once to the skin and it is all done, and the brand can never wear + away.” + + +SCARIFICATION. + +The following notes regarding scarification are presented: + +Edward M. Curr (_b_), p. 94, says: + + The principal and most general ornament throughout Australia + consists of a number of scars raised on the skin. They are made by + deep incisions with a flint or shell, which are kept powdered with + charcoal or ashes. The wounds thus made remain open for about three + months, and, when covered with skin, scars sometimes almost as thick + and long as one’s middle finger remain raised above the natural + surface of the skin. The incisions are made in rows on various + parts of the body, principally on the chest, back, and on the upper + muscle of the arm, and less frequently on the thighs and stomach. + The breasts of the female are often surrounded with smaller scars. + In some tribes dots cut in the skin take the place of scars. The + operation is a very painful one, and is often carried out amidst + yells of torture. Both sexes are marked in this manner, but the male + more extensively than the female. + +In the same volume, p. 338, is the following: + + When, as often happens, a young man and girl of the Whajook + tribe in Australia elope and remain away from the tribe for a time, + it is not unusual for them to scar each other in the interim as a + memorial of their illicit loves; a singular proceeding when one + remembers the agony caused by the operation and the length of time + required to get over it. This proceeding is a great aggravation of + the original offense in the eyes of husbands. + +In Vol. II, p. 414, the same author says: + + Men of the Cape river tribe scar their backs and shoulders in + this way. Scars are made generally on the left thigh both of the + men and women, continues Mr. Chatfield, but occasionally on the + right, for the purpose of denoting the particular class to which + they belong; but as such a practice would conflict with the custom + prevalent throughout the continent as far as known, which is to make + these marks for ornament alone, the statement cannot be received + without further evidence. + +Thomas Worsnop, in the Prehistoric Arts of the Aborigines of Australia, +says: + + This practice of tattooing by scarification was common all over + the continent, varying in character amongst the respective tribes, + each having its own distinctive marks, although all patterned upon + one monotonous idea. + +This is far from evidence of distinct tribal marks, the slight varieties +of which may be only local or tribal fashions. + +Alfred C. Haddon (_a_), p. 366, says: + + Tattooing is unknown, but the body used to be ornamented + with raised cicatrices. * * * The Torres strait islanders are + distinguished by a large, complicated, oval scar, only slightly + raised and of neat construction. This, which I have been told has + some connection with a turtle, occupies the right shoulder and is + occasionally repeated on the left. I suspect that a young man was + not allowed to bear a cicatrice until he had killed his first turtle + or dugong. + +The same author, op. cit., says of the Mabuiag of Torres straits: + + The people were formerly divided up into a number of clans. * + * * A man belonging to one clan could not wear the badge of the + totem of another clan. * * * All the totems appear to have been + animals--as the crocodile, snake, turtle, dugong, dog, cassowary, + shark, sting-ray, kingfish, etc. + +The same writer, in Notes on Mr. Beardsmore’s paper, in Jour. Anthrop. +Inst. of Gr. Br. and I. (_a_), says: + + A large number of the women of Mowat, New Guinea, have a + Λ-shaped scar above the breasts. * * * Maino of Tud told me that it + was cut when the brother leaves the father’s house and goes to live + with the men; and another informant’s story was that it was made + when a brother harpooned his first dugong or turtle. Maino (who, + by the by, married a Mowat woman) said that a mark on the cheek + recorded the brother’s prowess. + +D’Albertis (_c_) tells that the people of New Guinea produced scars +“by making an incision in the skin and then for a lengthened period +irritating it with lime and soot. * * * They use some scars as a sign +that they have traveled, and tattoo an additional figure above the right +breast on the accomplishment of every additional journey. * * * In Yuli +island women have nearly the whole body covered with marks. Children are +seldom tattooed; slaves never. Men are hardly ever tattooed, though they +have frequently marks on the chest and shoulders; rarely on the face. +Tribes and families are recognized by tattoo marks.” + +Mr. Griffith, in his paper on Sierra Leone, in Jour. Anthrop. Inst. of +Gr. Br. and I. (_b_), says: + + The girls are cut on their backs and loins in such a manner as + to leave raised scars, which project above the surface of the skin + about one-eighth of an inch. They then receive Boondoo names, and + after recovery from the painful operation are released from Boondoo + with great ceremony and gesticulation by some who personate Boondoo + devils. They are then publicly pronounced marriageable. + +Dr. Holub (_b_), speaking of three cuts on the breast of a Koranna of +Central South Africa, says: + + They have among themselves a kind of freemasonry. Some of them + have on their chest three cuts. When they were asked what was the + reason of it they generally refused to answer, but after gaining + their confidence they confessed that they belonged to something like + a secret society, and they said, “I can go through all the valleys + inhabited by Korannas and Griquas, and wherever I go when I open my + coat and show these three cuts I am sure to be well received.” + +Mr. H. H. Johnston (_a_) tells us that scarification is practiced right +along the course of the Congo up to the Stanley falls. The marks thus +made are tribal. Thus the Bateke are always distinguished by five or +six striated lines across the cheek bones, while the Bayansi scar their +foreheads with a horizontal or vertical band. + +E. Brussaux, in L’Anthropologie (_c_), reports that scarifications in +Congo, which are chiefly on the back, are made for therapeutic reasons. + +Julian Thomas (_a_) gives the following description of a New Hebrides +woman: + + She had a pattern traced over her throat and breast like a + scarf. It was done with a shark’s tooth when a child. The women’s + skins are blistered up into flowers and ferns. The skin is cut + and earth and ashes placed inside the gashes, and the flesh grows + into these forms. Of course they do not cover up these beauties by + clothing. + +According to Mr. Man, Journ. Anthrop. Inst. of Gr. Br. and I. (_c_), the +Andamanese, who also tattoo by means of gashing, do so first by way of +ornament, and, secondly, to prove the courage of the individual operated +upon and his or her power of enduring pain. + + +SUMMARY OF STUDIES ON TATTOOING. + +Many notes on the topic are omitted, especially those relating mainly to +the methods of and the instruments used in the operation. But from those +presented above it appears that tattooing still is or very recently +was used in various parts of the world for many purposes besides the +specific object of designating a tribe, clan, or family, and also apart +from the general intent of personal ornament. The most notable of those +purposes are as follows: 1, to distinguish between free and slave +without reference to the tribe of the latter; 2, to distinguish between +a high and low status in the same tribe; 3, as a certificate of bravery +exhibited by supporting the ordeal of pain; 4, as marks of personal +prowess, particularly, 5, as a record of achievements in war; 6, to show +religious symbols; 7, as a therapeutic remedy for disease, and 8, as a +prophylactic against disease; 9, as a brand of disgrace; 10, as a token +of a woman’s marriage, or, sometimes, 11, of her marriageable condition; +12, identification of the person, not as tribesman or clansman, but as +an individual; 13, to charm the other sex magically; 14, to inspire fear +in the enemy; 15, to magically render the skin impenetrable by weapons; +16, to bring good fortune; and 17, as the device of a secret society. + +The use of tattoo marks as certificates and records of prowess in war +is considered to be of special importance in any discussion of their +origin. A warrior returns from the field stained with blood from an +honorable wound, the scars of which he afterwards proudly displays. It +would be strictly in the line of ideography to make artificial scars or +to paint the semblance of wounds on the person as designations of honor, +and from such origin quite as well as from a totemic representation all +other forms and uses may have been evolved. For instance, the vigor of +manhood being thus signified, the similar use would show the maturity +of women. Yet some of the practices of tattoo may have originated +independently of either totem or glory mark. The mere idea of decoration +as shown in what civilized people call deformations of nose, lip, ear, +teeth, and in fact all parts of the body, is sufficient to account for +the inception of any form of tattoo. Primitive man never seemed to be +content to leave the surface of his body in its natural condition, and +from recognition of that discontent studies of clothing and of ornament +should take their point of departure. + +In this paper many examples are presented of the use, especially by +the North American Indians, of tribal signs carved or painted on rock, +tree, bark, skin, and other materials, and suggestion is made of an +interesting connection between these designs and those of heraldry in +Europe. It would, therefore, seem natural that the same Indians who +probably for ages used such totemic and tribal devices should paint or +tattoo them on their own persons, and the meagerness of the evidence +that they actually did so is surprising. Undoubtedly the statement +has been made in a general way by some of the earlier explorers and +travelers, but when analyzed it is frequently little more than a vague +expression of opinion, perhaps based on a preconceived theory. Nearly +all the Indian tribes have peculiarities of arrangement of the hair and +of some article of apparel and accouterment by which they can always be +distinguished. These are not totemic, nor are they by design expressions +of a tribal character. They come under the heading of fashion, and +such fashions in clothing and in arrangement of the hair still exist +among civilized peoples, so that the people of one nation or province +can at once be distinguished from others. Very little appears from the +account of actual observers to show that the character of the tattoo +marks of the North American Indians, perhaps excluding those of the +northwest coast, was more than a tribal fashion. Such styles or fashions +with no intent or deliberate purpose that they should serve as tribal +signs prevail to-day in Africa and in some other regions, and have been +introduced by the professional artists who had several styles. Besides +the necessary influence of a school of artists, it is obvious that +people living together would contract and maintain the same custom and +fashion in their cutaneous decoration. + + +SECTION 4. + +DESIGNATIONS OF INDIVIDUALS. + +These are divided into: (1) Insignia or tokens of authority. (2) Signs +of individual achievements. (3) Property marks. (4) Personal names. + + +INSIGNIA OR TOKENS OF AUTHORITY. + +Champlain (_e_) says of the Iroquois in 1609: + + Those who wore three large “pannaches” [plumes] were the chiefs, + and the three chiefs delineated have their plumes much larger than + those of their companions who were simple warriors. + +In Travels of Lewis and Clarke (_a_) it is said: + + Among the Teton Sioux the interior police of a village is + confided to two or three officers who are named by the chief for + the purpose of preserving order, and remain in power some days, at + least till the chief appoints a successor; they seem to be a sort + of constable or sentinel, since they are always on the watch to + keep tranquility during the day and guarding the camp in the night. + * * * Their distinguishing mark is a collection of two or three + raven skins fixed to the girdle behind the back in such a way that + the tails stick out horizontally from the body. On the head too is + a raven skin split into two parts and tied so as to let the beak + project from the forehead. + +In James’s Long (_d_) it is reported that-- + + Among the Omaha on all occasions of public rejoicings, + festivals, dances, or general hunts, a certain number of resolute + warriors are previously appointed to preserve order and keep the + peace. In token of their office they paint themselves entirely + black; usually wear the crow, and arm themselves with a whip or + war-club with which they punish on the spot those who misbehave, and + are at once both judges and executioners. + +Prince Maximilian of Wied (_a_) says: + + In every numerous war party there are four leaders (partisans, + karokkanakah) sometimes seven, but only four are reckoned + as the real partisans; the others are called bad partisans + (karokkanakah-chakohosch, literally, partisans galeux). All + partisans carry on their backs a medicine pipe in a case which + other warriors dare not have. To become a chief (Numakschi) a man + must have been a partisan and then kill an enemy when he is not a + partisan. If he follows another partisan for the second time he must + have first discovered the enemy, have killed one and then possessed + the hide of a white buffalo cow complete with the horns to pretend + to the title of chief (Numakschi). * * * All the warriors wear + small war pipes round their necks, which are often very elegantly + ornamented with porcupine quills. + +Pls. XXVI and XXVII are illustrations specially relating to insignia +of office selected from an important and unique pictorial roster of +the heads of Oglala families, eighty-four in number, in the band of +Chief Big-Road, which were obtained by Rev. S. D. Hinman at Standing +Rock Agency, Dakota, in 1883, from the United States Indian agent, Maj. +McLaughlin, to whom the original had been delivered by Chief Big-Road +when brought to that agency and required to give an account of his +followers. Other selections from this Oglala Roster appear under the +headings of Ideography, Personal names, Comparisons, Customs, Gestures, +Religion, and Conventionalizing. + +Chief Big Road and his people belong to the northern Oglala, and at the +time mentioned had been lately associated with Sitting-Bull in various +depredations and hostilities against settlers and the United States +authorities. The translations of the names have been verified and the +Oglala name attached. At the date of the roster Chief Big-Road was above +50 years old, and was as ignorant and uncompromising a savage in mind +and appearance, as one could well find. + +The drawings in the original are on a single sheet of foolscap paper, +made with black and colored pencils, and a few characters are in +yellow-ocher waters color paint. They were made for the occasion with +the materials procured at the agency. + +Pl. XXVI exhibits the five principal chiefs with their insignia. Each +has before him a decorated pipe and pouch, the design of each being +distinct from the others. The use of pipes as insignia for leaders is +frequently mentioned in this work. The five chiefs do not have the war +club, their rank being shown by pipe and pouch. Each of the five chiefs +has at least three transverse bands on the cheek, with differentiations +of the pattern. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVI + +OGLALA CHIEFS.] + +Pl. XXVII shows the subchiefs of the band. The three red bands are the +sign that they are Akicita-itacanpi, which means head soldiers--captains +in war, and captains of police in civil administration. Each of them is +decorated with three red transverse bands on the cheek and carries a war +club held vertically before the person. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVII + +OGLALA SUB-CHIEFS.] + +The other male figures not represented in the plates have in general +each but a single red band on the cheek; others, two bands, red and +blue. These are merely ornamental and without significance. + +It will be noticed that in this series the device indicating the name is +not generally connected by lines with the mouth but only when there is a +natural connection with it. It appears attached by a line to the crown +of the head, but sometimes without any connecting line. + +Pl. XXVI shows the five principal chiefs of the Oglala in 1883, who are +severally designated as follows: + +_a._ Cankutanka, Big-Road. Big-Road is often called Good-Road because a +road that is big or broad and well traveled is good. The tracks on both +sides of the line indicating a mere path show that the road is big. The +bird flying through the dusk indicates the rapidity of travel which the +good road allows. This is the same chief as the following: + +[Illustration: FIG. 540.--Big-Road.] + +Fig. 540, Big-Road as appearing in Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 96. The +broad and big road is indicated by the artist of that series as having +distinctly marked sides and horsetracks between these roadsides. In this +instance as in several others it is obvious that the ideographic device +was not fixed but elastic and subject to variation, the intention being +solely to preserve the idea. + +_b._ Sunka-kuciyela, Low-Dog. The dog figure is represented as “low” by +the shortness of the legs as compared with the next figure of Long-Dog. + +_c._ Sunka-hanska, Long-Dog. This term “long” is in the pictography of +the Siouan tribes, but is differently translated as tall. There is a +marked variation in the length of the legs between this and the next +foregoing. + +_d._ Kangi-maza, Iron-Crow. The term “iron” is explained above. The +color blue is always used in Dakotan pictography for the word translated +as iron. + +_e._ Cetan-cigala, Little-Hawk. + +Pl. XXVII shows the subchiefs or partisans of the Oglala at the time of +the roster in 1883. + +_a._ Represents Tatanka-he-luta, Red-horn-Bull. The bull’s horns have +been made bloody by goring. + +_b._ Represents Cetan-watakpe, Charging-Hawk. This subchief also appears +with a slightly different form of “charging” in Red-Cloud’s Census, in +which the bird is represented head downward. + +[Illustration: FIG. 541.--Charging-Hawk.] + +Fig. 541.--Charging-Hawk, from Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 142. On careful +examination the bird is seen to be not erect, as at first appears, but +is swooping down. + +_c._ Represents Wiyaka-aopazan, Wears-the-Feather. The feather in its +conventional form is presented twice, once connected by a line with the +mouth and also over the war club as in common with other pictures of +this series. The same person is represented next below. + +[Illustration: FIG. 542.--Feather-on-his-Head.] + +Fig. 542.--Feather-on-his-Head, from Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 86. In this +case the feather droops while it is erect in the figure next above. No +significance is indicated in the slight variation. + +_d._ Represents Pankeskahoksila, Shell-Boy. The shell is the circular +object over the head of the small human figure, which is without the +proper number of legs, showing perhaps that he can not march, and his +open, weaponless hands say that he is not a warrior, i. e., he is a boy. +The object, now translated shell, was originally a large excrescence on +the trunk of a tree which was often cut away by the Dakotas, hollowed +out and used as a bowl. + +_e._ Mato-niyanpi, The-Bear-spares-him. The bear passing through the +marks of several tracks indicates an incident not explained, in which +the subchief was in danger. + +_f._ Represents Cetan-maza, Iron-Hawk. The bird is colored blue, as +before explained. + +_g._ Represents Kangi-luta, Red-Crow. + +_h._ Represents Situpi-ska, White-Tail. The bird is probably one of the +hawks, as is more distinctly indicated in the representation of the same +name as follows: + +[Illustration: FIG. 543.--White-Tail.] + +Fig. 543.--White-Tail; from Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 190. This is +inserted for convenient comparison with the foregoing, being a slightly +variant device for the same person. + +_i._ Represents Mato-ska, White-Bear. + +[Illustration: FIG. 544.--White-Bear.] + +Fig. 544.--White-Bear; from Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 252. This is +inserted here for comparison of the drawings. The characteristics of the +animal appear in both. + +_k._ Represents Mato-najin, Standing-Grizzly-Bear. The differentiations +of these and other similar positions of the same object remind one of +the heraldic devices “statant,” “regardant,” “passant,” and the like. + +[Illustration: FIG. 545.--Standing-Bear.] + +Fig. 545.--Standing-Bear; from Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 140. This is +probably the same man as in the last-mentioned figure, though the fancy +of the artist has blazoned the bear as demi. This was, however, for +convenience and without special significance, as the forequarters are +not indicated in the name. But that might well have been done if the +device were strictly totemic and connected with the taboo. Some of the +bear gens are only allowed to eat the fore quarters of the animal, +others the hind quarters. + +_l._ Represents Tatanka-najin, Standing-Buffalo-Bull. + +_m._ Represents Tasunke-inyanke, His-Running-Horse. This man was +probably the owner of a well known racing pony. + +[Illustration: FIG. 546.--Four-Horn calumet.] + +Fig. 546.--A Minneconjou Dakota, named Red-Fish’s-Son, danced the +calumet dance. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1856-’57. + +Maj. Bush says: “A Minneconjou, Red-Fish’s-Son, The-Ass, danced the +Four-Horn calumet.” + +The peculiarly ornamented pipe, frequently portrayed and mentioned in +the parts of the paper relative to the Dakotas, is, at least for the +time of the duration of the ceremonies, the sign of the person who leads +them. + +In connection with the display of pipes as insignia of authority and +rank, Figs. 547 and 548 are introduced here. + +[Illustration: FIG. 547.--Two-Strike as partisan.] + +Fig. 547, drawn and explained by an Oglala Dakota, exhibits four erect +pipes, to show that he had led four war parties. + +[Illustration: FIG. 548.--Lean-Wolf as partisan.] + +Fig. 548 is a copy of a drawing made by Lean-Wolf, when second chief of +the Hidatsa, to represent himself. The horns on his head-dress show that +he is a chief. The eagle feathers on his war bonnet, arranged in the +special manner portrayed, also show high distinction as a warrior. His +authority as “partisan,” or leader of a war party, is represented by the +elevated pipe. His name is also added, with the usual line drawn from +the head. He explained the outline character of the wolf, having a white +body with the mouth unfinished, to show that it was hollow, nothing +there; i. e., lean. The animal’s tail is drawn in detail and dark, to +distinguish it from the body. + +The character for “partisan” is also shown in Lone-Dog’s Winter Count +for the year 1842-’43. + +[Illustration: FIG. 549.--Micmac head dress in pictographs.] + +Fig. 549 gives three examples, actual size, of a large number of similar +designs scratched on the rocks of Kejimkoojik lake, Nova Scotia. They +were at first considered to be connected with the ceremonial or mystery +lodges, many sketches of which appear on the same rocks, and examples +of which are given in Figs. 717 and 718. Undoubtedly there is some +connection between the designs, but those now under consideration are +recognized by the Indians of the general locality as the elaborate forms +of head dress sometimes so extended as to become masks, which are still +worn by a few of the Micmac and Abnaki women. Those women are or were of +special authority and held positions in social and religious ceremonies. +Their ornamental head coverings therefore were insignia of their +rank. The modern specimens seen by the present writer are elaborately +wrought with beads, quills, and embroidery on fine cloth, velvet or +satin, but were originally of skin. The patterns still used show some +fantastic connection with those of the rock drawings of this class, and +again the latter reproduce some of the tracings on the ground plans of +the mystery lodges before mentioned. The feathery branches of trees +appearing on both of the two classes of illustrations are in the modern +head coverings actual feathers. The first of the three figures shows +the branch or feather inside of the pattern, and the other two have +them outside, in which variation the bushes or branches of the medicine +lodges show a similar proportion. The third sketch, in addition to the +exterior feathers, shows flags or streamers, which in the ceremonial +head gear in present use is imitated by ribbons. + +[Illustration: FIG. 550.--Micmac chieftainess in pictograph.] + +If there had been any doubt remaining of the interpretation of this +class of drawing it would be removed by the presence of a number of +contiguous and obviously contemporary sketches of which Fig. 550 is an +example. Here the female chieftain or, perhaps, priestess appears in a +ceremonial robe, with her head completely covered by one of these capote +masks. The researches made not only establish the significance of this +puzzling class of designs, but also show that their authors were of the +Abnaki or Micmac branches of the Algonquian linguistic family. + + +[Illustration: FIG. 551.--Insignia traced on rocks, Nova Scotia.] + +The two lower drawings in Fig. 551 were printed from the Kejimkoojik +slate rocks, Nova Scotia, and are recognized by Micmacs of that +peninsula as copies of insignia which they say their chiefs used to +wear. The designs show some marks suggesting the artistic devices used +in the Roman Catholic Church, though the figuration of the cross is by +no means conclusive of European origin. The use of gorgets and other +ornaments bearing special designs, as insignia of rank and authority, +was well established, and it is quite possible that some of the Micmac +designs were affected by the influence of the early missionaries, who +indeed may have issued to the chiefs of their flock medals which adopted +the general aboriginal style, but were redeemed by Christian symbols. +There is no intrinsic evidence to decide whether these particular +drawings were or were not made before the arrival of the earliest French +missionaries. + +The upper right-hand drawing of the three trees with peculiar devices +near their several roots was also printed from one of the Kejimkoojik +rocks. It became intelligible to the present writer after examination +of a silver disk in the possession of Mrs. W. Wallace Brown, of Calais, +Maine, which, not long before, had been owned by the head chief of the +Passamaquoddy tribe, whose title had been modernized into “governor.” +The disk, which is copied in the upper left-hand corner, was probably +not of Indian workmanship, but appeared to have been ordered from +a silversmith to be made from a Passamaquoddy design. It was known +to represent the three superior officers of the tribe mentioned and +had been worn by a former governor as a prized sign of his rank. The +middle device is for the governor and the right and left for the +officers next in rank to him. The devices at the roots of the trees +of the drawing before mentioned are noticeably similar. They may have +been made, as were most of the other characters on the Kejimkoojik +rocks, by the Micmacs, in which case it would seem that they designated +their chiefs by emblems similar to those used by their congeners of the +Passamaquoddy tribe or some member of the last-named tribe may have +drawn the emblem on the rocks in the Micmac territory. In any case there +is encouragement in the attempt to decipher petroglyphs from the fact +that the tree drawing in Nova Scotia, which seemed without significance, +was readily elucidated by a metal inscription found in Maine, the +interpretation being verified through living Indians, not only in the +two geographic divisions mentioned, but also by the Amalecites in New +Brunswick. + +Father P. J. De Smet (_b_), referring to the Piegan and Blackfeet or +Satsika, describes the great Tail-Bearer: + + His tail, composed of buffalo and horse hair, is about 7 or 8 + feet long, and instead of wearing it behind, according to the usual + fashion, it is fastened above his forehead and there formed into + a spiral coil resembling a rhinoceros’s horn. Such a tail among + the Blackfeet is a mark of greater distinction and bravery--in all + probability the larger the tail the braver the person. + +The following description of a Chilkat ceremonial shirt, with the +illustration reproduced in Fig. 552, is taken from Niblack (_c_): + +[Illustration: FIG. 552.--Chilkat ceremonial shirt.] + +The upper character in the figure represents the sea lion, and that +below is a rear view of the same shirt ornamented with a design of +wasko, a mythological animal of the wolf species. The edges and arm +holes are bordered with red cloth and the whole garment is neatly made. + +The same authority describes a Chilkat cloak, with the illustration +reproduced as Fig. 553, as follows: + +[Illustration: FIG. 553.--Chilkat ceremonial cloak.] + +It represents a cloak with a neck opening, ornamented in red cloth +with the totemic design of the Orca or Killer. It is in the form of a +truncated cone, with no openings for the arms. + +[Illustration: FIG. 554.--Chilkat ceremonial blanket.] + +The same author gives description accompanying Pl. X, Figs. 33 and +34, of ceremonial blankets and coats. The first-mentioned drawing is +reproduced here as Fig. 554: + + It is worn by Indians of rank and wealth on the northwest coast, + commonly called a “Chilkat blanket,” because the best specimens + come from the Chilkat country, although other tribes are more or + less expert in weaving them. The warp is composed of twisted cord + or twine of cedar bark fiber, and the woof of worsted spun from + the wool of the mountain goat. Brown, yellow, black, and white are + the colors used, and these are skillfully wrought into a pattern + representing the totem or a totemic legend of the owner. + +The design on the blanket shown represents Hoorts, the bear. + +[Illustration: FIG. 555.--Chilkat ceremonial coat.] + +Fig. 555 is described thus: “A ceremonial shirt or coat of similar +workmanship as the blanket just described, is trimmed on the collar and +cuffs with sea-otter fur.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 556.--Bella Coola Indians.] + +In the Verhandl. der Berliner Gesellsch. für Anthrop. (_a_) is the +illustration from which Fig. 556 is reproduced. It shows a group +of Bella Coola Indians, which is made interesting by the elaborate +ceremonial coat worn by the middle figure in the foreground. + +[Illustration: FIG. 557.--Guatemala priest.] + +Dr. S. Habel (_c_) gives the following description of Fig. 557, which +reproduces only the upper part of the sculpture: + + The design represents in low relief an erect human figure in + profile, with the head and shoulders slightly inclined forward. + The body is apparently naked, excepting those portions which are + concealed by elaborate ornaments, the most prominent of which is a + crab covering the head. Since there is every reason to believe the + figure to represent a priest, the crab may be taken as the emblem of + priestly rank. + +Pls. LXV and LXVI of the Codex Mendoza, in Vol. I of Lord Kingsborough’s +Antiquities of Mexico, exhibit the devices and insignia of the soldiers +who advanced step by step to higher command, according to their military +achievements. The chief criterion, indeed the only one mentioned for +these steps and promotions, was the number of prisoners severally +taken by the soldiers in war. From the large number of degrees in rank +and titles of valor expressed in the above-mentioned plates, a number +have been selected and copies of them, exact in drawing, size, and +coloration, are presented here in Pls. XXVIII and XXIX. The quaint text +relating to them is in Kingsborough (_p_). + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXVIII + +MEXICAN MILITARY INSIGNIA.] + +Pl. XXVIII.--_a_ represents a young man who if he took any prisoners +was presented with a square mantle bearing a device of flowers as a +sign of valor. He holds a prisoner by the hair. _b_: This brave man has +been presented with a device of arms, which he wears, and with a square +orange-colored mantle with a scarlet fringe besides, as a sign of valor, +on account of his having taken prisoner two of the enemy, one of whom he +holds by the hair. _c_: This brave man, whose title is that of Quachie, +and device of arms such as he wears, bears proof that he has captured +five prisoners in war, besides having taken many other prisoners from +the enemy in other wars. He also is drawn holding a prisoner. _d_: +This brave man, whose title is Tlacatecatl and device the robe which +he wears, with his braided hair and the insignia of a rich plume, +declares by his presence that he has obtained the title of a valiant and +distinguished person, by merit surpassing that of the others who are +represented behind him. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXIX + +MEXICAN MILITARY INSIGNIA.] + +In Pl. XXIX.--_a_: An Alfaqui or superior officer, who merits further +promotion and to whom has been presented as a reward for his valor, on +account of his having taken three prisoners in war, the device and arms +which he wears. He grasps a prisoner by the hair. _b_: The same Alfaqui, +who, as a sign of valor on account of his having captured four of the +enemy, has been presented with the device of arms which he wears. He +holds a prisoner as before. + +Each one of the remaining figures in the plate of Kingsborough declares +the titles which officers gained and acquired in the exercise of +arms, by which they rose to higher rank, the kings of Mexico creating +them captains and generals of their forces or as officers of dispatch +[similar to aids-de-camp] to execute their orders, whether they related +to the affairs of their own kingdom or to those of the other vassal +states, who promptly obeyed without in any manner deviating from the +commands which they had received. The two selected are shown in the +present Pl. XXIX, viz: _c_, Ezguaguacatl, an officer of dispatch, and +_d_, Tocinltecatl, a man of distinguished courage in war and one of the +officers who filled the post of generals of the Mexican armies. + +Wiener (_b_), p. 763, says: + + Passing in review the numerous delineations of men on the + different tissues in the Peruvian graves, it is to be remarked that + a chief is always recognized by a panache, which for the decurion + has two plumes, for the centurion four, for the chief of a thousand + men six, and the colors of these plumes indicate civil or military + functions. + +A. W. Howitt (_e_) says: + + Messengers in central Australia sent to form a Pinya to avenge a + death wear a kind of net on the head and a white frontlet in which + is stuck a feather. The messenger is painted with yellow ochre and + pipeclay and bears a bunch of emu feathers stuck in his girdle at + the back, at the spine. He carries part of the deceased’s beard or + some balls of pipeclay from the head of one of those mourning for + him. These are shown at the destination of the messenger and are at + once understood. + +The same author, p. 78, reports: + + A third party which the Dieri sent out was the dreaded Pinya. It + was the avenger of the dead, of those who were believed to have been + done to death by sorcery. + + The appearance at a camp of one or more men marked each with + a white band round the head, with diagonal white and red stripes + across the breast and stomach, and with the point of the beard tied + up and tipped with human hair, is the sign of a Pinya being about. + These men do not converse on ordinary matters, and their appearance + is a warning to the camp to listen attentively and to reply truly + to such questions as may be put concerning the whereabouts of the + condemned man. Knowing the remorseless spirit of the Pinya, any and + every question is answered in terror. + + +SIGNS OF INDIVIDUAL ACHIEVEMENTS. + +Prince Maximilian of Wied, (_b_) gives an account explanatory of Figs. +558 and 559: + +[Illustration: FIG. 558.--Mark of exploit. Dakota.] + +[Illustration: FIG. 559.--Killed with fist. Dakota.] + + The Sioux highly prize personal bravery, and therefore + constantly wear the marks of distinction which they have received + for their exploits; among these are, especially, tufts of human hair + attached to the arms and legs, and feathers on their heads. He who, + in the sight of the adversaries, touches a slain or living enemy + places a feather horizontally in his hair for this exploit. + + They look upon this as a very distinguished act, for many are + killed in the attempt before the object is attained. He who kills an + enemy by a blow with his fist sticks a feather upright in his hair. + + If the enemy is killed with a musket a small piece of wood + is put in the hair, which is intended to represent a ramrod. If + a warrior is distinguished by many deeds he has a right to wear + the great feather-cap with ox-horns. This cap, composed of eagle + feathers, which are fastened to a long strip of red cloth hanging + down the back, is highly valued by all the tribes on the Missouri. + * * * Whoever first discovers the enemy and gives notice to his + comrades of their approach is allowed to wear a small feather which + is stripped except towards the top. + +The following scheme, used by the Dakotas, is taken from Mrs. Eastman’s +Dahcotah. Colors are not given, but red undoubtedly predominates, as is +known from personal observation. + +[Illustration: FIG. 560.--Killed an enemy. Dakota.] + +A spot upon the larger web denotes that the wearer has killed an enemy. +Fig. 560. + +[Illustration: FIG. 561.--Cut throat and scalped. Dakota.] + +Fig. 561 denotes that the wearer has cut the throat of his enemy and +taken his scalp. + +[Illustration: FIG. 562.--Cut enemy’s throat. Dakota.] + +Fig. 562 denotes that the wearer has cut the throat of his enemy. + +[Illustration: FIG. 563.--Third to strike. Dakota.] + +Fig. 563 denotes that the wearer was the third that touched the body of +his enemy after he was killed. + +[Illustration: FIG. 564.--Fourth to strike. Dakota.] + +Fig. 564 denotes that the wearer was the fourth that touched the body of +his enemy after he was killed. + +[Illustration: FIG. 565.--Fifth to strike. Dakota.] + +Fig. 565 denotes that the wearer was the fifth that touched the body of +his enemy after he was killed. + +[Illustration: FIG. 566.--Many wounds. Dakota.] + +Fig. 566 denotes that the wearer has been wounded in many places by the +enemy. + +The following variations in the scheme were noticed in 1883 among the +Mdewakantanwan Dakotas, near Fort Snelling, Minnesota. + +Feathers of the eagle are used as among the other bands of Dakotas. + +A plain feather is used to signify that the wearer has killed an enemy, +without regard to the manner in which he was slain. + +When the end is clipped transversely, and the edge colored red, it +signifies that the throat of the enemy was cut. + +A black feather denotes that an Ojibwa woman was killed. Enemies +are considered as Ojibwas, that being the tribe with which the +Mdewakantanwan Dakotas have been most in collision. + +When a warrior has been wounded a red spot is painted upon the broad +side of a feather. If the wearer has been shot in the body, arms, or +legs, a red spot is painted upon his clothing or blanket, immediately +over the locality of the wound. These red spots are sometimes worked in +porcupine quills, or in cotton fiber as now obtained from the traders. + +Belden (_a_) says: + + Among the Sioux an eagle’s feather with a red spot painted on + it, worn by a warrior in the village, denotes that on the last + war-path he killed an enemy, and for every additional enemy he has + slain he carries another feather painted with an additional red spot + about the size of a silver quarter. + + A red hand painted on a warrior’s blanket denotes that he + has been wounded by the enemy, and a black one that he has been + unfortunate in some way. + +Boller (_a_) in Among the Indians, p. 284, describes a Sioux as wearing +a number of small wood shavings stained with vermilion in his hair, each +the symbol of a wound received. + +Lynd (_c_) gives a device differing from all the foregoing, with an +explanation: + + To the human body the Dakotas give four spirits. The first is + supposed to be a spirit of the body, and dies with the body. The + second is a spirit which always remains with or near the body. + Another is the soul which accounts for the deeds of the body, and is + supposed by some to go to the south, by others to the west, after + the death of the body. The fourth always lingers with the small + bundle of the hair of the deceased kept by the relatives until they + have a chance to throw it into the enemy’s country, when it becomes + a roving, restless spirit, bringing death and disease to the enemy + whose country it is in. + + From this belief arose the practice of wearing four + scalp-feathers for each enemy slain in battle, one for each soul. + +It should be noted that all the foregoing signs of individual +achievements are given by the several authorities as used by the same +body of Indians, the Dakota or Sioux. This, however, is a large body, +divided into tribes, and it is possible that a different scheme was used +in the several tribes. But the accounts are so conflicting that error in +either observation or description or both is to be suspected. + +Rev. J. Owen Dorsey (_b_) explains the devices on the shield of a Teton +Dakota: + + * * * The three pipes on the shield, in a colored sketch + prepared by Bushotter, denote that on so many expeditions he carried + a war pipe. The red stripes declare how many of the enemy were + wounded by him, and the human heads show the number of foes that he + killed. The half moon means that he shouted at his foes on a certain + night. Once he threw aside his arms and engaged in a hand-to-hand + struggle with a foe; this is shown by the human hand. The horse + tracks indicate that he ran off with so many horses. If his name was + Black Hawk, for instance, a black hawk was painted in the middle of + his shield. + +Irving (_a_), in Astoria, says of the Arikara: + + He who has killed an enemy in his own land is entitled to drag + at his heels a fox skin attached to each moccasin; and he who + has slain a grizzly bear wears a necklace of his claws, the most + glorious trophy that a hunter can exhibit. + +Prince Maximilian, of Wied (_c_), thus reports on the designations of +the Mandans connected with the present topic: + + The Mandans wear the large horned feather cap; this is a cap + consisting of strips of white ermine with pieces of red cloth + hanging down behind as far as the calves of the legs, to which is + attached an upright row of black and white eagle feathers, beginning + at the head and reaching to the whole length. Only distinguished + warriors who have performed many exploits may wear this headdress. + + If the Mandans give away one or more of these headdresses, which + they estimate very highly, they are immediately considered men of + great importance. * * * On their buffalo robes they often represent + this feather cap under the image of a sun. Very celebrated and + eminent warriors, when most highly decorated, wear in their hair + various pieces of wood as signals of their wounds and heroic deeds. + Thus Mato-Topé had fastened transversely in his hair a wooden knife + painted red and about the length of a hand, because he had killed a + Cheyenne chief with his knife; then six wooden sticks, painted red, + blue, and yellow, with a brass nail at one end, indicating so many + musket wounds which he had received. For an arrow wound he fastened + in his hair the wing feather of a wild turkey; at the back of his + head he wore a large bunch of owl’s feathers, dyed yellow, with red + tips, as the badge of the Meniss-Ochata (the dog band). The half of + his face was painted red and the other yellow; his body was painted + reddish-brown, with narrow stripes, which were produced by taking + off the color with the tip of the finger wetted. On his arms, from + the shoulder downwards, he had seventeen yellow stripes, which + indicated his warlike deeds, and on his breast the figure of a hand, + of a yellow color, as a sign that he had captured some prisoners. + + * * * A Mandan may have performed many exploits and yet not be + allowed to wear tufts of hair on his clothes, unless he carries a + medicine pipe and has been the leader of a war party. When a young + man who has never performed an exploit is the first to kill an enemy + on a warlike expedition he paints a spiral line round his arm, of + whatever color he pleases, and he may then wear a whole wolf’s tail + at the ankle or heel of one foot. If he has first killed and touched + the enemy he paints a line running obliquely round the arm and + another crossing it in the opposite direction, with three transverse + stripes. On killing the second enemy he paints his left leg (that + is, the leggin) a reddish-brown. If he kills the second enemy before + another is killed by his comrades he may wear two entire wolves’ + tails at his heels. On his third exploit he paints two longitudinal + stripes on his arms and three transverse stripes. This is the + exploit that is esteemed the highest; after the third exploit no + more marks are made. If he kills an enemy after others of the party + have done the same he may wear on his heel one wolf’s tail, the tip + of which is cut off. + +The Hidatsa scheme of designating achievements was obtained by Dr. +Hoffman, at Fort Berthold, North Dakota, during 1881, and now follows: + +[Illustration: FIG. 567.--Marks of exploits, Hidatsa.] + +A feather, to the tip of which is attached a tuft of down or several +strands of horse hair, dyed red, denotes that the wearer has killed an +enemy and that he was the first to touch or strike him with the coup +stick. Fig. 567 _a_. + +A feather bearing one red bar made with vermillion, signifies the wearer +to have been the second person to strike the fallen enemy with the coup +stick. Same Fig. _b_. + +A feather bearing two red bars signifies that the wearer was the third +person to strike the body. Same Fig. _c_. + +[Illustration: FIG. 568.--Marks of exploits, Hidatsa.] + +A feather with three bars signifies that the wearer was the fourth to +strike the fallen enemy. Fig. 568 _a_. Beyond this number honors are not +counted. + +A red feather denotes that the wearer was wounded in an encounter with +an enemy. Fig. 568 _b_. + +A narrow strip of rawhide or buckskin is wrapped from end to end with +porcupine quills dyed red, though sometimes a few white ones are +inserted to break the monotony of color. This strip is attached to the +inner surface of the rib or shaft of the quill by means of very thin +fibers of sinew, and signifies that the wearer killed a woman belonging +to a hostile tribe. It is shown in Fig. 568 _c_. In very fine specimens +the quills are directly applied to the shaft without resorting to the +strap of leather. + +Similar marks denoting exploits are used by the Hidatsa, Mandan, and +Arikara Indians. The Hidatsa claim to have been the originators of the +devices. + +The following characters are marked upon robes and blankets, usually +in red or blue colors, and often upon the boat paddles. Frequently +an Indian has them painted upon his thighs, though this is generally +resorted to only on festal occasions or for dancing. + +[Illustration: FIG. 569.--Successful defense. Hidatsa, etc.] + +Fig. 569 denotes that the wearer successfully defended himself against +the enemy by throwing up a ridge of earth or sand to protect the body. +The manner of depicting this mark upon the person or clothing is shown +in Pl. XXX upon the shirt of the third figure in the lower row. + +[Illustration: FIG. 570.--Two successful defenses. Hidatsa, etc.] + +Fig. 570 signifies that the wearer has upon two different occasions +defended himself by hiding his body within low earthworks. The character +is merely a compound of two of the preceding marks placed together. Both +of the devices shown in Figs. 569 and 570 are displayed on the clothing +in Fig. 575, drawn by a Hidatsa. + +[Illustration: FIG. 571.--Captured a horse. Hidatsa, etc.] + +Fig. 571 signifies that the one who carries this mark upon his blanket, +leggings, boat paddle, or any other property, or upon his person, has +distinguished himself by capturing a horse belonging to a hostile tribe. +This character appears upon the garments and legs of several of the +human figures in Pl. XXX, drawn by a Hidatsa, at Fort Berthold, North +Dakota. + +[Illustration: FIG. 572.--Exploit marks, Hidatsa.] + +In Fig. 572, _a_ signifies among the Hidatsa and Mandans that the wearer +was the first person to strike a fallen enemy with a coup stick. It +signifies among the Arikara simply that the wearer killed an enemy. + +_b_ represents among the Hidatsa and Mandans the second person to strike +a fallen enemy. It represents among the Arikara the first person to +strike the fallen enemy. + +_c_ denotes the third person to strike the enemy, according to the +Hidatsa and Mandan; the second person to strike him according to the +Arikara. + +_d_ shows among the Hidatsa and Mandan the fourth person to strike the +fallen enemy. This is the highest and last number; the fifth person to +risk the danger is considered brave for venturing so near the ground +held by the enemy, but has no right to wear a mark therefor. + +The same mark among the Arikara represents the person to be the third to +strike the enemy. + +_e_, according to the Arikara, represents the fourth person to strike +the enemy. + +According to the Hidatsa, the wearer of the mark _f_ had figured in four +encounters; in those recorded by the marks in each of the two lateral +spaces he was the second to strike the fallen enemy, and the marks in +the upper and lower spaces signify that he was the third person upon two +other occasions. + +[Illustration: FIG. 573.--Record of exploits.] + +The marks at _c_, in Fig. 572, may be compared with Fig. 573. The head +of the victim in this instance is a white man. Such drawings are not +made upon the person or clothing of the hero, but upon buffalo robes or +other substances used for record of biographical events. + +[Illustration: FIG. 574.--Record of exploits.] + +The marks at _d_, in Fig. 572, are drawn on records in the mode shown in +Fig. 574. + +Illustrations of the actual mode of wearing several of the above devices +appear in Fig. 575, drawn by a Hidatsa. + +[Illustration: FIG. 575.--Exploit marks as worn.] + +The mark of a black hand, sometimes made by the impress of an actually +blackened palm or drawn of natural size, or less, signifies that the +person authorized to wear the mark has killed an enemy. + +[Illustration: FIG. 576.--Scalp taken.] + +Fig. 576, drawn by a Hidatsa, means that the owner of the robe or +record on which it appears had taken a scalp. Fig. 577, also drawn by +a Hidatsa, means that the bearer struck the enemy in the order above +mentioned and took his scalp and his gun. + +[Illustration: FIG. 577.--Scalp and gun taken.] + +The drawing reproduced on Pl. XXX was made by a Hidatsa at Fort +Berthold, North Dakota. It represents several dancing figures, upon +which the several marks of personal achievements can be recognized. +The fourth figure of the upper row shows the wearer to have been the +second person to strike an enemy upon four different occasions. Upon the +right-hand figure of the lower row two distinct marks will be observed; +that upon the wearer’s left leg indicating him to have been the second +to strike an enemy upon two different occasions; and the mark upon the +right leg, that he was twice the second person to strike enemies, and +twice the third person to perform that exploit. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXX + +HIDATSA DANCERS BEARING EXPLOIT MARKS.] + +Miss Agnes Crane (_a_), in an article on Ancient Mexican Heraldry, seems +to assert that the evidence of emblems in the western hemisphere as +boastful records of individual achievements is confined to Mexico. The +present section may supply the evidence lacking. + +The following information regarding Winnebago devices of the character +now under consideration was given by St. Cyr, a mixed blood Winnebago, +in April, 1886. + +To show that the wearer killed a man, strike the muddy hand upon the +body or horse. Clay of any kind is used. When 20 men have been killed, +an otter skin is worn on the back. A skunk skin worn on the calf +signifies a man killed. + +Scented grass worn on the neck or the wrist shows that a prisoner had +been captured and tied with grass in the absence of other cords. + +To show that the wearer had been wounded, cover the part of the body +with white clay, and indicate the spot with red paint. + +Paul Kane (_a_) says that among the Cree Indians red earth was spotted +on a leg to indicate that the wearer had been wounded. + +Prof. Dall (_b_) tells of the Sitka-Kwan: + + They perforate their noses, wearing a ring adorned with + feathers. They make a succession of perforations all around the + edge of the ears, which are ornamented with scarlet thread, shark’s + teeth, or pieces of shell. Each hole is usually the record of a deed + performed or a feast given by the person so adorned. + + +PROPERTY MARKS. + +This topic, upon which much interesting material has been collected in +many geographic and ethnologic divisions of the earth, can not include +objectively or pictorially many genuine and distinctive illustrations +from the North American Indians. The reason for this paucity is that +the individual Indian had very little property. Nearly everything +which could be classed as personal property belonged to his tribe or, +more generally, to his clan or gens. Yet articles of a man’s personal +manufacture, such as arrows, were often marked in such a manner as to +be distinguished. Those marks, many examples of which are upon arrows +in the U. S. National Museum, are not of sufficient general interest +to be reproduced here. They are not valuable unless they are connected +with the makers or owners by a concurrence of the devices with the signs +adopted by persons or by classes, the evidence of which can not now +except in rare instances be procured. Most of the devices mentioned seem +to have degenerated into mere ornamentation, which might be expected, +because the arrows are not of great antiquity, and during recent years +the records which could have been used for their identification have +decayed as authorities even when they have remained in the immediate +family, having escaped sale and robbery. + +As a general rule neither a man nor a family, in the modern sense, +had any property in land, which belonged to a much larger sociologic +division, but on their arrival in California Europeans noticed among +the Indians there a device to assert rights in realty by the use of +distinctive marks. It is not clear whether these marks were merely +personal or were tribal or gentile. + +According to Mr. A. F. Coronel, of Los Angeles, California, the Serrano +Indians in that vicinity formerly practiced a method of marking trees to +indicate the corner boundaries of patches of land. The Indians owning +areas of territory of whatever size would cut lines upon the bark of +the tree corresponding to lines drawn on their own faces, i. e., lines +running outward and downward over the cheeks, or perhaps over the chin +only, tattooed in color. These lines were made on the trees on the side +facing the property, and were understandingly recognized by the whole +tribe. This custom still prevailed when Mr. Coronel first located in +southern California about the year 1843. + +Among the Arikara Indians a custom prevails of drawing upon the blade of +a canoe or bull-boat paddle such designs as are worn by the chief and +owner to suggest his personal exploits. This has to great extent been +adopted by the Hidatsa and Mandans. The marks are chiefly horseshoes +and crosses, as in Fig. 578, referring to the capture of the enemy’s +ponies and to coups in warfare. The entire tribe being intimately +acquainted with the courage and actions of all its members, imposition +and fraud in the delineation of any character are not attempted, as such +would surely be detected, and the impostor would be ridiculed if not +ostracised. + +[Illustration: FIG. 578.--Boat paddle. Arikara.] + +The brands upon cattle in Texas and other regions of the United States +where ranches are common illustrate the modern use of property marks. +A collection of these brands made by the writer compares unfavorably +for individuality and ideography with the genuine marks of Indians for +similar purposes. + +[Illustration: FIG. 579.--African property mark.] + +The following translation from Kunst and Witz der Neger in Das Ausland +(_a_), describing Fig. 579, is inserted for comparison: + + Whenever a pumpkin of surprisingly fine appearance is growing, + which promises to furnish a desirable water vase, the proprietor + hurries to distinguish it by cutting into it some special mark with + his knife, and probably superstitious feelings may coöperate in this + act. I have reproduced herewith the best types of such property + marks which I have been able to discover. + +[Illustration: FIG. 580.--Owner’s marks, Slesvick.] + +Sir John Lubbock (_a_) tells that many of the arrows found at Nydam, +Slesvick, had owner’s marks on them, now reproduced in Fig. 580 as _a_ +and _c_, resembling those on the modern Esquimaux arrows shown in the +same figure as _b_. + +Prof. Anton Schiefner (_b_) gives a remarkable parallel between the +Runic alphabet and the property marks of the Finns, Lapps, and Samoyeds. + + +PERSONAL NAMES. + +The names of Indians as formerly adopted by or bestowed among themselves +were generally connotive. They very often refer to some animal and +predicate an attribute or position of that animal. On account of their +sometimes objective and sometimes ideographic nature, they almost +invariably admit of being expressed in sign language; and for the +same reason they can readily be portrayed in pictographs. The device +generally adopted by the Dakotan tribes to signify that an object drawn +in connection with a human figure was a totemic or a personal name of +the individual, is to connect that object with the figure by a line +drawn to the head or, more frequently, to the mouth of the latter. +The same tribes make a distinction to manifest that the gesture sign +for an object gestured is intended to be the name of a person and not +introduced for any other purpose by passing the index forward from the +mouth in a direct line after the conclusion of the sign for the object. +This signifies “that is his name,” the name of the person referred to. + +As a general rule, Indians were named in early infancy according to a +tribal system, but in later life each generally acquired a new name, +or perhaps several names in succession, from some special exploits or +adventures. Frequently a sobriquet is given which is not complimentary. +All of the names subsequently acquired as well as the original names +are so connected with material objects or with substantive actions as +to be expressible in a graphic picture and also in a pictorial sign. +In the want of alphabet or syllabary they used the same expedient to +distinguish the European invaders. A Virginian was styled Assarigoa, +“Big Knife.” The authorities of Massachusetts were called by the +Iroquois, Kinshon, “a fish,” doubtless in allusion to the cod industry +and the fact that a wooden codfish then hung, as it did long afterwards, +in the state house at Boston, as an emblem of the colony and state. + +The determination to use names of this connotive character is shown by +the objective translation, whenever possible, of such European names as +it became necessary for them to introduce frequently into their speech. +William Penn was called Onas, that being the word for feather-quill in +the Mohawk dialect. The name of the second French governor of Canada +was De Montmagny, erroneously translated to be “great mountain,” which +words were correctly translated by the Iroquois into Onontio, and this +expression becoming associated with the title has been applied to all +successive Canadian governors, though the origin having been generally +forgotten, it has been considered to be a metaphorical compliment. + +The persistence of titles is shown by the fact that the Abnaki of New +Brunswick to-day call Queen Victoria, “King James,” with a feminine +addition. + +Gov. Fletcher was named by the Iroquois Cajenquiragoe, “the great +swift arrow,” not because of his speedy arrival at a critical time, as +has been supposed, but because they had somehow been informed of the +etymology of his name, “arrow-maker” (Fr. fléchier). A notable example +of the adoption of a graphic illustration from a similarity in the sound +of the name to known English words is given in the present paper, in +Fig. 919, where Gen. Maynadier is represented as “many deer.” + +While, as before said, some tribes give names to children from +considerations of birth and kinship according to a fixed rule, +others conferred them after solemn deliberation. Even these were not +necessarily permanent. A diminutive form is frequently bestowed by the +affection of the parent. On initiation into one of the cult associations +a name is generally received. Until this is established a warrior is +liable to change his name after every fight or hunt. He will sometimes +only acknowledge the name he has himself assumed, perhaps from a dream +or vision, though he may be habitually called by an entirely different +name. From that reason the same man is sometimes known under several +different epithets. Personal peculiarity, deformity, or accident is sure +to fix a name against which it is vain to struggle. Girls do not often +change names bestowed in their childhood. The same precise name is often +given to different individuals in the same tribe, but not so frequently +in the same band, whereby the inconvenience would be increased. For this +reason it is often necessary to specify the band, sometimes also the +father. For instance, when the writer asked an Indian who Black-Stone, +a chief mentioned in the Lone-Dog winter counts, was, the Indian asked, +first, what tribe was he; then, what band; then, who was his father; +and, except in the case of very noted persons, the identity is not +proved without an answer to these questions. A striking instance of +this plurality of names among the Dakotas was connected with the name +Sitting-Bull, belonging to the leader of the hostile band, while one +of that name was almost equally noted as being the head soldier of the +friendly Dakotas at Red-Cloud Agency. + +The northeastern tribes sometimes formally resurrected the name of the +dead and also revived it by adoption. See Jes. Rel., 1639, p. 45, and +1642, p. 53. + +Among the peculiarities connected with Indian personal names, far too +many for discussion here, is their avoidance of them in direct address, +terms of kinship or relative age taking their place. Maj. J. W. Powell +states that at one time he had the Kaibab Indians, a small tribe of +northern Arizona, traveling with him. The young chief was called by +white men “Frank.” For several weeks he refused to give his Indian name +and Maj. Powell endeavored to discover it by noticing the term by which +he was addressed by the other Indians, but invariably some kinship +term was employed. One day in a quarrel his wife called him Chuarumpik +(“Yucca-heart”). Subsequently Maj. Powell questioned the young chief +about the matter, who explained and apologized for the great insult +which his wife had given him and said that she was excused by great +provocation. The insult consisted in calling the man by his real name. + +Everard F. im Thurn (_g_) gives the following account of the name-system +of the Indians of Guiana, which might have been written with equal truth +about some tribes of North America: + + The system under which the Indians have their personal names + is intricate and difficult to explain. In the first place, a name, + which may be called the proper name, is always given to a young + child soon after birth. It is said to be proper that the peaiman, + or medicine-man, should choose and give this name, but, at any + rate now, the naming seems more often left to the parents. The + word selected is generally the name of some plant, bird, or other + natural object. But these names seem of little use, in that owners + have a very strong objection to telling or using them, apparently + on the ground that the name is part of the man, and that he who + knows the name has part of the owner of that name in his power. One + Indian, therefore, generally addresses another only according to + the relationship of the caller and the called, as brother, sister, + father, mother, and so on. These terms, therefore, practically form + the names actually used by Indians amongst themselves. But an Indian + is just as unwilling to tell his proper name to a white man as to + an Indian, and, of course, between the Indian and the white man + there is no relationship the term for which can serve as a proper + name. An Indian, therefore, when he has to do with a European, asks + the latter to give him a name, and if one is given to him always + afterwards uses this. The names given in this way are generally + simple enough--John, Peter, Thomas, and so on. + +[Illustration: FIG. 581.--Signature of Running Antelope, Dakota.] + +The original of Fig. 581 was made in 1873 by Running Antelope, chief +of the Uncapapa Dakota, in the style of a signature instead of being +attached to his head by a line as is the usual method of the tribe in +designating personal names. + +[Illustration: FIG. 582.--Solinger sword-makers’ marks.] + +Fig. 582 presents a curious comparison with Figs. 548 and 903 showing +the manner in which the wolf, proverbially a lean animal, was delineated +by Germans in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. It is taken from +Rudolf Cronau (_b_), whose remarks are translated and condensed as +follows: + +_a._ The oldest representation known to me of the “wolf” occurs on a +Gothic sword of the thirteenth century, in the Historical Museum of +Dresden. + +_b._ Is more primitive, from a sword of the last half of the fourteenth +century, in the “Berliner Zeughause;” also similar to _c_, of the same +period, from a specimen in the Züricher Zeughaus. + +_d_ and _e_. Signatures on two specimens in the collection in Feste +Coburg; _e_ is a rare representation of the figure of the wolf of +1490, in the Germanic Museum at Nürnberg, and still more intricate +(verzwickter) is the drawing _f_ on a Dresden specimen of the year 1559. + +A large proportion of the pictographs of several names next to be +presented are from Red-Cloud’s Census, the history of which is as +follows: + +A pictorial census was prepared in 1884 under the direction of +Red-Cloud, chief of the Dakota at Pine Ridge Agency, Dakota Territory. +The 289 persons enumerated, many of whom were heads of families, were +the adherents of Red-Cloud and did not represent all the Indians at +that agency. Owing to a disagreement the agent refused to acknowledge +that chief as head of the Indians at the agency, and named another as +the official chief. Many of the Indians exhibited their allegiance to +Red-Cloud by having their names attached in their own pictorial style to +a document showing their votes and number. This filled seven sheets of +ordinary manila paper and was sent to Washington. While in the custody +of Dr. T. A. Bland, of that city, it was loaned by him to the Bureau +of Ethnology to be copied by photography. The different sheets were +apparently drawn by different persons, as the drawings of human heads +vary enough to indicate individuality. This arrangement seems to imply +seven bands or, perhaps, gentes. + +Dr. V. T. McGillicuddy, who at the time was Indian agent at Pine +Ridge Agency, Dakota, in correspondence gives the impression that the +several pictographs representing names were attached as signatures by +the several individuals to a subscription list for Dr. Bland, before +mentioned, who was the editor of The Council Fire, in support of that +publication and with an agreement that each should give 25 cents. The +document in that view would be a subscription list, but the subscribers +were, in fact, the adherents of Red-Cloud. Whatever was the motive for +this collection of pictured names, its interest consists in the mode +of their portrayal, together with the assurance that they were the +spontaneous and genuine work of the Indians concerned. + +In addition to the personal names which immediately follow, a +considerable number of the 289 pictographic names appear elsewhere in +this paper under the various heads of Tribal Designations, Ideography, +Conventionalizing, Customs, special Comparison, etc. + +Interspersed among the personal names taken from the above mentioned +list are others selected from the Oglala Roster, the origin of which is +explained above, and the several winter counts of The-Flame, The-Swan, +American-Horse, and Cloud-Shield, mentioned, respectively, in Chap. X, +Sec. 2. The authority is in each case attached to the pictograph with +the translation of the Indian name, and in some cases with the name in +the original. + +Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, in Vol. XXXIV of the Proceedings of the American +Association for the Advancement of Science and in the American +Anthropologist for July, 1890, gives valuable notes on the subject of +Indian personal names and also has made oral suggestions to the present +writer. Some of those may be considered with reference to the list now +presented. He thinks that the frequent use of color names is from a +mythical or symbolic significance attributed to the colors. Also the +word translated “iron,” or “metal,” is connected with the color blue, +the object called iron being always painted blue when colors are used, +and that color is mystically connected with the water powers of the +Dakotan mythology. The frequent use of the terms “Little” and “Big,” +with or without graphic differentiation, may be as the terms young +and old, junior and senior, are employed by civilized people, but the +expressions in other cases may refer to the size of the animals seen in +the visions of fasting which have determined the names. + +Explanations on parts of the pictographs not strictly connected with +the personal name are annexed for the reason before indicated and the +objects connected by the names are to some extent arranged in classes. + + +OBJECTIVE. + +In the figures immediately following the delineation is objective. It is +sometimes interesting to note the different modes of representing the +same object or concept. + +[Illustration: FIG. 583.] + +Fig. 583.--High-Back-Bone, a very brave Oglala, was killed by the +Shoshoni. They also shot another man, who died after he reached home. +American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1870-’71. + +[Illustration: FIG. 584.] + +Fig. 584.--High-Back-Bone was killed in a fight with the Snakes +(Shoshoni). Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1870-’71. White-Cow-Killer +calls it “High-Back-Bone-killed-by-Snake-Indians winter.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 585.] + +Fig. 585.--A Minneconjou Dakota named Broken-Back was killed by the Crow +Indians at Black Hills. Swan’s Winter Count, 1848-’49. + +[Illustration: FIG. 586.] + +Fig. 586.--Long-Hair was killed. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1786-’87. +To what tribe he belonged is not known. The tribes, such as the Crows, +in which it is a tribal custom to wear the hair to an enormous length, +eke it out by artificial means and ornament it with beads and streamers. +In this case the length of the hair seems to have been a personal +peculiarity, not a tribal mark. + +[Illustration: FIG. 587.] + +Fig. 587.--They killed the long-haired man in a fight with +the Cheyennes while on an expedition to avenge the death of +The-Man-Who-Owns-The-Flute, who was killed by the Cheyennes the year +before. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1796-’97. This may be the same +man who is referred to in the last preceding figure, as the expression +“killed,” given in translation by the interpreters, does not always mean +wounded to death, but severely wounded--Hibernicé “kilt.” Here the scalp +shows the length of the hair, and the victim is called a Cheyenne. + +[Illustration: FIG. 588.] + +Fig. 588.--The Stabber. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1783-’84. The man’s +name is suggested by the spear in the body over his head, which is +connected with his mouth by a line. + +[Illustration: FIG. 589.] + +Fig. 589.--Stabber. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure is substantially the +same as the preceding, though more rude. + +[Illustration: FIG. 590.] + +Fig. 590.--Red-Shirt. Red-Cloud’s Census. This and the following figure +exhibit the name, the first showing only the garment and the second +exhibiting it as worn. + +[Illustration: FIG. 591.] + +Fig. 591.--Red-Shirt, a Dakota, was killed by the Crows while looking +for his ponies near Old Woman’s fork. American-Horse’s Winter Count, +1810-’11. The bow over the head and the absence of scalp-lock signifies +death by the arrow of enemies. + +[Illustration: FIG. 592.] + +Fig. 592.--Chief Red-Cloud. Red-Cloud’s Census. This and the next figure +give two modes of expressing the name of the celebrated chief, Red-Cloud. + +[Illustration: FIG. 593.] + +Fig. 593.--Three-Stars (General Crook) took Red-Cloud’s young men to +help him fight the Cheyennes. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1876-’77. + +[Illustration: FIG. 594.] + +Fig. 594.--Caught-the-Enemy. Red-Cloud’s Census. The enemy seems to be +caught by his hair. + +[Illustration: FIG. 595.] + +Fig. 595.--Black-Rock was killed by the Crows. His brother, whose +name he had taken, was killed by the Crows three years before. +American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1809-’10. + +[Illustration: FIG. 596.] + +Fig. 596.--Bird, a white trader, was burned to death by the Cheyennes. +Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1864-’65. He is surrounded by flames in the +picture. His name was probably Bird, which was pictorially represented +as usual. + +[Illustration: FIG. 597.] + +Fig. 597.--Red-Lake’s house, which he had recently built, was destroyed +by fire, and he was killed by the accidental explosion of some powder. +American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1831-’32. This figure is introduced here +in connection with the simple fire on the one preceding to show the +artistic portrayal separately of a steady flame and of an explosion. + +[Illustration: FIG. 598.] + +Fig. 598.--Two-Face, an Oglala, was badly burnt by the explosion of his +powder horn. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1860-’61. Here is another +view of the explosion of gunpowder. + +[Illustration: FIG. 599.] + +Fig. 599.--A Two-Kettle Dakota, named The-Breast, died. Swan’s Winter +Count, 1836-’37. + +Mato Sapa says: A Two-Kettle, named The-Breast, died. This is the same +character as is given elsewhere for abundance, plenty of buffalo. But +here it has a wholly personal application. + +[Illustration: FIG. 600.] + +Fig. 600.--Left-Handed-Big-Nose was killed by the Shoshoni. +American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1839-’40. His left arm is represented +extended, and his nose is grotesquely conspicuous. + +[Illustration: FIG. 601.] + +Fig. 601.--Roman-Nose. Red-Cloud’s Census. The large and aquiline nose +is exhibited, which was very liberally translated “Roman Nose,” and the +term became the popular name of a celebrated chief of the Dakotas. + +[Illustration: FIG. 602.] + +Fig. 602.--Torn-Belly. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 603.] + +Fig. 603.--Spotted-Face. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 604.] + +Fig. 604.--Licks-with-his-tongue. Red-Cloud’s Census. The tongue is +exaggerated as well as protruded, and without explanation might be +mistaken for a large object bitten off for eating in a gluttonous manner. + +[Illustration: FIG. 605.] + +Fig. 605.--Knock-a-hole-in-the-head. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 606.] + +Fig. 606.--Broken-Leg-Duck, an Oglala, went to a Crow village to steal +horses and was killed. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1786-’87. A line +connects the bird, one of whose legs is out of order, with the mouth of +the man’s head, which is without scalp-lock. + +[Illustration: FIG. 607.] + +Fig. 607.--Antelope-Dung broke his neck while surrounding buffalo. +American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1853-’54. + +[Illustration: FIG. 608.] + +Fig. 608.--Antelope-Dung broke his neck while running antelope. +Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1853-’54. His head is the only part of his +body that is shown, and it is bleeding copiously. Without the preceding +figure this one would not be intelligible. + +[Illustration: FIG. 609.] + +Fig. 609.--Broken-Arrow fell from his horse while running buffalo and +broke his neck. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1859-’60. + +[Illustration: FIG. 610.] + +Fig. 610.--Sits-like-a-Woman. Red-Cloud’s Census. This person is +also portrayed in a recent Dakota record, where the character is +represented by the “woman seated” only. The name of this man is not +“Sits-like-a-Woman,” but High-Wolf--shunkmanitu (wolf), wankantuya (up +above). This is an instance of giving one name in a pictograph as if the +correct or official name and retaining another by which the man is known +in camp to his companions. + +[Illustration: FIG. 611.] + +Fig. 611.--The-Man-Who-Owns-the-Flute was killed by the Cheyennes. +American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1795-’96. His flute is represented in +front of him with sounds coming from it. A bullet mark is on his neck. +In reference to this character, see Chap. XX, Sec. 2. + +[Illustration: FIG. 612.] + +Fig. 612.--Smoking-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. The bear does not appear +to be smoking the pipe, but the smoke of the latter is mounting to the +animal’s neck, so the bear is smoking in a passive sense. + +[Illustration: FIG. 613.] + +Fig. 613.--Biting-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. The bear seems to be biting +at the bark on the limb of a tree, which shows the marks of his claws. +This animal, as is well known, eats the bark of certain trees. + + +METAPHORIC. + +[Illustration: FIG. 614.] + +Fig. 614--Wolf-Ear. Red-Cloud’s Census. The designation of the ear of a +wolf probably refers to size, and is substantially the same as big-ear. + +[Illustration: FIG. 615.] + +Fig. 615.--Fighting-Cuss. Red-Cloud’s Census. This warrior appears, +while only armed with a lance, to be successfully fighting an enemy who +has a gun. + +[Illustration: FIG. 616.] + +Fig. 616.--Man-with-hearts. Red-Cloud’s Census. There is no information +as to the significance of this drawing, but it is conjectured that the +warrior had eaten the heart of one or more enemies, as was frequently +done. This was not cannibalism, but a superstitious and sometimes +ceremonial performance, by which the eater acquired the qualities of the +victim, and in this case would be supposed to have more than one heart, +i. e., the courage attributed to those hearts. + +[Illustration: FIG. 617.] + +Fig. 617.--Takes-the-Gun. Red-Cloud’s Census. It appears from the +name that the man is not handling his own gun, but is on the point of +grasping and taking away the weapon of another person. + +[Illustration: FIG. 618.] + +Fig. 618.--Jola, Whistler. The Oglala Roster. This is one of the +instances where the usual rule in the Oglala Roster, of representing the +name above the head, is abandoned, because it is essential to connect +it with the mouth to express the whistle. Without this arrangement the +musical instrument would not be suggested. + +[Illustration: FIG. 619.] + +Fig. 619.--American-Horse’s Winter Count for 1872-’73 gives the +pictograph of Whistler, also named Little-Bull. Both of his names +appear; that of Whistler is expressed by the sounds blown from the +mouth. He whistles without an instrument. + +[Illustration: FIG. 620.] + +Fig. 620.--Ceji, Tongue. The Oglala Roster. This man was not necessarily +an orator, but probably the nickname was given in derision as orally +“tonguey” might be. Again the line is from the crown of the head to the +protruded tongue. + +[Illustration: FIG. 621.] + +Fig. 621.--Canku-sapa, Black-Road. The Oglala Roster. This road, on +which horse tracks are shown, is distinguished from that of the head +chief Big-Road (_a_, on Pl. XXVI) as being much more narrow and obscure, +therefore black. + + +ANIMALS. + +The following figures are selected from a large number to show the +variety of animals, and the differentiation by marks and attitudes found +necessary to present the names. A similar multiplication of the animals +by different coloration is exhibited, but can not be repeated in the +text figures. + +[Illustration: FIG. 622.] + +Fig. 622.--Bob-tail-Horse. Red-Cloud’s Census. The translation of the +Indian’s name is rather liberal, but the device is graphic. + +[Illustration: FIG. 623.] + +Fig. 623.--Two-Eagles. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 624.] + +Fig. 624.--Minneconjou Dakota chief, named Swan, died. The-Swan’s Winter +Count, 1866-’67. This bird is supposed to be swimming on the water, its +legs not being visible. + +[Illustration: FIG. 625.] + +Fig. 625.--Bear-Looks-Back. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 626.] + +Fig. 626.--Mouse. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 627.] + +Fig. 627.--Badger, a Dakota, was killed by enemies, as shown by the +absence of his scalp. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1796-’97. + +[Illustration: FIG. 628.] + +Fig. 628.--Spider was killed (stabbed) in a fight with the Pawnees. +American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1861-’62. An immense effusion of blood is +depicted flowing from the wound. + +[Illustration: FIG. 629.] + +Fig. 629.--Spotted-Elk. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 630.] + +Fig. 630.--Spotted-Horse. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 631.] + +Fig. 631.--White-Goose was killed in an attack made by some enemies. +Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1789-’90. White-Cow-Killer calls it, +“Goose-Feather-killed winter.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 632.] + +Fig. 632.--Maka-gleska, Spotted-Skunk. The Oglala Roster. The special +characteristic of the animal is suggested. + +[Illustration: FIG. 633.] + +Fig. 633.--Hoka-qin, Carried-the-Badger. The Oglala Roster. The design +explains itself. The animal is exaggerated in size and some of its +features are accentuated. + +[Illustration: FIG. 634.] + +Fig. 634.--Kangi-topa, Four-Crows. The Oglala Roster. The four crows are +cawing forth such explanation as they can give of the reasons, probably +coming from visions, why they were used to form a name for an Oglala. + + +VEGETABLE. + +The products of the vegetable kingdom are not often used by the Dakotas +in their personal designations. The three following figures, however, +are examples of such use. + +[Illustration: FIG. 635.] + +Fig. 635.--Tree-in-the-Face. Red-Cloud’s Census. This man probably +painted a tree on his face. + +[Illustration: FIG. 636.] + +Fig. 636.--Leaves. Red-Cloud’s Census. This and the following figure +represent two different men of the same name and the devices are +distinctly individual. + +[Illustration: FIG. 637.] + +Fig. 637.--Leaves. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +With regard to the errors arising from bad translation, an +example may be given, relating to a name the explanation of which +has often been asked. A former chief of the Oglala was called +“Old-man-afraid-of-his-Horses,” by the whites, and his son is known +as “Young-man-afraid-of-his-Horses.” A common interpretation about +“afraid-of-his-horses” is that the man valued his horses so much that +he was afraid of losing them. The representative of the name, however, +stated to the writer that the correct name was Ta-shunka Kokipapi, +and that the true meaning was “He-whose-horse-they-fear”; literally +“His-horse-they-fear-it.” + +A large number of pictorially rendered Indian names attached to deeds +and treaties have been published, e. g., in Documents relating to the +Colonial History of New York (_b_). Few of them are of interest, and +they generally suggest the assistance of practiced penmen. In the +collections mentioned some of the Dutch marks are in the same general +style as those of the Indians. + +Mr. P. W. Norris, late of the Bureau of Ethnology, had a buffalo robe +containing a record of exploits, which was drawn by Black-Crow, a +Dakota warrior. The successful warrior is represented in each instance +upright, the accompanying figure being always in a recumbent posture, +representing the enemy who was slain. The peculiar feature of these +pictographs is that instead of depicting the victim’s personal name with +a connecting line, the object denoting his name is placed above the head +of the victor in each instance, and a line connects the character with +his mouth. The latter thus seems to proclaim the name of his victim. A +pipe is also figured between the victor and the vanquished, showing that +he is entitled to smoke a pipe of celebration. + +A copy of the whole record was shown to the Mdewakantanwan Dakotas, near +Fort Snelling, Minnesota, in 1883, and the character reproduced in Fig. +638, about which there was the most doubt, was explained as signifying +“many tongues,” or Loud-Talker. + +[Illustration: FIG. 638.--Loud-Talker.] + +The circle at the end of the line running from the mouth contains a +number of lanceolate forms, one-half of each of which is black, the +other white. They have the appearance of feathers, but also may +represent tongues and signify voice, sound issuing from the mouth, +and correspond in some respect to those drawn by the Mexicans with +that significance, of which examples are given in this work, Chap. XX, +Sec. 2. The considerable number of these tongue-like figures suggests +intensity and denotes loud voice, or, as given literally, “loud talker,” +that being the name of the victim. + +It is, however, to be noted that “Shield,” an Oglala Dakota, contends +that the character signifies Feather-Shield, the name of a warrior +formerly living at the Pine Ridge Agency, Dakota. + +Designation of an object, as a name, by means of a connecting line +is mentioned in Kingsborough (_a_). Pedro de Alvarado, one of the +companions of Cortez, was red-headed. Designating him, the Mexicans +called him Tonatihu, the “Sun,” and in their picture-writing his name +was represented by their conventional character for the sun attached to +his person by a line. + +Other examples are now presented both of the linear connection and of +the iconographic figuration by the old Mexicans. + +In Kingsborough (_b_) is a pictograph of Chimalpopoca, which name +signifies a smoking shield, here reproduced as Fig. 639 (_a_). The +smoking shield is connected with the head by a line, and the form of +smoke should be noticed in comparison with the representation of flame +and of voice by the same pictors. + +[Illustration: FIG. 639.--Mexican names.] + +The same authority and volume, p. 135 (illustration in Vol. I, Pt. 4, +Pl. V), gives the name and illustration (reproduced in the same Fig., +_b_) of Ytzcohuatl, the signification of which name is a serpent armed +with knives. The knives refer to the Itzli stone. + +In the same volume, p. 137, is the name Face of Water, with the +corresponding illustration in Vol. I, Pt. 4, Pl. 12 (here Pl. XII _c_). +The drops of water are falling profusely from the face. + + + + +CHAPTER XIV. + +RELIGION. + + +The most surprising fact relating to the North American Indians, which +until lately had not been realized, is that they habitually lived +in and by religion to a degree comparable with the old Israelites +under the theocracy. This was sometimes ignored, and sometimes denied +in terms, by many of the early missionaries and explorers. The +aboriginal religion was not their religion, and therefore was not +recognized to have an existence or was pronounced to be satanic. Many +pictorial representations are given in this chapter of concepts of the +supernatural, as operative in this world, which is popularly styled +religion when it is not condemned as superstition. The pictographic +examples presented from the Siouan stock are generally explained as +they appear. Those from the Ojibwa and other tribes are not so fully +discussed. It is therefore proper to mention explicitly that, in the +several localities where the tribes are now found which have been the +least affected by civilization, they in a marked degree live a life of +religious practices, and their shamans have a profound influence over +their social character. A careful study of these people has already +given indication of facts corresponding in interest with those which +have recently surprised the world as reported by Mr. Cushing from among +the Zuñi and Dr. Matthews from among the Navajo. + +The most extensive and important publications on the subject have been +made by Maj. J. W. Powell (_a_), Director of the Bureau of Ethnology. +These have been made at many times and in various shapes, from the +Outlines of the Philosophy of the North American Indians, read in 1876, +to the present year. + +A considerable amount of detail respecting religion appears in Chap. IX, +Sections 4 and 5, in the present work. + +The discussion of the religions and religious practices of the tribes +of America is not germane to the present work, except so far as it +elucidates their pictographs. In that connection it may be mentioned +that the tribes of Indians in the territory of the United States, which +have been converted to Christianity, seem not to have spontaneously +turned their pictographic skill to the representation of objects +connected with the religion to which they have been converted. This +might be explained by the statement, often true, that the converts +have been taught to read and write the languages of their teachers in +religion, and therefore ceased to be pictographers. But where they have +not been so instructed, indeed have been encouraged to retain their own +language and to write it in a special manner supposed to be adapted to +their ancient methods, the same result is observed. The Micmacs still +with delight draw on bark their stories of Glooscap and Lox, and scenes +from the myths of their old faith, but unless paid as for a piece +of work, do not produce Christian pictures. This assertion does not +conflict with the account of the “Micmac hieroglyphs” in Chap. XIX, Sec. +2. All the existing specimens of these were made by Europeans, and the +action of the first Indian converts, which was imitated by Europeans, +was the simple use of their old scheme of mnemotechny to assist in +memorizing the lessons required of them by missionaries. It is also to +be noted that some tribes for convenience have adopted Christian emblems +into their own ceremonial pictographs (see Fig. 159). + +It has been found convenient to divide this chapter into the following +sections: (1) Symbols of the supernatural. (2) Myths and mythic animals. +(3) Shamanism. (4) Charms and amulets. (5) Religious ceremonies. (6) +Mortuary practices. + + +SECTION 1. + +SYMBOLS OF THE SUPERNATURAL. + +This group shows the modes of expressing the idea of the supernatural, +holy, sacred, or, more correctly, the mystic or unknown (perhaps +unknowable), that being the true translation of the Dakota word waka^n. +The concept of “crazy,” in the sense of influenced by superior powers +or inspired, is in the same connection. Not only the North American +Indians, but many tribes of Asia and Africa, consider a demented +person to be sacred and therefore inviolable. The spiral line is but +a pictorial representation of the sign for waka^n, which is: With its +index finger extended and pointing upward, or all the fingers extended, +back of hand outward, move the right hand from just in front of the +forehead spirally upward nearly to arm’s length from left to right. + +[Illustration: FIG. 640.] + +Fig. 640.--Crazy-Dog, a Dakota, carried the pipe around and took the war +path. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1838-’39. + +The waved or spiral lines denote crazy or mystic, as above explained. + +[Illustration: FIG. 641.] + +Fig. 641.--Crazy-Horse says his prayers and goes on the war-path. +Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1844-’45. + +The waved lines are used again for crazy. “Says his prayers,” which +are the words of the interpreter, would be more properly rendered by +referring to the ceremonies of organizing a war party. + +[Illustration: FIG. 642.] + +Fig. 642.--Crazy-Horse’s band left the Spotted-Tail agency (at Camp +Sheridan, Nebraska) and went north, after Crazy-Horse was killed at Fort +Robinson, Nebraska. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1877-’78. + +Hoofprints and lodge-pole tracks run northward from the house, which +represents the agency. That the horse is “crazy” is shown by the waved +or spiral lines on his body, running from his nose, hoof, and forehead. +The band is named from its deceased chief, and is designated by his +personal device, a distinct and unusual departure among Indians tending +towards the evolution of band or party emblems unconnected with the +gentile system. + +[Illustration: FIG. 643.] + +Fig. 643.--Medicine. Red-Cloud’s Census. The full rendering should be +medicine-man or shaman. The waving lines above the head again signify +mystic or sacred, and are made in gesture in a similar manner as that +before described, with some differentiation, for prayer or incantation. +The shut or half-closed eye may be noted. + +[Illustration: FIG. 644.] + +Fig. 644.--Medicine-man. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is a rude variant of +the foregoing. + +[Illustration: FIG. 645.] + +Fig. 645.--Crazy-Head. Red-Cloud’s Census. The wavy lines here form +a circle around the head to suggest the personal name as well as the +quality. + +[Illustration: FIG. 646.] + +Fig. 646.--Medicine-Buffalo. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is probably an +albino buffalo, and may refer to the man who possessed one who is +venerated therefor. See Chap. XIII. + +[Illustration: FIG. 647.] + +Fig. 647.--Kangi-waka^n, Sacred-Crow. The Oglala Roster. The lines above +the bird’s head signify sacred, mystic, sometimes termed “medicine,” as +above. + +[Illustration: FIG. 648.] + +Fig. 648.--White-Elk. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is an albino elk which +partakes in sacredness with the albino buffalo. The elk was an important +article of food, though not so much a reliance as the buffalo, and the +practices relating to the latter would naturally, and in fact did, +measurably, apply to the former. + +[Illustration: FIG. 649.] + +Fig. 649.--The Dakotas had all the mini waka^n (spirit water, or whisky) +they could drink. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1821-’22. A barrel with +a waved or spiral line running from it represents the whisky, the waved +line signifying waka^n, or spirit, in the double sense of the English +word. + +[Illustration: FIG. 650.] + +Fig. 650.--Cloud-Bear, a Dakota, killed a Dakota, who was a long +distance off, by throwing a bullet from his hand and striking him in the +heart. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1824-’25. The spiral line is used +for waka^n. + +[Illustration: FIG. 651.] + +Fig. 651.--A Minneconjou clown, well known to the Indians. The-Flame’s +Winter Count, 1787-’88. His accouterments are fantastic. The character +is explained by Battiste Good’s Winter Count for the same year as +follows: + +“Left-the-heyoka-man-behind winter.” A certain man was heyoka, that +is, in a disordered frame of mind, and went about the village bedecked +with feathers singing to himself, and while so joined a war party. On +sighting the enemy the party fled and called to him to turn back also, +but as he was heyoka he construed everything that was said to him as +meaning the very opposite, and, therefore, instead of turning back he +went forward and was killed. This conception of a man under superhuman +influence being obliged to believe or speak the reverse of the truth is +not uncommon among the Indians. See Leland (_a_) Algonquin Legends. + +[Illustration: FIG. 652.--Dream. Ojibwa.] + +Fig. 652, from Copway (_b_), gives the representation of “dream”. The +recumbent human figure naturally suggests sleep, and the wavy lines to +the head indicate the spiritual or mythic concept of a dream. + +[Illustration: FIG. 653.--Religious symbols.] + +Fig. 653: _a_ is an Ojibwa pictograph taken from Schoolcraft +representing “medicine man,” “meda.” With these horns and spiral may be +collated _b_ in the same figure, which portrays the ram-headed Egyptian +god Knuphis, or Chnum, the spirit, in a shrine on the boat of the sun, +canopied by the serpent goddess Ranno, who is also seen facing him +inside the shrine. This is reproduced from Cooper’s Serpent Myths (_a_). +The same deity is represented in Champollion (_a_) as reproduced in Fig. +653, _c_. + +_d_ is an Ojibwa pictograph found in Schoolcraft (_i_) and given as +“power.” It corresponds with the Absaroka sign for “medicine man” made +by passing the extended and separated index and second finger of the +right hand upward from the forehead, spirally, and is considered to +indicate “superior knowledge.” Among the Otos, as part of the sign with +the same meaning, both hands are raised to the side of the head and the +extended indices pressing the temples. + +_e_ is also an Ojibwa pictograph from Schoolcraft, same volume, Pl. +59, and is said to signify Meda’s power. It corresponds with another +sign made for “medicine man” by the Absaroka and Comanche, viz, the +hand passed upward before the forehead, with index loosely extended. +Combined with the sign for “sky” it means knowledge of superior matters, +spiritual power. + +In many parts of the United States and Canada rocks and large stones +are found which generally were decorated with paint and were regarded +as possessing supernatural power, yet, so far as ascertained, were not +directly connected with any special personage of Indian mythology. +One of the earliest accounts of these painted stones was made by the +Abbé de Gallinée and is published in Margry (_d_). The Abbé, with La +Salle’s party in 1669, found on the Detroit river, six leagues above +Lake Erie, a large stone remotely resembling a human figure and painted, +the face made with red paint. All the Indians of the region--Algonquian +and Iroquoian--believed that the rock-image could give safety in the +passage of the lake, if properly placated, and they never ventured on +the passage without offering to it presents of skins, food, tobacco, or +like sacrifices. La Salle’s party, which had met with misfortune, seems +to have been so much impressed with the evil powers of the image that +they broke it into pieces. + +Keating’s Long (_e_) tells: + + At one of the landing places of the St. Peters river, in the + Sioux country, we observed a block of granite of about eighty pounds + weight; it was painted red and covered with a grass fillet, in which + were placed twists of tobacco offered up in sacrifice. Feathers were + stuck in the ground all round the stone. + +Mrs. Eastman (_a_) also describes a stone painted red, which the Dakotas +called grandfather, in reverence, at or near which they placed as +offerings their most valuable articles. They also killed dogs and horses +before it as sacrifices. + +In “A study of Pueblo Architecture,” by Victor Mindeleff, in the Eighth +Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, is an account of the cosmology +of the Pueblos as symbolized in their architecture and figured devices, +as follows: + + In the beginning all men lived together in the lowest depths, + in a region of darkness and moisture; their bodies were misshapen + and horrible and they suffered great misery, moaning and bewailing + continually. Through the intervention of Myuingwa (a vague + conception known as the god of the interior) and of Baholikonga (a + crested serpent of enormous size, the genius of water) “the old + man” obtained a seed from which sprang a magic growth of cane. + It penetrated through a crevice in the roof overhead and mankind + climbed to a higher plane. A dim light appeared in this stage and + vegetation was produced. Another magic growth of cane afforded + the means of rising to a still higher plane, on which the light + was brighter; vegetation was reproduced and the animal kingdom + was created. The final ascent to this present or fourth plane was + effected by similar magic growths and was led by mythic twins, + according to some of the myths, by climbing a great pine tree, in + others by climbing the cane, _Phragmites communis_, the alternate + leaves of which afforded steps as of a ladder, and in still others + it is said to have been a rush, through the interior of which the + people passed up to the surface. The twins sang as they pulled the + people out, and when their song was ended no more were allowed to + come, and hence many more were left below than were permitted to + come above; but the outlet through which mankind came has never + been closed, and Myuingwa sends through it the germs of all living + things. It is still symbolized by the peculiar construction of the + hatchway of the kiva and in the designs on the sand altars in these + underground chambers, by the unconnected circle painted on pottery, + and by devices on basketry and other textile fabrics. + + +SECTION 2. + +MYTHS AND MYTHIC ANIMALS. + +Among the hundreds of figures and characters seen by the present writer +on the slate rocks that abound on the shores and islands of Kejimkoojik +Lake, Queen’s county, Nova Scotia, described in Chap. II, Sec. 1, there +appears a class of incised figures illustrating the religious myths +and folk lore of the Indian tribes which inhabited the neighborhood +within historic times. It is probable that in other parts of America, +and, indeed, in all lands, the pictographic impulses and habits of the +people have induced them to represent the scenes and characters of their +myths on such rocks as were adapted to the purpose, as they are known +to have done on bark, skins, and other objects. But these exhibitions +of the favorite or prevalent myths in the shape of petroglyphs, though +doubtless existing, have seldom been understood and deciphered by modern +students. Sometimes they have not originally been sufficiently distinct +or have become indefinite by age, and frequently their artists have been +people of languages, religions, and customs different from the tribes +now or lately found in the localities and from whom the significance +of the petroglyphs has been sought in vain. The conditions of the +characters at Kejimkoojik, now mentioned, are perhaps unique. They are +drawn with great distinctness and sufficient skill, so that when traced +on the rocks they immediately struck the present writer as illustrative +of the myths and tales of the Abnaki. Many of these myths had been +recently repeated to him by Mrs. W. Wallace Brown, of Calais, Maine, the +highest authority in that line of study, and by other persons visited in +Maine, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and in Cape Breton and Prince Edwards +Islands, who were familiar with the Penobscot, Passamaquoddy, Amalecite, +and Micmac tribes. A number of these myths and tales had before been +collected in variant forms by Mr. Charles G. Leland (_a_). It is a +more important and convincing fact that the printed impressions of the +figures now presented were at once recognized by individual Indians of +the several Abnaki tribes above mentioned to have the signification +explained below. It is also to be noted that these Abnaki have preserved +the habit of making illustrations from their stories by scratchings and +scrapings on birch bark. The writer saw several such figures on bark +ornaments and utensils which exhibited parts of the identical myths +indicated in the petroglyphs but not the precise scenes or characters +depicted on the rocks. The selection of themes and their treatment +were not conventional and showed some originality and individuality +both in design and execution. From the appearance and surroundings of +the rock drawings now specially under discussion they were probably of +considerable antiquity and suggested that the Micmacs, who doubtless +were the artists, had gained the idea of practicing art for itself, not +merely using the devices of pictography for practical purposes, such as +to record the past or to convey information. + +[Illustration: FIG. 654.--Myth of Pokinsquss.] + +Fig. 654 is one of the drawings mentioned, and indicates one episode +among the very numerous adventures of Glooscap, the Hero-God of the +Abnaki, several of which are connected with a powerful witch called by +Mr. Leland Pook-jin-skwess, or the Evil Pitcher, and by Mrs. W. Wallace +Brown, Pokinsquss, the Jug Woman. She is also called the toad woman, +from one of her transformations, and often appeared in a male form to +fight Glooscap after he had disdained her love proffered as a female. +Among the multitude of tales on this general theme, one narrates how +Glooscap was at one time a Pogumk, or the small animal of the weasel +family commonly called Fisher (Mustela Canadensis), also translated as +Black Cat, and was the son of the chief of a village of Indians who were +all Black Cats, his mother being a bear. Doubtless these animal names +and the attributes of the animals in the tales refer to the origin of +totemic divisions among the Abnaki. Pokinsquss was also of the Black Cat +village, and hated the chief and contrived long how she could kill him +and take his place. Now, one day when the camp had packed up to travel, +the witch asked the chief Pogumk to go with her to gather gull’s eggs; +and they went far away in a canoe to an island where the gulls were +breeding and landed there, and then she hid herself to spy, and having +found out that the Pogumk was Glooscap, ran to the canoe and paddled +away singing: + + Nikhed-ha Pogumk min nekuk, + Netswil sāgāmawin! + +Which being translated from the Passamaquoddy language means-- + + I have left the Black Cat on an island, + I shall be chief of the Fishers now! + +The continuation of the story is found in many variant shapes. In one of +them Glooscap’s friend the Fox came to his rescue, as through Glooscap’s +m’toulin or magic power he heard the song of appeal though miles away +beyond forests and mountains. In others the Sea Serpent appears in +answer to the Hero-God’s call, and the latter, mounting the serpent’s +back, takes a load of stones as his cargo to throw at the serpent’s +horns when the latter did not swim fast enough. In the figure the island +is shown at the lower right hand as a roundish outline with Glooscap +inside. The small round objects to the left are probably the gull’s +eggs, but may be the stimulating stones above mentioned. Pokinsquss +stands rejoicing in the stern of a canoe, which points in the wavy water +away from the island. The device to the left of the witch may be the +dismantled camp of the Black Cats, and the one to her right is perhaps +where the Fox “beyond forests and mountains” heard Glooscap’s song of +distress. + +[Illustration: FIG. 655.--Myth of Atosis.] + +Fig. 655, another specimen of the same class, refers to one of the tales +about At-o-sis, the Snake, who was the lover of a beautiful Abnaki +woman. He appeared to her from out the surface of a lake as a young +hunter with a large shining silvery plate on his heart and covered with +brilliant white brooches as fish are covered with scales. He provided +her with all animals for food. The bow attached to the semi-human head +in the illustration may refer to this expertness in the chase. The head +of the female figure is covered or masked by one of the insignia of rank +and power mentioned in Chap. XIII, Sec. 2. She became the mother of the +Black Snakes. + +[Illustration: FIG. 656.--Myth of the Weasel girls.] + +Fig. 656, from the same locality, shows simply a crane, and a woman who +bears in her hand two branches; but this is a sufficient indication +of the tale of the Weasel girls, who had come down from Star-land by +means of a diminishing hemlock tree, and flying from Lox had come to a +broad river which they could not cross. But in the edge of the water +stood motionless a large crane, or the Tum-gwo-lig-unach, who was the +ferryman. “Now, truly, this is esteemed to be the least beautiful of +all the birds, for which cause he is greedy of good words and fondest +of flattery. And of all beings there were none who had more bear’s oil +ready to annoint every one’s hair with--that is to say, more compliments +ready for everybody--than the Weasels. So, seeing the Crane, they sang: + + Wa wela quis kip pat kasqu', + Wa wela quis kip pat kasqu'. + + The Crane has a very beautiful long neck, + The Crane has a very beautiful long neck. + +“This charmed the old ferryman very much, and when they said: ‘please, +grandfather, hurry along,’ he came quickly. Seeing this, they began to +chant in chorus sweetly as the Seven Stars themselves: + + Wa wela quig nat kasqu', + Wa wela quig nat kasqu'. + + The crane has very beautiful long legs, + The crane has very beautiful long legs. + +“Hearing this the good crane wanted more; so when they asked him to +give them a lift across he answered, slowly, that to do so he must +be well paid, but that good praise would answer as well. Now they +who had abundance of this and to spare for everybody were these very +girls. ‘Have I not a beautiful form?’ he inquired; and they both cried +aloud: ‘Oh, uncle, it is indeed beautiful!’ ‘And my feathers?’ ‘Ah, +_pegeakopchu_.’ ‘Beautiful and straight feathers, indeed!’ ‘And have I +not a charming long, straight, neck?’ ‘Truly our uncle has it straight +and long.’ ‘And will ye not acknowledge, oh maidens, that my legs are +fine?’ ‘Fine! oh, uncle, they are perfection. Never in this life did we +see such legs!’ So, being well pleased, the crane put them across, and +then the two little weasels scampered like mice into the bush.” + +Though but one woman figure is drawn, the two boughs borne by her +suggest the two weasel girls, who had come down the hemlock tree and had +also been water fairies until their garments were stolen by the marten, +and thereupon they had lost their fairy powers and become women in a +manner at once reminding of the Old World swan-maiden myth. + +[Illustration: FIG. 657.--The Giant Bird Kaloo.] + +Fig. 657 is a sketch of the Giant Bird Kaloo, or, in the literation of +Mr. Leland, Culloo. He was the most terrible of all creatures. He it +was who caught up the mischievous Lox in his claws and, mounting to the +top of the sky among the stars, let him drop, and he fell from dawn +to sunset. Lox was often a badger in the Micmac stories, and was more +Puck-like than the devilish character he showed among the Passamaquoddy, +being then generally in the form of a wolverine, though sometimes in +that of a lynx. In the illustration Kaloo is soaring among the stars, +and appears to possess an extra pair of legs armed with claws. Perhaps +one of the objects beneath his beak represents Lox or some other victim +falling through the air. There is another story of Lox’s two feet +talking and acting independently of the rest of his body, and the two +feet and legs without any body may be a symbol of the tricksy demigod. + +[Illustration: FIG. 658.--Kiwach, the Strong Blower.] + +Fig. 658 represents Kiwach, the Strong Blower, a giant who kills people +with his violent breath. Tales of him seem to be more current or better +preserved among the Amalecites than among the other Abnaki. + +[Illustration: FIG. 659.--Story of Glooscap.] + +Fig. 659 is an exact copy of the design on a birch-bark jewel box +made by the Passamaquoddy of Maine, amiably contributed by Mrs. W. W. +Brown, together with the description of that part of the myth which +is illustrated on the box. There are several variants of this myth, +the nearest to the form now presented being published by Mr. J. Walter +Fewkes (_a_). + +The Sable and the Black Cat wanted some maple sugar, and went to a +wood where the maple trees grew. Toward night they lost their way and +separated from each other to find it, agreeing to call to each other by +_m’toulin_ power. These animals were as frequently in human form as in +that designated by their names, and could change to the forms of other +animals. It is not certain, from anything in the present version of the +myth, which one of the daimons was represented by the Sable, but the +Black Cat afterward appears as Glooscap. Sable, in his wanderings, came +to a wigwam in which was a large fire with a kettle boiling over it, +tended by a great Snake. The Snake said he was glad the Sable had come, +as he was very hungry and would eat him, but in gratitude for his coming +would put him to as little pain as was possible. The Snake told him to +go into the woods and get a straight stick, so that when he pierced him +he would not tear open his entrails. Sable then went out and sang in a +loud voice a _m’toulin_ song for the Black Cat to hear and come to his +aid. The Black Cat heard him and came to him. Then the Sable told the +Black Cat how the Snake was going to kill him. The Black Cat told Sable +not to be afraid, but that he would kill the big Snake. He told him that +he would lie down behind the trunk of a hemlock tree which had fallen +and that Sable should search out a stick that was very crooked, only +pretending to obey the commands of the great Snake. After finding such a +stick he should carry it to the Snake, who would complain that the stick +was not straight enough, and then Sable should reply that he would +straighten it in the fire, holding it there until the steam came out +of the end. Then while the Snake watched the new mode of straightening +sticks Sable should strike the Snake over the eyes. The Sable sought out +the most crooked stick he could find and then returned to the wigwam +where the Snake was. The Snake said the stick was too crooked. The Sable +replied as directed and held it in the fire. When it was burning he +struck the Snake with it over the eyes, blinded him, and ran away. The +Snake followed the Sable, and as he passed over the hemlock trunk the +Black Cat killed him and they cut him into small pieces. + +The two human figures on the left show the animals under the forest +trees in human form bidding good-bye before they parted in search of the +right trail. Their diminutive size gives the suggestion of distance from +the main scene. Next comes the great Snake’s wigwam, the stars outside +showing that night had come, and inside the kettle hung over a fire, and +on its right appear the wide-open jaws and an indication of the head of +the great Snake. The very crooked stick is on the other side. Farther on +the Black Cat comes responsive to the Sable’s call. Next is shown, the +Black Cat and the Sable, who is in human form, near the hemlock tree. +The fact that the tree is fallen is suggested, without any attempt at +perspective, by the broken-off branches and the thick part of the trunk +being upturned. The illustration ends with the Black Cat sitting upon +the Snake, clawing and throwing around pieces of it. + +The illustration above presented gives an excellent example of the art +of the Passamaquoddy in producing pictures by the simple scraping of +birch bark. + +The characters in Fig. 660 are reproduced from Schoolcraft (_k_). + +[Illustration: FIG. 660.--Ojibwa shamanistic symbols.] + +The first device, beginning at the left, is used by the Ojibwa to denote +a spirit or man enlightened from on high, having the head of the sun. + +The second device is drawn by the Ojibwa for a “wabeno” or shaman. + +The third is the Ojibwa “symbol” for an evil or one-sided “meda” or +higher-grade shaman. + +The fourth is the Ojibwa general “symbol” for a meda. + +Mr. William H. Holmes, of the Bureau of Ethnology, gives the following +account (condensed from the American Anthropologist, July, 1890) of a +West Virginia rock shelter (shown in Pl. XXXI). The copy is in two rows +of figures, but in the original there is only one row, the parts marked +_a_ and _a_ being united: + + In Harrison county, West Virginia, a small stream, Two-Lick + creek, heading near the Little Kanawha divide, descends into the + west fork of the Monongahela about 4 miles west of Lost Creek + station, on the Clarksburg and Weston railroad. Ascending the + stream for a little more than 2 miles and turning to the right up a + tributary called Campbells run, is a recess in the rocks, the result + of local surface undermining of an outcrop of sandstone assisted by + roof degradation, which therefore is a typical rock shelter. At the + opening it is about 20 feet long and in the deepest part extends + back 16 feet. + + The rock sculptures, of which simplified outlines are given in + Pl. XXXI, occupy the greater part of the back wall of the recess, + covering a space of some 20 feet long by about 4 feet in height. + At the left the line of figures approaches the outer face of the + rock, but at the right it terminates in the depths of the chamber, + beyond which the space is too low and uneven to be utilized. There + are indications that engravings have existed above and below those + shown, but their traces are too indistinct to be followed. + + [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXI + + PICTOGRAPH IN ROCK SHELTER, WEST VIRGINIA.] + + The more legible designs comprise three heads, resembling + death’s-heads, one human head or face, one obscure human figure, + three birds resembling cranes or turkeys (one with outspread wings), + three mountain lions or beasts of like character, two rattlesnakes, + one turtle, one turtle-like figure with bird’s head, parts of + several unidentified creatures (one resembling a fish), and four + conventional figures or devices resembling, one a hand, one a star, + one the track of a horse, and the fourth the track of an elk, + buffalo, deer, or domestic cow. + + The serpents, placed above and toward the right of the picture, + are much larger than life, but the other subjects are represented + somewhat nearly natural size. The animal figure facing the two + death’s-heads is drawn with considerable vigor and very decidedly + suggests the panther. A notable feature is the two back-curving + spines or spine-like tufts seen upon its shoulder; it is possible + that these represent some mythical character of the creature. Two of + the animal figures, in accordance with a widespread Indian practice, + exhibit the heart and the life line, the latter connecting the heart + with the mouth; these features are, as usual, drawn in red. + + The human head or face is somewhat larger than life; it is + neatly hollowed out to the nearly uniform depth of one-fourth of + an inch, and is slightly polished over most of the surface. Ear + lobes are seen at the right and left, and an arched line, possibly + intended for a plume, rises from the left side of the head. A + crescent-shaped band of red extends across the face, and within this + the eyes are indistinctly marked. The mouth is encircled by a dark + line and shows six teeth, the spaces between being filled in with + red. + + Probably the most remarkable members of the series are the + three death’s-heads seen near the middle of the line. That they are + intended to represent skulls and not the living face or head is + clear, and the treatment is decidedly suggestive of that exhibited + in similar work of the more cultured southern nations. The eye + spaces are large and deep, the cheek bones project, the nose is + depressed, and the mouth is a mere node depressed in the center. + + All the figures are clearly and deeply engraved, and all save + the serpents are in full intaglio, being excavated over the entire + space within the outlines and to the depth of from one-eighth to + one-fourth of an inch. The serpents are outlined in deep unsteady + lines, ranging from one-fourth of an inch to 1 inch in width, and in + parts are as much as one-half an inch in depth. The example at the + left is rather carefully executed, but the other is very rude. It is + proper to notice a wing-like feature which forms a partial arch over + the larger serpent. It consists of a broad line of irregular pick + marks, which are rather new looking and may not have formed a part + of the original design; aside from this, there are few indications + of the use of hard or sharp tools, and, although picking or striking + must have been resorted to in excavating the figures, the lines and + surfaces were evidently finished by rubbing. The friable character + of the coarse, soft sandstone makes excavation by rubbing quite + easy, and at the same time renders it impossible to produce any + considerable degree of polish. + + The red color used upon the large face and in delineating + the life line and heart of the animal figures is a red ocher or + hematite, bits of which, exhibiting the effects of rubbing, were + found in the floor deposits of the recess. The exact manner of its + application is not known (perhaps the mere rubbing was sufficient), + but the color is so fixed that it can not be removed save by the + removal of the rock surface. + +Regarding the origin and purpose of these sculptures, it seems probable +that they are connected with religious practices and myths. If the +inscriptions were mnemonic records or notices it is reasonable to +suppose that they would have been placed so as to meet the eye of others +than those who made or were acquainted with them. But these works are +hidden in a mountain cave, and even yet, when the forest is cleared and +the surrounding slopes are cultivated, this secluded recess is invisible +from almost every side. The spot was evidently the resort of a chosen +few, such as a religious society. Such sequestered art gives evidence of +a mystic purpose. + +[Illustration: FIG. 661.--Baho-li-kong-ya. Arizona.] + +In this connection it may be noted that a rock drawing in the Canyon +Segy, Arizona (Fig. 661), shows Baho li-kong-ya, a god, the genius of +fructification, worshipped by living Moki priests. It is a great crested +serpent with mammæ, which are the source of the blood of all the animals +and of all the waters of the land. + +The serpents in the last-mentioned plate and figure may be compared with +two Ojibway forms published by Schoolcraft (_l_). + +[Illustration: FIG. 662.--Mythic serpents, Innuits.] + +The upper design of Fig. 662 undoubtedly represents a mythical animal, +referred to in the myths of some of the Innuits. It is reproduced +from a drawing on walrus ivory, bearing Museum No. 40054, obtained at +Port Clarence, Alaska. This form is not so close in detail to that +form usually described and more fully outlined in the lower design of +the same figure, which is reproduced from a specimen of reindeer horn +drill-bow, from Alaska, marked No. 24557, collected by L. Turner. + +Ensign Niblack, U. S. Navy (_d_), gives the following description of the +illustration reproduced here as Fig. 663. + +[Illustration: FIG. 663.--Haida Wind Spirit.] + + It represents T’kul, the wind spirit, and the cirrus clouds, + explaining the Haida belief in the causes of the changes in the + weather. The center figure is T’kul, the wind spirit. On the right + and left are his feet, which are indicated by long streaming + clouds; above are the wings, and on each side are the different + winds, each designated by an eye, and represented by the patches + of cirrus clouds. When T’kul determines which wind is to blow, he + gives the word and the other winds retire. The change in the weather + is usually followed by rain, which is indicated by the tears which + stream from the eyes of T’kul. + +[Illustration: FIG. 664.--Orca. Haida.] + +The same author, p. 322, thus describes Fig. 664: + + It represents the orca or whale-killer, which the Haida believe + to be a demon called Skana. Judge Swan says that, according to their + belief-- + + “He can change into any desired form, and many are the legends + about him. One which was related to me was that ages ago the + Indians were out seal-hunting. The weather was calm and the sea + smooth. One of these killers, or blackfish, a species of porpoise, + kept alongside of a canoe, and the young men amused themselves by + throwing stones from the canoe ballast and hitting the fin of the + killer. After some pretty hard blows from these rocks the creature + made for the shore, where it grounded on the beach. Soon a smoke + was seen, and their curiosity prompted them to ascertain the cause, + but when they reached the shore they discovered, to their surprise, + that it was a large canoe, and not the Skana that was in the beach, + and that a man was on shore cooking some food. He asked them why + they threw stones at his canoe. ‘You have broken it,’ he said, ‘and + now go into the woods and get some cedar withes and mend it.’ They + did so, and when they had finished the man said, ‘Turn your backs + to the water and cover your heads with your skin blankets and don’t + look till I call you.’ They did so, and heard the canoe grate on the + beach as it was hauled down to the surf. Then the man said, ‘Look, + now.’ They looked, but when it came to the second breaker it went + under and presently came up outside of the breaker a killer and not + a canoe, and the man or demon was in its belly. This allegory is + common among all the tribes on the Northwest Coast, and even with + the interior tribes with whom the salmon takes the place of the + orca, which never ascends the fresh-water rivers. The Chilcat and + other tribes of Alaska carve figures of salmon, inside of which is + the full length figure of a nude Indian. * * * Casual observers + without inquiry will at once pronounce it to be Jonah in the fish’s + belly, but the allegory is of ancient origin, far antedating the + advent of the white man or the teachings of the missionary.” + +The same author, Pl. XLIX, gives an explanation of Fig. 665, which is a +copy of a Haida slate carving, representing the “Bear-Mother.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 665.--Bear-Mother. Haida.] + +The Haida version of the myth is as follows: + + A number of Indian squaws were in the woods gathering berries + when one of them, the daughter of a chief, spoke in terms of + ridicule of the whole bear species. The bears descended on them and + killed all but the chief’s daughter, whom the king of the bears took + to wife. She bore him a child half human and half bear. The carving + represents the agony of the mother in suckling this rough and + uncouth offspring. One day a party of Indian bear hunters discovered + her up a tree and were about to kill her, thinking her a bear, but + she made them understand that she was human. They took her home and + she afterwards became the progenitor of all Indians belonging to the + bear totem. They believe that the bear are men transformed for the + time being. This carving was made by Skaows-ke'ay, a Haida. Cat. + No. 73117, U. S. Nat. Museum. Skidegate village, Queen Charlotte + Islands, British Columbia. Collected by James G. Swan. + +Dr. F. Boas (_d_) gives the following account of a myth of the Kwakiut +Indians illustrated on a house front at Alert Bay, copied here as Fig. +666. + +[Illustration: FIG. 666.--Thunder-bird grasping whale.] + + The house front shows how Kunkunquilikya (the thunder-bird) + tried to lift the whale. The legend says that he had stolen the son + of the raven, who in order to recover him, carried a whale out of a + huge cedar that he covered with a coating of gum. Then he let all + kinds of animals go into the whale, and they went to the land of the + thunder-bird. When the bird saw the whale he sent out his youngest + son to catch it. He was unable to lift it. He stuck to the gum and + the animals killed him. In this way the whole family was slaughtered. + +On Pl. XXXII is shown a reproduction of a native Haida drawing, +representing the Wasko, a mythologic animal partaking of the +characteristics of both the bear and the orca, or killer. It is one of +the totems of the Haidas. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXII + +WASCO AND MYTHIC RAVEN, HAIDA.] + +On the same plate is a figure representing the Hooyeh, or mythic raven. +The character is also reproduced from a sketch made by a Haida Indian. +Both of these figures were obtained from Haida Indians who visited Port +Townsend, Washington, in the summer of 1884. + +The following is extracted from Mrs. Eastman’s (_b_) Dahcotah. The +picture, reproduced here in Fig. 667, is that of Haokah, the antinatural +god, one of the giants of the Dakotas, drawn by White-Deer, a Sioux +warrior, living near Fort Snelling about 1840. + +[Illustration: FIG. 667.--Haokah. Dakota giant.] + + _Explanation of the drawing._--_a_, the giant; _b_, a frog that + the giant uses for an arrow point; _c_, a large bird that the giant + keeps in his court; _d_, another bird; _e_, an ornament over the + door leading into the court; _f_, an ornament over a door; _g_, part + of court ornamented with down; _h_, part of court ornamented with + red down; _i_, a bear; _j_, a deer; _k_, an elk; _l_, a buffalo; + _m_, _n_, incense-offering; _o_, a rattle of deer’s claws, used + when singing; _p_, a long flute, or whistle; _q_, _r_, _s_, _t_, + are meteors that the giant sends out for his defense, or to protect + him from invasion; _u_, _v_, _w_, _x_, the giant surrounded with + lightnings, with which he kills all kinds of animals that molest + him; _y_, red down in small bunches fastened to the railing of the + court; _z_, the same. One of these bunches of red down disappears + every time an animal is found dead inside the court; _aa_, _bb_, + touchwood, and a large fungus that grows on trees. These are eaten + by any animal that enters the court, and this food causes their + death; _cc_, a streak of lightning going from the giant’s hat; _dd_, + giant’s head and hat; _ee_, his bow and arrow. + +Mrs. Eastman’s explanation of the drawing would have been better if she +had known more about the mystery lodges. It is given here in her own +words. + +[Illustration: FIG. 668.--Ojibwa Ma'nidō.] + +Fig. 668, from Copway (_c_), shows the representations, beginning from +the left, of spirits above, spirits under water, and animals under +ground, all of which are called ma'nidōs. + +[Illustration: FIG. 669.--Menomoni. White Bear Ma'nidō.] + +Fig. 669 is a reproduction of a drawing made by Niópet, chief of the +Menomoni Indians, and represents the white bear spirit who guards the +deposits of native copper of Lake Superior. According to the myth the +animal is covered with silvery hair, and the tail, which is of great +length and extends completely around the body, is composed of bright, +burnished copper. This spirit lives in the earth, where he guards the +metal from discovery. + +[Illustration: FIG. 670.--Mythic wild-cats. Ojibway.] + +In a midē' song, given by James Tanner (_f_), is the representation of +an animal resembling the preceding, viz, the middle character of Fig. +670, to which is attached the Ojibway phrase and explanation as follows: + + Che-be-gau-ze-naung gwit-to-i-ah-na maun-dah-ween ah-kee-ge + neen-wa-nah gua-kwaik ke-nah gwit-to-i-ah-na. + + I come to change the appearance of the ground, this ground; I + make it look different each season. + + This is a Manito who, on account of his immensity of tail, and + other peculiarities, has no prototype. He claims to be the ruler + over the seasons. He is probably Gitche-a-nah-mi-e-be-zhew (great + underground wild-cat). + +The “underground wild-cat” is again mentioned in the same work, page +377, with an illustration now presented as the left-hand character of +the same Fig. 670, slightly different from the above, described as +follows: + + A-nah-me be-zhe ne-kau-naw. + + Underground wild-cat is my friend. + + At the fourth verse he exhibits his medicines, which he says are + the roots of shrubs and of We-ug-gusk-oan, or herbs, and from these + he derives his power, at least in part; but lest his claim, founded + on a knowledge of these, should not be considered of sufficient + importance, he proceeds to say, in the fifth and sixth verses, + that the snakes and the underground wild-cat are among his helpers + and friends. The ferocity and cunning, as well as the activity of + the feline animals have not escaped the notice of the Indians, + and very commonly they give the form of animals of this family to + those imaginary beings whose attributes bear, in their opinion, + some resemblance to the qualities of these animals. Most of them + have heard of the lion, the largest of the cats known to white men, + and all have heard of the devil; they consider them the same. The + wild-cat here figured has horns, and his residence is under the + ground; but he has a master, Gitche-a-nah-mi-e-be-zhew (the great + underground wild-cat), who is, as some think, Matche-Manito himself, + their evil spirit, or devil. Of this last they speak but rarely. + +In another song from Tanner, p. 345, sung only by the midē', is the +drawing, the right hand character of the same figure, of a similar +animal with a bar across the throat, signifying, no doubt, its emerging +or appearance from the surface of the ground. + + Nah-ne-bah o-sa ann neen-no ne-mah-che oos-sa ya-ah-ne-no. + [Twice.] + + I walk about in the nighttime. + + This first figure represents the wild-cat, to whom, on account + of his vigilance, the medicines for the cure of diseases were + committed. The meaning probably is that to those who have the + shrewdness, the watchfulness, and intelligence of the wild-cat, + is intrusted the knowledge of those powerful remedies, which, in + the opinion of the Indians, not only control life and avail to + the restoration of health but give an almost unlimited power over + animals and birds. + +[Illustration: FIG. 671.--Winnebago magic animal.] + +Schoolcraft, part II, p. 224, describes Fig. 671 as follows: + + It was drawn by Little Hill, a Winnebago chief of the upper + Mississippi, west. He represents it as their medicine animal. He + says that this animal is seldom seen; that it is only seen by + medicine men after severe fasting. He has a piece of bone which + he asserts was taken from this animal. He considers it a potent + medicine and uses it by filing a small piece in water. He has also a + small piece of native copper which he uses in the same manner, and + entertains like notions of its sovereign virtues. + +The four preceding figures are to be compared with those relating to the +Piasa rock. See Figs. 40 and 41, supra. + +[Illustration: FIG. 672.--Mythic buffalo.] + +Fig. 672.--A Minneconjou Dakota, having killed a buffalo cow, found an +old woman inside of her. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1850-’51. + +For remarks upon this statement see Lone-Dog’s Winter Count for +1850-’51, supra. + +Graphic representations of Atotarka and of the Great Heads are shown +in Mrs. Erminie A. Smith’s Myths of the Iroquois, in the Second Annual +Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Several illustrations of myths and +mythic animals appear in the present work in Chap. IX, Secs. 4 and 5. + + +THUNDER BIRDS. + +Some forms of the thunder bird are here presented: + +[Illustration: FIG. 673.--Thunder-bird, Dakota.] + +[Illustration: FIG. 674.--Thunder-bird, Dakota.] + +Figs. 673 and 674 are forms of the thunder bird found in 1883 among +the Dakotas near Fort Snelling, drawn and interpreted by themselves. +They are both winged, and have waving lines extending from the mouth +downward, signifying lightning. It is noticeable that Fig. 673 placed +vertically, then appearing roughly as an upright human figure, is almost +identically the same as some of the Ojibwa meda or spirit figures +represented in Schoolcraft, and also on a bark Ojibwa record in the +possession of the writer. + +[Illustration: FIG. 675.--Wingless thunder-bird, Dakota.] + +Fig. 675 is another and more cursive form of the thunder bird obtained +at the same place and time as those immediately preceding. It is +wingless, and, with changed position or point of view, would suggest a +headless human figure. + +[Illustration: FIG. 676.--Thunder-bird, Dakota.] + +The thunder-bird, Fig. 676, is blue, with red breast and tail. It is a +copy of one worked in beads found at Mendota, Minnesota. + +[Illustration: FIG. 677.--Dakota thunder-bird.] + +The Sioux believe that thunder is a large bird, and represent it thus, +Fig. 677, according to Mrs. Eastman (_c_), who adds details condensed as +follows: + + This figure is often seen worked with porcupine quills on their + ornaments. U-mi-ne wah-chippe is a dance given by some one who fears + thunder and thus endeavors to propitiate the god and save his own + life. + + A ring is made of about 60 feet in circumference by sticking + saplings in the ground and bending their tops down, fastening them + together. In the center of this ring a pole is placed, about 15 feet + in height and painted red. From this swings a piece of birch bark + cut so as to represent thunder. At the foot of the pole stand two + boys and two girls. The boys represent war; they are painted red and + hold war clubs in their hands. The girls have their faces painted + with blue clay; they represent peace. + + On one side of the circle a kind of booth is erected, and + about 20 feet from it a wigwam. There are four entrances. When + all arrangements for the dance are concluded the man who gives it + emerges from his wigwam, dressed up hideously, crawling on all fours + toward the booth. He must sing four tunes before reaching it. + + In the meantime the medicine men, who are seated in the wigwam, + beat time on the drum, and the young men and squaws keep time to the + music by hopping on one foot and then on the other, moving around + inside the ring as fast as they can. This is continued for about + five minutes, until the music stops. After resting a few moments the + second tune commences and lasts the same length of time, then the + third and the fourth; the Indian meanwhile making his way toward the + booth. At the end of each tune a whoop is raised by the men dancers. + + After the Indian has reached his booth inside the ring he must + sing four more tunes. At the end of the fourth tune the squaws all + run out of the ring as fast as possible, and must leave by the same + way that they entered, the other three entrances being reserved for + the men, who, carrying their war implements, might be accidentally + touched by one of the squaws, and the war implements of the Sioux + warrior have from time immemorial been held sacred from the touch of + woman. For the same reason the men form the inner ring in dancing + round the pole, their war implements being placed at the foot of the + pole. + + When the last tune is ended the young men shoot at the image of + thunder, which is hanging to the pole, and when it falls a general + rush is made by the warriors to get hold of it. There is placed at + the foot of the pole a bowl of water colored with blue clay. While + the men are trying to seize the parts of the bark representation of + their god they at the same time are eagerly endeavoring to drink the + water in the bowl, every drop of which must be drank. + + The warriors then seize on the two boys and girls (the + representations of war and peace) and use them as roughly as + possible, taking their pipes and war-clubs from them and rolling + them in the dirt until the paint is entirely rubbed off from their + faces. Much as they dislike this part of the dance, they submit to + it through fear, believing that after this performance the power of + thunder is destroyed. + +James’s Long (_f_) says: + + When a Kansas Indian is killed in battle the thunder is supposed + to take him up they do not know where. In going to battle each man + traces an imaginary figure of the thunder on the soil, and he who + represents it incorrectly is killed by the thunder. + +[Illustration: FIG. 678.--Thunder-bird. Haida.] + +Fig. 678 is “Skam-son,” the thunder-bird, a tattoo mark copied from the +back of an Indian belonging to the Laskeek village of the Haida tribe, +Queen Charlotte islands, by Mr. James G. Swan. + +[Illustration: FIG. 679.--Thunder-bird. Twana.] + +Fig. 679 is a Twana thunder-bird, as reported by Rev. M. Eells in Bull. +U. S. Geol. and Geog. Survey, III, p. 112. + + There is at Eneti, on the reservation [Washington Territory], an + irregular basaltic rock, about 3 feet by 3 feet and 4 inches, and a + foot and a half high. On one side there has been hammered a face, + said to be the representation of the face of the thunder-bird, which + could also cause storms. + + The two eyes are about 6 inches in diameter and 4 inches apart + and the nose about 9 inches long. It is said to have been made by + some man a long time ago, who felt very badly, and went and sat on + the rock and with another stone hammered out the eyes and nose. For + a long time they believed that if the rock was shaken it would cause + rain, probably because the thunder-bird was angry. + +The three following figures, taken from Red-Cloud’s Census, are +connected with the thunder-bird myth: + +[Illustration: FIG. 680.--Medicine bird. Dakota.] + +Fig. 680.--Medicine bird. Red-Cloud’s Census. The word medicine is +in the Indian sense, before explained, and would be more correctly +expressed by the word sacred or mystic, as is also indicated by the +waving lines issuing from the mouth. + +[Illustration: FIG. 681.--Five thunders. Dakota.] + +Fig. 681.--Five thunders. Red-Cloud’s Census. The thunder-bird is here +drawn with five lines (voices) issuing from the mouth, which may mean +many voices or loud sound, but is connected with the above mentioned +wavy or spiral lines, which form the conventional sign for waka^n. + +[Illustration: FIG. 682.--Thunder pipe. Dakota.] + +Fig. 682.--Thunder pipe. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is a pipe to which are +attached the wings of the thunder-bird. + +[Illustration: FIG. 683.--Micmac thunder-bird.] + +Fig. 683, one of the drawings from the Kejimkoojik rocks of Nova Scotia, +may be compared with the other designs of the thunder-bird and also with +the Ojibwa type of device for woman. As regards the head, which appears +to have a non-human form, it may also be compared with the many totemic +designations in Chapter XIII, on Totems, Titles, and Names. + +[Illustration: FIG. 684.--Venezuelan thunder-bird.] + +Marcano (_d_), describing Fig. 684, reports: + + At Boca del Infierno (mouth of hell), on a plain, there are + found stones, separated from each other by spaces of 7 meters, on + which are found inscriptions nearly a centimeter in depth. One of + them represents a great bird similar to those which the Oyampis + (Crevaux) are in the habit of drawing. On its left shoulder are + seen three concentric circles arranged like those that form the + eyes of the jaguars of Calcara. This figure is often reproduced in + Venezuelan Guiana and beyond the Esequibo. The bird is united at the + right by a double connecting stroke with another which is incomplete + and much smaller. Furthermore, three small circles are seen below + the left wing; three others, farther apart, separate its right wing + from the neck of the lower bird. The triangles which form the breast + and the tail of the two birds are worthy of note. + +Mr. A. Ernst (_b_) describes the same figure: + + From the same place (“Boca del Infierno,” a rapid of the + Orinoco, 35 kilometers below the mouth of the Caura) is easily + recognized a rough representation of two birds; from the feathers + of the larger one water seems to be dropping; above, to the right, + is seen a picture of the sun. This may be symbolic, and would then + remind one of the representation of the wind and rain gods on the + ruins of Central America. + +[Illustration: FIG. 685.--Ojibwa thunder-bird.] + +Fig. 685 is a copy of four specimens of Indian workmanship in the +collection of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia. The +objects are depicted by porcupine quills worked on pieces of birch bark, +and represent various forms of the thunder-bird. The specimens are +reported as having been obtained from a northwestern tribe, which may +safely be designated as the Ojibwa, because the figures relate to one of +the most important mythic animals of that tribe, and also because birch +bark is used, a material exceedingly scarce in the country of the Sioux, +among whom also the thunder-bird has a prominent religious position. + +_a._ Made of neutral-tinted quills upon yellow bark, as is also _b_, +which is without the projecting pieces to designate wings. In _c_, made +of yellow quills on faded red bark, the head is shown with the wings +and legs beneath, while in the two preceding figures the head takes the +place of the bird’s body. _d._ Here is still more abbreviation, the body +and legs being absent, leaving only the head and wings. This is made of +neutral-tint quills on straw-yellow bark. + +[Illustration: FIG. 686.--Moki Rain bird.] + +Fig. 686 is a copy of a painting on a jar, probably of old Moki work, +thus described in the manuscript catalogue of Mr. T. V. Keam: + + It is the “Rain bird” (Tci-zur), the upper portion surrounded + by inclosing cloud symbols, arranged so as to convey the idea of + the germinative symbol implying the generative power of rain. The + crosshatching, still water, in the wings denotes rain water in + volume. The body or tail of the bird divided into two tapering + prolongations is a very common occurrence. As a cloud emblem in the + modern ware, the Tci-zur is not like the Um-tokina (Thunder-bird) in + mythical creation, but is the comprehensive name used by the women + for any small bird. Explained as a rain emblem by the fact that + during seasons of sufficient rainfall flocks of small birds surround + the villages and gardens, while during drought they take flight to + the distant water courses. + +[Illustration: FIG. 687.--Ahuitzotl.] + +Fig. 687 is reproduced from Kingsborough (_c_). It represents Ahuitzotl, +which is the name of an aquatic animal famous in Mexican mythology. The +conventional sign for water is connected with this animal which Dr. +Brinton (_c_) calls a hedgehog. + +[Illustration: FIG. 688.--Peruvian fabulous animals.] + +Wiener (_c_) gives a copy, here reproduced as the left-hand character in +Fig. 688, of a bas-relief found at Cabana, Peru, representing a fabulous +animal, a quadruped, the hair of which is floating and its tongue +hanging out of the mouth and ending in serpents’ heads. One-sixth actual +size. + +The same author, loc. cit., gives a copy, now reproduced as the +right-hand character in the same Fig. 688, of another bas-relief in +granite found at Cabana, Peru, representing a fabulous animal, perhaps +the alcoce, sitting like a dog. One-sixth natural size. + +[Illustration: FIG. 689.--Australian mythic personages.] + +Mr. Thomas Worsnop (_a_) gives an account of Fig. 689, abbreviated as +follows: + +Sir George Grey, between 1836 and 1839, saw on a sandstone rock a most +extraordinary large figure. Upon examination this proved to be a +drawing at the entrance to a cave, which he found to contain besides +many remarkable paintings. On the sloping roof the principal character, +i. e., the upper one of Fig. 689, was drawn. In order to produce the +greater effect the rock about it was painted black and the figure itself +colored with the most vivid red and white. It thus appeared to stand out +from the rock, and Sir George Grey says he was surprised at the moment +that he first saw this gigantic head and upper part of a body bending +over and staring grimly down at him. He adds that it would be impossible +to convey in words an adequate idea of this uncouth and savage figure, +and therefore he only gives such a succinct account as will serve as a +sort of description. + +Its head was encircled by bright red rays, something like the rays one +sees proceeding from the sun, when depicted on the signboard of a public +house; inside of this came a broad stripe of very brilliant red, which +was crossed by lines of white; but both inside and outside of this red +space were narrow stripes of a still deeper red, intended probably to +mark its boundaries; the face was painted vividly white and the eyes +black, being, however, surrounded by red and yellow lines; the body, +hands, and arms were outlined in red, the body being curiously painted +with red stripes and bars. + +Upon the rock which formed the left-hand wall of this cave, and which +partly faced you on entering, was a very singular painting, the lower +character of the same figure, vividly colored, representing four heads +joined together. From the mild expression of the countenances they +appeared to represent females, and to be drawn in such a manner, and +in such a position, as to look up at the principal figure, before +described; each had a very remarkable head-dress, colored bright blue, +and one had a necklace on. Both of the lower figures had a sort of dress +painted with red in the same manner as that of the principal figure, and +one of them had a band round her waist. In Sir George Grey’s opinion +each of the four faces was marked by a totally distinct expression of +countenance, and none of them had mouths. + + +SECTION 3. + +SHAMANISM. + +The term “shaman” is a corrupted form of the Sanscrit word meaning +ascetic. Its original application was to the religion of certain tribes +of northern Asia, but now shamanism is generally used to express several +forms of religion which are founded in the supposed communion with and +influence over supernatural beings by means of magic arts. The shaman +or priest pretends to control by incantations and ceremonies the evil +spirits to whom death, sickness, and other misfortunes are ascribed. +This form or stage of religion was so prevalent among the North American +Indians that the adoption of the term “shaman” here is substantially +correct, and it avoids both the stupid expression “medicine man” of +current literature and the indefinite title “priest,” the associations +with which are not appropriate to the Indian religious practitioner. +The statement that the Indians worship, or ever have worshiped, one +“Great Spirit” or single overruling personal god is erroneous. That +philosophical conception is beyond the stage of culture reached by them, +and was not found in any tribe previous to missionary influence. Their +actual philosophy can be expressed far more objectively and therefore +pictorially. + +The special feature of the notes now collected under the present heading +relates to the claims and practices of shamans, but the immediately +succeeding headings of “Charms and Amulets” and of “Religious +Ceremonies” are closely connected with the same topic. It must be +confessed that, as now presented, they have been arranged chiefly for +mechanical convenience, to which convenience also in other parts of the +present work scientific discrimination has sometimes been forced to +yield without, it is hoped, much injury. Individual intercomparison, +with or without cross references, is besought from any critical reader +of this paper. + +Feats of jugglery or pretended magic rivaling or surpassing the best +of spiritualistic séances have been recounted to the present writer +in many places by independent and intelligent Indian witnesses, not +operators, generally of advanced age. The cumulated evidence gives an +opportunity for spiritualists to argue for the genuineness of their own +manifestations or manipulations as, in accordance with the degree of +credence, they may be styled. Others will contend that these remarkable +performances in which this hemisphere was rich before the Columbian +discovery--the occidental rivaling the oriental Indians--belong to a +culture stage below civilization. They will observe that the age of +miracles among barbaric people has not expired, and that it still exists +among outwardly civilized persons who are yet subject to superstition in +its true etymologic sense of “remaining over from the past.” + +The most elaborate and interesting of these stories which are known +relate to a time about forty years ago, shortly before the Davenport +brothers and the Fox sisters had excited interest in the civilized +portions of the United States; but exhibitions of a magic character +are still given among the tribes, though secretly, from fear of the +Indian agents and missionaries. It is an important fact that the first +French missionaries in Canada and the early settlers of New England +described substantially the same performances when they first met the +Indians, all of whom belonged to the Algonquian or Iroquoian stocks. So +remarkable and frequent were these performances of jugglery that the +French, in 1613, called the whole body of Indians on the Ottawa River, +whom they met at a very early period, “The Sorcerers.” They were the +tribes afterwards called Nipissing, and were the typical Algonquians. +No suspicion of prestidigitation or other form of charlatanry appears +to have been entertained by any of the earliest French and English +writers on the subject. The severe Puritan and the ardent Catholic both +considered that the exhibitions were real, and the work of Satan. It is +also worth mentioning that one of the derivations of the name “Micmac” +is connected with the word meaning sorcerer. The early known practices +of this character, which had an important effect upon the life of the +people, extended from the extreme east of the continent to the Great +Lakes. They have been found later far to the south, and in a higher +state of evolution. + +It was obvious in cross-examining the old men of the Algonquians +that the performances of jugglery were exhibitions of the pretended +miraculous power of an adventurer whereby he obtained a reputation +above his rivals and derived subsistence and authority by the selling +of charms and pretended superhuman information. The charms and fetiches +which still are bought from the few shamans who yet have a credulous +clientele are of three kinds--to bring death or disease on an enemy, to +lure an enemy into an ambush, and to excite a return to sexual love. + +Among the Ojibwa three distinct secret societies are extant, the +members of which are termed, respectively and in order of their +importance, the Midē', the Jĕs'sakīd, and the Wâbĕnō. The oldest and +most influential society is known as the Midē'wiwin', or Grand Medicine, +and the structure in which the ceremonies are conducted is called the +Midē'wigân, or Grand Medicine lodge. + +The following statement of the White Earth Midē' shaman presents his +views upon the origin of the rite and the objects employed in connection +with ceremonies, as well as in the practices connected with medical +magic and sorcery: + + When Minabō'sho, the first man, had been for some time upon + the earth, two great spirits told him that to be of service to his + successors they would give to him several gifts, which he was to + employ in prolonging life and extending assistance to those who + might apply for it. + + The first present consisted of a sacred drum, which was to be + used at the side of the sick and when invoking the presence and + assistance of the spirits. The second was a sacred rattle, with + which he was enabled to prolong the life of a patient. The third + gift was tobacco, which was to be an emblem of peace; and as a + companion he also received a dog. He was then told to build a lodge, + where he was to practice the rites of which he would receive further + instruction. + + All the knowledge which the Midē' have, and more, Minabō'sho + received from the spirits. Then he built a long lodge, as he had + been directed, and now even at this day he is present at the Sacred + Medicine lodge when the Grand Medicine rite is performed. + + In the rite is incorporated most that is ancient amongst them, + songs and traditions that have descended, not orally alone, but by + pictographs, for a long line of generations. In this rite is also + perpetuated the purest and most ancient idioms of their language, + which differs somewhat from that of the common, every-day use. + +It is desirable to explain the mode of using the Midē' and other bark +records of the Ojibwa and also those of other tribes mentioned in this +paper. A comparison made by Dr. Tyler of the pictorial alphabet to teach +children, “A was an archer,” etc., is not strictly appropriate in this +case. The devices are not only mnemonic, but are also ideographic and +descriptive. They are not merely invented to express or memorize the +subject, but are evolved therefrom. To persons acquainted with secret +societies a good comparison for the charts or rolls is what is called +the trestle board of the Masonic order, which is printed and published +and publicly exposed without exhibiting any of the secrets of the order, +yet through its ideography it is practically useful to the esoteric +members by assisting memory in details of ceremony and it also prevents +deviation from the established ritual. + +[Illustration: FIG. 690.--Ojibwa Midē' wigwam.] + +Fig. 690, from Copway (_d_), gives the Ojibway character for Grand +Medicine lodge. + +Fig. 171, supra, is a reproduction, with description, of a birch-bark +record illustrating the alleged power of a Jĕssakkī'd, one who is also a +Midē' of the four degrees of the Medicine Society. + +Fig. 172, supra, represents, with explanations, a Jĕssakkī'd named +Niwi'kki, curing a sick woman by sucking the demon through a bone tube. + +When the method of procedure of a Midē' goes beyond the ordinary +ceremonies, such as chanting prayers and drumming, the use of the +rattle, and the administration of magic medicines and exorcisms, it +overlaps the prescribed formulæ of the Midē'win and partakes of the +rites of the Jĕssakkī'd or “Juggler.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 691.--Lodge of a Midē'.] + +The lodge of the Midē' is represented as in Fig. 691, the shaman himself +being indicated as sitting inside. + +[Illustration: FIG. 692.--Lodge of Jĕssakkī'd.] + +The Jĕssakkī'd represents his lodge or jugglery as shown in Fig. +692, the shaman being represented as sitting on the outside. The +chief feature of the jugglery lodge is that the branch is always seen +projecting from the top of one of the vertical poles, which peculiarity +exists in no other religious structure represented in pictorial records. + +The following group, including Figs. 693 to 697, gives several modes +of illustrating the “making buffalo medicine” by the Dakotas and other +tribes of the Great Plains. The main object was to bring the buffalo +to where they could be hunted successfully, and incantations, with +dancing and many ceremonies, were resorted to, as upon the buffalo the +tribes depended not only for food but for most of the necessaries and +conveniences of their daily life. The topic is referred to elsewhere in +this paper, especially in Lone-Dog’s Winter Count for the year 1810-’11. + +[Illustration: FIG. 693.--Making medicine. Dakota.] + +Fig. 693.--A Minneconjou chief named Lone-Horn made medicine with a +white buffalo cow skin. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1858-’59. + +The horned head of the animal is connected with the man figure. An +albino buffalo was much more prized for ceremonial purposes than any +other. Lone-Horn, chief of the Minneconjous, died in 1874, in his camp +on the Big Cheyenne. + +[Illustration: FIG. 694.--Making medicine. Dakota.] + +Fig. 694.--A Minneconjou Dakota named Little-Tail first made “medicine” +with white buffalo cow skin. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1810-’11. Again +the head of an albino buffalo. + +[Illustration: FIG. 695.--Making medicine. Dakota.] + +Fig. 695.--White-Cow-Man. Red-Cloud’s Census. The mere possession of an +albino buffalo conferred dignity and honor. To have once owned such an +animal, even though it had died or been lost, gave specific rank. + +[Illustration: FIG. 696.--Making medicine. Dakota.] + +Fig. 696.--Lone-Horn makes medicine. “At such times Indians sacrifice +ponies and fast.” The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1858-’59. In this figure the +buffalo head is black. + +[Illustration: FIG. 697.--Making medicine.] + +Fig. 697. Buffalo is scarce; an Indian makes medicine and brings a herd +to the suffering. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1843-’44. + +Here the incantation is shown by a tipi with the buffalo head drawn upon +it. It is the “medicine” or sacred tipi where the rites are held. + +A curious variant of divination with regard to the use of songs in the +removal of disease was found among the Choctaws. Each of the songs +of this class bore reference to some herb or form of treatment, each +of which was represented objectively or pictorially and produced +simultaneously with the chanting of the appropriate song by the shaman. +The remedy or treatment to be adopted was decided upon by the degree of +pleasure or relief afforded to the patient by the respective songs. + +[Illustration: FIG. 698.--Magic Killing.] + +Fig. 698. Cat-Owner was killed with a spider-web thrown at him by a +Dakota. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1824-’25. The spider-web is shown +reaching to the heart of the victim from the hand of the man who threw +it and two spiral wakan lines are also shown. Blood issuing from his +nose, colored red in the original, indicates that he bled to death. It +is a common belief among Indians that certain “medicine men” possess the +power of taking life by shooting needles, straws, spider-webs, bullets, +and other objects, however distant the person may be against whom they +are directed. + +It may be noted that the union line connecting the two figures at the +base signifies that they belong to the same tribe which the hair on the +figure of the left shows to be Dakota. The victim is not scalped, but +has no hair or other designation, being shown only in outline. + +[Illustration: FIG. 699.--Held a ghost lodge.] + +Fig. 699. Cannaksa-Yuha, Has-a-war-club; from the Oglala Roster. This +man has his father’s name “war-club,” and is therefore set by the ghosts +in his stead as a warrior. He is supposed to be invulnerable to any +mortal weapon, and the children and even women fear him as they would +a ghost. He holds the war club before his face, as it partakes of the +nature of insignia. In the original the whole of the man’s face is +painted red. This is to show that he has a wakicagapi-ecokicoupe, which +means that he has put up a ghost tent, concerning which there are many +and complicated ceremonies and details narrated by Rev. J. Owen Dorsey +in the American Anthropologist, II, 145 et seq. + +[Illustration: FIG. 700.--Muzzin-ne-neen. Ojibwa.] + +John Tanner (_g_) gives an account of sorcery among the Ojibwa, with +illustrations copied as Fig. 700, being nearly identical with those +recently obtained by Dr. Hoffman, and published in the Seventh Ann. +Rep., Bureau of Ethnology, as Figs. 20 and 21. + + It was thought necessary to have recourse to a medicine + hunt. Nah-gitch-e-gum-me [a “medicine” maker] sent to me and + O-ge-mah-we-ninne, the best two hunters of the band, each a little + leather sack of medicine, consisting of certain roots pounded fine + and mixed with red paint, to be applied to the little images or + figures of the animals we wish to kill. Precisely the same method + is practiced in this kind of hunting, at least as far as the use + of medicine is concerned, as in those instances where one Indian + attempts to inflict disease or suffering on another. A drawing or + a little image is made to represent the man, the woman, or the + animal on which the power of the medicine is to be tried; then the + part representing the heart is punctured with a sharp instrument, + if the design be to cause death, and a little of the medicine is + applied. The drawing or image of an animal used in this case is + called muzzin-ne-neen, and the same name is applicable to the little + figures of a man or women, and is sometime rudely traced on birch + bark, in other instances more carefully carved of wood. These little + images or drawings, for they are called by the same names, whether + of carved wood or rags or only rudely sketched on birch bark, or + even traced in sand, are much in use among several and probably all + the Algonquin tribes. Their use is not confined to hunting, but + extends to the making of love, and the gratification of hatred, + revenge, and all malignant passions. + + [Illustration: FIG. 701.--Muzzin-ne-neen. Ojibwa.] + + It is a prevailing belief that the necromancers, men or women + of medicine, or those who are acquainted with the hidden powers + of their _wusks_, can, by practicing upon the muzzin-ne-neence, + exercise an unlimited control over the body and mind of the person + represented. Many a simple Indian girl gives to some crafty old + squaw her most valued ornaments, or whatever property she may + possess, to purchase from her the love of the man she is most + anxious to please. The old woman, in a case of this kind, commonly + makes up a little image of stained wood and rags, to which she + gives the name of the person whose inclinations she is expected + to control; and to the heart, the eyes, or to some other part of + this she, from time to time, applies her medicines, or professes to + have done so, as she may find necessary to dupe and encourage her + credulous employer. + + But the influence of these images and conjurations is more + frequently tested in cases of an opposite character, where the + inciting cause is not love, but hatred, and the object to be + attained the gratification of a deadly revenge. In cases of this + kind the practices are similar to those above mentioned, only + different medicines are used Sometimes the muzzin-ne-neence is + pricked with a pin or needle in various parts, and pain or disease + is supposed to be produced in the corresponding part of the person + practiced upon. Sometimes they blacken the hands and mouth of the + image, and the effect expected is the change which marks the near + approach of death. + +The similarity, approaching identity, of these practices to those common +in Europe during the middle ages and continuing in some regions until +the present time will be noticed. + +The same author, pp. 197, 198, gives an account of Ojibwa divination in +the following address of a shaman, illustrated by Fig. 702. + +[Illustration: FIG. 702.--Ojibwa divination.] + + For you, my friends, who have been careful to regard and obey + the injunctions of the Great Spirit, as communicated by me, to + each of you he has given to live to the full age of man: this long + and straight line a is the image of your several lives. For you, + Shaw-shaw-wa ne-ba-se, who have turned aside from the right path, + and despised the admonitions you have received, this short and + crooked line _b_ represents your life. You are to attain only to + half of the full age of man. This line, turning off on the other + side, is that which shows what is determined in relation to the + young wife of Ba-po-wash. As he said this, he showed us the marks + he had made on the ground, as below. The long, straight middle line + represented, as he said, the life of the Indians, Sha-gwaw-koo-sink, + Wau-zhe-gaw-maish-koon, etc. The short, crooked one below showed the + irregular course and short continuance of mine; and the abruptly + terminating one on the other side showed the life of the favorite + wife of Ba-po-wash. + +Fig. 703 was copied from a piece of walrus ivory in the museum of the +Alaska Commercial Company, of San Francisco, California, in 1882, by Dr. +Hoffman, and the interpretation is as obtained from a native Alaskan. + +[Illustration: FIG. 703.--Shaman exorcising demon. Alaska.] + +_a_, _b_. The shaman’s summer habitations, trees growing in the +vicinity. _c._ The shaman, who is represented in the act of holding +one of his “demons.” These are considered as under the control of the +shaman, who employs them to drive others out of the bodies of sick +men. _d._ The demon or aid. _e._ The same shaman exorcising the demons +causing the sickness. _f_, _g_. Sick men, who have been under treatment, +and from whose bodies the “evil beings” or sickness has been expelled. +_h._ Two “evil spirits” which have left the bodies of _f_ and _g_. + +Fig. 704 was copied by Dr. Hoffman from an ivory bow in the same museum. +The interpretation was also obtained at the same time from the same +Alaskan. + +[Illustration: FIG. 704.--Supplication for success. Alaska.] + +The rod of the bow upon which the characters occur is here represented +in three sections, A, B, and C. A bears the beginning of the narrative, +extending over only one-half of the length of the rod. The course of the +inscription is then continued on the adjacent side of the rod at the +middle, and reading in both directions (sections B and C), toward the +two files of approaching animals. B and C occupy the whole of one side. + +The following is the explanation of the characters: + +A. _a_, baidarka or skin boat resting on poles; _b_, winter habitation; +_c_, tree; _d_, winter habitations; _e_, storehouse; _f_, tree. Between +this and the storehouse is placed a piece of timber, from which is +suspended fish for drying. _g_, storehouse. The characters from _a_ to +_g_ represent a group of dwellings, which signifies a settlement, the +home of the person to whom the history relates. _h_, the hunter sitting +on the ground, asking for aid, and making the gesture for supplication. +_i_, the shaman to whom application is made by the hunter desiring +success in the chase. The shaman has just finished his incantations, and +while still retaining his left arm in the position for that ceremony, +holds the right toward the hunter, giving him the success requested. +_j_, the shaman’s winter lodge; _k_, trees; _l_, summer habitation of +the shaman; _m_, trees near the shaman’s home. + +B. _n_, tree; _o_, a shaman standing upon his lodge, driving back game +which had approached against his wish. To this shaman the hunter had +also made application for success in the chase, but was denied, hence +the act of driving back. _p_, deer leaving at the shaman’s order; _q_, +horns of a deer swimming a river; _r_, young deer, apparently, from the +smaller size of the body and unusually long legs. + +C. _s_, a tree; _t_, the lodge of the hunter (A. _h_), who, after having +been granted the request for success, placed his totem upon the lodge as +a mark of gratification and to insure greater luck in his undertaking; +_u_, the hunter in the act of shooting; _v-w_, the game killed, +consisting of five deer; _x_, the demon sent out by the shaman (A. +_i_), to drive the game in the way of the hunter; _y-bb_, the demon’s +assistants. + +The following description and illustration, Fig. 705, is kindly +contributed by the Rev. M. Eells, of Skokomish, Washington: + +[Illustration: FIG. 705.--Skokomish tamahnous.] + + Your figure of a shaman’s lodge in Alaska [Fig. 714 in this + work] reminds me of a drawing made of the same character on this + reservation by one of our best educated Indian boys. His description + of it is as follows: “When I was at Dr. Charley’s house (the shaman + or medicine man), they tamahnoused [performed incantations] over + [my brother] Frank. They saw that he was under a kind of sickness. + Dr. Charley took it, and just a little after that Frank shook and + became stiff, and while I sat I heard my father say that his breath + was gone. I went out, as I did not want to see my brother lay dead + before me. When I came back he was breathing a little and his + eyes were closed. Dr. Charley was taking care of his breath with + his own tamahnous [guardian spirit] and waiting for more folks to + come, so as to have enough folks to beat on sticks when he should + tamahnous and see what was the matter with Frank. So he went on and + saw that there was another kind of sickness besides the one he took + first. The other one went over Frank and almost killed him. Dr. + Charley took it again and went (travel) [in spirit] with another + kind of tamahnous to see where Frank’s spirit was. He found him at + Humahuma [18 or 20 miles distant], where they had camped [some time + previous]. So Frank got better after a hard tamahnous. From the + drawing you will see how Dr. Charley fixed the kind of sickness. + _b_ shows the first sickness which Dr. Charley took. It has tails, + which, when they come close to the sick person, makes him worse. _a_ + is the way it goes when it kills a person and stays in his home. _c_ + is the second one and is hanging over Frank, _d_. _e_ is another + sickness which is in Frank.” + +In Kingsborough (_d_) is the following: “In the year of Eleven Houses, +or in 1529, Nuño de Guzman set out for Yalisco on his march to subdue +that territory. They pretend that a serpent descended from the sky, +exclaiming that troubles were preparing for the natives, since the +Christians were directing their course hither.” The illustration +for this account is presented as Fig. 1224, Chap. XX, on Special +Comparisons. + + +SECTION 4. + +CHARMS AND AMULETS. + +The use of material objects for the magic purposes suggested by this +title is well known. Their graphic representation is not so familiar, +though it is to be supposed that the objects of this character would +be pictorially represented in pictographs connected with religion. The +following is an instance where the use of a charm or fetich in action +was certainly portrayed in a pictograph. + +[Illustration: FIG. 706.--Mdewakantawan fetich.] + +Fig. 706, drawn by the Dakota Indians, near Fort Snelling, Minnesota, +exhibits the use as a charm or talisman of an instrument fashioned +in imitation of a war club, though it is not adapted to offensive +employment. The head of the talisman is a grooved stone hammer from +an inch and a half to 5 inches in length. A withe is tied about the +middle of the hammer, in the groove binding on a handle of from 2 to +4 feet in length. The latter is frequently wrapped with buckskin or +rawhide to strengthen it, as well as for ornamental purposes. Feathers +attached bear designs indicating marks of distinction, perhaps sometimes +fetichistic devices not understood. + +It is believed that these objects possess the charm of warding off an +enemy’s missiles when held upright before the body, as shown in the +pictograph. The interpretation was explained by the draftsman himself. + +[Illustration: FIG. 707.--Medicine bag as worn.] + +“Medicine bags,” as they are termed by frontiersmen, are worn as +amulets. They are sometimes filled by the owner in obedience to the +suggestions of visions, but more frequently are prepared by the +shaman. They are carried suspended from the neck by means of string or +buckskin cords, as shown in Fig. 707, drawn in 1889 by I-teup'-de-tĭ, +No-Shin-Bone, a Crow Indian, to represent himself with his insignia, and +was extracted from a record kindly communicated by Dr. R. B. Holden, +physician at the Crow Agency, Montana. + +[Illustration: FIG. 708.--Medicine bag hung up.] + +Fig. 708, drawn by the same hand, shows the same medicine bag +temporarily hung on a forked stick. When the bag is carried on a war +party it is never allowed to touch the ground. Also among the Ojibwa +some of the bags which are considered to have the greatest fetichistic +power are not kept in the lodges, as too dangerous, but are suspended +from trees. + +Capt. Bourke (_d_) gives the following account of the medicine hat of +the Apache: + + The medicine hat of the old and blind Apache medicine man, + Nan-ta-do-tash, was an antique affair of buckskin, much begrimed + with soot and soiled by long use. Nevertheless it gave life and + strength to him who wore it, enabled the owner to peer into the + future, to tell who had stolen ponies from other people, to foresee + the approach of an enemy, and to aid in the cure of the sick. * * + * This same old man gave me an explanation of all the symbolism + depicted upon the hat, and a great deal of valuable information in + regard to the profession of medicine men, their specialization, + the prayers they recited, etc. The material of the hat, as already + stated, was buckskin. How that was obtained I can not assert + positively, but from an incident occurring under my personal + observation in the Sierra Madre, in Mexico, in 1883, where our + Indian scouts and the medicine men with them surrounded a nearly + grown fawn and tried to capture it alive, as well as from other + circumstances too long to be here inserted, I am of the opinion that + the buckskin to be used for sacred purposes among the Apache must, + whenever possible, be that of a strangled animal, as is the case, + according to Dr. Matthews, among the Navajo. + + The body of Nan-ta-do-tash’s cap was unpainted, but the figures + upon it were in two colors, a brownish yellow and an earthy blue, + resembling a dirty Prussian blue. The ornamentation was of the downy + feathers and black-tipped plumes of the eagle, pieces of abalone + shell and chalchihuitl, and a snake’s rattle on the apex. + + Nan-ta-do-tash explained that the characters on the medicine + hat meant: A, clouds; B, rainbow; C, hail; E, morning star; F, + the god of wind, with his lungs; G, the black “kan;” H, the great + stars or suns. “Kan” is the name given to their principal gods. The + appearance of the kan himself and of the tail of the hat suggest the + centipede, an important animal god of the Apache. The old man said + that the figures represented the powers to which he appealed for aid + in his “medicine” and the kan upon whom he called for help. + +The same author says, op. cit., p. 587: + + The Apache, both men and women, wear amulets, called tzidaltai, + made of lightning-riven wood, generally pine or cedar or fir from + the mountain tops, which are highly valued and are not to be + sold. These are shaved very thin and rudely cut in the semblance + of the human form. They are in fact the duplicates, on a small + scale, of the rhombus. Like it they are decorated with incised + lines representing the lightning. Very often these are to be found + attached to the necks of children or to their cradles. + +Four of the several winter counts described in the present work unite in +specifying for the year 1843-’44 the recapture of a fetich called the +great medicine arrow. + +[Illustration: FIG. 709.--Magic arrow.] + +Fig. 709.--In a great fight with the Pawnees the Dakotas captured the +great medicine arrow which had been taken from the Cheyennes, who made +it, by the Pawnees. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1843-’44. + +The head of the arrow projects from the bag which contains it. The +delicate waved or spiral lines show that it is sacred. + +White-Cow-Killer calls it “The Great-medicine-arrow-comes-in winter.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 710.--Magic arrow.] + +Battiste Good’s record gives the following for the same year: + +“Brought-home-the-magic-arrow winter. This arrow originally belonged to +the Cheyennes, from whom the Pawnees stole it. The Dakotas captured it +this winter from the Pawnees, and the Cheyennes then redeemed it for one +hundred horses.” His sign for the year is shown in Fig. 710. An attempt +was made to distinguish colors by the heraldic scheme, which in this cut +did not succeed. The upper part of the man’s body is sable or black, +the feathers on the arrow are azure or blue, and the shaft, gules or +red. The remainder of the figure is of an undecided color not requiring +specification. + +[Illustration: FIG. 711.--Magic arrow.] + +Fig. 711.--The great medicine arrow was taken from the Pawnees by the +Oglalas and Brulés, and returned to the Cheyennes to whom it rightly +belonged. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1843-’44. The arrow appears to +be in a case marked over with the lines meaning sacredness. + +Another account of a magic arrow and illustrations of other fetichistic +objects are in Chap. IX. + +[Illustration:BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXIII + +MANTLE OF INVISIBILITY.] + +Pl. XXXIII is a copy of a cloak or mantle made from the skin of a deer, +and covered with various mystic paintings. It was made and used by +the Apaches as a mantle of invisibility, that is, a charmed covering +for spies which would enable them to pass with impunity through the +country, and even through the camp of their enemies. In this instance +the fetichistic power depends upon the devices drawn. A similar but not +identical pictographic fetich or charm is described and illustrated by +Capt. Bourke (_e_) as obtained from a Chicarahua Apache which told when +his ponies were lost, and which brought rain. The symbols show, inter +alia, the rain cloud, and the serpent lightning, the raindrops and the +cross of the winds of the four cardinal points. + +Lewis and Clarke (_b_) say that the Chilluckittequaw, a Chinook tribe, +had a “medicine” bag colored red 2 feet long, suspended in the middle +of the lodge. It was held sacred, containing pounded dirt, roots, and +such mysterious objects. From the chief’s bag he brought out fourteen +forefingers of enemies--Snakes--whom he had killed. + +A remarkable drawing in an Australian cave, described by Sir George +Grey, in Worsnop, op. cit., was an ellipse, 3 feet in length and 1 foot +10 inches in breadth. The outside line of the painting was of deep blue +color, the body of the ellipse being of a bright yellow dotted over with +red lines and spots, whilst across it ran two transverse lines of blue. +The portion of the painting above described formed the ground, or main +part of the picture, and upon this ground was painted a kangaroo in the +act of feeding; two stone spear heads, and two black balls; one of the +spear heads was flying to the kangaroo, and one away from it; so that +the whole subject probably constituted a sort of charm by which the luck +of an inquirer in killing game can be ascertained. This cave drawing is +copied in Fig. 712. + +[Illustration: FIG. 712.--Hunter’s charm. Australia.] + +George Turner (_c_) gives account of hieroglyphic taboos, as he calls +them, which are connected with the present subject: + + The sea-pike taboo. If a man wished that a sea-pike might run + into the body of the person who attempted to steal, say, his bread + fruits, he would plait some cocoanut leaflets in the form of a + sea-pike, and suspend it from one or more of the trees which he + wished to protect. + + The white-shark taboo was another object of terror to a thief. + This was done by plaiting a cocoanut leaf in the form of a shark, + adding fins, etc., and this they suspended from the tree. It was + tantamount to an expressed imprecation, that the thief might be + devoured by the white shark the next time he went to fish. + + The cross-stick taboo. This was a piece of any sort of stick + suspended horizontally from the tree. It expressed the wish of + the owner of the tree, that any thief touching it might have a + disease running right across his body, and remaining fixed there + till he died. + + The ulcer taboo. This was made by burying in the ground some + pieces of clam shell, and erecting at the spot three or four reeds, + tied together at the top in a bunch like the head of a man. This was + to express the wish and prayer of the owner that any thief might be + laid down with ulcerous sores all over his body. + + The death taboo. This was made by pouring some oil into a small + calabash, and burying it near the tree. The spot was marked by a + little hillock of white sand. + + The thunder taboo. If a man wished that lightning might strike + any who should steal from his land, he would plait some cocoanut + leaflets in the form of a small square mat, and suspend it from a + tree, with the addition of some white streamers of native cloth + flying. A thief believed that if he trespassed, he, or some of his + children, would be struck with lightning, or perhaps his own trees + struck and blasted from the same cause. They were not, however, in + the habit of talking about the effects of lightning. It was the + thunder they thought did the mischief; hence they called that to + which I have just referred the thunder taboo. + + +SECTION 5. + +RELIGIOUS CEREMONIES. + +Many examples of masks, dance ornaments, and fetiches used in ceremonies +are reported and illustrated in the several papers of Messrs. Cushing, +Holmes, and Stevenson in the Second Annual Report of the Bureau of +Ethnology. Paintings or drawings of many of them have been found on +pottery, on shells, and on rocks. + +An admirable article by Mr. J. Walter Fewkes (_b_) on Tusayan +Pictographs explains many of the petroglyphs of that region as depicting +objects used in dances and ceremonies. + +[Illustration: FIG. 713.--Moki masks traced on rocks. Arizona.] + +Fig. 713 exhibits drawings of various masks used in dancing, the +characters of which were obtained by Mr. G. K. Gilbert from rocks at +Oakley springs and were explained to him by Tubi, the chief of the +Oraibi Pueblos. They are representations of masks as used by the Moki, +Zuñi, and Rio Grande Pueblos. + +Dr. W. H. Corbusier, U. S. Army, writing from Camp Verde, Arizona, +kindly furnished the following account of Yuman ceremonies, in which the +making of sand pictures was prominent: + + All the medicine men meet occasionally and with considerable + ceremony “make medicine.” They went through the performance early in + the summer of 1874 on the reservation for the purpose of averting + the diseases with which the Indians were afflicted the summer + previous. In the middle of one of the villages they made a round + ramada, or house of boughs, some 10 feet in diameter, and under it, + on the sand, illustrated the spirit land in a picture about 7 feet + across, made in colors by sprinkling powdered leaves and grass, red + clay, charcoal, and ashes on the smoothed sand. In the center was + a round spot of red clay about 10 inches in diameter, and around + it several successive rings of green and red alternately, each + ring being an inch and a half wide. Projecting from the outer ring + were four somewhat triangular-shaped figures, each one of which + corresponded to one of the cardinal points of the compass, giving + the whole the appearance of a Maltese cross. Around this cross and + between its arms were the figures of men with their feet toward the + center, some made of charcoal, with ashes for eyes and hair, others + of red clay and ashes, etc. These figures were 8 or 9 inches long, + and nearly all of them lacked some portion of the body, some an + arm, others a leg or the head. The medicine men seated themselves + around the picture on the ground in a circle, and the Indians from + the different bands crowded around them, the old men squatting close + by and the young men standing back of them. After they had invoked + the aid of the spirits in a number of chants, one of their number, + apparently the oldest, a toothless, gray-haired man, solemnly arose + and, carefully stepping between the figures of the men, dropped on + each one a pinch of the yellow powder which he took from a small + buckskin bag which had been handed to him. He put the powder on the + heads of some, on the chests of others, and on other parts of the + body, one of the other men sometimes telling him where to put it. + After going all around, skipping three figures, however, he put + up the bag, and then went around again and took from each figure + a large pinch of powder, taking up the yellow powder also, and in + this way collected a heaping handful. After doing this he stepped + back and another medicine man collected a handful in the same way, + others following him. Some of the laymen, in their eagerness to get + some, pressed forward, but were ordered back. But after the medicine + men had supplied themselves the ramada was torn down and a rush was + made by men and boys; handfuls of the dirt were grabbed and rubbed + on their bodies or carried away. The women and children, who were + waiting for an invitation, were then called. They rushed to the + spot in a crowd, and grabbing handfuls of dirt tossed it up in the + air so that it would fall on them, or they rubbed their bodies with + it, mothers throwing it over their children and rubbing it on their + heads. This ended the performance. + +According to Stephen Powers (in Contrib. to N. A. Ethnol., III, p. 140), +there is at the head of Potter valley, California, “a singular knoll +of red earth which the Tatu or Hūchnom believe to have furnished the +material for the erection of the original coyote-man. They mix this red +earth into their acorn bread, and employ it for painting their bodies on +divers mystic occasions.” + +Descriptions of ceremonies in medicine lodges and in the initiation of +candidates to secret associations have been published with and without +illustrations. The most striking of these are graphic ceremonial +charts made by the Indians themselves, a number of which besides those +immediately following appear in different parts of the present work. + +[Illustration: FIG. 714.--Shaman’s lodge. Alaska.] + +Fig. 714 was drawn and interpreted by Naumoff, a Kadiak native, in San +Francisco, California, in 1882. It represents the ground plan of a +shaman’s lodge, with the shaman curing a sick man. + +The following is the explanation: + +_a_, the entrance to the lodge; _b_, the fireplace; _c_, a vertical +piece of wood upon which is placed a crosspiece, upon each end of +which is a lamp; _d_, the musicians upon the raised seats drumming and +producing music to the movements of the shaman during his incantations +in exorcising the “evil spirit” supposed to have possession of the +patient; _e_, visitors and friends of the afflicted seated around +the walls of the lodge; _f_, the shaman represented in making his +incantations; _g_, the patient seated upon the floor of the lodge; _h_ +represents the shaman in another stage of the ceremonies, driving out of +the patient the “evil being”; _i_, another figure of the patient--from +his head is seen to issue a line connecting it with _j_; _j_, the “evil +spirit” causing the sickness; _k_, the shaman in the act of driving the +“evil being” out of the lodge--in his hands are sacred objects, his +personal fetich, in which the power lies; _l_, the flying “evil one”; +_m_, _n_, are assistants to the shaman stationed at the entrance to hit +and hasten the departure of the evil being. + +The writer in examination at three reservations in Wisconsin obtained +information concerning the Midē' ceremonies additional to the details +described by Dr. Hoffman (_a_) and by others quoted in the present work. +The full ceremonies of the Midē' lodges, which the more southern Ojibwa, +who speak English, translate as “grand medicine,” were performed twice +a year--in the fall and in the spring. Those in the spring were of a +rejoicing character, to welcome the return of the good spirits; those in +the fall were in lamentation for the departure of the beneficent and the +arrival of the maleficent spirits. The drums were beaten four days and +nights before the dance, which lasted for a whole day. After the dance +twelve selected persons built a lodge, about the center of which they +placed stones which had been heated, and dancing went on around it until +the stones were moistened and cooled by the sweat of the performers. +Singing, or more properly chanting, regulated the rhythm of the dances, +although, perhaps, in the order of evolution the dance was prior to the +chant. These ceremonies were performed by the body of the people, and +were independent of the initiations in the secret order. With regard +to the candidates who passed the initiations, it was mentioned as an +undisputed fact that they always became stronger and better men, perhaps +because only those succeeded who had the requisite strength of mind +and body to endure the various ordeals and to pass examination in the +mysteries. In pictography the spring and the fall, the drums and the +steaming stones, the dancing forms and the open chanting mouth are shown. + +[Illustration: FIG. 715.--Ah-tón-we-tuck.] + +Catlin (_a_) gives an account of Kee-an-ne-kuk, the foremost man, who, +though a Kickapoo, was commonly called the Shawnee Prophet, and also the +following description relating to Fig. 715, painted by that author in +1831: + + Ah-tón-we-tuck, The-Cock-Turkey, is another Kickapoo of some + distinction and a disciple of the [Shawnee] Prophet, in the attitude + of prayer, which he is reading off from characters cut upon a stick + that he holds in his hand. It was told to me in the tribe by the + traders (though I am afraid to vouch for the whole truth of it) + that while a Methodist preacher was soliciting him for permission + to preach in his village, the Prophet refused him the privilege, + but secretly took him aside and supported him until he learned + from him his creed and his system of teaching it to others, when he + discharged him and commenced preaching amongst his people himself, + pretending to have had an interview with some superhuman mission + or inspired personage, ingeniously resolving that if there was any + honor or emolument or influence to be gained by the promulgation + of it, he might as well have it as another person; and with this + view he commenced preaching and instituted a prayer, which he + ingeniously carved on a maple stick of an inch and a half in + breadth, in characters somewhat resembling Chinese letters. These + sticks, with the prayers on them, he has introduced into every + family of the tribe and into the hands of every individual; and as + he has necessarily the manufacturing of them all, he sells them at + his own price and has thus added lucre to fame, and in two essential + and effective ways augmented his influence in his tribe. Every man, + woman, and child in the tribe, so far as I saw them, were in the + habit of saying their prayer from this stick when going to bed at + night and also when rising in the morning, which was invariably + done by placing the forefinger of the right hand under the upper + character until they repeat a sentence or two, which it suggests + to them, and then slipping it under the next and the next, and so + on to the bottom of the stick, which altogether required about ten + minutes, as it was sung over in a sort of a chant to the end. + +[Illustration: FIG. 716.--On-sáw-kie.] + +Fig. 716, from the same volume, opposite page 100, is a portrait of +On-sáw-kie, The-Sac, a Pottawatomie, using one of these prayer sticks, +which had been procured from the Shawnee Prophet. + +Figs. 715 and 716 with their descriptions exhibit an intermediate +condition between the aboriginal mnemonic method and the Christian +formula of prayer by the use of printed books. They should be considered +in comparison with the remarks on the “Micmac Hieroglyphs,” Chap. XIX, +Sec. 2. + +[Illustration: FIG. 717.--Medicine lodge. Micmac.] + +Fig. 717, incised on the Kejimkoojik rocks in Nova Scotia, suggests the +midē' lodge, sometimes called the medicine lodge, of the Ojibwa, which +is described above. The ground plan indicated in this figure seems to +be divided by partitions, which, together with the human figures and +designs, probably refer to the rites of initiation and celebration +performed in them. Some of the Micmacs examined had a vague recollection +of these ceremonies, which, at the time of the European discovery of the +northeastern part of North America, probably were as widely prevalent, +as they continued to be much later, among the regions farther in the +interior, also occupied by the Algonquian tribes. + +[Illustration: FIG. 718.--Juggler lodge. Micmac.] + +Fig. 718, from the same locality, is a drawing of the ground plan +of another description of ceremonial wigwam or lodge which is +remarkably similar to that now called by the Ojibwa “the jessăkân.” +Its distinguishing feature is the branch of a tree erected on the +outside, and it is the wigwam of a juggler or wizard, and not the lodge +belonging to the regular order of the Midē'. Such wigwams of jugglers, +who performed wonderful feats similar to those of modern spiritualistic +exhibitions, are frequently mentioned by the early French and English +writers, who gave accounts of the provinces of New France and New +England. The figure now presented is not suggestive without comparison, +and would not have been selected for the foregoing description without +the authority of living Micmac and Abnaki Indians, to whom it was +significant. + +Figs. 717 and 718, however, when studied, recall the use of branches and +prayer plumes in the descriptions of the houses, and especially of the +kivas of the Pueblos and the forms of their consecration mentioned in +the study of the Pueblo Architecture, by Mr. Victor Mindeleff, in the +Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, as follows: + + It is difficult to elicit intelligent explanation of the + theory of the baho and the prayer ceremonies in either kiva or + house construction. The baho is a prayer token; the petitioner is + not satisfied by merely speaking or singing his prayer; he must + have some tangible thing upon which to transmit it. He regards his + prayer as a mysterious, impalpable portion of his own substance, + and hence he seeks to embody it in some object which thus becomes + consecrated. The baho, which is inserted in the roof of the kiva, is + a piece of willow twig about 6 inches long, stripped of its bark and + painted. From it hang four small feathers suspended by short cotton + strings tied at equal distances along the twig. In order to obtain + recognition from the powers especially addressed, different colored + feathers and distinct methods of attaching them to bits of wood and + string are resorted to. + +[Illustration: FIG. 719.--Moki ceremonial.] + +The characters in Fig. 719 are copied from a drawing on the rocks in +the Canyon Segy. They have been submitted to the most intelligent of the +old Moki priests, and are said to represent the primitive sun priests. +They watched for the sunrise every morning and the chief sun priest +kept a reckoning of the equinoxes. The chief sun priest, _a_, made the +daily sacrifices to the sun by scattering consecrated meal and singing +a prayer to the sun just as it rose. His assistant, _b_, lit a pipe of +tobacco at the same time, and exhaled puffs of smoke, one toward each +of the cardinal points, one to the zenith, and one to the nadir. The +three other figures are flageolet priests, and the skins of different +kinds of foxes were attached to their reed flageolets. _c_ played to the +morning star, typified by the skin of the gray fox. _d_ played to the +dawn, typified by the skin of the red fox. _e_ played to the daylight, +typified by the skin of the yellow fox. + +Dr. Franz Boas (_e_) reported as follows: + + The Tsimshian have four secret societies, which have evidently + been borrowed from the Kwākiutl, the Olala or Wihalait, Nō'ntlem, + Mē'itla, and Semhalait. + + The candidate is taken to the house of his parents and a bunch + of cedar bark is fastened over the door, to show that the place is + tabooed, and nobody is allowed to enter. The chief sings while it + is being fastened. In the afternoon the sacred house is prepared + for the dance. A section in the rear of the house is divided off by + means of curtains; it is to serve as a stage, on which the dancers + and the novice appear. When all is ready messengers carrying large + carved batons are sent around to invite the members of the society, + the chief first. The women sit down in one row, nicely dressed up + in button blankets and their faces painted red. The chief wears the + amhalait, a carving rising from the forehead, set with sea-lion + barbs and with a long drapery of ermine skins; the others, the cedar + bark rings of the society. * * * + + The Mēitla have a red head ring and red eagle downs, the Nōntlem + a neck ring plaited of white and red cedar bark, the Olala a similar + but far larger one. The members of the societies receive a head ring + for each time they pass through these ceremonies. These are fastened + one on top of the other. + +Mr. James W. Lynd (_d_) says: + + In the worship of their deities paint (with the Dakotas), + forms an important feature. Scarlet or red is the religious color + for sacrifices, whilst blue is used by the women in many of the + ceremonies in which they participate. This, however, is not a + constant distinction of sex, for the women frequently use red and + scarlet. The use of paints, the Dakotas aver, was taught them by the + gods. Unktehi taught the first medicine men how to paint themselves + when they worshiped him and what colors to use. Takushkanshkan + (the moving god), whispers to his favorites what colors are most + acceptable to him. Heyoka hovers over them in dreams, and informs + them how many streaks to employ upon their bodies and the tinge they + must have. No ceremony of worship is complete without the wakan or + sacred application of paint. The down of the female swan is colored + scarlet and forms a necessary part of sacrifices. + +Wiener (_d_) gives a description of Peruvian ceremonies, with an +illustration reproduced here as Fig. 720. + +[Illustration: FIG. 720.--Peruvian ceremony.] + + The paintings on this vase, found by Dr. Macedo in the + excavations at Pachacamac, show the principal practices of the + exoteric worship of the sun. In this painting there are three + entirely distinct groups. The central one is composed of the solar + image surrounded by nine rays, terminating in symbols of fecundity. + Two men placed at its right and left seem to play on pandean pipes. + The group on the left is formed of four individuals, two of whom + have head-dresses of royal feathers. This group is performing a + dance, while the third group represents the same solar disk and + the sacrifice accompanied by music performed in its honor. There + are also vases of different forms containing, probably, the sacred + drink, and the officiator approaching one hand to one of the great + urns, while with the other he holds the vase or the bowl from + which he is about to drink the _chica_ consecrated to the sun. The + princely personages who have the right to approach the sun wear + casques with royal plumes, chemisettes extending below the middle, + and ornaments at the lower part of the legs and on the feet. The + musicians, four in number (two of whom play upon the pandean pipes + and two upon the henna), are distinguished by bonnets without + feathers and by a kind of cloak tied around the neck by a band + which floats behind them. Finally, the priests, one of whom is an + officiator, and the other dancers in the suite of the princely + personages, wear bonnets like that of the musicians (who very + probably belong to the same class). They have their faces painted. + +A. W. Howitt, in MS. Notes on Australian Pictographs, contributes the +following: + + Among the most interesting of the pictorial markings used by + the aborigines are those which are made in connection with the + ceremonies of initiation. I now take as an instance the Murring + tribe of the southern coast of New South Wales, whose ceremonies I + have described elsewhere. The humming instrument, which is known + in England as a child’s toy called the bull roarer, has a sacred + character with all the Australian tribes. The Murring call it Mŭdji, + and the loud roaring sound made when it is swung around at the end + of a cord is considered to be the voice of Daramūlŭn, the great + supernatural being by whom, according to their tradition, these + ceremonies were first instituted. + + On this instrument there are marked two notches, one at each + end, representing the gap left in the upper jaw of the novice after + his teeth have been knocked out during the rites; there is also + figured on it the rude representations of Daramūlŭn. + + A similar rude outline of a man in the attitude of the magic + dance, being also Daramūlŭn, is cut by the old men (wizards) at + the ceremonies, upon the bark of a tree at the spot where one of + them knocks out the tooth of the novice. This pictograph is then + carefully cut out and obliterated after the ceremonies are over. + + At a subsequent stage of the proceedings a similar figure is + molded on the ground in clay, and is surrounded by the native + weapons which Daramūlŭn is said to have invented. This figure, after + having been exhibited to the novice, is also destroyed, and they are + strictly forbidden under pain of death to make them known in any + manner to “women or children;” that is to say, to the uninitiated. + + The Mŭdji is not destroyed, but is carefully and secretly + preserved by the principal headman who had caused the ceremonies to + be held. + + The ceremonies of the Wirajuri tribe in New South Wales are + substantially the same as those of the Murring, although the tribes + are several hundred miles apart. The details, however, differ in + some respects. + + For instance, at one part of the ceremonies certain carvings are + made upon the tree adjoining the place of the ceremonies and upon + the ground, as follows: + + (1) A piece of bark is stripped off the tree from the branches + spirally down the bole to the ground. This represents the path along + which Daramūlŭn is supposed to descend from the sky to the place + where the initiation is held. + + (2) The figure of Daramūlŭn is cut upon the ground, resembling + that which the Murring cut upon the tree at the place where in their + ceremonies the tooth is knocked out. The figure represents a naked + black fellow dancing, his arms being slightly extended and the legs + somewhat bent outwards (sideways) at the knee, as in the well known + “corroboree” attitude. + + (3) The representation of his tomahawk cut on the ground, where + he let it fall on reaching the earth. + + (4) The footsteps of an emu of which Daramūlŭn was in chase. + + (5) The figure of the emu extended on the ground where it fell + when struck down by Daramūlŭn. + +The same author (_f_) remarks as follows: + + Speaking generally, it may be asserted with safety that + initiation ceremonies of some kind or other, and all having a + certain fundamental identity, are practiced by the aboriginal tribes + over the whole of the Australian continent. * * * + + Here, then, the novices for the first time witness the actual + exhibition of those magical powers of the old men of which they have + heard since their earliest years. They have been told how these + men can produce from within themselves certain deadly things which + they are then able to project invisibly into those whom they desire + to injure or to kill; and now the boys see during the impressive + magical dances these very things, as they express it, “pulled out of + themselves” by the wizards. + +Figs. 721, 722, and 723 are copies of the designs upon Tartar and Mongol +drums, taken from G. N. Potanin (_b_). They are used in religious +ceremonies with the belief that the sounds emanating from the surface +upon which the designs are made, or, to carry the concept a little +further, the sounds coming from the designs themselves, produce special +influences or powers. Some of these designs are notably similar to some +of those found in America and reproduced in the present paper. + +[Illustration: FIG. 721.--Tartar and Mongol drums.] + +The upper left-hand design (_a_) in Fig. 721, on the outside of the +drum, represents the sun and the moon in the form of circles with a +central dot. Below the crossbar were two other such figures with central +dot. Besides, were represented below, on the left side, two shamans, and +under them a wild goat and serpent in the form of wavy lines; on the +right side three shamans and a deer. + +The upper right-hand design (_b_) on the same figure is a group +representing the bringing of a horse to sacrifice. Under a rainbow, dots +represent stars, and two heavenly maidens who the shamans said were the +daughters of Ulgen and who were playing. They come down to the mountains +and rise up to the skies. + +A bow with a knob at each end is made to represent a rainbow in the +lower part of a shaman’s drum. + +The lower left-hand design (_c_) on the same figure on a drum of the +telengit shaman is the external delineation of a head without eyes +and nose. The lower end of the line coming from the head represents a +bifurcation. Under the head is a short horizontal line like an extended +arm. Above a line extending from side to side of the drum are two +circles, and below six circles, all empty. According to the owner of the +drum these circles are representations of drums, and the three human +figures are masters or spirits of localities. + +The lower right-hand design (_d_) in the same figure has in the upper +section five zigzag lines represented similar to those with which +lightning is often represented. According to the shaman these are +serpents. + +[Illustration: FIG. 722.--Tartar and Mongol drums.] + +The upper left-hand design (_a_) in Fig. 722 inside the drum has painted +two trees. On each of them sits the bird karagush, with bill turned to +the left. On the left of the trees are two circles, one dark (the moon), +the other light (the sun). Below a horizontal line are depicted a frog, +a lizard, and a serpent. + +The upper right-hand design (_b_) in the same figure has on the upper +half two circles, the sun and moon; on the left side four horsemen; +under them a bowman, also on horseback. The center is occupied by a +picture of a net and a sieve for winnowing the nuts and seeds of the +cedar tree. On the right side are two trees, baigazuin (literally the +rich birch), over which two birds, the karagush, are floating. Under +a division on the right and on the left side are oval objects with +latticed-figured or scaly skin. These are two whales. In the middle, +between them, are a frog and a deer, and below a serpent. Above, toward +the hoop of the drum, is fastened an owl’s feather. + +The lower left hand design (_c_) in the same figure has represented +in the upper half seven figures reminding one of horses. These are +the horses, bura, going to heaven, i. e., their sacrifice. Above them +are two circles emitting light, the sun and the moon; on the right of +the horses are three trees; under a horizontal line on the left is a +serpent; on the right a fish, the kerbuleik, the whale according to +Verbitski, literally the bay-fish. + +The lower right-hand design (_d_) in the same figure has a drawing on +the outside, a circle divided by horizontal bars into halves. The field +of the upper half is divided into three strata, the first stratum of +which is heaven, the second the rainbow, and in the lower stratum the +stars. On the left side the sun, and the crescent moon on the right +side; the goat, trees, and an undefined figure, which is not given in +the drawing, underneath. The kam, a kind of shaman, called it the bura. +Some said that it meant a cloud; others that it meant heavenly horses. + +[Illustration: FIG. 723.--Tartar and Mongol drums.] + +The left-hand design (_a_) in Fig. 723 shows four vertical and four +horizontal lines. The latter represent the rainbow; the vertical lines +borsui. Circles with dots in the center are represented in three +sections, and in the fourth one circle. + +The right-hand design in the same figure: On the upper sections are +represented a number of human figures. These, according to the shaman’s +own explanation, are heavenly maidens (in the original Turkish, +tengriduing kuiz). Below, under a rainbow, which is represented by three +arched lines, are portrayed two serpents, each having a cross inside. +These are kurmos nuing tyungurey, i. e., the drums are kurmos’s. Kurmos +is the Alti word for spirits, which the shamans summon. + +Bastian (_a_) makes remarks as follows concerning the magic drum of the +Shamans in the Altai, which should be considered in this connection: + + The Shamans admit three worlds (among the Yakuts), the world of + the heavens (hallan jurda), the middle one of the earth (outo-doidu) + and the lower world or hell (jedän tügara), the former the realm + of light, the latter the realm of darkness, while the earth has + for a time been given over by the Creator (Jüt-tas-olbohtah + Jürdän-Ai-Tojan) to the will of the devil or tempter, and the souls + of men at their death, according to the measure of their merit, are + sent into one or the other realm. When, however, the earth world has + come to an end, the souls of the two realms will wage a war against + each other, and victory must remain on the side of the good souls. + + +SECTION 6. + +MORTUARY PRACTICES. + +Champlain (_f_) in his voyage of 1603, says of the Northeastern +Algonquins that their graves were covered with large pieces of wood, and +one post was erected upon them, the upper part of which was painted red. + +The same author, in 1613, writing of the Algonquins of the Ottawa +river, at the Isle des Alumettes, gives more details of the pictures on +their grave posts: + + On it the likeness of the man or woman who is buried there is + roughly engraved. If a man, they put on a buckler, a spear, war + club, and bows and arrows. If he is a chief he will have a plume on + his head and some other designs or ornaments. If a boy, they give + him one bow and a single arrow. If a woman or girl, they put on a + kettle, an earthen pot, a wooden spoon, and a paddle. The wooden + tomb is 6 or 7 feet long and 4 wide, painted yellow and red. + +Some northern tribes--probably Cree--according to the Jesuit Relations +(_a_), gave a notice of death to absent relations or dear friends of the +deceased by hanging the object signifying his name on the path by which +the traveler must return, e. g., if the name of the deceased was Piré +(Partridge) the skin of a partridge was suspended. The main object of +the notice was that the traveler, thereby knowing of the death, should +not on his return to the lodge or village ask after or mention the +deceased. Perhaps this explains the custom of placing pictographs of +personal names and totemic marks on some prominent point or on trails +without any apparent incident. + +The same Relation describes a custom of the same Indians of shaping out +of wood a portraiture of the more distinguished dead and inserting it +over their graves, afterwards painting and greasing it as if it were the +live man. + +In Keating’s Long (_g_) it is told that the Sac Indians are particular +in their demonstrations of grief for departed friends. These consist in +darkening their faces with charcoal, fasting, abstaining from the use of +vermillion and other ornaments in dress, etc. They also make incisions +in their arms, legs, and other parts of the body; these are not made +for the purposes of mortification, or to create a pain which shall by +dividing their attention efface the recollection of their loss, but +entirely from a belief that their grief is internal and that the only +way of dispelling it is to give it a vent through which to escape. + +This is an explanation of the practice which has been verified in the +field work of the Bureau of Ethnology and corresponds with the concept +of finding relief from disease and pain by similar incisions, to let out +the supposed invading entity that causes distress. + +The same authority, p. 332, gives the following account of Dakota burial +scaffolds: + + On these scaffolds, which are from 8 to 10 feet high, corpses + were deposited in a box made from part of a broken canoe. Some hair + was suspended which we at first mistook for a scalp; but our guide + informed us that these were locks of hair torn from their heads by + the relations to testify their grief. In the center, between the + four posts which supported the scaffold, a stake was planted in the + ground; it was about 6 feet high, and bore an imitation of human + figures; five of which had a design of a petticoat, indicating + them to be females; the rest, amounting to seven, were naked, and + were intended for male figures. Of the latter, four were headless, + showing that they had been slain; the three other male figures were + unmutilated but held a staff in their hands which, as our guide + informed us, designated that they were slaves. The post, which is + an usual accompaniment to the scaffold that supports a warrior’s + remains, does not represent the achievements of the deceased, but + those of the warriors that assembled near his remains, danced the + dance of the post, and related their martial exploits. + +Maximilian, Prince of Wied (_d_), tells that as a sign of mourning the +Sioux daub themselves with white clay. + +According to Powers, (_d_) “A Yokaia widow’s style of mourning is +peculiar. In addition to the usual evidence of grief she mingles the +ashes of the dead husband with pitch, making a white tar or ungent with +which she smears a band about two inches wide all around the edge of +her hair (which is previously cut off close to the head), so that at a +little distance she appears to be wearing a white chaplet.” + +Mr. Dorsey reports that mud is used by a mourner in the sacred-bag war +party among the Osages. Several modes of showing mourning by styles +of paint and markings are presented in this paper under the headings +of Color and of Tattooing. Other practices connected with the present +topic, and which may explain some pictographs, are described in the +work of Dr. H. C. Yarrow, acting assistant surgeon, U. S. Army, on The +Mortuary Customs of the North American Indians, in the First Annual +Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. + +[Illustration: FIG. 724.--Votive offering. Alaska.] + +Fig. 724 is copied from a piece of ivory in the museum of the Alaska +Commercial Company, San Francisco, California, and was interpreted by an +Alaskan native in San Francisco in 1882. + +First is a votive offering or “shaman stick,” erected to the memory +of one departed. The “bird” carvings are considered typical of “good +spirits,” and the above was erected by the remorse-stricken individual, +who had killed the person shown. + +The headless body represents the man who was killed. In this respect the +Ojibwa manner of drawing a person “killed” is similar. + +The right hand Indian represents the homicide who erected the +“grave-post” or “sacred stick.” The arm is thrown earthward, resembling +the Blackfeet and Dakota gesture for “kill.” + +That portion of the Kauvuya tribe of Indians in Southern California +known as the Playsanos, or _lowlanders_, formerly inscribed characters +upon the gravestones of their dead, relating to the pursuits or good +qualities of the deceased. Dr. W. J. Hoffman obtained several pieces or +slabs of finely-grained sandstone near Los Angeles, California, during +the summer of 1884, which had been used for this purpose. Upon these +were the drawings, in incised lines, of the fin back whale, with figures +of men pursuing them with harpoons. Around the drawings were close +parallel lines with cross lines similar to those made on ivory by the +southern Innuit of Alaska. + +Figs. 725 to 727 were procured from a native Alaskan by Dr. Hoffman in +1882, and explained to him to be drawings made upon grave posts. + +[Illustration: FIG. 725.--Grave post. Alaska.] + +Fig. 725 commemorates a hunter, as land animals are shown to be his +chief pursuit. The following is the explanation of the characters: + +_a._ The baidarka, or boat, holding two persons; the occupants are +shown, as are also the paddles, which project below the horizontal body +of the vessel. + +_b._ A rack for drying skins and fish. A pole is added above it, from +which are seen floating streamers of calico or cloth. + +_c._ A fox. + +_d._ A land otter. + +_e._ The hunter’s summer habitation. These are temporary dwellings and +usually constructed at a distance from home. This also indicates the +profession of a skin-hunter, as the permanent lodges, indicated as +winter houses, i. e., with round or dome-like roof, are located near the +seashore, and summer houses are only needed when at some distance from +home, where a considerable length of time is spent in hunting. + +[Illustration: FIG. 726.--Grave post. Alaska.] + +The following is the explanation of Fig. 726. It is another design for a +grave post, but is erected in memory of a fisherman: + +_a._ The double-seated baidarka, or skin canoe. + +_b._ The bow used in shooting seal and other marine animals. + +_c._ A seal. + +_d._ A whale. + +The summer lodge is absent in this, as the fisherman did not leave the +seashore in the pursuit of game on land. + +[Illustration: FIG. 727.--Village and burial grounds. Alaska.] + +Fig. 727 is a drawing of a village and neighboring burial-ground, +prepared by an Alaskan native in imitation of originals seen by him +among the natives of the mainland of Alaska, especially the Aigalúqamut. +Carvings are generally on walrus ivory; sometimes on wooden slats. In +the figure, _g_ is a representation of a grave post in position, bearing +an inscription similar in general character to those in the last two +preceding figures. + +The details are explained as follows: + +_a_, _b_, _c_, _d_. Various styles of habitations, denoting a settlement. + +_e._ An elevated structure used for the storage of food. + +_f._ A box with wrappings, containing the corpse of a child. The small +lines, with ball attached, are ornamental appendages consisting of +strips of cloth or skin, with charms, or, sometimes, tassels. + +_g._ Grave post, bearing rude illustrations of the weapons or implements +used by the deceased during his life. + +_h._ A grave scaffold, containing adult. Besides the ornamental +appendages, as in _f_ preceding, there is a “Shaman stick” erected over +the box containing the corpse as a mark of good wishes of a sorrowing +survivor. See object _a_, in Fig. 724. + +Schoolcraft (_m_) gives a good account, with illustration, of the burial +posts used by the Sioux and Chippewas. It has been quoted so frequently +that it is not reproduced here. The most notable feature connected with +the posts is that the totems depicted on them are reversed, to signify +the death of the persons buried. + +[Illustration: FIG. 728.--Menomoni grave post.] + +Fig. 728 represents the grave post of a Menomoni Indian of the bear +totem. The stick is a piece of pine board 2-1/2 inches wide at the top, +gradually narrowing down to a point; three-fourths of an inch thick, and +about 2 feet long. On one side are two sets of characters, the oldest +being incised with a sharp-pointed nail, while over these are a later +set of drawings made with red ocher, represented in the illustration by +shading. The figure of the bear, drawn with head to the ground, denotes +the totem of which the deceased was a member, the remaining incised +figures relating to some exploits the signification of which was not +known. The red marks were put upon the stick at the time of the holding +of a memorial service, when the father of the deceased furnished a +feast to the medicine priests just previous to his being received into +the society of shamans to fill the vacancy caused by the death. The +number of red crosses denote the number of speeches made at the grave +upon that occasion, while the band at the top refers to the person +acting as master of ceremonies, who had been requested to make all the +arrangements for the medicine ceremonies and initiation. So said some +Menomoni in the neighborhood, but later the Indian who actually painted +the red crosses came to Washington and explained that they signified the +number of war parties in which the deceased had taken part. + +[Illustration: FIG. 729.--Incised lines on Menomoni grave post.] + +Fig. 729 shows the incised lines on the front of the post before color +was applied. The manner of placing the grave posts at the head of the +grave box is shown in Fig. 730, the left-hand grave being that of +Oshkosh, the late head chief of the Menomoni in Wisconsin, after whom +the city of Oshkosh was named. + +[Illustration: FIG. 730.--Grave boxes and posts.] + +Before the grave is a small board, upon which tobacco is placed to +gratify the taste of the dead, and during the season of sugar making +pieces of that delicacy are pushed through the small openings in the +head board, that the spirit of the deceased may be gratified and give +success to the donors at future seasons. + +The right-hand grave box is that of another member of the family of +Oshkosh, at which the board, with tobacco, is also placed, as well +as the grave post. This, however, does not bear any indications of +characters, which probably had been washed off by the rain. + +Pieces of bark, stones, and sticks are also placed upon the grave boxes, +but the signification of this practice could not be ascertained. + +The next two figures come from the Dakotas. + +[Illustration: FIG. 731.--Commemoration of dead. Dakota.] + +Fig. 731.--Held a commemoration of the dead. Cloud-Shield’s Winter +Count, 1826-’27. The ceremonial pipe-stem and the skull indicate the +mortuary practice, which is further explained by the next figure. + +[Illustration: FIG. 732.--Ossuary ceremonial. Dakota.] + +Fig. 732.--A white man made medicine over the skull of Crazy-Horse’s +brother. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1852-’53. He holds a pipe-stem in +his hand. This figure refers to the custom of gathering periodically the +bones of the dead that have been placed on scaffolds and burying them. +It appears that a white man made himself conspicuous by conducting the +ceremonies on the occasion noted. + +Lewis and Clarke (_c_) mention the Chilluckittequaws, a division of the +Chinooks of the Columbia river, as having for burial purposes vaults +made of pine or cedar boards, closely connected, about 8 feet square and +6 in height. The walls as well as the door were decorated with strange +figures cut and painted on them; besides these there were several wooden +images of men, some of them so old and decayed as to have almost lost +their shape, which were all placed against the sides of the vaults. +These images do not appear to be at all the objects of adoration, but +were probably intended as resemblances of those whose decease they +indicate. + +[Illustration: FIG. 733.--Kalosh graves.] + +Whymper (_a_) reports that the Kalosh Indians of Alaska construct grave +boxes or tombs which contain only the ashes of the dead. These people +invariably burn the deceased. On one of the boxes he saw a number of +faces painted, long tresses of human hair depending therefrom. Each head +represented a victim of the deceased man’s ferocity. Thus the pictures +are not likenesses or totemic marks of the cremated Kalosh, but of +enemies whom he had killed, being in the nature of trophies or proofs of +valor. Fig. 733 is a reproduction of the illustration. + +Dall (_c_) says of the Yukon Indians: + + Some wore hoops of birch wood around the neck and wrists, with + various patterns and figures cut on them. These were said to be + emblems of mourning for the dead. + +Dr. Franz Boas (_f_) gives the following account of the funeral customs +practiced by the Snanaimuq, a Salish tribe: + + The face of the deceased is painted with red and black paint. + * * * A chief’s body is put in a carved box and the front posts + supporting his coffin are carved. His mask is placed between + these posts. The graves of great warriors are marked by a statue + representing a warrior with a war club. * * * After the death of + husband or wife, the survivor must paint his legs and his blanket + red. * * * At the end of the mourning period the red blanket is + given to an old man, who deposits it in the woods. + +Didron (_a_) speaks of emblems on tombstones: + + Even today, at Constantinople, in the cemetery of the Armenians, + every tombstone is marked with the insignia of the profession + followed by the defunct which the stone covers. For an Armenian + tailor there is a pair of shears, thread, and needles; for a mason, + hammer and trowel; for a shoemaker, a last, leather, and a leather + cutter; for a grocer, a pair of scales; for a banker, pieces of + money. It is the same with others. Among us [Frenchmen], in the + middle ages, a compass, a rule, and square are engraved on the tomb + of Hugues Libergier. In the cemetery of L’Est, at Paris, a palette + indicates the grave of a painter, a chisel and hammer mark that of + a sculptor. Animals are represented as talking and acting, masks + grimace and smile, to announce in the same inclosure the tombs of La + Fontaine and of Molière. Among the Romans it was the same: a fisher + had a boat on his tomb; a shepard, a sheep; a digger, a pickaxe; + a navigator, an anchor or a trident; a vine-dresser, a cask; an + architect, a capital or the instruments of his art. + +Hewitt (_g_) says of the Dieri, a tribe of Central Australia: + + A messenger who is sent to convey the intelligence of a death + is smeared all over with white clay. On his approach to the camp + the women all commence screaming and crying most passionately. + After a time the particulars of the death are made known to the + camp. The near relations and friends then only weep. Old men even + cry bitterly, and their friends comfort them as if they were + children. On the following day the near relations dress in mourning + by smearing themselves over with white clay. Widows and widowers + are prohibited by custom from uttering a word until the clay has + worn off, however long it may remain on them. They do not, however, + rub it off, as doing so would be considered a bad omen. It must + absolutely wear off of itself. During this period they communicate + by means of gesture language. + +Dr. Ferdinand von Hochstetter (_a_) says: + + The carved Maori figures which are met with on the road are the + memorials of chiefs who, while journeying to the restorative baths + of Rotorua, succumbed to their ills on the road. Some of the figures + are decked out with pieces of clothing or kerchiefs; and the most + remarkable feature in them is the close imitation of the tattooing + of the deceased, by which the Maoris are able to recognize for whom + the monument has been erected. Certain lines are peculiar to the + tribe, others to the family, and again others to the individual. A + close imitation of the tattooing of the face, therefore, is to the + Maori the same as to us a photographic likeness; it does not require + any description of name. + +[Illustration: FIG. 734.--New Zealand grave effigy.] + +A representation of one of these carved posts is given in Fig. 734. + +[Illustration: FIG. 735.--New Zealand grave-post.] + +Another carved post of like character is represented in Fig. 735, +concerning which the same author says, p. 338: “Beside my tent, +at Tahuahu, on the right bank of the Mangapu, there stood an odd, +half-decomposed figure carved of wood; it was designated to me by the +natives as a Tiki, marking the tomb of a chief.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 736.--Nicobarese mortuary tablet.] + +Ball, on Nicobarese Ideographs, in Jour. Anthrop. Inst. of Gr. Br. & I. +(_d_), says, describing Fig. 736, which appears to be connected with +mortuary observances: + + The example of Nicobarese picture writing in Fig. 736 was + obtained in the year 1873 on the island of Kondul, where I found it + hanging in the house of a man who was said to have died a short time + previously. * * * + + The material of which it is made is either the glume of a bamboo + or the spathe of a palm which has been flattened out and framed with + split bamboos. + + It is about 3 feet long by 18 inches broad. The objects are + painted with vermilion, their outlines being surrounded with + punctures, which allow the light to pass through. * * * + + As in all such Nicobarese paintings, figures of the sun, moon, + and stars occupy prominent positions. Now, the sun and moon are + stated, by those who have known the Nicobarese best, to be especial + objects of adoration, and therefore these paintings may have some + religious significance. + + At first it occurred to me that this was merely an inventory + of the property of the deceased, but as some of the objects are + certainly not such as we should expect to find in an enumeration + of property, e. g., the lizard, while the figures of men appear to + portray particular emotions, it seems probable that the objects + represented have a more or less conventional meaning, and that we + have here a document of as bona fide and translatable a character as + an Egyptian hieroglyphic inscription. + + My own efforts to discover an interpretation from the natives on + the spot were not crowned with success. * * * + + Mr. De Röepstorff, extra assistant superintendent of the + Andamans and Nicobars, to whom I applied for such information as he + might be able to collect upon the subject, assured me by letter, in + 1873, that the screens had a religious significance and were used to + exorcise spirits, but he did not seem to regard them as capable of + being interpreted. * * * + + The following is a list of the objects depicted, besides + animals; many of the common utensils in use in a Nicobarese + household are included: + + (1) The sun and stars; (2) the moon and stars; (3) swallows or + (?) flying fish; (4) impression of the forepart of a human foot; (5) + a lizard (Hydrosaurus?); (6) four men in various attitudes; (7) two + dás for cutting jungle; (8) two earthen cooking vessels; (9) two + birds; (10) an ax; (11) two spears; (12) a ladder (?); (13) dish for + food; (14) cocoanut water-vessels; (15) palm tree; (16) a canoe; + (17) three pigs; (18) shed; (19) domestic fowl; (20) seaman’s chest; + (21) dog; (22) fish of different kinds; (23) turtle. + + + + +CHAPTER XV. + +CUSTOMS. + + +The notes given under this heading are divided into (1) cult societies; +(2) daily life and habits; (3) games. + + +SECTION 1. + +CULT SOCIETIES. + +Voluntary associations, to be distinguished from those of an exclusively +religious character, have flourished among most Indian tribes and are +still found among those least affected by contact with civilization. +Maj. Powell, the Director of the Bureau of Ethnology, has named them +cult societies. Their members are designated by special paintings and +marks entirely distinct from those relating to their clans or gentes and +their personal names. Travelers have frequently been confused by the +diversity of such designations. + +The translated names of some of these societies found among the Sioux +are “Brave Night Hearts,” “Owl Feathers,” and “Wolves and Foxes.” They +control tribes in internal affairs and strongly influence their policy +in external relations, and may be regarded as the substitute both for +regular soldiery and for police. It is necessary that a young man +proposing to be a warrior should be initiated into some one of these +societies. But in distinguishing them from the purely shamanistic orders +it must not be understood that their ceremonies and ties are independent +of the cult of religion, or that they disregard it, for this among +Indians would be impossible. + +The following account of these societies among the Blackfeet or Satsika +and their pictorial or objective devices is condensed from Maximilian of +Wied’s Travels (_e_): + + The bands, unions, or associations are found among the Blackfeet + as well as all the other American tribes. They have a certain name, + fixed rules and laws, as well as their peculiar songs and dances, + and serve in part to preserve order in the camp, on the march, in + the hunting parties, etc. Seven such bands or unions among the + Blackfeet were mentioned to me. They are the following: (1) The + band of the mosquitos. This union has no police business to do, but + consists of young people, many of whom are only 8 or 10 years of + age. There are also some young men among them and sometimes even a + couple of old men, in order to see to the observance of the laws and + regulations. This union performs wild, youthful pranks; they run + about the camp whenever they please; pinch, nip, and scratch men, + women, and children in order to give annoyance like the mosquitos. + The young people begin with this union and then gradually rise + higher through the others. As the badge of their band they wear an + eagle’s claw fastened around the wrist with a leather strap. They + have also a particular mode of painting themselves, like every other + band, and their peculiar songs and dance. (2) The dogs. Its badge is + not known to me; it consists of young married men, and the number + is not limited. (3) The prairie dogs. This is a police union, which + receives married men; its badge is a long hooked stick wound round + with otter skin, with knots of white skin at intervals, and a couple + of eagle’s feathers hanging from each of them. (4) Those who carry + the raven. Its badge is a long staff covered with red cloth, to + which black ravens’ feathers in a long thick row are fastened from + one end to the other. They contribute to the preservation of order + and the police. (5) The buffalo, with thin horns. When they dance + they wear horns on their caps. If disorders take place they must + help the soldiers, who mark out the camp and then take the first + place. (6) The soldiers. They are the most distinguished warriors, + who exercise the police, especially in the camp and on the march; + in public deliberations they have the casting vote whether, for + instance, they shall hunt, change their abode, make war or conclude + peace, etc. They carry as their badge a wooden club the breadth of a + hand, with hoofs of the buffalo cow hanging to the handle. They are + sometimes 40 or 50 men in number. (7) The buffalo bulls. They form + the first, that is, the most distinguished, of all the unions, and + are the highest in rank. They carry in their hand a medicine badge, + hung with buffalo hoofs, which they rattle when they dance to their + peculiar song. They are too old to attend to the police, having + passed through all the unions, and are considered as having retired + from office. In their medicine dance they wear on their head a cap + made of the long forelock and mane of the buffalo bull, which hangs + down to a considerable length. + +[Illustration: FIG. 737.--The policeman.] + +Fig. 737.--“The policeman” was killed by the enemy. Cloud-Shield’s +Winter Count, 1780-’81. + +The man here figured was probably one of the active members of the +associations whose functions are above described to keep order and carry +out the commands of the chiefs. + +These voluntary associations are not of necessity ancient or +permanent. An instance is given in Fig. 738 which is instructive in +the interpretation of pictographs. It is a copy of drawings on a pipe +stem which had been made and used by Ottawa Indians. On each side are +four spaces, upon each of which are various incised characters, three +spaces on one side being reserved for the delineation of human figures, +each having diverging lines from the head upward, denoting their social +status as chiefs or warriors and medicine men. + +[Illustration: FIG. 738.--Ottawa pipe stem.] + +Upon the space nearest the mouth is the drawing of a fire, the flames +passing upward from the horizontal surface beneath them. The cross bands +are raised portions of the wood (ash) of which the pipestem is made; +these show peculiarly shaped openings which pass entirely through the +stem, though not interfering with the tube necessary for the passage of +the smoke. This indicates considerable mechanical skill. + +Upon each side of the stem are spaces corresponding in length and +position to those upon the opposite side. In the lower space of the +stem is a drawing of a bear, indicating that the two persons in the +corresponding space on the opposite side belong to the bear gens. The +next upper figure is that of a beaver, showing the three human figures +to belong to the beaver gens, while the next to this, the eagle, means +that the opposite persons are members of the eagle gens. The upper +figure is that of a lodge which contains a council fire, shown on the +opposite side. + +The signification of the whole is that two members of the bear gens, +three members of the beaver gens, and three members of the eagle gens +have united and constitute a society living in one lodge, around one +fire, and smoke through the same pipe. + +Reference may also be made to remarks by Prof. Dall (_d_) upon the use +of masks by associations or special classes. + + +SECTION 2. + +DAILY LIFE AND HABITS. + +[Illustration: FIG. 739.--Shooting fish. Micmac.] + +Fig. 739, printed from the Kejimkoojik rocks, in Nova Scotia, represents +two Indians in a canoe following a fish to shoot it. This is not a pure +example of the class of totemic designs. Both Indians in the canoe +have paddles in which the device resembles the Micmac tribal device, +but in that the hunters pursue a deer and not a fish and the canoe is +“humpback.” The Passamaquoddy tribal pictographic sign in which a fish +is followed, requires both Indians to have paddles, and, it may be +understood that the two Indians in the canoe are Passamaquoddy, but in +the figure one of them has laid aside his paddle and is shooting at the +fish with a gun, which departs from the totemic device, and also shows +that the drawing was made since the Indians of the region had obtained +firearms from Europeans, but these were obtained three centuries ago, +quite long enough for hunting scenes on some of the petroglyphs to +exhibit the use of a gun instead of a bow. + +This kind of fish hunting by gunshot is one of daily occurrence in the +region during the proper season. + +[Illustration: FIG. 740.--Shooting fish. Micmac.] + +Fig. 740, from the same locality, is more ideographic. The line of the +gun barrel is exaggerated and prolonged so as nearly to touch the fish, +and signifies that the shot was a sure hit. The hunters are very roughly +delineated. Possibly this hunting was at night with fire on a brazier +and screens, a common practice which seems to be indicated. + +[Illustration: FIG. 741.--Lancing fish. Micmac.] + +Fig. 741, also from Kejimkoojik, is more ancient, but less distinct. The +fish is larger, and the weapon may be a lance, not a gun. + +[Illustration: FIG. 742.--Whale hunting. Innuit.] + +Fig. 742, copied from a walrus ivory drill-bow, from Cape Darley, +Alaska (Nat. Mus. No. 44211), illustrates the mode of whale-hunting by +the Innuit. The crosses over the whale and beneath the harpoon line +represent aquatic birds; the three, oval objects attached to the line +are floaters to support the line and to indicate its course after the +downward plunge of the harpooned cetacean. + +[Illustration: FIG. 743.--Hunting in canoe. Ojibwa.] + +A similar hunting scene by canoe, in which, however, the game was deer, +is given in Fig. 743. The drawing is on birch bark, and was made by +an old Indian named Ojibwa, now living at White Earth, Minnesota, an +intimate friend and associate of the late chief Hole-in-the-Day. Ojibwa +is supposed to be actor as well as depictor. He shows his lodges in +_a_, where he resided many years ago; _b_ is a lake; _c_, _c_, _c_, _c_ +represent four deer, one of which is shown only by the horns protruding +above a clump of brush near the lake; _e_ represents Ojibwa in his +canoe, _d_, floating on the river, _h_, _h_; _g_ is a pine torch, giving +light and smoke, erected on the bow of the canoe, the light being thrown +forward from a curve slice of birch bark at _f_, its bright inner +surface acting as a reflector. The whole means that during one hunt, by +night, the narrator shot four deer at the places indicated. + +[Illustration: FIG. 744.--Record of hunting. Ojibwa.] + +The accompanying Fig. 744 is reproduced from a drawing also incised on +birch bark by Ojibwa, and relates to a hunting expedition made by his +father and two companions, all of whom are represented by three human +forms near the left-hand upper line. The circle at the left is Red Cedar +lake, Minnesota; a river is shown flowing northward, and another toward +the east, having several indications of lakes which this river passes +through or drains. The circle within the lake denotes an island upon +which the party camped, as is shown by the trail leading from the human +forms to the island. Around the lake are a number of short lines which +signify trees, indicating a wooded shore. The first animal form to the +right of the human figures is a porcupine; the next a bittern. The two +shelters in the right-hand upper corner indicate another camp made by +the hunters, to which one of them dragged a deer, as shown by the man in +that act, just to the left of the shelter. + +Another camp of the same party of three is shown in the lower left-hand +corner; the bow and arrow directed to the right indicates that there +they shot a raccoon, a fisher, a duck (a man lying down decoyed this +bird by calling), a mink, and an otter. The line above the lower row +consists of the following animals, reading from the left to right, viz, +bear, owl, wolf, elk, and deer. + +[Illustration: FIG. 745.--Fruit gatherers. Hidatsa.] + +Fig. 745 is a copy of a sketch made by Lean-Wolf, second chief of the +Hidatsa, and shows the manner in which the women carry baskets used in +gathering wild plums, bull-berries, and other small fruits. The baskets +are usually made of thin splints of wood, and very similar in manner of +construction to the well known bushel-basket of our eastern farmers. + +[Illustration: FIG. 746.--Hunting antelope. Hidatsa.] + +Fig. 746 was also made by Lean-Wolf, and illustrates the old manner of +hunting antelope and deer. The hunter would disguise himself by covering +his head with the head and skin of an antelope, and so be enabled to +approach the game near enough to use his bow and arrow. + +[Illustration: FIG. 747.--Hunting buffalo. Hidatsa.] + +In a similar manner the Hidatsa would mask themselves with a wolf skin +to enable them to approach buffalo. This is illustrated in Fig. 747, +which is a reproduction of a drawing made by the above-mentioned chief. + +The next group of figures illustrates the custom of gaining and +afterwards counting coups or hits, the French expression, sometimes +spelled by travelers “coo,” being generally adopted. This is an honor +gained by hitting an enemy, whether dead or alive, with an ornamented +lance, or sometimes a stick, carried for the purpose as part of a +warrior’s equipment. These sticks or wands are about 12 feet long, +often of willow, stripped of leaves and bark, and each having some +distinguishing objects, such as feathers, bells, brightly-colored cloth, +or else painted in a special manner. Further remarks on this custom +appear in Chapter XIII, Section 4. + +[Illustration: FIG. 748.--Counting coups. Dakota.] + +_a_, in Fig. 748, Kills-the-Enemy, from Red-Cloud’s Census, exhibits +the coup stick in contact with the dead enemy’s head. _b_ is taken from +Bloody-Knife’s robe and shows an Indian about to strike his prostrate +enemy. + +[Illustration: FIG. 749.--Counting coups. Dakota.] + +Fig. 749.--Killed-First. Red Cloud’s Census. This is the case where a +warrior struck the enemy with his coup stick first in order, which is +the most honorable achievement, greater than the actual killing. The +word translated kill or killed does not always imply immediate death, +but the infliction of a fatal wound. + +The apparent reason why the striking of the body of a dead or disabled +enemy, whether or not killed or disabled by the striker, is more +honorable than the actual infliction of the wound, is because the +attempt to strike is vigorously resisted by the enemy, the survivors of +which assemble to prevent the successful achievement; mere killing might +be at a distance in comparative safety. + +[Illustration: FIG. 750.--Counting coups. Dakota.] + +Fig. 750.--Enemies-hit-him. Red-Cloud’s Census. In this case the Dakota +has been hit by the enemy’s lance or coup stick. + +This group refers to the custom, east of the Rocky mountains, of +exhibiting scalps. + +[Illustration: FIG. 751.--Scalp displayed. Dakota.] + +Fig. 751.--A war party of Oglalas killed one Pawnee; his scalp is on the +pole. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1855-’56. This and the next figure +show the custom of a successful war party on returning to the home +village to display the scalps taken. This display is the occasion of +special ceremonies. The marks on the foot signify that on their way home +the men of the war party froze their feet. + +[Illustration: FIG. 752.--Scalp displayed. Dakota.] + +Fig. 752.--Owns-the-Pole, the leader of an Oglala war party, brought +home many Cheyenne scalps. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1798-’99. The +cross stands for Cheyenne, as explained above. + +[Illustration: FIG. 753.--Scalped head. Dakota.] + +Fig. 753.--Black-Rock, a Dakota, was killed by the Crows. +American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1806-’07. A rock or, more correctly +translated, a large stone is represented above his head. He was killed +with an arrow and was scalped. The figure is introduced here to show +the designation of a scalped head, which is colored red--that is, +bloody--when coloration is possible. It frequently appears in the Winter +Counts of the Dakotas. + +[Illustration: FIG. 754.--Scalp taken.] + +Fig. 754 was drawn by a Dakota Indian at Mendota, Minnesota, and +represents a man holding a scalp in one hand, while in the other is the +gun, the weapon used in killing the enemy. The short vertical lines +below the periphery of the scalp indicate hair. The line crossing the +leg of the Indian is only a suggestion of the ground upon which he is +supposed to stand. + +The following group pictographically expresses the hunting of antelopes. + +[Illustration: FIG. 755.--Antelope hunting. Dakota.] + +Fig. 755.--They drove many antelope into a corral and then killed them. +Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1828-’29. This and the following two +figures show the old mode of procuring antelope and other animals by +driving them into an inclosure. + +[Illustration: FIG. 756.--Antelope hunting. Dakota.] + +Fig. 756.--They provided themselves with a large supply of antelope meat +by driving antelope into a corral, in which they were easily killed. +American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1828-’29. + +[Illustration: FIG. 757.--Antelope hunting. Dakota.] + +Fig. 757.--They capture a great many antelope by driving them into a +pen. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1860-’61. + +[Illustration: FIG. 758.--Wife’s punishment.] + +Fig. 758.--A woman who had been given to a white man by the Dakotas +was killed because she ran away from him. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, +1799-1800. The gift of the woman was in fact a sale, and, in addition +to the crime of marital infidelity, the tribe was implicated in a +breach of contract. The union line below the figures, mentioned before, +means husband and wife. This picture illustrates, as far as may be +done pictorially, a Dakotan custom as regards marriage and the penalty +connected with it. + +The following figures relate to several different forms: + +[Illustration: FIG. 759.--Decorated horse.] + +Fig. 759.--They brought in a fine horse with feathers tied to his +tail. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1810-’11. White-Cow-Killer calls +it “Came-with-medicine-on-horse’s-tail winter.” This illustrates the +ornamentation of specially valuable or favorite horses, which, however, +is not mere ornamentation, but often connected with sentiments or +symbols of a religious character, and as often with the totemic, which +from another point of view may also be regarded as religious. + +[Illustration: FIG. 760.--Suicide. Dakota.] + +Fig. 760.--A young man who was afflicted with smallpox and was in his +tipi by himself sang his death song and shot himself. American-Horse’s +Winter Count, 1784-’85. Suicide is more common among Indians than is +generally suspected, and even boys sometimes take their own lives. A +Dakota boy at one of the agencies shot himself rather than face his +companions after his mother had whipped him; and a Paiute boy at Camp +McDermit, Nevada, tried to poison himself with the wild parsnip because +he was not well and strong like other boys. The Paiutes usually eat the +wild parsnip when bent on suicide. + +[Illustration: FIG. 761.--Eagle hunting. Arikara.] + +Fig. 761.--A Ree Indian hunting eagles from a hole in the ground was +killed by the Two-Kettle Dakotas. The Swan’s Winter Count, 1806-’07. The +drawing represents an Indian in the act of catching an eagle by the legs +in the manner that the Arikaras were accustomed to catch eagles in their +earth-traps. They rarely or never shot war eagles. The Dakotas probably +shot the Arikara in his trap just as he put his hand up to grasp the +bird. + +In this connection Fig. 762 is properly inserted. It is a sketch made +by an Ojibwa hunter to illustrate the manner of catching eagles, the +feathers of which are highly prized by nearly all Indians for personal +decoration and for war bonnets. + +[Illustration: FIG. 762.--Eagle hunting. Ojibwa.] + +The upper character represents an eagle; the curved line at the right +denotes the covering of branches and leaves of a temporary structure +placed over a hole in the ground in which the Indian is secreted. He is +depicted beneath covering, while a line, extending toward the eagle, +terminates in a small oblong object, which is intended to represent the +bait placed upon the covering to attract the eagle. The bait may consist +of a young deer, a hare, or some other live animal of sufficient size to +attract the eagle. When the latter swoops down and seizes the prey he is +caught by the leg and held until assistants arrive, after which he is +carried back to camp and plucked and is then liberated. + +[Illustration: FIG. 763.--Gathering pomme-blanche.] + +Fig. 763.--A Ree woman is killed by a Dakota while gathering +pomme-blanche. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1797-’98. Pomme-blanche, or +navet de prairie, is a white root, somewhat similar in appearance to +a white turnip, botanically Psoralea esculenta (Nuttal) sometimes P. +argophylla. It is a favorite food of the Indians, eaten boiled down to a +sort of mush or hominy. A forked stick is used in gathering these roots. + +[Illustration: FIG. 764.--Moving tipi.] + +Fig. 764.--Lodge-Roll. Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 101. This figure shows +the mode of rolling up the skins forming the tipi for transportation. It +is attached to four lodge poles, the ends of which trail on the ground +and constitute the “travail” which was dragged by dogs. Horses are now +used for this purpose, and canvas takes the place of skins. + +[Illustration: FIG. 765.--Claiming sanctuary.] + +Fig. 765.--An enemy came into Lone-Horn’s lodge during the medicine +feast and was not killed. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1852-’53. The pipe is +not in the man’s hand, and the head only is drawn with the pipe between +it and the tipi. + +An interesting custom of the Indians connected with the rite of +sanctuary is that called by English writers “running the gauntlet.” +When captives had successfully run through a line of tormentors to a +post near the council-house they were for the time free from further +molestation. In the northeastern tribes this was in the nature of an +ordeal to test whether or not the captive was vigorous and brave enough +to be adopted into the tribe, but among other tribes it appears in a +different shape. Any enemy, whether a captive or not, could secure +immunity from present danger if he could reach a central post, or if +there were no post, the lodge or tipi of the chief. A similar custom +existed among the Arikaras, who kept a special pipe in a “bird-box.” If +a criminal or enemy succeeded in smoking the pipe contained in the box +he could not be hurt. This corresponds with the safety found in laying +hold of the horns of the Israelite altar. + +The position of the pipe is significant. Its mouthpiece points to the +entrance of the tipi. The visitor does not bring or offer peace, but +hopes that the tribe visited may grant it to him. + +The four figures next following refer to ceremonies by which a war party +was organized among some of the tribes of the Plains. A brief account of +the ceremonies specially relating to the pipe is as follows: + +When a warrior desires to make up a war party he visits his friends and +offers them a filled pipe as an invitation to follow him, and those +who are willing to go accept the invitation by lighting and smoking +it. Among the Dakotas this was succeeded by a muster feast and war +dance. Any man whose courage has been proved may become the leader of +a war party. The word leader has been generally translated “partisan,” +an expression originally adopted by the French voyageurs. Among the +Arapahos the would-be leader does not invite anyone to accompany him, +but publicly announces his intention of going to war. He fixes the day +for his departure, and states where he will camp the first night, naming +some place not far off. The morning on which he starts, and before +leaving the village, he invokes the aid of his guardian totem. He rides +off alone, carrying his bare pipe in his hand with the bowl carefully +tied to the stem to prevent it from slipping off. If the bowl should at +any time accidentally fall to the ground he considers it an evil omen +and immediately returns to the village, and nothing could induce him +to proceed, as he thinks that only misfortune would attend him if he +did. Sometimes he ties eagle or hawk plumes to the stem of his pipe, +and after quitting the village, repairs to the top of some hill and +makes an offering of them to the sun, taking them from his pipe and +tying them to a pole which he erects in a pile of stones. Those who +intend to follow him usually join him at the first camp, equipped for +the expedition; but often there are some who do not join him until he +has gone further on. He eats nothing before leaving the village, nor as +long as the sun is up; but breaks his fast at his first camp after the +sun sets. The next morning he begins another fast, to be continued until +sunset. He counts his party, saddles his horse, names some place 6 or 7 +miles ahead, where he says he will halt for awhile, and again rides off +alone with his pipe in his hand. After awhile the party follow him in +single file. When they have reached his halting place he tells them to +dismount and let their horses graze. They all then seat themselves on +the ground on the left of the leader, forming a semicircle facing the +sun. The leader fills his pipe, all bow their heads, and, pointing the +stem of the pipe upward, he prays toward the sun, asking that they may +find an abundance of game, that dead shots may be made, so that their +ammunition will not be wasted, but reserved for their enemies; that they +may easily find their enemies and kill them; that they may be preserved +from wounds and death. He makes his petition four times, then lights his +pipe, and after sending a few whiffs of smoke skyward as incense to the +sun, hands the pipe to his neighbor who smokes and passes it on to the +next. It is passed from one to another toward the left, until all have +smoked, the leader refilling it as often as necessary. They then proceed +to their next camp, where probably others join them. The same programme +is carried out for three or four days before the party is prepared for +action. + +[Illustration: FIG. 766.--Raising war party. Dakota.] + +Fig. 766.--Big Crow and Conquering-Bear had a great feast and gave many +presents. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1846-’47. The two chieftains +are easily recognized by the name characteristic over their heads. They +have between them the war eagle pipe--specifically, but erroneously, +called calumet by some writers. + +[Illustration: FIG. 767.--Raising war party. Dakota.] + +Fig. 767.--Feather-in-the-Ear made a feast to which he invited all the +young Dakota braves, wanting them to go with him. The-Swan’s Winter +Count, 1842-’43. A memorandum is added that he failed to persuade them. + +[Illustration: FIG. 768.--Raising war party. Dakota.] + +Fig. 768.--The Cheyennes carry the pipe around to invite all the tribes +to unite with them in a war against the Pawnees. American-Horse’s Winter +Count, 1852-’53. + +[Illustration: FIG. 769.--Raising war party. Dakota.] + +Fig. 769.--Danced calumet dance before going to war. The-Swan’s Winter +Count, 1804-’05. The specially ornamented pipe becomes the conventional +symbol for the ceremonial organization of a war party. + +[Illustration: FIG. 770.--Walrus hunting. Alaska.] + +Fig. 770 represents an Alaskan in the water killing a walrus. The +illustration was obtained from a slab of walrus ivory in the museum of +the Alaska Commercial Company of San Francisco. + +[Illustration: FIG. 771.--Records carved on ivory. Alaska.] + +The carving, Fig. 771, made of a piece of walrus tusk, was copied +from the original in the same museum during the summer of 1882. +Interpretations were verified by Naumoff, a Kadiak half-breed. + +_a_ is a native whose left hand is resting against the house, while the +right hangs toward the ground. The character to his right represents a +“Shaman stick” surmounted by the emblem of a bird, a “good spirit,” in +memory of some departed friend. It was suggested that the grave stick +had been erected to the memory of his wife. + +_b_ represents a reindeer, but the special import in this drawing is +unknown. + +_c_ signifies that one man, the designer, shot and killed another with +an arrow. + +_d_ denotes that the narrator has made trading expeditions with a dog +sledge. + +_e_ is a sailboat, although the elevated paddle signifies that that was +the manner in which the voyage was best made. + +_f_, a dog sled, with the animal hitched up for a journey. The radiating +lines in the upper left hand corner, over the head of the man, are the +rays of the sun. + +_g_, a sacred lodge. The four figures at the outer corners of the square +represent the young men placed on guard, armed with bows and arrows, to +keep away those not members of the band, who are depicted as holding +a dance. The small square in the center of the lodge represents the +fireplace. The angular lines extending from the right side of the lodge +to the vertical partition line show in outline the subterranean entrance +to the lodge. + +_h_, a pine tree upon which a porcupine is crawling upward. + +_i_, a pine tree, from which a bird (woodpecker) is extracting larvæ for +food. + +_j_, a bear. + +_k_, the designer in his boat holding aloft his double-bladed paddle to +drive fish into a net. + +_l_, an assistant fisherman driving fish into the net. + +_m_, the net. + +The figure over the man (_l_) represents a whale, with harpoon and line +attached, caught by the narrator. + +Many customs, such, for instance, as the peculiar arrangement of hair in +any tribe, are embodied in their pictorial designation by other tribes +and often by themselves. Numerous examples are presented in this paper. + +In Lord Kingsborough, Vol. VI, p. 45 et seq., is the text relating to +the collection of Mendoza, in Vol. I, Pls. LVIII, to LXII, inclusive, +here presented as Pls. XXXIV to XXXVIII. The textual language is +preserved with some condensation. + +Pl. XXXIV exhibits the customs of the Mexicans at the birth of a male +or female infant; the right and ceremony of naming the children and +of afterwards dedicating and offering them at their temples or to the +military profession. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXIV + +MEXICAN TREATMENT OF NEW-BORN CHILDREN.] + + As soon as the mother was delivered of the infant they put it + into a cradle and when it was 4 days old the midwife took the infant + in her arms, naked, and carried it into the court of the mother’s + house, in which court was strewed reeds, or rushes, which they + call tule, upon which was placed a small vessel of water in which + the midwife bathed the infant; and after she had bathed it 3 boys + being seated near the said rushes, eating roasted maize mixed with + boiled beans, which kind of food they named yxcue, which provision + or paste they set before the said boys in order that they might eat + it. After the bathing, or washing, the midwife desired the boys to + pronounce the name aloud, bestowing a new name on the infant which + had been thus bathed; and the name that they gave it was that which + the midwife wished. They first carried out the infant to bathe it. + If it was a boy they carried him, holding his symbol in his hand, + which symbol was the instrument which the father of the infant + employed either in the military profession or in his trade, whether + it was that of a goldsmith, jeweller, or any other; and the said + ceremony having been gone through, the midwife delivered the infant + to his mother. But if the infant was a girl the symbol with which + they carried her to be bathed was a spinning wheel and distaff, with + a small basket and a handful of brooms which were the things which + would afford her occupation when she arrived at a proper age. + + They offered the umbilical cord of the male infant together with + the shield and arrows, the symbols with which they carried him to be + bathed, in that spot and place where war was likely to happen with + their enemies, where they buried them in the earth; and they did + the same with that of the female infant, which they in the same way + buried beneath the metate or stone on which they ground meal. + + After these ceremonies, when twenty days had expired, the + parents of the infant went with it to the temple, or mesquita, + which they called calmecac, and in the presence of their alfaquis + presented the infant with its offering of mantles and maxtles, + together with some provision; and after the infant had been brought + up by its parents, as soon as it arrived at the proper age, they + delivered him to the superior of the said mezquita, that he might + be there instructed in order that he might afterwards become an + alfaqui; but if the parents resolved that when the infant attained + a fit age he should go and serve in the military profession, they + immediately offered him to the master, making a promise of him, + which master of the young men and boys was named Teachcauh or + Telpuchtlato; which offering they accompanied with a present of + provisions and other things for its celebration; and when the infant + attained a fit age they delivered him up to the said master. + +In the plate _a_ is a woman lately delivered; the four roses, _b_, +signify four days, at the completion of which period the midwife carried +forth the new born infant to be bathed; _c_, is the cradle with the +infant; _d_, the midwife; _e_, the symbols; _f_, _g_, _h_, the three +boys who named the new-born infant; _i_, the rushes, with the small +vessel of water; _j_, the brooms, distaff, spinning wheel, and basket; +_k_, the father of the infant; _l_, the superior alfaqui; _m_, the +infant in the cradle, whose parents are offering it at the mezquita; +_n_, the mother of the girl; _o_, the master of the boys and young men. + +Kingsborough’s Pl. LIX--here Pl. XXXV, treats of the time and manner in +which the Mexicans instructed their children how they ought to live. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXV + +EDUCATION OF MEXICAN CHILDREN, THREE TO SIX YEARS.] + +The first section shows how parents corrected their children of 3 years +old by giving them good advice, and the quantity of food which they +allowed them at each meal was half a roll. + +The three circles, _a_, indicate 3 years of age; _b_, denotes the father +of the boy; _c_, the boy; _d_, the half of a roll; _e_, the mother of +the girl; _f_, the half of a roll; _g_, the girl of 3 years of age. + +The second section represents the parents employed in the same way, in +instructing their children when they attained 4 years of age, when they +began to exercise them by bidding them to do a few slight things. The +quantity of food which they gave them at each meal was a roll. + +The father of the boy is shown at _h_; the boy, 4 years of age, at _i_; +_j_, a roll; _k_, the mother of the girl; _l_, a roll; _m_, the girl of +4 years. + +The third section shows how the parents employed and exercised their +sons of 5 years of age in tasks of bodily strength; for example, in +carrying loads of wood of slight weight, and in sending them with light +bundles to the tianquez or market place; and the girls of this age +received lessons how they ought to hold the distaff and the spinning +wheel. Their allowance of food was a roll. + +In this section, _n_ shows the father of the boy; _o_, two boys of 5 +years of age; _p_, a roll; _q_, a roll; _r_, the mother of the girl; +_s_, a roll; _t_, the girl of 5 years of age. + +The fourth section shows how parents exercised and employed their sons +of 6 years in personal services, that they might be of some assistance +to their parents; as also in the tianquez, or market places, in picking +up from the ground the grains of maize which lay scattered about, and +the beans and other trifling things which those who resorted to the +market had dropped. The girls were set to spin, and employed in other +useful tasks that they might hereafter, through the said tasks and +works, sedulously shun idleness in order to avoid the bad habits which +idleness is accustomed to cause. The allowance of food which was given +to the boys at each meal was a roll and a half. + +The father of the two boys appears at _u_; two boys of 6 years old at +_v_; _w_, a roll and a half; _x_, the mother of the girl: _y_, a roll +and a half; _z_, the girl of 6 years old. + +Pl. LX, here Pl. XXXVI, treats of the time and manner in which the +native Mexicans instructed and corrected their sons, that they might +learn to avoid all kinds of sloth and to keep themselves constantly +exercised in profitable things. It is divided into four sections. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXVI + +EDUCATION OF MEXICAN CHILDREN, SEVEN TO TEN YEARS.] + +The first section shows how fathers employed their sons of 7 years old +in giving them nets to fish with; and mothers occupied their daughters +in spinning and in giving them good advice. The allowance of food which +they gave to their sons at each meal was a roll and a half. + +The seven points, _a_, signify seven years; _b_, is the father of the +boys; _c_, a roll and a half; _d_, the boy of 7 years old whose father +is instructing him how to fish with the net which he holds in his hands; +_e_, the mother of the girls; _f_, a roll and a half; _g_, the girl of 7 +years whom her mother is teaching how to spin. + +The second section declares how fathers chastised their sons of 8 years +of age, threatening them with thorns of the aloe, that in case of +negligence and disobedience to their parents they should be punished +with the said thorns. The boys accordingly weep for fear. The quantity +of food which they allowed them consisted of a roll and a half. + +The eight points, _h_, signify eight years; _i_, the father of the boys; +_j_, a roll and a half; _k_, the boy of 8 years, whose father threatens +him in case of ill behavior to inflict public punishment upon him with +thorns; _l_, thorns of the aloe; _m_, the mother of the girls; _n_, a +roll and a half; _o_, the girl of 8 years of age, whose mother threatens +her with thorns of the aloe in case of ill behavior; _p_, thorns of the +aloe. + +The third section declares how fathers punished with the thorn of the +aloe their sons of 9 years of age, when they were incorrigible and +rebellious toward their parents, by running the said thorns into their +shoulders and bodies. They also corrected their daughters by pricking +their hands with thorns. The allowance of food which they gave them was +a roll and a half. + +The nine points, _q_, signify nine years; _r_, a roll and a half; _s_, +the father of the boys; _t_, a boy of 9 years old being found to be +incorrigible, his father runs thorns of the aloe into his body; _u_, the +mother of the girls; _v_, a roll and a half; _w_, the girl of 9 years +old and her mother, who corrects her for her negligence by pricking her +hands with thorns. + +The fourth section shows how fathers chastised their sons of 10 years +of age, when they were refractory, by inflicting blows upon them with a +stick and threatening them with other punishments. The quantity and +allowance of food which they gave them was a roll and a half. + +The ten points, _x_, signify ten years; _y_, a roll and a half; _z_, +the father of the boys; _aa_, the boy of 10 years old, whose father is +correcting him with a stick; _bb_, the mother of the girl; _cc_, a roll +and a half; _dd_, the girl of 10 years old, whose mother is correcting +her with a stick. + +Pl. LXI, here Pl. XXXVII, is in three sections. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXVII + +EDUCATION OF MEXICAN CHILDREN, ELEVEN TO FOURTEEN YEARS.] + +The first section explains that when a boy of 11 years of age +disregarded verbal reproof, his parents obliged him to inhale smoke +of axi through the nostrils, which was a cruel and severe punishment, +that he might be sorry for such conduct and not turn out worthless and +abandoned, but on the contrary employ his time in profitable things. +They gave boys of such an age bread, which consisted of rolls, only by +allowance, that they might learn not to be gormandizers or gluttons. +Girls received similar discipline. + +The eleven points, _a_, signify eleven years; _b_, a roll and a half; +_c_, the father of the boys; _d_, the boy of 11 years of age, whose +father is punishing him by obliging him to inhale through the nostrils +the smoke of dried axi; _e_, the smoke or vapor of axi; _f_, the mother +of the girls; _g_, the girl of 11 years, whose mother is punishing her +by making her breathe smoke of axi; _h_, a roll and a half; _i_, the +smoke of axi. + +The second section represents that when boys or girls of 12 years of age +would not submit to the reproof or advice of their parents, the father +took the boy and tied his hands and feet and laid him naked on the +ground in some damp and wet place, in which situation he kept him for a +whole day, in order that by this punishment he might amend and fear his +displeasure. And the mother obliged the girl of the said age to work by +night before break of day, employing her in sweeping the house and the +street and continually occupying her in personal tasks. They gave them +food likewise by allowance. + +The points, _j_, indicate twelve years; _k_, a roll and a half; _l_, the +father of the boys; _m_, the boy of 12 years of age, stretched upon the +wet ground, with his hands and feet tied, for a whole day; the painting +at _n_ signifies the night; _o_, the mother of the girls; _p_, a roll +and a half; _q_, the girl of 12 years of age, who is employed by night +in sweeping. + +The third section of this plate represents that boys and girls of 13 +years of age were occupied by their parents, the boys in fetching wood +from the mountains and in bringing reed grass and other litter in canoes +for the use of the house; and the girls in grinding meal and making +bread, and preparing other articles of food for their parents. They gave +the boys for their allowance of food two rolls each at each meal. + +The father of the boys is represented at _r_; the points, _s_, indicate +thirteen years; _t_, two rolls; _u_, the boy of 13 years old, who brings +a load of reed grass; _v_, the boy in a canoe, with bundles of canes; +_w_, the mother of the girls; _x_, the girl of 13 years of age, who +makes cakes and prepares articles of food; _y_, two cakes; _z_, a bowl; +_aa_, the comali; _bb_, a pot for boiling provisions in and two cakes. + +The fourth section of this plate represents how their parents employed +and occupied a boy or girl of 14 years of age, the boy in going in a +canoe to fish in the lakes, and the girl in the task of weaving a piece +of cloth. Their allowance of food was two rolls. + +The fourteen points, _cc_, represent fourteen years; _dd_, two rolls; +_ee_, the father of the boys; _ff_, the boy of 14 years of age, who goes +out fishing with his canoe; _gg_, the mother of the girls; _hh_, two +rolls; _ii_, the girl of 14 years, who is occupied in weaving; _jj_, the +web and occupation of weaving. + +The figures of Pl. LXII, here Pl. XXXVIII, are in two sections. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXVIII + +ADOPTION OF PROFESSION AND MARRIAGE, MEXICAN.] + +Those contained in the first section signify that the father, who had +sons nearly grown up, carried them to the two houses represented in the +plate; either to the house of the master, who taught and instructed +the young men, or to the mezquita, accordingly as the lad was himself +inclined, and committed him to the care of the superior Alfaqui or to +the master of the boys, to be educated, which lads it was fit should +have attained the age of 15. + +In this section _a_ is a youth of 15 years of age, whose father delivers +him up to the superior Alfaqui, that he might receive him as an Alfaqui; +_b_ is the Tlamazqui, who is the superior Alfaqui; _c_, the mezquita, +named Calmecac; _d_, the father of these two youths; _e_, a young man of +15, whose father delivers him up to the master that he might teach and +instruct him; _f_, the teachcauh or master; _g_, the seminary where they +educated and taught the young men, which was called cuincacali; _h_, +fifteen years. + +The second section of the plate signifies the laws and usages which they +followed and observed in marriages. The ceremony consisted in the female +negotiator, who arranged the nuptials, carrying on her back on the first +night of the wedding the betrothed woman, accompanied by four women with +blazing torches of resinous fir, who attended to light her on the way; +and having arrived at the house of the man to whom she was engaged, the +parents of the betrothed man went out to receive her in the court of the +house and conducted her to an apartment where the man expected her; and +seating the betrothed couple on a mat on which were placed seats, near +a hearth of fire, they took them and tied them to each other by their +clothes and offered incense of copal to their gods. Two old men and two +women afterward delivered a separate discourse to the newly married +couple and set food before them, which they presently ate; and after +their repast was over, the two old men and women gave good advice to the +married pair, telling them how they ought to conduct themselves and to +live, and by what means they might pass their lives in tranquillity. + +The square inclosure, _i_, is the apartment; _j_, the old man; _k_, +the hearth, of fire; _l_, the wife; _m_, copal (the latter is not +shown in the drawing, but the copal is between the marrying couple); +_n_, the husband; _o_, the old woman; _p_, the old man; _q_, food; _r_, +a mat; _s_, food; _t_, an old woman; _u_, a pitcher of pulque; _v_, a +cup; _w_, _x_, the women lighting the bride on her way with torches, +when on the first night of the wedding they accompany her to the house +of the bridegroom; _y_, the female negotiator; _z_, the bride; _aa_, +_bb_, women lighting the bride and bridegroom on the first night of +their wedding. + + +SECTION 3. + +GAMES. + +Many accounts of the games of the Indians have been published, but they +are not often connected with pictography. Those now presented refer to +the picturing connected with only three games. + +[Illustration: FIG. 772.--Haka game. Dakota.] + +Fig. 772.--A dead man was used in the ring-and-pole game. +American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1779-’80. + +The figure represents the stick and ring used in the game of haka, with +a human head in front to suggest that the corpse took the place of the +usual stick. This and the next figure illustrate the game. + +[Illustration: FIG. 773.--Haka game. Dakota.] + +Fig. 773.--It was an intensely cold winter and a Dakota froze to death. +American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1777-’78. + +The sign for snow or winter, i. e., a cloud with snow falling from it, +is above the man’s head. A haka-stick, which is used in playing that +game, is represented in front of him. + +Battiste Good’s record further explains the illustration by the account +that the Dakota was killed in a fight with the Pawnees, and his +companions left his body where they supposed it would not be found, but +the Pawnees found it, and, as it was frozen stiff, they dragged it into +their camp and played haka with it. + +[Illustration: FIG. 774.--Haida gambling stick.] + +The characters _a_ and _b_, Fig. 774, represent one point of view of two +of a set of Haida gambling sticks, real size. They are made of juniper +or some other similar wood, and neatly carved with diverse figures. The +game is played by any number of persons, and it would seem with any +number of marked sticks. A dealer sits on the ground with a pile of +shredded cedar bark in front of him, and with much ceremony draws out +the sticks one by one without looking at them and passes them to the +players, in turn, who sit in front of him. + +Each device counts a certain number, in a manner similar to the devices +on ordinary playing cards, and the winning is by the high and low +or the definite and specific values of the sticks decided upon in +variations of the games. These sticks are cylindrical, and to illustrate +the characters on them, _c_ is presented, which shows the whole round of +the character _b_. This exhibits the typical Haida style. An excellent +collection of these pictured sticks is in the U. S. National Museum, No. +73552. + +Dr. Fewkes (_c_) reports as follows: + + Among the very interesting games played by the Hopi Indians is + one of ethnological interest, which is allied to a game described + by the early Spanish historians of the Mexicans. This game, + to-to-lós-pi, resembles somewhat the game of checkers and can be + played by two persons or by two parties. In playing the game a + rectangular figure, divided into a large number of squares, is drawn + upon the rock, either by scratching or by using a different colored + stone as a crayon. (Figures of this game formerly existed on the + rocks near the village of Wál-pi.) A diagonal line, tūh-ki-o-ta, + is drawn across the rectangle from northwest to southeast, and the + players station themselves at each end of this line. + + When two parties play, a single person acts as player and the + other members of the party act as advisers. The first play is won + by tossing up a leaf or corn husk with one side blackened. The + pieces which are used are bean or corn kernels, stones, and wood, + or small fragments of any substance of marked color. The players + were stationed at each end of the diagonal line, tūh-ki-o-ta. + They move their pieces upon this line, but never across it. The + moves which are made are intricate and the player may move one or + more pieces successively. Certain positions entitle him to this + privilege. He may capture or, as he terms it, kill one or more of + his opponent’s pieces at one play. In this respect the game is + not unlike checkers, and to capture the pieces of the opponent seems + to be the main object of the game. The checkers, however, must be + concentrated and always moved towards the southeast corner. + + This game is now rarely played on the East Mesa, but is still + used at O-rai-be. It is said to have been played in ancient times by + the sun and moon or by other mythical personages. + + Turning now to old Mexico, we find that the Spanish chronicles + give an account of a Mexican game called patolli, which was played + with colored stones. The squares were made of a cross-shaped figure, + and the stones were moved according to the throws of beans which + were marked upon one side. + +A discussion of the “ghost gamble,” with many illustrations, some +of which show marks which, in a broad sense, may be classed as +pictographic, is published in the paper “Study of the mortuary customs +of the North American Indians,” by Dr. H. C. Yarrow (_a_), U. S. Army. + +Colored pebbles found in the grotto of Mas d’Azil, in the department of +the Ariège, France, have lately awakened some discussion. These pebbles +were selected as being narrow and flat, and, with rare exceptions, are +no more than 9 centimeters in length. They were colored with red oxide +of iron. Many of the designs could have been made by the end of a finger +anointed with the coloring matter, but others would have required a +small pencil. The coloring matter was thick and probably fixed by grease +or glue, which time has destroyed. The color now disappears on the +least rubbing. Its preservation until now has been owing to the fact +that the pebbles were left undisturbed in the cindery layer where they +were deposited. Only one of the faces of the pebbles bears a design, +and generally their border is ornamented by a narrow band of red, +resembling a frame to the design, the color being applied in the same +manner as to the latter. Fig. 775 gives examples though without color +of these pebbles. They are selected from a plate in L’Anthropologie +(_d_) illustrating the text by Émile Cartailbac, who declines to offer +any hypothesis concerning the use of these objects. But to an observer +familiar with the gambling games of the North American Indians in which +marked plum stones, and similar objects are employed, these stained flat +pebbles at once suggest their use to decide the values in a game by the +several designs and by the pebbles falling on the figured or on the +unmarked side. + +[Illustration: FIG. 775.--Pebbles from Mas d’Azil.] + + + + +CHAPTER XVI. + +HISTORY. + + +It is seldom possible to distinguish by pictographs, or indeed to decide +from oral accounts obtained from Indians, whether those purporting to be +historical have a genuine basis or are merely traditions connected with +myths. This chapter may therefore be correlated with Chapter IX, section +5, which has special relation to traditions as mnemonically pictured. +The notes now following are considered to refer to actual events or to +explain the devices used in the record of such events. + +The account by Dr. Brinton (_c_) of the Walum-Olum or bark record of the +Lenni-Lenapé, as also some of Schoolcraft’s pictographic illustrations, +may with some propriety be regarded as historic, but are so well known +that their specific citation is needless. + +The American Indians have not produced detailed historic pictures, such +as appear on the Column of Trajan, and the Bayeux tapestry, with such +excellence in art as to be self-interpreting. Neither do they equal in +this respect the Egyptian and Assyrian sculptures, which portray the +ordering of battle, the engineering work of sieges, the plan of camps, +and the tactical moves of chieftains. Those sculptures also depict the +whole civil and domestic lives of the peoples of the several nations. In +some of these particulars the Mexicans approached these graphic details, +as is shown below, but, as a rule, in the three divisions of America, +history was noted and preserved by ideographic methods supplementing the +incompleteness of artistic skill. + +With regard to the advance gained by the Mexicans reference is made, +with regret that copious quotation is impossible, to the essay of Henry +Phillips, jr. (_a_), and to the monumental work of Eugène Boban, before +cited. It will be noticed by students that ideography and its attendant +conventionalism continually appear in the pictographic histories +mentioned. The original authors had not advanced very far in art, but +they had not lost the thought-language, which preceded art. + +The subject is here divided into: (1) Record of expedition; (2) Record +of battle; (3) Record of migration; (4) Record of sociologic events. + + +SECTION 1. + +RECORD OF EXPEDITION. + +The following account from Lafitau (_a_) explains the device for +prisoner, under the heading of marked sticks, in Chapter IX, section 2, +supra: + + The most grievous time for them is at night; for every evening + they are extended on their backs almost naked, with no other bed + than the earth, in which four stakes are driven for each prisoner; + to these their arms and legs are attached, spread apart in the form + of a St. Andrew’s cross. To a fifth stake a halter is tied, which + holds the prisoner by the neck and is wound around it three or four + times. Finally, he is bound around the middle of the body by another + halter or girdle, the two ends of which are taken by the person in + charge of the captive and placed under his head while he sleeps, + so that he will be awakened if the prisoner makes any movement to + escape. + +With the same object of explaining pictographic devices, the following +is extracted from James’s Long (_h_): + + Returning war parties of the Omaha peel off a portion of the + bark from a tree, and on the trunk thus denuded and rendered + conspicuous, they delineate hieroglyphics with vermilion or + charcoal, indicative of the success or misfortune of the party, in + their proceedings against the enemy. These hieroglyphics are rudely + drawn, but are sufficiently significant to convey the requisite + intelligence to another division of the party, that may succeed + them. On this rude chart the combatants are generally represented by + small straight lines, each surmounted by a head-like termination, + and are readily distinguishable from each other; the arms and legs + are also represented when necessary to record the performance of + some particular act or to exhibit a wound. Wounds are indicated by + the representation of the dropping of blood from the part; an arrow + wound, by adding a line for the arrow, from which the Indian is + able to estimate with some accuracy its direction, and the depth to + which it entered. The killed are represented by prostrate lines; + equestrians are also particularized, and if wounded or killed they + are seen to spout blood or to be in the act of falling from their + horses. Prisoners are denoted by their being led, and the number of + captured horses is made known by the number of lunules representing + their track. The number of guns taken may be ascertained by bent + lines, on the angle of which is something like the prominences of + the lock. Women are portrayed with short petticoats and prominent + breasts, and unmarried females by the short queues at the ears. + +In Margry (_e_) there is an account of La Salle’s finding in 1683 on +the bark of a tree a record of the party of Tonty’s pilot. The picture +was that of a man with the costumes and general appearance of the pilot +who had deserted, another man tied as a captive, and four scalps. This +corresponded with the facts afterwards learned. The pilot had been left +free, another man kept alive, and four killed, thus accounting for the +lost party of six. The record had been made by the captors. + +The figures in the following group, taken from several of the Winter +Counts of the Dakotas, picture a number of important expeditions, all of +which are independently known. Some of them are narrated in the official +documents of the United States. + +[Illustration: FIG. 776.] + +Fig. 776. The Oglalas, Brulés, Minneconjous, San Arcs, and Cheyennes +united in an expedition against the Crows. They surprised and captured +a village of thirty lodges, killed all the men and took the women and +children prisoners. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1801-’02. + +The three tipis stand for thirty; the spots in the original are red for +blood. + +[Illustration: FIG. 777.] + +Fig. 777. The Oglalas and Minneconjous took the war-path against the +Crows and stole three hundred horses. The Crows followed them and killed +eight of the party. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1863-’64. Eight +scalped heads are portrayed. + +[Illustration: FIG. 778.] + +Fig. 778. The Dakotas assaulted and took a Crow village of a hundred +lodges. They killed many and took many prisoners. American-Horse’s +Winter Count, 1820-’21. + +[Illustration: FIG. 779.] + +Fig. 779. The Oglalas helped Gen. Mackenzie to whip the Cheyennes. +American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1876-’77. The head of the Indian on which +is the ornamented war bonnet represents the man who was the first to +enter the Cheyenne village, which is figured by the tipis in a circle. +The hatted, i. e., white man holding up three fingers is Gen. Mackenzie, +who, as was explained by the interpreter, is placed upon the head of the +Dakota to indicate that the Dakotas backed or assisted him, but it may +mean that he commanded or was at the head of the party. The other white +man is Gen. Crook, or Three Stars, as indicated by the three stars above +him, and as he is called in another record. This designation might be +suggested from the uniform, but it is not accurate. Gen. Crook’s rank +as major-general of volunteers, or as brevet major-general in the Army, +did not entitle him to more than two stars on his shoulder straps. It is +possible that one of the stars in this figure belongs to Gen. Mackenzie. + +[Illustration: FIG. 780.] + +Fig. 780. The Dakotas joined the whites in an expedition up the Missouri +river against the Rees. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1823-’24. + +White-Cow-Killer calls it “Old-corn-plenty-winter.” + +The union line between the Indian and the white soldier shows that on +this occasion they were allies. + +[Illustration: FIG. 781.] + +Fig. 781. United States troops fought Ree Indians. The-Swan’s Winter +Count, 1823-’24. + +This and the preceding figure are signs of a specially interesting +expedition, a condensed account of which follows taken from the annual +report of J. C. Calhoun, Secretary of War, November 29, 1823: + + Gen. William H. Ashley, a licensed trader, was treacherously + attacked by the Arickaras at their village on the west bank of the + Missouri river, about midway between the present Fort Sully and Fort + Rice. Twenty-three of the trading party were killed and wounded, + and the remainder retreated in boats and sent appeals for succor + to the commanding officer at Fort Atkinson, the present site of + Council Bluffs. This officer was Col. H. Leavenworth, Sixth United + States Infantry, who marched June 22, with 220 men of that regiment, + 80 men of trading companies, and two 6-pound cannon, a 5-1/2-inch + brass howitzer, and some small swivels, nearly 700 miles through + a country filled with hostile or unreliable Indians, to the Ree + villages, which he reached on the 9th of August. The Dakotas were + at war with the Arickara or Rees, and 700 to 800 of their warriors + had joined the United States forces on the way; of these Dakotas 500 + are mentioned as Yanktons, but the tribes of the remainder are not + designated. The Rees were in two villages, the lower one containing + seventy-one dirt lodges and the upper seventy, both being inclosed + with palisades and a ditch and the greater part of the lodges having + a ditch around the bottom on the inside. The enemy, having knowledge + of the expedition, had fortified and made every preparation for + resistance. Their force consisted of over 700 warriors, most of + whom were armed with rifles procured from British traders. On the + 9th of August the Dakotas commenced the attack and were driven back + until the regular troops advanced, but nothing decisive resulted + until the artillery was employed on the 10th, when a large number of + the Rees, including their chief, Gray Eyes, were killed, and early + in the afternoon the survivors begged for peace. They were much + terrified and humbled by the effect of the cannon, which, though + small, answered the purpose. During the main engagement the Dakotas + occupied themselves in gathering and carrying off all the corn to be + found. + +See also the record of Lean-Wolf’s expedition in Fig. 452. + + +SECTION 2. + +RECORD OF BATTLE. + +Lafitau (_b_) gives the following account, translated with condensation, +of the records of expedition, battle, etc., made by the Iroquois and +northeastern Algonquins: + + The designs which the Indians have tattooed on their faces and + bodies are employed as hieroglyphics, writing, and records. When + an Indian returns from war and wishes to make his victory known + to the neighboring nations through whose country he passes, when + he has chosen a hunting ground and wishes it to be known that he + has selected it for himself and that it would be an affront to him + for others to establish themselves there, he supplies the lack + of an alphabet by those characteristic symbols which distinguish + him personally; he paints on a piece of bark, which is raised on + a pole by a place of passage [trail], or he cuts away some pieces + from a tree trunk with his hatchet, and, after having made a smooth + surface, traces his portrait and adds other characters, which give + all the information that he desires to convey. + + When I say that he draws his portrait, it will be understood + that he is not skillful enough to delineate all the features of + his face in such a manner that it would be recognized. They have, + indeed, no other way of painting than that monogrammatic or linear + painting, which consists of little more than the mere outlines of + the shadow of the body rather than of the body itself--a picture + so imperfect that it was often necessary to add below the name of + the object which was intended to be represented in order to make it + known. + + The Indian then, to represent his portrait, draws a simple + outline in the form of a head, adding scarcely any marks to indicate + the eyes, nose, ears, or other features of the face. In place of + these he draws the designs which are tattoed upon his own face, as + well as those upon his breast, and which are peculiar to him and + render him recognizable not only to those who have seen him, but + even to all who, knowing him only by reputation, are acquainted + with his hieroglyphic symbol, as formerly in Europe an individual + was distinguished by his device and as we to-day know a family by + its armorial bearings. About his head he paints the object which + expresses his name; the Indian, for example, called the Sun paints + a sun; at the right he traces the animals which are the symbols of + the nation and family to which he belongs. That of the nation is + above the one representing the family, and the beak or muzzle of + the former is so placed that it corresponds to the place of his + right ear, as if this symbolic figure of his nation represented its + spirit, which inspires him. If this Indian is returning from war, + he represents beneath his portrait the number of warriors composing + the party which he leads, and beneath the warriors the number of + prisoners made and those whom he has killed by his own hand. At the + left side are indicated his expeditions and the prisoners or scalps + taken by those of his party. The warriors are represented with their + weapons or simply by lines; the prisoners by the stick decorated + with feathers and by the chichikoue or tortoise-shell rattle, which + are the marks of their slavery; the scalps or the dead by the + figures of men, women, or children without heads. The number of + expeditions is designated by mats. He distinguishes those which he + has accompanied from those which he has commanded by adding strings + [of wampum] to the latter. If the Indian goes as an ambassador of + peace all the symbols are of a pacific nature. He is represented + below his portrait with the calumet in his hand; at the left is seen + an enlarged figure of the calumet, the symbolic figure of the nation + with which he goes to treat, and the number of those who accompany + him on the embassy. + +The same author, on page 194 of the same volume, explains how the mat or +mattress came to mean war: + + The Iroquois and the Hurons call war n’ondoutagette and + gaskenrhagette. The final verb gagetton, which is found in the + composition of these two words, and which signifies to bear or to + carry, shows, verily, that heretofore something was borne to it [i. + e., to war], which was a symbol of it [i. e., of war] to such a + degree that it [war] had assumed its [the symbol’s] designation. The + term ondouta signifies the down [the wool-like substance] which is + taken from the ear [cat-tails] of marsh reeds, and it also denotes + the entire plant, which they use in making the mattresses [nattes] + upon which they lie; so that it appears that they applied this term + to war because every warrior in this kind of expeditions carried + with him his own mattress; in fact, the mattress is still to-day the + symbol employed in their hieroglyphic picture-writing to denote the + number of their campaigns. + +Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt, in Science, April 1, 1892, has gone deeper into +the etymology of the words quoted, but coincides generally with Father +Lafitau in the explanation that they were denotive of the custom of the +Iroquoian warrior to carry his mattress when on the warpath. + +Figs. 782 and 783 are reproductions of Lafitau’s (_c_) illustrations, +which were explained as follows by him: + +[Illustration: FIG. 782.--Record of battle.] + +Fig. 782 shows that the Indian called Two-Feathers, _a_ _b_, of the +Crane nation _c_, and the Buffalo family _d_, accompanied by fifteen +warriors _h_, has made one prisoner _f_, and taken three scalps _g_, on +his sixth expedition _k_, and on the fourth, when he commanded it, _i_. + +[Illustration: FIG. 783.--Record of battle.] + +Fig. 783 relates that the Indian named Two-Arrows _a_, of the nation of +the Deer _c_, and the Wolf family _d_, has gone as an ambassador bearing +the calumet of peace to the Bear nation _e_, accompanied by thirty +persons _h_. In both figures the Indian is not only represented by his +“hieroglyph,” but he is also pictured at full length in the first with +his arms, and in the second holding the calumet and the rattle. + +[Illustration: FIG. 784.--Battle of 1797. Ojibwa.] + +A historical record relating to a fight between the Ojibwa and the +Dakota ninety-one years ago is given in Fig. 784. The following +narrative was given by the draftsman of the record, an Ojibwa: + +Ninety-one winters ago (A. D. 1797) twenty-five Ojibwa were encamped +on a small lake, _o_, called Zi'zabe'gamik, just west of Mille Lacs, +Minnesota. The chief’s lodge, _a_, was erected a short distance from the +lake, _m_, where the Indians had been hunting, and as he felt unsafe +on account of the hostile Sioux he directed some of his warriors to +reconnoiter south of the lower lake, where they soon discovered a body +of three hundred of their enemies. The chief of the reconnoitering +party, _b_, sent back word for the women and children to be removed to a +place of safety, but three of the old women refused to go. Their lodges +are represented in _c_, _d_, and _e_. Five Ojibwa escaped through the +brush, in a northwest direction (indicated in _f_). + +The Sioux surrounded the lake and the fight took place on the ice. +Twenty of the Ojibwa were killed, the last to die being the chief of +the party, who, from appearances, was beaten to death with a tomahawk; +_g_ represents three bearskins; _h_, _i_, and _j_, respectively, deer, +grouse, and turtle, the kinds of game hunted there during the several +seasons. The canoe _k_ indicates the manner of hunting along the shore +and the stream connecting the lakes, _l_, _m_, and _o_. + +The Ojibwa frequently spent part of a season at the middle lake, _m_, +and at another time had been engaged in a skirmish with the Sioux +farther north, on the small lake indicated at _o_. The Ojibwa had been +scattered about, but when the attack was made by the Sioux the former +rapidly came to the rescue both by boat, _p_, and on foot, _q_, so that +the enemy was gradually driven off. In the first mentioned battle 70 +Sioux were killed, their bodies being subsequently buried in the lake by +cutting holes through the ice. The openings are shown at _r_, the lines +representing bodies ready to be cast down into the water. + +Baron Lahontan (_b_) says: + + When a Party of (Algonkin) Savages have routed their enemies in + any Place whatsoever, the Conquerors take care to pull the Bark off + the Trees for the height of five or six Foot in all Places where + they stop in returning to their own Country; and in honour of their + Victory paint certain images with Coal pounded and beat up with Fat + and Oyl. These Pictures continue upon the peel’d Tree for ten or + twelve Years, as if they were Grav’d, without being defac’d by the + Rain. + +The same author, on page 86, _et seq._, of the same volume, gives an +illustration, with descriptive explanation, of a pictographic record +supposed to be made by the Canadian Algonquins. The explanation is +useful as indicating the principles of pictography adopted by the North +American Indians for a record of that character, but it is not deemed +proper to reproduce the illustration here. It has often been copied, but +it is misleading in its artistic details. It is obviously drawn by a +European artist as his own interpretation of a verbal description of the +record. + +The more valuable parts of the explanation are condensed as follows, the +quaint literation of the early translation being retained: + + The Arms of France, with an Ax above. Now the Ax is a Symbol of + War among the Savages as the Calumet is the Bond of Peace: So that + this imports that the French have taken up the Ax, or have made a + Warlike Expedition with as many tens of Men as there are Marks or + Points Round the Figure. These marks are eighteen in number and so + they signifie an Hundred and eighty Warriors. + + A Mountain that represents the City of Monreal and the Fowl upon + the Wing at the top signifies Departure. The Moon upon the Back + of the Stag signifies the first Quarter of the July Moon which is + call’d the Stag-Moon. + + A Canow, importing that they have travel’d by Water as many Days + as you see Huts in the Figure, i. e., 21 Days [the huts undoubtedly + mean stopping places for night shelters]. + + A foot, importing that after their Voyage by Water they march’d + on Foot as many Days as there are Huts design’d; that is, seven + Days Journeys for Warriors, each Days Journey being as much as five + common French Leagues, or five of those which are reckon’d to be + twenty in a Degree. + + A Hand and three Huts, which signifie that they are got within + three Days Journey of the Iroquese Tsonnontouans [Senecas], whose + Arms are a Hut with two trees leaning downwards, as you see them + drawn. The Sun imports that they were just to the Eastward of the + Village. + + Twelve marks, signifying so many times ten Men like those + last mentioned. The Hut with two Trees being the Arms of the + Tsonnontouans, shows that they were of that Nation; and the Man in a + lying posture speaks that they were surpris’d. + + In this row there appears a Club and eleven Heads, importing + that they had kill’d eleven Tsonnontouans, and the five men standing + upright upon the five Marks signifie that they took as many times + ten prisoners of War. + + Nine Heads in an Arch [i. e., Bow] the meaning of which is, that + nine of the Aggressors or of the Victorious side were kill’d; and + the twelve Marks underneath signifie that as many were Wounded. + + Arrows flying in the air, some to one side and some to the + other, importing a vigorous Defence on both sides. + + The arrows all point one way, which speaks the worsted Party + either flying or fighting upon a Retreat in disorder. + +The meaning of the whole is: A hundred and eighty French soldiers set +out from Montreal in the first quarter of the month of July and sailed +twenty-one days; after which they marched 35 leagues over land and +surprised 120 Senecas on the east side of their village, 11 of whom +were killed and 50 taken prisoners; the French sustaining the loss of 9 +killed and 12 wounded, after a very obstinate engagement. + +Fig. 785 is a reproduction of a drawing by a Winnebago Indian of the +battle of Hard river, fought against a large force of Sioux by Gen. +Sully’s command, with which was a company of Winnebagos. + +[Illustration: FIG. 785.--Battle of Hard river, Winnebago.] + + _a._ Gen. Sully’s camp, on the left bank of Hard river, from + which camp the company of Winnebagos were sent across the river. + + _b._ The Winnebagos skirmishing with a party of hostile Sioux. + Two Winnebagos, having gone ahead of the main party, came first upon + about thirty Sioux, who immediately gave chase. The two Winnebagos + are represented endeavoring to escape arrows from pursuing Sioux + flying about them, and the blood from the horse of one of them + flowing over the ground. The rest of the Winnebagos are coming to + rescue their companions. + + _c._ Gen. Sully’s entire force, after crossing Hard river, were + assailed by a number of Sioux. Gen. Sully’s forces formed in hollow + square to repulse the Sioux, who with loud yells went galloping + about them, trying to stampede horses or throw his men into + confusion. + + _d._ The camp of the Sioux, the women and children escaping over + the hills. One squaw was left in the camp and with her papoose is + seen. One of the Sioux previously wounded was found dead and was + scalped, a representation of which operation the artist has given. + +[Illustration: FIG. 786.--Battle between Ojibwa and Sioux.] + +Fig. 786 is a copy of a birch-bark record made and also explained by the +leader of the expedition referred to. + +In 1858 a war party of Mille Lacs Ojibwa Indians, _a_, under the +leadership of Shahâsh'king, _b_, went to attack Shákopi’s camp, _c_, +of Sioux at St. Peter’s river, _d_. Shákopi is represented at _e_. The +Ojibwa lost one man, _f_, at the St. Peter’s river, while the Ojibwa +killed five Sioux, but succeeded in securing only one arm of an Indian, +_g_. + +The line _h_ is the trail followed between Mille Lacs, _a_, and +Shákopi’s camp, _c_. The spots at _c_ designate the location of lodges, +while the vertical line with short ones extending from it, _i_, +signifies the prairie with trees growing near camp. + +[Illustration: FIG. 787.--Megaque’s last battle.] + +Fig. 787 is the pictorial story of Megaque’s last battle, drawn on birch +bark by the Passamaquoddy chief, Sapiel Selmo, with his interpreted +description. + + In the old times there was a certain Indian chief and hunter. He + was so cruel and brave in time of war and his success in conquering + his enemies and taking so many scalps was so great that he was + called Megaque, or the Scalping Man. In hunting seasons he always + went to his hunting grounds with his warriors to defend and guard + their hunting grounds from the trespassing of other hunters. He was + well known by other Indians for his bravery and his cruelty to his + prisoners. He conquered so many other warriors and tortured them + that he was hated, and they tried to capture him alive. Some of + the warriors from other tribes gathered an army and marched to his + hunting grounds when they knew that he could not escape from their + hands. When they come near where he is they send messengers to him + and notify him of the approaching army; he is out hunting when they + reach his camp, but they make marks on a piece of birch bark, a + figure of an Indian warrior with tomahawk in one hand and spear in + the other, similar to that seen in _g_, which is put up in a village + of wigwams, _i_. When Megaque returned from his hunt and found + someone had visited him during his absence, he also found the pieces + of bark which read to mean a band of warriors. He has no time. He + was so brave and proud he did not try to escape. In a day or two the + band of warriors had reached him. After fighting, when he killed + many as usual, he was finally captured and taken to the enemy’s + country to be tortured. He can stand all the usual tortures bravely + and sing his usual war songs while he is tormented. Finally he was + killed. + + The following is the explanation of the details: _a_, Megaque; + _b_, his braves; _c_, the course by which the enemy comes; _d_, + _e_, _f_, Megaque’s rivers and lakes; _g_, the enemy; _h_, their + warriors; _i_, their village; _j_, river boundary line. + +The figures now following are those notices of battle pictured in the +several Winter Counts which have been selected as being of more than +ordinary interest either from the importance and notoriety of the events +or from their mode of delineation: + +[Illustration: FIG. 788.] + +Fig. 788.--The Oglalas killed three lodges of Omahas. Cloud-Shield’s +Winter Count, 1785-’86. The Omaha is prostrate and scalped. + +[Illustration: FIG. 789.] + +Fig. 789.--The Omahas made an assault on a Dakota village. +Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1802-’03. Bullets are flying back and +forth. The single rider represents the whole of the troop. He is +partially covered by the shield and the horse’s neck, behind which he +hangs in a manner common among the Indian horsemen. The ornamented +shield with its device of a displayed eagle, and the lance with eagle +feather for a pennon, recalls the equipments of chivalry. + +[Illustration: FIG. 790.] + +Fig. 790.--The Dakotas and Pawnees fought on the ice on the North Platte +river. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1836-’37. The Dakotas were on the +north side (the right-hand side in the figure), the Pawnees on the south +side (the left in the figure). Horsemen and footmen on the left are +opposed to footmen on the right. Both sides have guns and bows, as shown +by the bullet-marks and the arrows. Blood-stains are on the ice. + +[Illustration: FIG. 791.] + +Fig. 791.--The Dakotas fought the Pawnees across the ice on the North +Platte. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1836-’37. The man on the left is a +Pawnee. This is a variant of the preceding figure, far less graphically +expressed. + +[Illustration: FIG. 792.] + +Fig. 792.--The Dakotas fought with the Cheyennes. Cloud-Shield’s Winter +Count, 1834-’35. The stripes on the arm are for Cheyenne, as before +explained. + +[Illustration: FIG. 793.] + +Fig. 793.--White-Bull and thirty other Oglalas were killed by the Crows +and Shoshoni. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1845-’46. + +[Illustration: FIG. 794.] + +Fig. 794.--Mato-wayuhi, Conquering-Bear, was killed by white soldiers, +and thirty white soldiers were killed by the Dakotas, 9 miles below +Fort Laramie. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1854-’55. The thirty +black dots in three lines stand for the soldiers, and a red stain at +the end of the line, starting from the pictured discharge of a gun, +means killed. The head covered with a fatigue cap further shows the +soldiers were white. Indian soldiers are usually represented in a circle +or semicircle. The gesture-sign for white soldier means “all in line,” +and is made by placing the nearly closed hands, with palms forward and +thumbs near together, in front of the body and then separating them +laterally about 2 feet. + +[Illustration: FIG. 795.] + +Fig. 795.--The Dakotas killed one hundred white men at Fort Phil. +Kearny. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1866-’67. The hats and the +cap-covered head represent the whites; the red spots, the killed; the +circle of characters around them, rifle or arrow shots; the black +strokes, Dakota footmen; and the hoof-prints, Dakota horsemen. The Phil. +Kearny massacre occurred December 21, 1866, and eighty-two whites were +killed, including officers, citizens, and enlisted men. Capt. W. J. +Fetterman was in command of the party. + + +THE BATTLE OF THE LITTLE BIGHORN. + +Dr. Charles E. McChesney, acting assistant surgeon, U. S. Army, has +communicated a most valuable and unique account, both in carefully noted +gesture-signs and in pictographs, of the battle, now much discussed, +which was fought in Montana on June 25, 1876, and is popularly but +foolishly styled “Custer’s massacre.” If the intended surprise, with +the object of killing as many Indians as possible, had been successful +instead of being a disastrous defeat, any surviving Indians might with +some propriety have spoken of “Custer’s massacre.” The account now +presented in one of its forms, was given by Red-Horse, a Sioux chief +and a prominent actor in the battle. The form which gives the relation +in gesture-signs and shows the syntax of the sign-language perhaps +better than any published narrative, will be inserted in a work now +in preparation by the present writer to be issued by the Bureau of +Ethnology. The narrative, closely translated into simple English, is +given below. Accompanying the record of signs are forty-one sheets +of manila paper, besides one map of the battle ground, all drawn by +Red-Horse, which average 24 by 26 inches, most of them being colored. +These may either be considered as illustrations of the signs or the +signs may be considered as descriptive of the pictographs. It is +impossible to reproduce now this mass of drawing on any scale which +would not be too minute for appreciation. It has been decided to +present, with necessary reduction from the above-mentioned dimensions, +the map and nine of the typical sheets in Pls. XXXIX to XLVIII. Indeed, +without considering the space required, there would be small advantage +in reproducing all of the sheets, as they are made objectionable by +monotonous repetitions. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XXXIX + +MAP OF LITTLE BIG HORN BATTLE FIELD.] + +Here follows the story of Red-Horse. Pl. XXXIX is the map of the +Little-Bighorn battlefield and adjacent territory, embracing part of +Montana and the Dakotas, drawn at Cheyenne River agency, South Dakota, +in 1881. The map as now presented is reduced to one-sixteenth from the +original, which is drawn in colors on a sheet of manila paper. The +letters were not on the original and are inserted only for reference +from the descriptive text, as follows: + + _a_, Wind River mountains, called by the Sioux “the Enemies’ + mountains.” + + _b_, Bighorn mountains. + + _c_, Missouri river. + + _d_, Yellowstone river. + + _e_, Bighorn river. + + _f_, Little Bighorn river, called by the Sioux Greasy Grass + creek and Grass Greasy creek. + + _g_, Indian camp. + + _h_, battlefield. + + _i_, Dry creek. + + _j_, Rosebud river. + + _k_, Tongue river. + + _l_, Powder river. + + _m_, Little Missouri river. + + _n_, Cheyenne river, called by the Sioux Good river. The North + and South Forks are drawn but not lettered. + + _o_, Bear butte. + + _p_, Black hills. + + _q_, Cheyenne agency. + + _r_, Moreau or Owl creek. + + _s_, Thin butte. + + _t_, Rainy butte. + + _u_, White butte. + + _v_, Grand or Ree river. + + _w_, Ree village. + + _x_, White Earth river. + + _y_, Fort Buford. + + Five springs ago I, with many Sioux Indians, took down and + packed up our tipis and moved from Cheyenne river to the Rosebud + river, where we camped a few days; then took down and packed up our + lodges and moved to the Little Bighorn river and pitched our lodges + with the large camp of Sioux. + + The Sioux were camped on the Little Bighorn river as follows: + The lodges of the Uncpapas were pitched highest up the river under a + bluff. The Santee lodges were pitched next. The Oglala’s lodges were + pitched next. The Brulé lodges were pitched next. The Minneconjou + lodges were pitched next. The Sans Arcs’ lodges were pitched next. + The Blackfeet lodges were pitched next. The Cheyenne lodges were + pitched next. A few Arikara Indians were among the Sioux (being + without lodges of their own). Two-Kettles, among the other Sioux + (without lodges). [Pl. XL shows the Indian camp.] + + [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XL + + BATTLE OF LITTLE BIGHORN. INDIAN CAMP.] + + I was a Sioux chief in the council lodge. My lodge was pitched + in the center of the camp. The day of the attack I and four women + were a short distance from the camp digging wild turnips. Suddenly + one of the women attracted my attention to a cloud of dust rising a + short distance from camp. I soon saw that the soldiers were charging + the camp. [Pl. XLI shows the soldiers charging the Indian camp.] To + the camp I and the women ran. When I arrived a person told me to + hurry to the council lodge. The soldiers charged so quickly we could + not talk (council). We came out of the council lodge and talked in + all directions. The Sioux mount horses, take guns, and go fight the + soldiers. Women and children mount horses and go, meaning to get out + of the way. + + [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLI + + BATTLE OF LITTLE BIGHORN. SOLDIERS CHARGING INDIAN CAMP.] + + Among the soldiers was an officer who rode a horse with four + white feet. [From Dr. McChesney’s memoranda this officer was Capt. + French, Seventh Cavalry.] The Sioux have for a long time fought many + brave men of different people, but the Sioux say this officer was + the bravest man they had ever fought. I don’t know whether this was + Gen. Custer or not. Many of the Sioux men that I hear talking tell + me it was. I saw this officer in the fight many times, but did not + see his body. It has been told me that he was killed by a Santee + Indian, who took his horse. This officer wore a large-brimmed hat + and a deerskin coat. This officer saved the lives of many soldiers + by turning his horse and covering the retreat. Sioux say this + officer was the bravest man they ever fought. I saw two officers + looking alike, both having long yellowish hair. + + Before the attack the Sioux were camped on the Rosebud river. + Sioux moved down a river running into the Little Bighorn river, + crossed the Little Bighorn river, and camped on its west bank. + + This day [day of attack] a Sioux man started to go to Red Cloud + agency, but when he had gone a short distance from camp he saw a + cloud of dust rising and turned back and said he thought a herd of + buffalo was coming near the village. + + The day was hot. In a short time the soldiers charged the + camp. [This was Maj. Reno’s battalion of the Seventh Cavalry.] The + soldiers came on the trail made by the Sioux camp in moving, and + crossed the Little Bighorn river above where the Sioux crossed, + and attacked the lodges of the Uncpapas, farthest up the river. + The women and children ran down the Little Bighorn river a short + distance into a ravine. The soldiers set fire to the lodges. All + the Sioux now charged the soldiers [Pl. XLII] and drove them in + confusion across the Little Bighorn river, which was very rapid, + and several soldiers were drowned in it. On a hill the soldiers + stopped and the Sioux surrounded them. A Sioux man came and said + that a different party of soldiers had all the women and children + prisoners. Like a whirlwind the word went around, and the Sioux all + heard it and left the soldiers on the hill and went quickly to save + the women and children. + + [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLII + + BATTLE OF LITTLE BIGHORN. SIOUX CHARGING SOLDIERS.] + + From the hill that the soldiers were on to the place where + the different soldiers [by this term Red-Horse always means the + battalion immediately commanded by General Custer, his mode of + distinction being that they were a different body from that first + encountered] were seen was level ground with the exception of + a creek. Sioux thought the soldiers on the hill [i. e., Reno’s + battalion] would charge them in rear, but when they did not the + Sioux thought the soldiers on the hill were out of cartridges. As + soon as we had killed all the different soldiers [Pl. XLIII shows + the fighting with Custer’s battalion] the Sioux all went back to + kill the soldiers on the hill. All the Sioux watched around the + hill on which were the soldiers until a Sioux man came and said + many walking soldiers were coming near. The coming of the walking + soldiers was the saving of the soldiers on the hill. Sioux can not + fight the walking soldiers [infantry], being afraid of them, so the + Sioux hurriedly left. + + [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLIII + + BATTLE OF LITTLE BIGHORN. SIOUX FIGHTING CUSTER’S BATTALION.] + + The soldiers charged the Sioux camp about noon. The soldiers + were divided, one party charging right into the camp. After driving + these soldiers across the river, the Sioux charged the different + soldiers [i. e., Custer’s] below, and drove them in confusion; these + soldiers became foolish, many throwing away their guns and raising + their hands, saying, “Sioux, pity us; take us prisoners.” The Sioux + did not take a single soldier prisoner, but killed all of them; none + were left alive for even a few minutes. These different soldiers + discharged their guns but little. I took a gun and two belts off two + dead soldiers; out of one belt two cartridges were gone, out of the + other five. + + The Sioux took the guns and cartridges off the dead soldiers and + went to the hill on which the soldiers were, surrounded and fought + them with the guns and cartridges of the dead soldiers. Had the + soldiers not divided I think they would have killed many Sioux. The + different soldiers [i. e., Custer’s battalion] that the Sioux killed + made five brave stands. Once the Sioux charged right in the midst of + the different soldiers and scattered them all, fighting among the + soldiers hand to hand. + + [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLIV + + BATTLE OF LITTLE BIGHORN. THE DEAD SIOUX.] + + [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLV + + BATTLE OF LITTLE BIG HORN. The Dead Sioux.] + + One band of soldiers was in rear of the Sioux. When this band + of soldiers charged, the Sioux fell back, and the Sioux and the + soldiers stood facing each other. Then all the Sioux became brave + and charged the soldiers. The Sioux went but a short distance before + they separated and surrounded the soldiers. I could see the officers + riding in front of the soldiers and hear them shouting. Now the + Sioux had many killed. [Pls. XLIV and XLV show the dead Sioux.] + The soldiers killed 136 and wounded 160 Sioux. The Sioux killed all + these different soldiers in the ravine. [Pl. XLVI shows the dead + cavalry of Custer’s battalion.] + + [Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLVI + + BATTLE OF LITTLE BIG HORN. Custer’s Dead Cavalry.] + + The soldiers charged the Sioux camp farthest up the river. A + short time after the different soldiers charged the village below. + While the different soldiers and Sioux were fighting together the + Sioux chief said, “Sioux men, go watch the soldiers on the hill and + prevent their joining the different soldiers.” The Sioux men took + the clothing off the dead and dressed themselves in it. Among the + soldiers were white men who were not soldiers. The Sioux dressed in + the soldiers’ and white men’s clothing fought the soldiers on the + hill. + + The banks of the Little Bighorn river were high, and the Sioux + killed many of the soldiers while crossing. The soldiers on the hill + dug up the ground [i. e., made earthworks], and the soldiers and + Sioux fought at long range, sometimes the Sioux charging close up. + The fight continued at long range until a Sioux man saw the walking + soldiers coming. When the walking soldiers came near the Sioux + became afraid and ran away. [Pls. XLVII and XLVIII show the Indians + leaving the battle ground.] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLVII + +BATTLE OF LITTLE BIGHORN. INDIANS LEAVING BATTLE GROUND.] + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLVIII + +BATTLE OF LITTLE BIG HORN. Indians Leaving Battle Ground.] + + +SECTION 3. + +RECORD OF MIGRATION. + +[Illustration: FIG. 796.--Record of Ojibwa migration.] + +Fig. 796 is a pictorial account of the migrations of the Ojibwa, being a +reduced copy of a drawing made by Sika'ssigĕ'. The account, especially +in its commencement, follows the rule of all ancient history in being +mixed with religion and myth. The otter was the messenger of Mi'nabō'zho +and led the Âni'shinabē'g, who were the old or original people, the +ancestors of the Ojibwa, and also of some other tribes which they knew, +from an island, which was the imagined center of the world as bounded by +the visible horizon, to the last seats of the tribe before interference +by Europeans. The details of the figure were thus explained by the +draftsman: + + _a._ The circle signifies the earth’s surface, bounded by + the horizon, as before described, and the dot in the center is + the imagined island or original home of the human race. _b._ + A line separating the history of the Midē'wiwin, that is, the + strictly religious tradition from that of the actual migration as + follows: When the Otter had offered four prayers, which fact is + referred to by the spot _c_, he disappeared beneath the surface + of the water and went toward the west, in which direction the + Âni'shinabég followed him, and located at Ottawa island, _d_. + Here they erected the Midē'wigân and lived for many years. + Then the Otter again disappeared beneath the water, and it a + short time reappeared at A'wiat'ang (_e_), when the Midē'wiwin + was again erected and the sacred rites conducted in accordance + with the teachings of Mi'nabō'zho. Afterwards an interrupted + migration was continued, the several resting places being given + below in their proper order, and at each of them the rites of the + Midē'wiwin were conducted in all their purity. The next place to + locate at was Mi'shenama'kinagung--Mackinaw (_f_); then Ne'mikung + (_g_); Kiwe'winang' (_h_); Bâ'wating--Sault Ste. Marie (_i_); + Tshiwi'towi' (_j_); Nega'wadjĕ'ŭ--Sand mountain (_k_), northern + shore of Lake Superior; Mi'nisa'wik [Mi'nisa'bikkăng]--Island of + Rocks (_l_); Kawa'sitshĭŭwongk'--Foaming rapids (_m_); Mush'kisi'wi + [Mash'kisi'bi]--Bad river (_n_); Sha'gawâ'mikongk--“Long sand + bar beneath the surface” (_o_); Wikwe'dâ^nwong'ga^n--Sandy bay + (_p_); Neâ'shiwĭkongk'--Cliff point (_q_); Neta-wa-ya-sink--Little + point of sand bar (_r_); Â^n'nibis--Little elm tree + (_s_); Wikup'bi^n-mi^nsh--Little island basswood (_t_); + Makubi^n'-mi^nsh--Bear island (_u_); Shage'skike'-dawan'ga + (_v_); Ne'wigwas'sikongk--The place where bark is peeled (_w_); + Ta'pakwe'-ĭkak [Sa'apakwe'shkwa'okongk]--The place where lodge-bark + is obtained (_x_); Ne'uwesak'kudĕze'bi [Ne'wisak'udĕsi'bi]--Point + dead wood timber river (_y_); A^nibi'kanzi'bĭ [modern name + Ashkiba'gisi'bĭ] rendered by different authorities both as Fish + Spawn river, and “Green Leaf river” (_z_). + + This locality is described as being at Sandy lake, Minnesota, + where the Otter appeared for the last time, and where the Midē'wigân + was finally established. The Ojibwa say that they have dispersed + in bands from La Pointe, as well as from Sandy lake, over various + portions of Minnesota and into Wisconsin, which final separation + into distinct bodies has been the chief cause of the gradual changes + found to exist in the ceremonies of the Midē'wiwin. + +Reference may be made to a highly interesting record of migration in +Kingsborough, Codex Boturini, being a facsimile of an original Mexican +hieroglyphic painting from the collection of Boturini, in twenty-three +plates. + + +SECTION 4. + +RECORD OF NOTABLE EVENTS. + +In this group are presented some figures from the Dakota Winter Counts, +which record events of tribal or intertribal importance not included +under other heads. + +[Illustration: FIG. 797.--Origin of Brulé Dakota.] + +Fig 797.--The-people-were-burnt winter. Battiste Good’s Winter Count +1762-’63. He explains the origin of the title “Brulé” Dakota as follows: + +Some of the Dakotas were living east of their present country, when a +prairie fire destroyed their entire village. Many of their children +and a man and his wife, who were on foot some distance away from the +village, were burned to death. Many of their horses were also burned to +death. All the people that could get to a long lake which was near by +saved themselves by jumping into it. Many of these were badly burned +about the thighs and legs, and this circumstance gave rise to the name, +si-can-gu, translated properly in to English as Burnt Thigh and by the +French abbreviated as Brulé, by which latter name they have since been +generally known. + +[Illustration: FIG. 798.--Kiyuksas.] + +Fig. 798.--The Oglalas engaged in a drunken brawl, which resulted in +a division of the tribe, the Kiyuksas (Cut-Offs) separating from the +others. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1841-’42. + +[Illustration: FIG. 799.--First coming of traders.] + +Fig. 799.--Nine white men came to trade with the Dakotas. +American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1800-’01. + +The hatted head stands for a white man and also indicates that the eight +dots over it are for white men. According to this count the first whites +came in 1794-’95, and the party now depicted succeeded them and were the +first traders. + +[Illustration: FIG. 800.--First coming of traders.] + +Fig. 800.--The Good-White-Man came. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, +1800-’01. + +He was the first white man to trade and live with that division of the +Dakotas of which Cloud-Shield’s chart gives the early records. + +[Illustration: FIG. 801.--First coming of traders.] + +Fig. 801.--A trader brought the Dakotas their first guns. Cloud-Shield’s +Winter Count, 1801-’02. + +[Illustration: FIG. 802.--First coming of traders.] + +Fig. 802.--The Dakotas saw wagons for the first time. Red-Lake, a white +trader, brought his goods in them. American-Horse’s Winter Count, +1830-’31. + +The earliest traders came by the river, in boats. + +[Illustration: FIG. 803.--Boy scalped.] + +Fig. 803.--Some Crows came to the Dakota camp and scalped a boy. +Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1862-’63. + +This is represented also in the next figure. + +[Illustration: FIG. 804.--Boy scalped alive.] + +Fig. 804.--The Crows scalped an Oglala boy alive. American-Horse’s +Winter Count, 1862-’63. + +This unusually cruel outrage renewed the violence of warfare between +Dakota and Absaroka. + +[Illustration: FIG. 805.--Horses killed.] + +Fig. 805.--All of Standing Bull’s horses were killed. Cloud-Shield’s +Winter Count, 1832-’33. + +Hoof-prints, blood-stains, and arrows are shown under the horse. It may +be remarked with regard to the name-device for Standing-Bull, that the +quadruped can stand on two legs, but cannot run or even walk with that +limitation, so that the exhibition of two legs only may properly signify +standing, though for convenience the fore legs are depicted. + +[Illustration: FIG. 806.--Annuities received.] + +Fig. 806.--They received their first annuities at the mouth of Horse +creek. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1851-’52. + +A one-point blanket is depicted and denotes dry goods. It is surrounded +by a circle of marks which represent the people. + +[Illustration: FIG. 807.--Annuities received.] + +Fig. 807.--Many goods were issued to the Dakotas at Fort Laramie. +Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1851-’52. + +The goods were the first they received from the United States +Government. The blanket which is represented stands for the whole issue. + +White-Cow-Killer calls it +“Large-issue-of-goods-on-the-Platte-river-winter.” + +This is a more conventionalized form of the preceding figure. + +[Illustration: FIG. 808.--Annuities received.] + +Fig. 808.--The Dakotas received annuities at Raw-Hide Butte. +American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1856-’57. + +The house and the blanket represent the agency and the goods. + +[Illustration: FIG. 809.--Mexican blankets bought.] + +Fig. 809.--The Dakotas bought Mexican blankets of John Richard, who +bought many wagon-loads of the Mexicans. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, +1858-’59. + +[Illustration: FIG. 810.--Wagon Captured.] + +Fig. 810.--They captured a train of wagons near Tongue river. The men +who were with it got away. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1867-’68. + +The blanket protruding from the front of the wagon represents the goods +found in the wagons. + +[Illustration: FIG. 811.--Clerk killed.] + +Fig. 811.--The Oglalas killed the Indian agent’s (Seville’s) clerk +inside the stockade of the Red Cloud agency at Fort Robinson, Nebraska. +American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1873-’74. + +[Illustration: FIG. 812.--Flag staff cut down.] + +Fig. 812.--The Oglalas at the Red Cloud agency, near Fort Robinson, +Nebraska, cut to pieces the flagstaff which had been cut and hauled +by order of their agent, but which they would not allow him to +erect, as they did not wish to have a flag flying over their agency. +American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1874-’75. + +This was in 1874. The flag which the agent intended to hoist was lately +at the Pine ridge agency, Dakota. + +[Illustration: FIG. 813.--Horses taken.] + +Fig. 813.--Horses taken by United States government. The Flame’s Winter +Count, 1876-’77. + +This figure refers to the action of the military authorities of the +United States toward the Indian tribes which had been connected with +or suspected of favoring the outbreak which resulted in the defeat of +the force under Gen. Custer. A body of troops swept the reservations on +the Missouri river and took away all the ponies of the tribes, thereby +depriving them of their means of transportation for hostile purposes. +The hatted man with a star above his head is the brigadier-general in +command of the United States forces. The hoof prints without marks of +horseshoes indicate the Indian ponies as usual. The black blurs among +them probably refer to the considerable number of the ponies that fell +and died before they reached Bismark and other points of sale to which +they were driven. It was promised that the amount realized from the sale +of the drove should be returned to the owners, but the latter received +little. + + + + +CHAPTER XVII. + +BIOGRAPHY. + + +Pictographs under this head may be grouped as: 1st. Continuous record +of events in life. 2d. Particular exploits or events. Pictographs of +both of these descriptions are very common. An excellent collection is +published in the George Catlin Indian Gallery in the U. S. National +Museum, with memoir and statistics by Thomas Donaldson, a part of the +Smithsonian Report for 1885, Pls. 100 to 110. + + +SECTION 1. + +CONTINUOUS RECORD OF EVENTS IN LIFE. + +An authentic and distinct example of a continuous record is the +following “autobiography,” which was prepared at Grand River, Dakota, in +1873, in a series of eleven drawings, by Running-Antelope, chief of the +Uncpapa Dakotas. Seven of these, regarded as of most interest, are now +presented. The sketches were painted in water colors and were made for +Dr. W. J. Hoffman, to whom the following interpretations were given by +the artist. + +The record comprises the most important events in the life of +Running-Antelope as a warrior. Although frequently more than one person +is represented as slain, it is not to be inferred that all included in +the same figure were killed at one time unless it is so specified, but +that thus they were severally the victims of one expedition, of which +the warrior was a member or leader. The bird (_Falco cooperi?_) upon +the shield always borne by him, refers to the clan or band totem, while +the antelope always drawn beneath the horses, in the act of running, +identifies his personal name. + +[Illustration: FIG. 814.--Killed two Arikara.] + +Fig. 814.--Killed two Arikara Indians in one day. The lance held in +the hand, thrusting at the foremost of the enemy, signifies that +Running-Antelope killed him with that weapon; the left-hand figure was +shot, as is shown by the discharging gun, and afterwards struck with the +lance. This occurred in 1853. + +[Illustration: FIG. 815.--Shot and scalped an Arikara.] + +Fig. 815.--Shot and scalped an Arikara Indian in 1853. It appears that +the Arikara attempted to inform Running-Antelope of his being unarmed, +as the right hand is thrown outward with distended fingers, in imitation +of making the gesture for _negation, having nothing_. + +[Illustration: FIG. 816.--Killed ten men and three women.] + +Fig. 816.--Killed ten men and three squaws in 1856. The grouping of +persons strongly resembles the ancient Egyptian method of drawing. + +[Illustration: FIG. 817.--Killed two chiefs.] + +Fig. 817.--Killed two Arikara chiefs in 1856. Their rank is shown by the +appendages to the sleeve and coat, which are made of white weasel skins. +The arrow in the left thigh of the victor shows that he was wounded. The +scars remained distinct upon the thigh of Running-Antelope, showing that +the arrow had passed through it. + +[Illustration: FIG. 818.--Killed one Arikara.] + +Fig. 818.--Killed one Arikara in 1857. Striking the enemy with a bow is +considered the greatest insult that can be offered. See for a similar +concept among the eastern Algonquians (Leland, _b_). The act entitles +the warrior to count one _coup_ when relating his exploits in the +council chamber. + +[Illustration: FIG. 819.--Killed two Arikara hunters.] + +Fig. 819.--Killed two Arikara hunters in 1859. Both were shot, as is +indicated by the figure of a gun in contact with each Indian. The +cluster of lines drawn across the body of each victim represents the +discharge of the gun, and shows where the ball took effect. The upper +one of the two figures was in the act of shooting an arrow when he was +killed. + +[Illustration: FIG. 820.--Killed five Arikara.] + +Fig. 820.--Killed five Arikara in one day in 1863. The dotted line +indicates the trail which Running-Antelope followed, and when the +Indians discovered that they were pursued, they took shelter in an +isolated copse of shrubbery, where they were killed at leisure. The +five guns within the inclosure represent the five persons armed. + +The Arikara are nearly always delineated in these pictures wearing the +topknot of hair, a fashion specially prevalent among the Absaroka, +though as the latter were the most inveterate enemies of the Sioux, and +as the word Palláni for Arikara is applied to all enemies, the Crow +custom may have been depicted as a generic mark. + +Wiener (_e_) gives the following account of the tablet found at +Mansiche, reproduced as Fig. 821, one-fifth actual size: + +[Illustration: FIG. 821.--Peruvian biography.] + + It gives all the descriptive elements of the life of the + deceased; in fact his biography. He was a chieftain of royal blood + (vide the red planache with five double plumes). He commanded an + entire tribe. He had a military command (_v._ the mace which he + holds in his right hand). He had taken part in three battles (_v._ + the three arms which three times proved his strength). He was a + judge in his district (_v._ the sign of the speaking-trumpet in the + center). He had under him four judges (_v._ the four signs of the + speaking-trumpet in the corners). He had during his administration + irrigated the country (_v._ the designs which surround the + painting); and he had constructed great buildings (_v._ the checkers + surrounding the meanders). He had busied himself besides all that in + the raising of cattle (_v._ the indications of llamas). He had lived + 42 years (_v._ the blocks, which indicate years, just as the rings + indicate the age of trees). He had had five children, three sons and + two daughters (indicated by the little drops of sperm). Such is the + life of this person, written by ideography on a tablet, which at + first would be taken as a fantasy of an infant painter. + + +SECTION 2. + +PARTICULAR EXPLOITS OR EVENTS. + +[Illustration: FIG. 822.--Hunting record. Iroquois.] + +In the Doc. Hist. N. Y. (_b_) is an illustration, presented here as Fig. +822, of an Iroquois “returning from hunting, who has slept two nights on +the hunting ground and killed three does; for when they are bucks they +add their antlers.” + +From the same volume, page 9, the following extract is made, describing +Fig. 823: + +[Illustration: FIG. 823.--Martial exploits. Iroquois.] + + _b._ This is the way they mark when they have been to war, + and when there is a bar extending from one mark to the other it + signifies that, after having been in battle, he did not come back to + his village, and that he returned with other parties whom he met or + formed. + + _c._ This arrow, which is broken, denotes that they were wounded + in this expedition. + + _d._ Thus they denote that the belts which they gave to raise a + war party and to avenge the death of some one, belonging to them or + to some of the same tribe. + + _e._ He has gone back to fight without having entered his + village. + + _f._ A man whom he killed on the field of battle, who had a bow + and arrow. + + _g._ These are two men, whom he took prisoners, one of whom had + a hatchet and the other a gun in his hand. + + _gg._ This is a woman who is designated only by a species of + waistcloth. + +Fig. 824 is taken from the Winter Count of Battiste Good for the year +1853-’54. + +He calls the year Cross-Bear-died-on-the-hunt winter. + +[Illustration: FIG. 824.--Cross-Bear’s death.] + +The character on the extreme left hand is a “travail,” and means they +moved; the buffalo, to hunt buffalo; the bear with mouth open and +paw advanced, cross-bear. The involute character frequently repeated +in Battiste’s record signifies pain in the stomach and intestines, +resulting in death. In this group of characters there is not only +the brief story, an obituary notice, but an ideographic mark for a +particular kind of death, a noticeable name-totem, and a presentation of +the Siouan mode of transportation. + +The word “travail” may require explanation. It refers to the peculiar +sledge which is used by many tribes of Indians for the purpose of +transportation. It is used on the surface of the ground when not covered +with snow even more than when snow prevails. In print the word is more +generally found in the plural, where it is spelled “travaux” and +sometimes “travois.” The etymology of this word has been the subject +of much discussion. It is probably one of the words which descended in +corrupted form from the language of the Canadian voyageurs, and was +originally the French word “traineau,” with its meaning of sledge. +The corrupt form “travail” was retained by English speakers from its +connection with the sound of the word “travel.” + +Fig. 825 is taken from a roll of birch bark, known to be more than +seventy years old, obtained in 1882 from the Ojibwa Indians at Red +Lake, Minnesota. The interpretation was given by an Indian from that +reservation, although he did not know the author nor the history of +the record. With one exception, all of the characters were understood +and interpreted to Dr. Hoffman, in 1883, by Ottawa Indians at Harbor +Springs, Michigan. + +[Illustration: FIG. 825.--A dangerous trading trip.] + +_a_ represents the Indian who visited a country supposed to have been +near one of the great lakes. He has a scalp in his hand which he +obtained from the head of an enemy, after having killed him. The line +from the head to the small circle denotes the name of the person, and +the line from the mouth to the same circle signifies (in the Dakota +method), “That is it,” having reference to proper names. + +_b_, the enemy killed. He was a man who held a position of some +consequence in his tribe, as is indicated by the horns, marks used +by the Ojibwas among themselves for shaman, wabeno, etc. It has been +suggested that the object held in the hand of this figure is a rattle, +though the Indians, to whom the record was submitted for examination, +are in doubt, the character being indistinct. + +_c_, three disks connected by short lines signify, in the present +instance, three nights, i. e., three black suns. Three days from home +was the distance the Indian _a_ traveled to reach the country for which +he started. + +_d_ represents a shell, and denotes the primary object of the journey. +Shells were needed for making ornaments and to trade, and traffic +between members of the different and even distant tribes was common, +although attended with danger. + +_e_, two parallel lines are here inserted to mark the end of the present +record and the beginning of another. + +The following narrative of personal exploit was given to Dr. W. J. +Hoffman by “Pete,” a Shoshoni chief, during a visit of the latter to +Washington, in 1880. The sketch, Fig. 826, was drawn by the narrator, +who also gave the following explanation of the characters: + +[Illustration: FIG. 826.--Shoshoni raid for horses.] + +_a_, Pete, a Shoshoni chief; _b_, a Nez Percés Indian, one of the party +from whom the horses were stampeded, and who wounded Pete in the side +with an arrow; _c_, hoof-marks, showing course of stampede; _d_, lance, +which was captured from the Nez Percés; _e_, _e_, _e_, saddles captured; +_f_, bridle captured; _g_, lariat captured; _h_, saddle-blanket +captured; _i_, body-blanket captured; _j_, pair of leggings captured; +_k_, three single legs of leggings captured. + +The figures in the following group represent some of the particular +exploits and events in life which have been considered by the recorders +of the Winter Counts of the Dakotas to be specially worthy of note: + +[Illustration: FIG. 827.--Life risked for water.] + +Fig. 827.--While surrounded by the enemy (Mandans) a Blackfeet Dakota +Indian goes at the risk of his life for water for the party. The-Flame’s +Winter Count, 1795-’96. The interpreter stated that this was near the +present Cheyenne agency, Dakota. In the original character there is a +bloody wound at the shoulder, showing that the heroic Indian was +wounded. He is shown bearing a water vessel. + +[Illustration: FIG. 828.--Runs by the enemy.] + +Fig. 828.--Runs-by-the-Enemy. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure suggests a +feat of special courage and fleetness in making a circuit of a hostile +force. + +[Illustration: FIG. 829.--Runs around.] + +Fig. 829.--Runs-Around. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure seems to +indicate a warrior surrounded and shot at by a number of enemies, who +yet escapes by his swiftness. + +[Illustration: FIG. 830.--Goes through the camp.] + +Fig. 830.--Goes-through-the-Camp. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure notes +the successful passage of a spy through the enemy’s camp. + +[Illustration: FIG. 831.--Cut through.] + +Fig. 831.--Cut-Through. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here a footman cuts his way +through a line of hostile horsemen. + +[Illustration: FIG. 832.--Killed in tipi.] + +Fig. 832.--Paints-His-Face-Red, a Dakota, was killed in his tipi by the +Pawnees. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1837-’38. The right to paint the +face red was sometimes gained by providing the ceremonial requirements +for a commemoration of the dead, which were very expensive. There are +two facts depicted by the figure. The man and his tipi are surrounded by +a ring of enemies, who are shooting him, and, touched by the upper part +of the ring, is the bottom of another and more minute tipi, marked with +the sign of a fatal shot. + +[Illustration: FIG. 833.--Killed in tipi.] + +Fig. 833.--Paints-His-Cheeks-Red and his family, who were camping by +themselves, were killed by Pawnees. American-Horse’s Winter Count, +1837-’38. This character tells the same story as the one preceding, but +is more conventional. + +[Illustration: FIG. 834.--Took the warpath.] + +Fig. 834.--Spotted-Horse carried the pipe around and took the +warpath against the Pawnees to avenge the death of his uncle, +Paints-His-Cheeks-Red. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1838-’39. This +figure is the sequel to those immediately preceding. + +[Illustration: FIG. 835.--White-Bull killed.] + +Fig. 835.--White-Bull and many others were killed in a fight with the +Shoshoni. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1845-’46. This warrior seems to +have lost more than the normal quantity of scalp. + +[Illustration: FIG. 836.--Brave-Bear killed.] + +Fig. 836.--Brave-Bear was killed in a quarrel over a calf. +Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1854-’55. He was killed by enemies; hence +his scalp is gone. + +[Illustration: FIG. 837.--Brave-Man killed.] + +Fig. 837.--The-Brave-Man was killed in a great fight. Cloud-Shield’s +Winter Count, 1817-’18. The fight is shown by the arrows flying to and +from him. He is also scalped. + +[Illustration: FIG. 838.--Crazy-Horse killed.] + +Fig. 838.--A soldier ran a bayonet into Crazy-Horse and killed +him. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1877-’78. This was done in the +guard-house at Fort Robinson, Nebraska, September 5, 1877. The horse +in this instance does not distinctly exhibit the wavy lines shown +in several other representations of the chief which appear among +the illustrations of this paper. This omission is doubtless due to +carelessness of the Indian artist. + +[Illustration: FIG. 839.--Killed for whipping wife.] + +Fig. 839.--Striped-Face stabbed and killed his daughter’s husband for +whipping his wife. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1829-’30. + +[Illustration: FIG. 840.--Killed for whipping wife.] + +Fig. 840.--Spotted-Face stabs his daughter’s husband for whipping his +wife. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1829-’30. This is another form of the +preceding figure. + +[Illustration: FIG. 841.] + +Fig. 841.--Kaglala-kutepi, Shot-Close. The Oglala Roster. This may refer +to an incident in the warrior’s life in which he had a narrow escape, +or may, on the other hand, refer to his stealing upon and shooting from +near by at an enemy. The design, as often occurs, allows of double +interpretation. The close shooting is not accurate markmanship, but +with proximity as suggested by the arrow touching the head while still +near the bow. This figure may receive some interpretation from the one +following. + +[Illustration: FIG. 842.] + +Fig. 842.--The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1835-’36. A Minneconjou chief named +Lame-Deer shot an Assiniboin three times with the same arrow. He kept so +close to his enemy that he never let the arrow slip away from the bow +but pulled it out and shot it in again. + +[Illustration: FIG. 843.--Lean-Wolf’s exploits.] + +Fig. 843 consists of two stories pictured by Lean-Wolf, a Hidatsa chief, +showing the attack made by Sioux Indians in search of horses and the +result of the raid. In the upper figure, at the left end, is shown the +Sioux camp from which the trail of the horse thieves extends to near +the camp of the Hidatsa, at Fort Berthold, North Dakota. This village +is indicated by the circular dirt lodges within a square inclosure. +The Sioux captured some Indian horses and rode away, as indicated by +the prints of horse hoofs. A series of short lines from the Hidatsa +village indicates that Lean-Wolf and his companions followed on foot, +subsequently overtaking the Sioux, killing one and taking his scalp. +The scalp is shown above the figure of the human head, while the weapon +with which he struck the Sioux is also shown. This is the war club. The +lower division of the figure is similar to the upper. In the pursuit +of the Sioux, who had come to Fort Berthold on another occasion to +steal horses, Lean-Wolf assisted in capturing and killing three of the +marauders. In the left-hand group of the three human heads he is shown +to have killed an enemy; in the second he was the third to strike a +Sioux after he was shot, but took his scalp, and in the third, or right +hand, he was the fourth to strike the fallen enemy. + +[Illustration: FIG. 844.--Record of hunt. Alaska.] + +A record on ivory shown as Fig. 844 was obtained by Dr. Hoffman in San +Francisco, California, in 1882, and was interpreted to him by an Alaskan +native. The story represents the success of a hunt; the animals desired +are shown, as well as those which were secured. + +The following is the explanation of the characters: + +_a_, _b_, deer; _c_, porcupine; _d_, winter, or permanent, habitation. +The cross-piece resting upon two vertical poles constitutes the rack, +used for drying fish; _e_, one of the natives occupying the same lodge +with the recorder; _f_, the hunter whose exploits are narrated; _g_, +_h_, _i_, beavers; _j_, _k_, _l_, _m_, _n_, martens; _o_, a weasel, +according to the interpretation, although there are no specific +characters to identify it as different from the preceding; _p_, land +otter; _q_, a bear; _r_, a fox; _s_, a walrus; _t_, a seal; _u_, a wolf. + +By comparing the illustration with the text it will be observed that all +the animals secured are turned toward the house of the speaker, while +the heads of those animals desired, but not obtained, are turned away +from it. + +The following is the text in the Kiatéxamut dialect of the Innuit +language as dictated by the Alaskan, with his own literal translation +into English: + + Huí-nu-ná-ga |huí-pu-qtú-a| pi-cú-qu-lú-a| mus'-qu-lí-qnut.|Pa-mú-qtu-līt' + I, (from) my place.|I went | hunting | (for) skins. |martens + (settlement.) | | | (animals) + + ta-qí-mĕn,|a-mí-da-duk'|a-xla-luk',|á-qui-á-muk|pi-qú-a|a-xla-luk'; + five, |weasel |one, |land otter |caught |one; + + ku-qú-lu-hú-nu-mŭk'|a-xla-luk',|tun'-du-muk|tú-gu-qlí-u-gú|me-lú-ga-nuk', + wolf |one, |deer |(I) killed |two, + + pé-luk |pi-naí-u-nuk,|nú-nuk |pit'-qu-ní, |ma-klak-muk'|pit'-qu-ní, + beaver |three, |porcupine|(I) caught none,|seal |(I) caught none, + + a-cí-a-na-muk|pit'-qu-ni, |ua-qí-la-muk|pit'-qu-ní, |ta-gú-xa-muk|pit'-qu-ní. + walrus |(I) caught none,|fox |(I) caught none,|bear |(I) caught none. + + + + +CHAPTER XVIII. + +IDEOGRAPHY. + + +The imagination is stimulated and developed by the sense of sight +more than by any other sense, perhaps more than by all of the other +senses combined. The American Indians, and probably all savages, are +remarkable for acute and critical vision, and also for their retentive +memory of what they have once seen. When significance is once attached +to an object seen, it will always be recalled, though often with false +deductions. Therefore, like deaf-mutes, who depend mainly on sight, +the American Indians have developed great facility in communicating +by signs, and also in expressing their ideas in pictures which are +ideographic though seldom artistic. This tendency has likewise affected +their spoken languages. Their terms express with wonderful particularity +the characters and relations of visible objects, and their speeches, +which are in a high degree metaphoric, become so by the figurative +presentation in words of such objects accompanied generally by imitative +signs for them, and often by their bodily exhibition. + +The statement once made that the aboriginal languages of North America +are not capable of expressing abstract ideas is incorrect, but the +tendency to use tangible and visible forms for such ideas is apparent. +This practice was most marked in reference to religious subjects, which +were often presented under the veil of symbols, as has been the common +expedient of most peoples who have emerged from the very lowest known +stages of human culture, but have not attained the highest. + +Many instances appear in this work in which pictures expressive of an +idea present more than mere portraitures of objects, which latter method +has been styled imitative or iconographic writing. + +It is, however, impossible to classify with scientific precision the +pictured ideograms collected, for the reason that many of them occupy +intermediate points in any scheme that would be succinct enough to +be practically useful. In the arrangement of the present chapter the +division is made into: 1st. Abstract ideas expressed pictorially. 2d. +Signs, symbols, and emblems. 3d. Significance of colors. 4th. Gesture +and posture signs depicted. When any of the graphic representations of +ideas have become successful, i. e., commonly adopted, it soon becomes +more or less conventionalized. Chapter XIX is devoted specially to that +branch of the general subject. + + +SECTION 1. + +ABSTRACT IDEAS EXPRESSED PICTORIALLY. + +The first stage of picture-writing, as considered in the present +chapter, was the representation of a material object in such style or +connection as determined it not to be a mere portraiture of that object, +but figurative of some other object or person. This stage is abundantly +exhibited among the American Indians. Indeed, their personal and tribal +names thus objectively represented constitute the largest part of their +picture-writing so far thoroughly understood. + +The second step was when a special quality or characteristic of an +object, generally an animal, became employed to express a general +quality, i. e., an abstract idea. It can be readily seen how, among +the Egyptians, a hawk with bright eye and lofty flight might be +selected to express divinity and royalty, and that the crocodile should +denote darkness, while a slightly further advance in metaphors made +the ostrich feather, from the equality of its filaments, typical of +truth. All peoples whose rulers used special objective designations of +their rank, made those objects the signs for power, whether they were +crowns or umbrellas, eagle feathers, or colored buttons. A horse meant +swiftness, a serpent life--or immortality when drawn as a circle--a +dog was watchfulness, and a rabbit was fecundity. It is evident from +examples given in the present paper that the American tribes at the +time of the Columbian discovery had entered upon this second step of +picture-writing, though with marked inequality between tribes and +regions in advance therein. None of them appear to have reached such +proficiency in the expression of connected ideas by picture, as is +shown in the sign-language existing among some of them, which may +be accounted for by its more frequent use required by the constant +meeting of many persons speaking different languages. There is no more +necessary connection between abstract ideas and sounds, the mere signs +of thought that strike the ear, than there is between the same ideas +and signs addressed only to the eye. The success and scope of either +mode of expression depends mainly upon the amount of its exercise, in +which oral language undoubtedly has surpassed both sign-language and +picture-writing. + +The examples now following in this chapter are by no means all the +graphic representations of abstract ideas collected. Indeed many others +are contained in the work under other headings, but the following are +selected for grouping here with an attempt at order. In the popular +definition, or want of definition, some of them would be classed as +symbols. + + +AFTER. + +[Illustration: FIG. 845.--Charge after.] + +Fig. 845.--Charge after; Red-Cloud’s Census. + +Here is suggested the order in a charge upon an enemy, apparently a +Crow. The concept is not the general charge of a number of warriors upon +the Crows, but the succession between themselves of the men who made +that charge. The person whose name is represented probably followed in +but did not lead some celebrated charge. + +[Illustration: FIG. 846.--Killed after.] + +Fig. 846.--John Richard shot and killed an Oglala named Yellow-Bear, +and the Oglalas killed Richard before he could get out of the lodge; +American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1871-’72. This occurred in the spring of +1872. As the white man was killed after the Indian, he is placed behind +him in the figure. The bear’s head is shown. + + +_AGE--OLD AND YOUNG._ + +OLD. + +[Illustration: FIG. 847.--Old-Horse.] + +Fig. 847.--Old-Horse; Red-Cloud’s Census. Here the old age is shown by +the wrinkles and projecting lips. + +[Illustration: FIG. 848.--Old-Mexican.] + +Fig. 848.--Old-Mexican; Red-Cloud’s Census. The man in European dress is +bent and supported by a staff, thus depicting the gesture-sign mentioned +in connection with Fig. 994. The Dakota had probably received his name +from killing an aged Mexican. + + +YOUNG. + +[Illustration: FIG. 849.--Young-Rabbit.] + +Fig. 849.--Young-Rabbit, a Crow, was killed in battle by Red-Cloud. +Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1861-’62. Here the youth of the Rabbit is +expressed by diminutive size and short legs. + +[Illustration: FIG. 850.--Bad-Boy.] + +Fig. 850.--Bad-Boy. Red-Cloud’s Census. The boyhood is expressed by the +short hair and short scalp lock. + + +BAD. + +[Illustration: FIG. 851.--Bad-Horn.] + +Fig. 851.--Bad-Horn. Red-Cloud’s Census. The bad quality of the horn is +expressed by its decayed and broken condition and its distorted curve. + +[Illustration: FIG. 852.--Bad-Face.] + +Fig. 852.--Bad-Face, a Dakota, was shot in the face. Cloud-Shield’s +Winter Count, 1794-’95. The bad face may have been broken out with +blotches of disease before the shot, or the scars may have been the +result of the shot, which gave occasion for a new name, as is common. +The idea of “bad” is often expressed by an abnormality, especially one +which disfigures. + +[Illustration: FIG. 853.--Bad. Ojibwa.] + +Fig. 853, taken from Copway (_d_), represents “bad.” The concept appears +to be the preponderance of “below” to “above.” + + +BEFORE. + +[Illustration: FIG. 854.--Got there first.] + +Fig. 854.--Got there first. Red-Cloud’s Census. The figure portrays a +successful escape of an unmounted Indian from a chase by enemies on +horseback. The chased man gets home to his tipi before being overtaken +by his pursuers, whose horses’ tracks are shown. + + +BIG. + +[Illustration: FIG. 855.--Big-Turnip.] + +Fig. 855.--Big-Turnip. Red-Cloud’s Census. The plant is also known as +the navet de prairie. The large size of the specimen, as compared with +the human head, is apparent. + +[Illustration: FIG. 856.--Big-Crow.] + +Fig. 856.--A Minneconjou Dakota, named Big-Crow, was killed by the Crow +Indians. Swan’s Winter Count, 1859-’60. He had received his name from +killing a Crow Indian of unusual size. The bird is portrayed much larger +than similar objects in the Winter Count, from which it is taken. + +[Illustration: FIG. 857.--Grasp.] + +Fig. 857.--Grasp. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here the indication of size and +strength of the hand is suggested by one hand growing out from another, +a species of duplication. To have drawn two distinct hands would only +have been normal and not suggestive of unusual power of grip. + +[Illustration: FIG. 858.--Big-Hand.] + +Fig. 858.--Big-Hand. From Red-Cloud’s Census. Here the fingers are +widely separated and displayed. + +[Illustration: FIG. 859.--Big-Thunder.] + +Fig. 859.--Big-Thunder. From Red-Cloud’s Census. Here the size or power +is suggested by implication. The double or two-voiced thunder is big +thunder. + +[Illustration: FIG. 860.--Big-Voice.] + +Fig. 860.--Big-Voice. From Red-Cloud’s Census. In this figure there are +still more voices than in the preceding. + + +CENTER. + +[Illustration: FIG. 861.--Center-Feather.] + +Fig. 861.--Upi-Yaslate. Center-Feather. The Oglala Roster. This is the +indication of a particular feather, i. e., the middle tail feather +of a bird, probably of an eagle, the tail feathers of which bird are +represented in many pictographs in this paper. There was some reason for +the selection of the center feather for the name, and to indicate the +center three feathers were depicted with a line touching the middle one. + + +DEAF. + +[Illustration: FIG. 862.--Deaf-Woman.] + +Fig. 862.--Wi-nugin-kpa, Deaf-Woman. The Oglala Roster. The ears +are covered by a line, i. e., are closed, and the ear most in view +is connected with the crown of the head, to show that the name is +expressed. + + +DIRECTION. + +This title has been selected as being the most comprehensive one for the +five following figures. The first shows a moccasin with a serpentine +track, at the farthest end of which is an angular design, indicating +leadership as well as the direction taken. This suggests the leader of +a war party conducting his band over an uncertain trail. The second is +explanatory of the first. That the chief goes in front is indicated in +a manner the reverse of that which would appear in the designs common +in our military text-books. He is supposed to be in the opening in +the angle of the advance and not at its apex. The third figure shows +a steadfast leadership in the determined straight direction of attack +against the enemy. This is still more ideographically represented by the +single strong straight line showing that he “Don’t turn” in the fourth +figure of this group. + +[Illustration: FIG. 863.--Direction.] + +Fig. 863.--Warrior. Red-Cloud’s Census. The name does not give any idea +of the design. + +[Illustration: FIG. 864.--Goes-in-Front.] + +Fig. 864.--Goes-in-Front. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 865.--Don’t-turn.] + +Fig. 865.--Don’t-turn. Red-Cloud’s Census. This means that the warrior +don’t--that is, won’t--turn from his direct course. + +[Illustration: FIG. 866.--Don’t-turn.] + +Fig. 866.--Don’t-turn. Red Cloud’s Census. This figure is a variant +of the last, and a body of mounted men following the leader, all on +horseback as shown by the lunules. + +[Illustration: FIG. 867.--Returning Scout.] + +Fig. 867.--Tunweya-gli, Returning-Scout. The Oglala Roster. The +returning is ingeniously represented by the line curving backward and +returning to the point of starting. The two balls above the head are +simply two fixed points, which establish the course of the line. + + +DISEASE. + +[Illustration: FIG. 868.--Whooping cough.] + +Fig. 868.--Many had the whooping cough. American-Horse’s Winter Count, +1813-’14. The cough is represented by the lines issuing from the man’s +mouth, but the characteristics of the disease are better expressed in +the three charts of the Lone-Dog system, Figs. 196, 197, and 198. + +[Illustration: FIG. 869.--Measles.] + +[Illustration: FIG. 870.--Measles or smallpox.] + +Fig. 869.--All the Dakotas had measles, very fatal. Swan’s Winter Count, +1818-’19. Battiste Good says: “Smallpox-used-them-up-again winter.” +They, i. e., the Dakotas, at this time lived on the Little White river, +about 20 miles above the Rosebud agency. The character in Battiste +Good’s chart is presented here in Fig. 870 as a variant. + +[Illustration: FIG. 871.--Ate buffalo and died.] + +[Illustration: FIG. 872.--Died of “whistle.”] + +Fig. 871.--Dakota war party ate a buffalo and all died. Swan’s +Winter Count, 1826-’27. Battiste Good calls the same year, +“Ate-a-whistle-and-died winter,” Fig. 872, and explains that six Dakotas +on the warpath had nearly perished with hunger, when they found and ate +the rotting carcass of an old buffalo, on which the wolves had been +feeding. They were seized soon after with pains in the stomach, their +bellies swelled, and gas poured from the mouth and the anus, and they +“died of a whistle,” or from eating a whistle. The sound of gas escaping +from the mouth is illustrated in the figure. The character on the +abdomen and on its right may be considered to be the ideograph for pain +in that part of the body. + +[Illustration: FIG. 873.--Smallpox.] + +Fig. 873.--Many people died of smallpox. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, +1782-’83. The charts all record two successive winters of smallpox, but +American-Horse makes the first year of the epidemic one year later than +that of Battiste Good, and Cloud-Shield makes it two years later. + +[Illustration: FIG. 874.--Smallpox.] + +Fig. 874.--Many died of smallpox. American-Horse’s Winter Count, +1780-’81. Here the smallpox marks are on the face and neck of a Dakota, +as indicated by the arrangement of the hair. + +[Illustration: FIG. 875.--Smallpox. Mexican.] + +Kingsborough (_e_) explains Fig. 875 by these words in the text: “In +the year of Seven Rabbits, or in 1538, many of the people died of the +smallpox.” This may be compared with the two preceding figures. + +[Illustration: FIG. 876.--Died of cramps.] + +Fig. 876.--Many died of the cramps. American-Horse’s Winter Count, +1849-’50. The cramps were those of Asiatic cholera, which was epidemic +in the United States at that time, and was carried to the plains by +the California and Oregon emigrants. The position of the man is very +suggestive of cholera. + +[Illustration: FIG. 877.--Died in childbirth.] + +Fig. 877.--Many women died in childbirth. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, +1798-’99. + +[Illustration: FIG. 878.--Died in childbirth.] + +Fig. 878.--Many women died in childbirth. American-Horse’s Winter Count, +1792-’93. + +[Illustration: FIG. 879.--Sickness. Ojibwa.] + +Fig. 879, from Copway (_e_), represents sickness. It evidently refers to +the loss of flesh consequent thereon. The sick man is a European. + +[Illustration: FIG. 880.--Sickness. Chinese.] + +Edkins (_a_) gives Fig. 880 as “sickness,” and calls it a picture of a +sick man leaning against a support. All words connected with diseases +are arranged under this head. + + +FAST. + +The following figures clearly indicate rapidity of motion: + +[Illustration: FIG. 881.--Fast-Horse.] + +Fig. 881.--Fast-Horse. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 882.--Fast-Elk.] + +Fig. 882.--Fast-Elk. Red-Cloud’s Census. + + +FEAR. + +The following ideograms for the concept of fear show respectively an +elk, a bear, and a bull surrounded by a circle of hunters. It would seem +that the latter were supposed to be afraid to attack the animals when +at bay in hand-to-hand fight, but stood off in a circle until they had +killed the enraged beast, or at least wounded it sufficiently to allow +of approach without danger. + +[Illustration: FIG. 883.--Afraid-of-Elk.] + +Fig. 883.--Afraid-of-Elk. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 884.--Afraid-of-Bull.] + +Fig. 884.--Afraid-of-Bull. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 885.--Afraid-of-Bear.] + +Fig. 885.--Afraid-of-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 886.--The Bear-stops.] + +Fig. 886.--Matokinajin, The-Bear-Stops. The Oglala Roster. The bear is +surrounded by a circle of hunters, so is forced to stop. This figure is +in no essential respect different from the one preceding, yet the name +is suggestive of the converse of the fact expressed. In this case the +bear is forced to stop, and doubtless fear is exhibited by that animal +and not his hunters. Each of the ideas is appropriately expressed, the +point of consideration being changed. + +[Illustration: FIG. 887.] + +Fig. 887 is taken from Copway, loc. cit. It probably represents “fear,” +the concept being the imagined sinking or depression of the heart and +vital organs, as is correspondingly expressed in several languages. + + +FRESHET. + +This small group shows the Dakotan modes of portraying the freshets +of the rivers on the banks of which they lived, which were often +disastrous. Each of the three figures pictures differently the same +event. + +[Illustration: FIG. 888.--River freshet.] + +Fig. 888.--“Many-Yanktonais-drowned winter.” The river bottom on a bend +of the Missouri river, where they were encamped, was suddenly submerged, +when the ice broke and many women and children were drowned. Battiste +Good’s Winter Count 1825-’26. + +[Illustration: FIG. 889.--River freshet.] + +Fig. 889.--Many of the Dakotas were drowned in a flood caused by a +rise in the Missouri river, in a bend of which they were encamped. +Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1825-’26. The curved line is the bend in +the river; the waved line is the water, above which the tops of the +tipis are shown. + +[Illustration: FIG. 890.--River freshet.] + +Fig. 890.--Some of the Dakotas were living on the bottom lands of the +Missouri river, below the Whetstone, when the river, which was filled +with broken ice, rose and flooded their village. Many were drowned or +else killed by the floating ice. Many of those that escaped climbed on +cakes of ice or into trees. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1825-’26. + + +GOOD. + +[Illustration: FIG. 891.--Good weasel.] + +Fig. 891.--Good-Weasel. Red-Cloud’s Census. The character is represented +with two waving lines passing upward from the mouth in imitation of the +gesture sign, good talk, as made by passing two extended and separated +fingers (or all fingers separated) upward and forward from the mouth. +This gesture is made when referring either to a shaman or to a Christian +clergyman. It is connected with the idea of “mystic” frequently +mentioned in this work. + + +HIGH. + +Various modes of delineating this idea are represented as follows: + +[Illustration: FIG. 892.--Top-man.] + +Fig. 892.--Top-man. Red-Cloud’s Census. This character for Top-man, or +more properly “man above,” is drawn a short distance above a curved +line, which represents the character for sky inverted. The gesture for +sky is sometimes made by passing the hand from east to west, describing +an arc. Other pictographs for sky are shown in Fig. 1117. + +[Illustration: FIG. 893.--High-Cloud.] + +Fig. 893.--High-Cloud. Red-Cloud’s Census. The light and horizontal +character of the cloud suggests that it is one of those classed by +meteorologists as belonging to the higher regions of the atmosphere. +This differs from all the varieties of clouds depicted in the Dakotan +system. + +[Illustration: FIG. 894.--High-Bear.] + +Fig. 894--High-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. The length of the line and the +animal’s stretch of attitude suggest the altitude. + +[Illustration: FIG. 895.--High-Eagle.] + +Fig. 895.--High-Eagle. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here there is an additional +suggestion of elevation from the upward angle or pointer delineated +below the eagle’s body and in front of its legs. + +[Illustration: FIG. 896.--Wolf on height.] + +Fig. 896.--Wolf-stands-on-a-hill. Red-Cloud’s Census. This and the +following representation of the same name show variation in execution. +The first, which is faint, as if distant vertically, is connected with +a straight line. The second shows the hill, appearing from vertical +distance too small to be the support of the wolf, which requires an +imaginary support for its hind legs. + +[Illustration: FIG. 897.--Wolf on height.] + +Fig. 897.--Wolf-stands-on-hill. Red-Cloud’s Census. + + +LEAN. + +In the five figures next following the leanness of the several animals +is objectively portrayed. In Fig. 903 the idea is conveyed of “nothing +inside.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 898.--Lean-Skunk.] + +Fig. 898.--Lean-Skunk. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 899.--Lean-Dog.] + +Fig. 899.--Lean-Dog. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 900.--Lean-Bear.] + +Fig. 900.--Lean-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. This bear being excessively +hungry is rendered ferocious by devouring unpalatable provender. + +[Illustration: FIG. 901.--Lean-Elk.] + +Fig. 901.--Lean-Elk. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 902.--Lean-Bull.] + +Fig. 902.--Lean-Bull. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 903.--Lean-Wolf.] + +The original of Fig. 903 was made by Lean-Wolf, second chief of the +Hidatsa, in 1881, and represents the method which he had employed to +designate himself for many years past. During his boyhood he had another +name. This is a current, or perhaps it may be called cursive, form of +the name, which is given more elaborately in Fig. 548. + + +LITTLE. + +[Illustration: FIG. 904.--Little-Ring.] + +Fig. 904.--Little-Ring. Red-Cloud’s Census. This and the six following +figures express smallness by their minute size relative to the other +characterizing figures among nearly three hundred in the census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 905.--Little-Ring.] + +Fig. 905.--Little-Ring. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 906.--Little-Crow.] + +Fig. 906.--Little-Crow. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 907.--Little-Cloud.] + +Fig. 907.--Little-Cloud. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 908.--Little-Dog.] + +Fig. 908.--Little-Dog. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 909.--Little-Wolf.] + +Fig. 909.--Little-Wolf. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 910.--Little-Bear.] + +Fig. 910.--Little-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 911.--Little-Elk.] + +Fig. 911.--Little-Elk. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here there is an ideogram +explained by the sign-language for small, little, as follows: + +Hold imaginary object between left thumb and index; point (carrying +right index close to tips) to the last. In the original appears a small +round spot over the back of the deer representing the imaginary point +made in the gesture. + +[Illustration: FIG. 912.--Little-Beaver.] + +Fig. 912.--Little-Beaver and three other white men came to trade. +American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1797-’98. In this figure the man is small +and the beaver abnormally large. + +[Illustration: FIG. 913.--Little-Beaver.] + +Fig. 913.--Little-Beaver’s trading house was burned down. +American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1808-’09. The beaver is not comparatively +so large as in the preceding figure, but still much too large for a +proper proportion with the human head. It is indicated that the man is +small. + +[Illustration: FIG. 914.--Little-Beaver.] + +Fig. 914.--Little-Beaver’s house was burned. Cloud-Shield’s Winter +Count, 1809-’10. White-Cow-Killer says, “Little-Beaver’s (the white man) +house-burned-down winter.” This is a third method of representing the +same name. + +[Illustration: FIG. 915.--Little-Moon.] + +Fig. 915.--Little-Moon. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure shows a phase of +the moon when the bright part of its disk is small. + + +LONE. + +[Illustration: FIG. 916.--Lone-woman.] + +Fig. 916.--Winyan-isnala, Lone-Woman. The Oglala Roster. It is possible +that the single straight line above the woman’s head shows unity, +loneliness, or independence, as it may be interpreted. + +[Illustration: FIG. 917.--Lone-Bear.] + +Fig. 917.--Lone-Bear was killed in battle. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, +1866-’67. This figure is perhaps to be explained by the one preceding. +The bear is drawn sitting upright and solitary, not standing as it would +be with the device turned, feet to ground, as might be suspected to be +the intended attitude instead of that here shown. + + +MANY, MUCH. + +In the two following figures the idea of “many” is conveyed by +repetition. + +In the third, Fig. 920, the representation is that of a heap, for much. + +[Illustration: FIG. 918.--Many-Shells.] + +Fig. 918.--Many-Shells. Red Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 919.--Many deer.] + +Fig. 919.--General Maynadier made peace with the Oglalas and Brulés. +American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1865-’66. The general’s name (the sound +of which resembles the words “many deer”) is indicated by the two deer +heads connected with his mouth by lines. The pictographers represented +his name in the same manner as they do their own. It is not an example +of rebus, but of misunderstanding the significance of the word as +spoken and heard by such Indians as had some knowledge of English. The +official interpreters would be likely to commit the error as they seldom +understand more than the colloquial English phrases. + +[Illustration: FIG. 920.--Much snow.] + +Fig. 920 is taken from the winter count of Battiste Good for the year +1841-’42. He calls the year “Pointer-made-a-commemoration-of-the-dead +winter.” Also “Deep-snow winter.” + +The extended index denotes the man’s name, “Pointer,” the circular line +and spots, deep snow. + +The spots denoting snow occur also in other portions of this count, and +the circle, denoting much, is in Fig. 260 connected with a forked stick +and incloses a buffalo head to signify “much meat.” That the circle is +intended to signify much is made probable, by the fact that a gesture +for “much” is made by passing the hands upward from both sides and +together before the body, describing the upper half of a circle, i. e., +showing a heap. + +[Illustration: FIG. 921.-Great, much.] + +Fig. 921, from Copway, gives the character meaning “great,” really +“much.” See the above mentioned gesture. + + +OBSCURE. + +[Illustration: FIG. 922.--Ring-Cloud.] + +Fig. 922.--Ring-Cloud. Red-Cloud’s Census. The semicircle for cloud +is the reverse in execution to that shown in Fig. 893. The ring is +partially surrounded by the cloud. + +[Illustration: FIG. 923.--Cloud-Ring.] + +Fig. 923.--Cloud-Ring. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here the outline of the ring +is intentionally contorted and blurred, thus becoming obscure. + +[Illustration: FIG. 924.--Fog.] + +Fig. 924.--Fog. Red-Cloud’s Census. The obscurity here can only be +appreciated by comparison with the other figures of the chart. The +outline is drawn broad and with a blurred and in part double line, and +there is no distinguishing mark of identity, as if to suggest that the +man was so much obscured in the fog as not to be recognizable. + + +OPPOSITION. + +The following two figures, 925 and 926, are introduced to show the +opposition in attitude, which would not be understood without knowledge +of the fact that these are perhaps the only instances in a collection +of nearly three hundred in which the characterizing faces are turned to +the right, all others being turned to the left. This shows the opposite +of normality, i. e., opposition, as suggested in each case, with a +different shade of meaning. + +[Illustration: FIG. 925.--Kills-Back.] + +Fig. 925.--Kills-Back. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here the backward concept is +presented by the unusual attitude. The coup stick or lance is supposed +to be wielded in the reverse manner. + +[Illustration: FIG. 926.--Keeps-the-Battle.] + +Fig. 926.--Keeps-the-Battle. Red-Cloud’s Census. The concept is that of +stubborn retreat while fighting against the advancing foe. + +[Illustration: FIG. 927.--Keeps-the-Battle.] + +Fig. 927.--Keeps-the-Battle. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is the same name +as the preceding, but the opposition suggested is that which is usual +in pictographs of a battle, with the important addition of the opposed +arrow points being attached together by striking the same object, and +possibly being connected by an imaginary knot. This keeps or continues +the struggle. + +[Illustration: FIG. 928.--His-Fight.] + +Fig. 928.--Okicize-tawa, His-Fight. The Oglala Roster. The opposed guns +and tracks indicate the fight in which this warrior was conspicuous and +probably victorious. This figure is introduced here as typical of simple +opposition in battle. + +[Illustration: FIG. 929.--River fight.] + +Fig. 929.--Battiste Good’s Winter Count, 1836-’37. An encounter is +represented between two tribes, separated by the banks of a river, from +which arrows are fired across the water at the opposing party. The +vertical lines represent the banks, while the opposing arrows denote a +fight or an encounter. + + +POSSESSION. + +[Illustration: FIG. 930.--Owns the arrows.] + +Fig. 930.--Owns-the-Arrows. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is a common mode of +expressing possession by exhibition in hand. + +[Illustration: FIG. 931.--Has something sharp.] + +Fig. 931.--Pesto-yuha, Has-something-sharp (weapon). Oglala Roster. The +weapon or sharp utensil is held in front to denote its possession. + + +PRISONER. + +This group shows the several modes of expressing the idea of a prisoner. + +[Illustration: FIG. 932.--Prisoner. Dakota.] + +Fig. 932.--The Ponkas attacked two lodges of Oglalas, killed some of +the people, and made the rest prisoners. The Oglalas went to the Ponka +village a short time afterward and took their people from the Ponkas. +American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1802-’03. + +In the figure an Oglala has a prisoner by the arm leading him away. The +arrow indicates that they were ready to fight. The hand grasping the +fore arm is the ideogram of prisoner. + +[Illustration: FIG. 933.--Takes enemy.] + +Fig. 933.--Takes-Enemy. Red-Cloud’s Census. This man is represented +as not killed nor even wounded. He is touched by the coup stick or +feathered lance, when he can not escape, and becomes a prisoner. + +Lafitau (_d_) gives the following account descriptive of Fig. 934, which +reminds of the classic Roman parade of prisoners in triumph: + +[Illustration: FIG. 934.--Iroquois triumph.] + + Those who have charge of the prisoners prepare them for this + ceremony, which is a sort of triumph, having for them something of + glory and of sorrow at the same time; for, whether it is desired + to do them honor or to enhance the triumph of the conquerors, they + paint their faces black and red as on a solemn feast day. Their + heads are decorated with a crown, embellished with feathers; in the + left hand is placed a white stick covered with swan skin, which + is a sort of commander’s baton or scepter, as if they represented + the chief of the nation [sic] or the nation itself which had been + vanquished; in the right hand is placed the rattle, and around the + neck of the most prominent of the slaves the wampum necklace which + the war chief has given or received when he raised the party and + on which the other warriors have sealed their engagement. But if + on one hand the prisoners are honored, on the other, to make them + feel their miserable situation, they are deprived of everything + else; so that they are left entirely naked and made to walk with the + arms tied behind the back above the elbow. + +[Illustration: FIG. 935.--Prisoners. Dakota.] + +Fig. 935 is taken from Mrs. Eastman (_d_), and shows a Dakota method of +recording the taking of prisoners. _a_ and _c_ are the prisoners, _a_ +being a female as denoted by the presence of mammæ, and _c_ a male; _b_ +is the person making the capture. It is to be noted that the prisoners +are without hands, to signify their helplessness. + +In Doc. Hist. New York (_c_) is the following description of Fig. 936: + +[Illustration: FIG. 936.--Prisoners. Iroquois.] + + On their return, the Iroquois, if they have prisoners or scalps, + paint the animal of the tribe to which they belong rampant (debout), + with a staff on the shoulder along which are strung the scalps they + may have and in the same number. After the animal are the prisoners + they have made, with a chichicois (or gourd filled with beans which + rattle) in the right hand. If they be women, they represent them + with a cadenette or queue and a waistcloth. + + _a._ This is a person returning from war who has taken a + prisoner, killed a man and woman, whose scalps hang from the end of + a stick that he carries. _b._ The prisoner. _c._ Chichicois (or a + gourd), which he holds in the hand. _d._ These are cords attached to + his neck, arms, and girdle. _e._ This is the scalp of a man; what is + joined on one side is the scalp-lock. _f._ This is the scalp of a + woman; they paint it with the hair thin. + +[Illustration: FIG. 937.--Prisoners. Mexico.] + +The expression prisoner and slave are often convertible. The following +from Kingsborough (_f_), explaining this illustration reproduced as Fig. +937, refers in terms to slavery. “The figures are those of the wife and +son of a cacique who rebelled against Montezuma, and who, having been +conquered, was strangled. The ‘collars’ upon their necks show that they +have been reduced to slavery.” + +SHORT. + +[Illustration: FIG. 938.--Short-Bull.] + +Fig. 938.--Short-Bull. Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 16. The buffalo is +markedly short even to distortion. + +SIGHT. + +[Illustration: FIG. 939.--Sees-the-Enemy.] + +Fig. 939.--Sees-the-Enemy. Red-Cloud’s Census. In this collection the +eye is not indicated except where that organ is directly connected with +the significance of the name. Here its mere presence suggests that +vision is the subject matter. But, in addition, the object above the +head is probably a hand mirror, which by its reflection is supposed to +“see” the objects reflected. The plains Indians make use of such mirrors +not only in their face painting but in flash signaling. + +[Illustration: FIG. 940.--Crier.] + +Fig. 940.--In a fight with the Mandans, Crier was shot in the head with +a gun. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1827-’28. This figure is introduced +to present another rare instance in which the eye is delineated. Here +the act is that of weeping. + +[Illustration: FIG. 941.--Comes-in-Sight.] + +Fig. 941.--Comes-in-Sight. Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 235. Distant objects, +probably buffalo or other animals of the chase, are observed coming into +the line of vision. + +[Illustration: FIG. 942.--Bear-comes-out.] + +Fig. 942.--Bear-comes-out. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here the bear is supposed +to come into sight through a hole in the tipi. + +[Illustration: FIG. 943.--Bear-comes-out.] + +Fig. 943.--Bear-comes-out. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure is explained +by the one preceding. Only half of the bear--the fore part--is to +be seen as if emerging through some orifice. Heads and other parts +of animals are frequently portrayed as signifying the whole, by +synechdoche, but in this case the presentation of the head and +forequarters has special significance. + +[Illustration: FIG. 944.] + +Fig. 944.--Taken from Copway, p. 136, is the character which is employed +to represent “see.” + +SLOW. + +[Illustration: FIG. 945.--Slow-Bear.] + +Fig. 945.--Slow-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. In this figure the bear seems +to be in backing or retrograde motion, which is slower than any normal +advance, and is therefore ideographically suggestive of slowness. + +TALL. + +[Illustration: FIG. 946.--Tall-Man.] + +Fig. 946.--Tall-Man. Red-Cloud’s Census. This and the five following +animal figures show length and individual height objectively. + +[Illustration: FIG. 947.--Tall-White-Man.] + +Fig. 947.--Wasicun-wankatuya, Tall-White-Man. The Oglala Roster. The hat +shows the man of European origin, but his figure is large in the face +and short in the legs; so not tall in a usual sense. He was probably +killed by the Oglala. + +[Illustration: FIG. 948.--Tall-White-Man.] + +Fig. 948.--Tall-White-Man. Red-Cloud’s Census. This expresses the height +much more graphically than the one preceding. + +[Illustration: FIG. 949.--Long-Panther.] + +Fig. 949.--Long-Panther. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 950.--Tall-Panther.] + +Fig. 950.--Tall-Panther. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 951.--Tall-Bull.] + +Fig. 951.--Tall-Bull was killed by white soldiers and Pawnees on the +south side of the South Platte river. American-Horse’s Winter Count, +1869-’70. The combined arrangement of the human head and the buffalo so +as to produce the effect of abnormal height in the latter is ingenious. +The plan of this chart did not allow of long lines above the head, so +the effect is attained by comparison of the standing buffalo with the +height of the man. + +[Illustration: FIG. 952.--Tall-Pine.] + +Fig. 952.--Tall-Pine. Red-Cloud’s Census. In this as in the two next +figures the length of the trunk of the tree is apparent. + +[Illustration: FIG. 953.--Long-Pine.] + +Fig. 953.--Long-Pine was killed in a fight with the Crows. +American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1879-’80. The absence of his scalp +denotes that he was killed by an enemy. The fatal wound was made with +the bow and arrow. + +[Illustration: FIG. 954.--Long-Pine.] + +Fig. 954.--Long-Pine, a Dakota, was killed by Dakotas, perhaps +accidentally or perhaps in a personal quarrel. Cloud-Shield’s Winter +Count, 1846-’47. He was not killed by a tribal enemy, as he has not lost +his scalp. + + +TRADE. + +[Illustration: FIG. 955.--Trade.] + +Fig. 955.--They were compelled to sell many mules and horses to enable +them to procure food, as they were in a starving condition. They +willingly gave a mule for a sack of flour. American-Horse’s Winter +Count, 1868-’69. The mule’s halter is connected with two sacks of flour. + +[Illustration: FIG. 956.--Trade.] + +Fig. 956 is taken from Prince Maximilian, of Wied’s (_h_) Travels. The +cross signifies, I will barter or trade. Three animals are drawn on the +right hand of the cross; one is a buffalo (probably albino); the two +others, a weasel (_Mustela Canadensis_) and an otter. The pictographer +offers in exchange for the skins of these animals the articles which +he has drawn on the left side of the cross. He has there, in the first +place, depicted a beaver very plainly, behind which there is a gun; +to the left of the beaver are thirty strokes, each ten separated by a +longer line; this means: I will give thirty beaver skins and a gun for +the skins of the three animals on the right hand of the cross. + +The ideographic character of the design consists in the use of the +cross--being a drawing of the gesture-sign for “trade”--the arms being +interchanged in position. Of the two things each one is put in the place +before occupied by the other thing, the idea of exchange. + + +UNION. + +The Dakotas often express this concept by uniting two or more figures by +a distinct inclusive line below the figures. This sometimes means family +relationship and sometimes common membership in the same tribe. + +[Illustration: FIG. 957.--Brothers.] + +Fig. 957.--Antoine Janis’s two boys were killed by John Richard. +Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1872-’73. The line of union shows them to +be intimately connected; in fact, they were brothers. + +[Illustration: FIG. 958.--Same tribe.] + +Fig. 958.--The Oglalas got drunk at Chug creek and engaged in a quarrel +among themselves, in which Red-Cloud’s brother was killed and Red-Cloud +killed three men. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1841-’42. The union line +shows that the quarrel was in the tribe. + +[Illustration: FIG. 959.--Man and wife.] + +Fig. 959.--Torn-Belly and his wife were killed by some of their own +people in a quarrel. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1855-’56. Here the man +and wife are united by the inclusive line. + +[Illustration: FIG. 960.--Same tribe.] + +Fig. 960.--Eight Minneconjou Dakotas were killed by Crow Indians at the +mouth of Powder river. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1805-’06. This device +is very frequently used to denote the death of the Dakotas. The black +strokes indicate the death of persons of the number delineated and the +union line shows that they were of the same tribe. + +[Illustration: FIG. 961.--Same tribe.] + +Fig. 961.--Blackfeet Dakotas kill three Rees. The-Flame’s Winter Count +for 1798-’99. Here the uniting line of death refers to others than +Dakotas, which does not often appear, but the principle is maintained +that the dead are of the same tribe. + +WHIRLWIND. + +[Illustration: FIG. 962.--Bear-Whirlwind.] + +Fig. 962.--Mato-wamniyomni, Bear-Whirlwind. The Oglala Roster. This +figure shows over the bear’s head a variant of the character given in +Red-Cloud’s Census, Fig. 963. The figure appears, according to the +explanation given by several Oglala Dakota Indians, to signify the +course of a whirlwind with the transverse lines in imitation of the +circular movement of the air, conveying dirt and leaves, observed during +such aerial disturbances. + +[Illustration: FIG. 963.--White-Whirlwind.] + +Fig. 963.--Represents White-Whirlwind, above referred to, from +Red-Cloud’s Census. In this the designating character is more distinct. + +[Illustration: FIG. 964.--Leafing.] + +Fig. 964.--Leafing. Red-Cloud’s Census. This seems to be of the same +description. It is said to be drawn in imitation of a number of fallen +leaves packed against one another and whirled along the ground. It also +has reference to the season when leaves fall--autumn. + +Mr. Keam’s MS. describing Fig. 965, says: + +[Illustration: FIG. 965.--Whirlwind.] + + It is a decoration of great frequency and consisting of the + single and double spirals. The single spiral is the symbol of + Ho-bo-bo, the twister, who manifests his power by the whirlwind. It + is also of frequent occurrence as a rock etching in the vicinity + of ruins, where also the symbol of the Ho-bo-bo is seen. But the + figure does not appear upon any of the pottery. The myth explains + that a stranger came among the people, when a great whirlwind blew + all the vegetation from the surface of the earth and all the water + from its courses. With a flint he caught these symbols upon a rock, + the etching of which is now in Keam’s Cañon, Arizona Territory. It + is 17 inches long and 8 inches across. He told them that he was the + keeper of breath. The whirlwind and the air which men breathe comes + from this keeper’s mouth. + +[Illustration: FIG. 966.--Whirlwind.] + +Fig. 966 is a copy of part of the decoration on a pot taken from a mound +in Missouri, published in Second Annual Report of the Bureau Ethnology, +Pl. LIII, fig. 11. On the authority of Rev. S. D. Hinman, it is the +conventional device among the Dakotas to represent a whirlwind. + + +WINTER--COLD--SNOW. + +[Illustration: FIG 967.--Froze to death.] + +Fig. 967.--Glue, an Oglala, froze to death on his way to a Brulé +village. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1791-’92. A glue-stick is +represented back of his head. Glue, made from the hoofs of buffalo, is +used to fasten arrowheads to the shaft and is carried about on sticks. +The cloud from which hail or snow is falling represents winter. + +[Illustration: FIG. 968.--Froze to death.] + +Fig. 968.--A Dakota, named Glue, froze to death. Cloud-Shield’s Winter +Count, 1820-’21. This figure is introduced to corroborate of the +preceding one as regards the name Glue. It gives another representation +of the glue stick. + +[Illustration: FIG. 969.--Crows froze.] + +Fig. 969.--A Dakota named Stabber froze to death. American-Horse’s +Winter Count, 1782-’83. The sign for winter is the same as before, but +doubled, as if of twofold power or excessively severe. + +[Illustration: FIG. 970.--Froze to death.] + +Fig. 970.--The winter was so cold that many crows froze to death. +Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1788-’89. White-Cow-Killer says +“Many-black-crows-died winter.” + +The Crow falling stiff and motionless is a good symbol for the effect of +excessive cold. + +[Illustration: FIG. 971.] + +Fig. 971.--The snow was very deep. American-Horse’s Winter Count, +1827-’28. The piled-up snow around the bottoms of the tipis is graphic; +no other material than snow could make that kind of surrounding heap. + +[Illustration: FIG. 972.--Cold, snow.] + +Fig. 972.--From Copway, page 135, is the representation of “cold,” +“snow.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 973.] + +The Shoshoni and Banak sign for cold, winter, is: Clinch both hands and +cross the forearms before the breast with a trembling motion. It is +represented in Fig. 973. Cf. Battiste Good’s Winter count for 1747-’48 +and 1783-’84. + +[Illustration: FIG. 974.] + +In Kingsborough (_g_) is the painting reproduced in Fig. 974 with this +description: “In the year of seven Canes and 1447 according to our +calculation, it snowed so heavily that lives were lost.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 975.] + +In the same work and volumes, p. 146 and Pl. 26, is the original of Fig. +975, with the explanation that: “In this year of seven Flints, or 1512, +there were heavy falls of snow.” + +Wiener, op. cit., p. 762, gives the following description (condensed) of +Fig. 976, a remarkable example of ideography: + +[Illustration: FIG. 976.--Peruvian garrison.] + + This is on a cloth on which the eight fortresses of Paramonga + were presented. Between these bridges are drawn; these forts are of + three stages and on each stage is a representation of a man or of + two men. The men who are down on the plain had clothing of another + color and even another colored face from those who appear on the + different stages. Those who are on the plain at the foot of the + fortress have no arms, but they have highly developed ears. The + same is true of those who appear on the first stage. Those of the + following stage are provided with arms, and the ears are of normal + size. On the highest platform appear individuals with arms and they + have ears like those on the second stage. In the middle a figure + is provided with one arm and only one developed ear, which are on + opposite sides. The men without arms are also without weapons. + Those of the second stage carry at the height of the belt a kind of + hatchet and those of the upper platform have each a club. + + Considering the character of the locality where this cloth was + found, the number of forts there, the marshy land which prevented + dry-shod communication between them, it can not be doubted that + the subject matter was the representation of that region, but this + representation is not a drawing on a plan, but is a description + which does not only treat of the nature of the place and of the + work that man raised there, but it also indicates the rôle that the + inhabitants played there. + +The function of the men with exaggerated ears and no arms was that of +scouts. The armed men with normal ears were guards or warriors bearing +different weapons, ax and club, and differently uniformed. The highest +figure with one large ear was the chief of the garrison. + +It will be noticed that the scouts have enormous feet which do not rest +on the ground. This in connection with their exaggerated ears implies +that their duty is to listen and when they hear the enemy not to engage +him, as they have no arms or weapons, but to fly to the headquarters +and make the report. The duty of the warriors is not to listen, so +their ears are not abnormal, but to fight, and therefore they have +arms, one of which is exposed and the other holds a weapon. Their feet +are attached to their several stations. The chief must both listen and +direct, wherefore he is drawn with one exaggerated ear and one arm. His +feet do not touch the platform, which signifies that he has no special +station, but must move wherever he is most needed. + + +SECTION 2. + +SIGNS, SYMBOLS, AND EMBLEMS. + +The terms sign, symbol, and emblem are often used interchangeably +and therefore incorrectly. Many persons ascribe an occult and mystic +signification to symbols, probably from their general religious and +esoteric employment. All characters in Indian picture-writing have been +loosely styled symbols, and, as there is no logical distinction between +the characters impressed with enduring form and when merely outlined +in the ambient air, all Indian gestures, motions, and attitudes, +intended to be significant, might with equal appropriateness be called +symbolic. But an Indian sign-talker or a deaf-mute represents a person +by mimicry, and an object by the outline of some striking part of +its form, or by the pantomime of some peculiarity in its actions or +relations. Their attempt is to bring to mind the person or thing through +its characteristics, not to distinguish the characteristics themselves, +which is a second step. In the same manner a simple pictorial sign +attempts to express an object, idea, or fact without any approach to +symbolism. Symbols are less obvious and more artificial than mere signs, +are not only abstract, but metaphysical, and often need explanation +from history, religion, and customs. They do not depict, but suggest +subjects; do not speak directly through the eye to the intelligence, +but presuppose in the mind knowledge of an event or fact which the +sign recalls. The symbols of the ark, dove, olive branch, and rainbow +would be wholly meaningless to people unfamiliar with the Mosaic or +some similar cosmology, as would the cross and the crescent be to those +ignorant of history. + +The loose classification by which symbols would include every gesture or +pictorial sign that naturally or conventionally recalls a corresponding +idea, only recognizes the fact that every action and object can, under +some circumstances, become a symbol. And indeed lovers of the symbolic +live in, on, and by the symbols which they manufacture. + +A curious instance of the successful manufacture of a symbol by the +ingenuity of one man is in the one now commonly pictured of a fish +to represent Christ. The fish for obvious reasons has been connected +with Eurasian mythology, and therefore was a heathen symbol many +centuries before the Christian era; indeed, probably before the creed +of the Israelites had become formulated. It was used metaphorically +or emblematically by the early Christians without the apparent +propriety of the lamb-bearing shepherd, the dove, and other emblems +or symbols found in the catacombs, and Didron (_b_) says that only +in the middle of the fourth century Optatus, bishop of Milesia, in +Africa, declared the significance of the letters of the Greek word for +fish, ΙΧΘΥΣ, to be the initials of Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς Θεοῦ Ὑιος Σωτηρ, +which acrostic was received with acclamation, and new characteristics +were from time to time invented, adding force to the thenceforth +commonly displayed symbol. It may be noted that when symbols, which +were generally religious, received acceptance, they were soon used +objectively as amulets or talismans. + +This chapter is not intended to be a treatise on symbolism, but it +is proper to mention the distinction in the writer’s mind between a +pictorial sign, an emblem, and a symbol; though it is not easy to +preserve accurate discrimination in classification of ideographic +characters. To partly express the distinction, nearly all of the +characters in the Winter Counts in this work are regarded as pictorial +signs, and the class represented by tribal and clan designations, +insignia, etc., is considered to belong to the category of emblems. +There is no doubt, however, that true symbols exist among the Indians, +as they must exist to some extent among all peoples not devoid of poetic +imagination. Some of them are shown in this work. The pipe is generally +a symbol of peace, although in certain positions and connections it +signifies preparation for war, and, again, subsequent victory. The +hatchet is a common symbol for war, and joined hands or approaching +palms denote peace. The tortoise has been clearly used as a symbol +for land, and many other examples can be admitted. Apart from the +exaggerations of Schoolcraft, true symbolism is found among the Ojibwa, +of which illustrations are presented. The accounts of the Zuñi, Moki, +and Navajo, before mentioned, show the constant employment of symbolic +devices by those tribes which are notably devoted to mystic ceremonies. +Nevertheless the writer’s personal experience is that when he has at +first supposed a character to be a genuine symbol, better means of +understanding has often proved it to be not even an ideograph, but a +mere objective representation. In this connection the remarks on the +circle, in Lone-Dog’s Winter Count for 1811-’12, and those on the cross +infra, may be in point. + +The connection, to the unlettered Indian, between printed words, +pictures, and signs, was well illustrated through the spontaneous +copial, by a Cheyenne, of the ornate labels on packages of sugar and +coffee, which he had seen at a reservation, and the lines of which he +rather skillfully and very ingeniously repeated on a piece of paper when +sending to a post-trader to purchase more of the articles. The printed +label was to him the pictorial sign for those articles. + +The following remarks are quoted from D’Alviella (_a_): + + There is a symbolism so natural, that, like certain implements + peculiar to the stone age, it does not belong to any particular + race, but constitutes a characteristic trait of mankind at a certain + phase of its development. Of this class are representations of + the sun by a disk or radiating face, of the moon by a crescent, + of the air by birds, of water by fishes or a broken line, of + thunder by an arrow or a club, etc. We ought, perhaps, to add a + few more complicated analogies, as those which lead to symbolizing + the different phases of human life by the growth of a tree, the + generative forces of nature by phallic emblems, the divine triads + by an equilateral triangle, or in general by any triple combination + the members of which are equal, and the four principal directions + of space by a cross. How many theories have been built upon the + presence of the cross as an object of veneration among nearly all + the peoples of the Old and New Worlds? Roman Catholic writers have + justly protested, in recent years, against attributing a pagan + origin to the cross of the Christians, because there were cruciform + signs in the symbolism of religions anterior to Christianity. It is + also right, by the same reason, to refuse to accept the attempts to + seek for infiltrations of Christianity in foreign religions because + they also possess the sign of redemption. * * * Nearly all peoples + have represented the fire from the sky by an arm and, sometimes + also, by a bird of strong and rapid flight. It was symbolized among + the Chaldeans by a trident. Cylinders going back to the most ancient + ages of Chaldean art exhibit a water jet gushing from a trident + which is held by the god of the sky or of the storm. The Assyrian + artist who first, on the bas-reliefs of Nimroud or Malthai, doubled + the trident or transformed it into a trifid fascicle, docile to the + refinements and elegancies of classic art, by that means secured for + the ancient Mesopotamian symbol the advantage over all the other + representations of thunder with which it could compete. The Greeks, + like the other Indo-European nations, seem to have represented + the storm-fire under the features of a bird of prey. When they + received the Asiatic figure of the thunderbolt, they put it in the + eagle’s claws and made of it the scepter of Zeus, explaining the + combination, after their habit, by the story of the eagles bringing + thunder to Zeus when he was preparing for the war against the + Titans. Latin Italy transmitted the thunderbolt to Gaul, where, in + the last centuries of paganism, it alternated on the Gallo-Roman + monuments with the two-headed hammer. + +The emblem writers, so designated, have furnished an immense body of +literature, and apparently have considered such pictures as those of the +Winter Counts in the present work and also all symbols to be included in +their proper scope. The best summary on the subject is by Henry Greene +(_a_), from which the following condensed extract is taken: + + Of the changes through which a word may pass the word emblem + presents one of the most remarkable instances. Its present + signification, type, or allusive representation is of comparatively + modern use, while its original meaning is obsolete. Among the Greeks + an emblem meant something thrown in or inserted after the fashion + of what we now call marquetry and mosaic work, or in the form of a + detached ornament to be affixed to a pillar, a tablet, or a vase, + and put off or on as there might be occasion. + + Quintilian (lib. 2, cap. 4), in enumerating the arts of oratory + used by the pleaders of his day, describes some of them as in the + habit of preparing and committing to memory certain highly finished + clauses, to be inserted (as occasion might arise) like emblems in + the body of their orations. Such was the meaning of the term in the + classical ages of Greece and Rome; nor was its signification altered + until some time after the revival of literature in the fifteenth + century. + + Thus, in their origin, emblems were the figures or ornaments + fashioned by the tools of the artists, in metal or wood, independent + of the vase, or the column, or the furniture they were intended to + adorn; they might be affixed or detached at the promptings of the + owner’s fancy. Then they were formed, as in mosaic, by placing side + by side little blocks of colored stone, or tiles, or small sections + of variegated wood. Raised or carved figures, however produced, came + next to be considered as emblems; and afterwards any kind of figured + ornament or device, whether carved or engraved or simply traced, on + the walls and floors of houses or on vessels of wood, clay, stone, + or metal. + + By a very easy and natural step figures and ornaments of many + kinds, when placed on smooth surfaces, were named emblems; and as + these figures and ornaments were very often symbolical, i. e., + signs or tokens of a thought, a sentiment, a saying, or an event, + the term emblem was applied to any painting, drawing, or print + that was representative of an action, of a quality of the mind, + or of any peculiarity or attribute of character. Emblems in fact + were and are a species of hieroglyphics, in which the figures or + pictures, besides denoting the natural objects to which they bear + resemblances, were employed to express properties of the mind, + virtues and abstract ideas, and all the operations of the soul. + +The following remarks of the same author (_b_) are presented in this +connection, though they pass beyond the scope of either symbols or +emblems into other divisions of pictography, as classified in the +present work: + + Coins and medals furnish most valuable examples of emblematical + figures; indeed some of the emblem writers, as Sambucus, in 1564, + were among the earliest to publish impressions or engravings of + ancient Roman money, on which are frequently given very interesting + representations of customs and symbolical acts. On Grecian coins + we find, to use heraldic language, that the owl is the crest of + Athens, a wolf’s head that of Argos, and a tortoise the badge of the + Peloponnesus. The whole history of Louis XIV and that of his great + adversary, William III, is represented in volumes containing the + medals that were struck to commemorate the leading events of their + reigns, and, though outrageously untrue to nature and reality by + the adoption of Roman costumes and classic symbols, they serve as + records of remarkable occurrences. + + Heraldry throughout employs the language of emblems; it is the + picture-history of families, of tribes, and of nations, of princes + and emperors. Many a legend and many a strange fancy may be mixed + up with it, and demand almost the credulity of simplest childhood + in order to obtain our credence; yet in the literature of chivalry + and honors there are enshrined abundant records of the glory that + belonged to mighty names. + + The custom of taking a device or badge, if not a motto, is + traced to the earliest times of history. It is a point not to be + doubted that the ancients used to bear crests and ornaments in the + helmets and on the shields; for we see this clearly in Virgil, when + he made the catalogue of the nations which came in favor of Turnus + against the Trojans, in the eighth book of the Æneid; Amphiaraus + then (as Pindar says), at the war of Thebes, bore a dragon on his + shield. Similarly Statius writes of Capaneus and of Polinices that + the one bore the Hydra and the other the Sphynx. + +Emblems do not necessarily require any analogy between the objects +representing and the objects or qualities represented, but may arise +from pure accident. They may bear any meaning that men may choose to +attach to them, so their value still more than that of symbols depends +upon extrinsic facts and not intrinsic features. After a scurrilous jest +the beggar’s wallet became the emblem of the confederated nobles, the +Gueux of the Netherlands; and a sling, in the early minority of Louis +XIV, was adopted from the refrain of a song by the Frondeur opponents of +Mazarin. + +The several tribal designations for Sioux, Arapaho, Cheyenne, etc., are +their emblems, precisely as the star-spangled flag is that of the United +States, but there is no intrinsic symbolism in them. So the designs for +individuals, when not merely translations of their names, are emblematic +of their family totems or personal distinctions, and are no more symbols +than are the distinctive shoulder-straps of an army officer. + +The point urged is that while many signs can be used as emblems and both +can be converted by convention into symbols or be explained as such by +perverted ingenuity, it is futile to seek for that form of psychological +exuberance in the stage of development attained by the greater part of +the American tribes. All predetermination to interpret their pictographs +on the principles of symbolism as understood or pretended to be +understood by its admirers, and as are sometimes properly applied not +only to Egyptian hieroglyphics, but to Mexican, Maya, and some other +southern pictographs, results in mooning mysticism. + +The following examples are presented as being either symbols or emblems, +according to the definition of those terms, and therefore appropriate +to this section. More will be found in Chapter XX, on Special +Comparisons, and indeed may appear under different headings; e. g., +Battiste Good symbolizes hunting by a buffalo head and arrow, Fig. 321, +and war by a special head-dress, Fig. 395. + +Sir A. Mackenzie (_c_) narrates that in 1793 he found among the +Athabascans an emblem of a country abounding in animals. This was a +small round piece of green wood chewed at one end in the form of a +brush, which the Indians use to pick the marrow out of bones. + +Mr. Frank H. Cushing, in notes not yet reduced to final shape for +publication, gives two excellent examples of symbols among the Zuñi: + + (1) The circle or halo around the sun is supposed to be and is + called by the Zuñi the House of the Sun-God. This is explained by + analogy. A man seeks shelter on the approach of a rainstorm. As + the sun circle almost invariably appears only with the coming of a + storm, the Sun, like his child, the man, seeks shelter in his house, + which the circle has thus come to be. + + The influence of this simple inference myth on the folklore + of the Zuñi shows itself in the perpetuation, until within recent + generations, of the round sun towers and circular estufas so + intimately associated with sun worship, yet which were at first but + survivals of the round medicine lodge. + + (2) The rainbow is a deified animal having the attributes of + a human being, yet also the body and some of the functions of a + measuring worm. Obviously, the striped back and arched attitude of + the measuring worm, its sudden appearance and disappearance among + the leaves of the plants which it inhabits, are the analogies on + which this personification is based. As the measuring worm consumes + the herbage of the plants and causes them to dry up, so the rainbow, + which appears only after rains, is supposed to cause a cessation + of rains, consequently to be the originator of droughts, under the + influence of which latter plants parch and wither away as they do + under the ravages of the measuring worms. Here it will be seen + that the visible phenomenon called the rainbow gets by analogy the + personality of the measuring worm, while from the measuring worm in + turn the rainbow gets its functions as a god. Of this the cessation + of rain on the appearance of the rainbow is adduced as proof. + +The following is reported by Dr. W. H. Dall (_e_), and explains how the +otter protruding his tongue is the emblem of Shaman: + + The carvings on the rattles of the Tlinkit are matters belonging + particularly to the shaman or medicine man, and characteristic of + his profession. Among these very generally, if not invariably, the + rattle is composed of the figure of a bird, from which, near the + head of the bird or carved upon the back of the bird’s head, is + represented a human face with the tongue protruding. + + This tongue is bent downward and usually meets the mouth of a + frog or an otter, the tongue of either appearing continuous with + that of the human face. In case it is a frog it usually appears + impaled upon the tongue of a kingfisher, whose head and variegated + plumage are represented near the handle in a conventional way. It is + asserted that this represents the medicine man absorbing from the + frog, which has been brought to him by the kingfisher, either poison + or the power of producing evil effects on other people. + + In case it is an otter the tongue of the otter touches the + tongue of the medicine man, as represented on the carving. * * * + + This carving is represented, not only on rattles, but on totem + posts, fronts of houses, and other objects associated with the + medicine man, the myth being that when the young aspirant for the + position of medicine man goes out into the woods after fasting for + a considerable period, in order that his to be familiar spirit + may seek him, and that he may become possessed of the power to + communicate with supernatural beings; if successful he meets with a + river otter, which is a supernatural animal. The otter approaches + him and he seizes it, kills it with the blow of a club, and takes + out the tongue, after which he is able to understand the language + of all inanimate objects, of birds, animals, and other living + creatures. * * * + + This ceremony or occurrence happens to every real medicine man. + Consequently the otter presenting his tongue is the most universal + type of the profession as such, and is sure to be found somewhere in + the paraphernalia of every individual of that profession. + +With this account from the Pacific coast a similar determination of +emblems by the Indians in the northeastern parts of the United States +may be compared. The objects seen by them in their fasting visions not +only were decisive of their names but were held to show the course of +their lives. If a youth saw an eagle or bear he was destined to be a +warrior; if a deer he would be a man of peace; and a turkey buzzard or +serpent was the sign that he would be a medicine man. The figures of +those animals therefore were respectively the emblems of the qualities +and dispositions implied. See Fig. 159, supra, for a drawing of the +Sci-Manzi or “Mescal Woman” of the Kaiowa as it appears on a sacred +gourd rattle used in the mescal ceremony of that tribe, with description. + +In Kingsborough (_h_) is the record that “in the year of Ten Houses, or +1489, a very large comet, which they name Xihuitli, appeared.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 977.--Comet. Mexican.] + +The comet is represented in the plate by the symbol of a caterpillar, in +allusion, perhaps, to its supposed influence in causing blights. This +may be compared with the measuring worm, symbol of the rainbow, supra. +The character is reproduced in Fig. 977. + +In the same work and Codex, Pls. 10, 12, and 33, are three characters, +somewhat differing, representing earthquakes, which, according to the +text in Vol. VI, p. 137, et seq., occurred in Mexico in the years A. D. +1461, 1467, and 1542. The concept appears to be that of the disruption +and change of the position of the several strata of soil, which are +indicated by the diverse coloration. These characters are reproduced in +the present work in Pl. XLIX as the three on the right hand in the lower +line. + +[Illustration: FIG. 978.--Robbery. Mexican.] + +Fig. 978 is from the same work (_i_), Codex Mendoza, and is the symbol +for robbery, in allusion to the punishment of the convicted robber. + +In the same work (_k_), Codex Vaticanus, is the following description, +in quaint language, of the plate now reproduced in Pl. XLIX: + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. XLIX + +MEXICAN SYMBOLS.] + + These are the twenty letters or figures which they employed in + all their calculations, which they supposed ruled over men, as the + figure shows, and they cured in a corresponding manner those who + became ill or suffered pains in any part of the body. The sign of + the wind was assigned to the liver; the rose to the breast; the + earthquake to the tongue; the eagle to the right arm; the vulture to + the right ear; the rabbit to the left ear; the flint to the teeth; + the air to the breath; the monkey to the left arm; the cane to the + heart; the herb, to the bowels; the lizard to the womb of women; the + tiger to the left foot; the serpent to the male organ of generation, + as that from which their diseases proceeded in their commencement; + for in this manner they considered the serpent, wherever it + occurred, as the most ominous of all their signs. Even still + physicians continue to use this figure when they perform cures, + and, according to the sign and hour in which the patient became + ill, they examined whether the disease corresponded with the ruling + sign; from which it is plain that this nation is not as brutal as + some persons pretend, since they observed so much method and order + in their affairs and employed the same means as our astrologers and + physicians use, as this figure still obtains amongst them and may be + found in their repertoires. + +_a_, deer or stag; _b_, wind; _c_, rose; _d_, earthquake; _e_, eagle; +_f_, eagle of a different species; _g_, water; _h_, house; _i_, skull +or death; _j_, rain; _k_, dog; _l_, rabbit; _m_, flint; _n_, air; _o_, +monkey; _p_, cane; _q_, grass or herb; _r_, lizard; _s_, tiger; _t_, +serpent. + +Dr. S. Habel (_d_) gives the description concerning Fig. 979, which is +presented here on account of the several symbols and gestures exhibited: + +[Illustration: FIG. 979.--Guatemalan symbols.] + + This is a block of dark gray porphyry (vulcanite) 12 feet long, + 3 feet broad and 2 feet thick, the upper left corner of which is + slightly broken off. The sculpture occupies 9 feet of its upper + part. The upper portion represents the head and breast of a female, + surrounded by a circle, from which the arms project. Besides the + stereotyped frill surrounding the forehead, the only ornament of + the head consists of two entwined rattlesnakes. The hair is of + medium length and descends in tresses to the shoulders and breast. + The ear is ornamented with circular disks inclosing smaller ones. + Around the neck is a broad necklace of irregularly-shaped stones + of extraordinary size. Below the necklace the breast is covered + with a kind of scarf or textile fabric, the upper ends of which + are fastened by buttons. To the center of this scarf seems to be + attached a globe, the upper part of which is adorned by a knotted + band from which four others ascend. From the lower part of the globe + descends another band, with incisions characteristic of Mexican + sculpture, while its sides are adorned by wreaths like wings. The + wrists of both hands are covered with strings of large stones + perforated in the center. From the semicircular bands emanate two + of the twining staves; to the staves are attached knots, leaves, + flowers, and various other emblems of a mythical character. The + most conspicuous of these is the representation of a human face in + a circle resembling the ordinary pictures of the full moon. The + two central staves, originating from the neck, pass downward, and + are differently ornamented. The fact that the head and part of the + breast are surrounded by a circle, and that the image of the moon + forms one of its ornaments, induces us to believe that this is the + figure of the moon goddess. In the lower part of the sculpture + appears, again, an individual imploring the deity with face upturned + and elevated hand. The supplication is indicated by a curved staff + knotted on the sides. Excepting a circular disk attached to the + hair, the head is without ornament; the long hair hangs down to + the breast and back, ending in a complicated ornament extending + below the knees. In the lobe of the ear is a small ring from which + a larger one depends. The breast is adorned with a globe similar + to that on the breast of the goddess, only it is smaller. Around + the wrist of the right hand is a plain cuff, while the left hand is + covered by a skull; a stiff girdle, with a boar’s head ornamenting + its back part, surrounds the waist. This girdle differs from the + previous ones by being ornamented with circular depressions. From + the front of the girdle descend two twisted cords surrounding the + thigh, and a band tied in bow and ends. Below the right knee is a + kind of garter with a pear-shaped pendant. The left foot, with the + exception of the toes, is inclosed in a sort of shoe. + + In front of the adorer is a small altar, the cover of which has + incisions similar to those in the pendant of the globe on the breast + of the deity. On the altar is a human head, from the mouth of which + issues a curved staff, while other staves in the shape of arrows + appear on the side of the head. + +Fig. 980 is reproduced by permission from Lieut. H. R. Lemly (_a_), U. +S. Army, who calls it a “stone calendar.” It is the work of the Chibcha +Indians of the United States of Colombia, and its several parts, some +of which are to be compared with similar designs in other regions, are +explained as follows: + + _a_, Ata, a small frog in the act of leaping. This animal was + the base of the system, and in this attitude denoted the abundance + of water. _b_, Bosa, a rectangular figure with various divisions, + imitating cultivated fields. _c_, Mica, a bicephalous figure, + with the eyes distended, as if to examine minutely. It signified + the selection and planting of seed. _d_, Muihica, similar to the + preceding, but with the eyes almost closed. It represented the dark + and tempestuous epoch in which, favored by the rain, the seed began + to sprout. _e_, Hisca, resembling _c_ and _d_ of the stone, but + larger, with no division between the heads. It was the symbol of + the conjunction of the sun and moon, which the Chibchas considered + the nuptials or actual union of these celestial spouses--one of the + cardinal dogmas of their creed. _f_, Ta, almost identical with _b_. + It represented the harvest month. _g_, Cuhupcua, an earless human + head upon one of the lateral faces of the stone. It was the symbol + of the useless or so-called deaf month of the Chibchan year. _h_, + Suhuza, perhaps a tadpole, and probably referred to the generation + of these animals. _i_, Aca, a figure of a frog, larger than _a_, but + in a similar posture. It announced the approach of the rainy season. + _j_, Ulchihica, two united rhomboids--a fruit or seed, and perhaps + an ear. It referred to their invitations and feasts. _k_, Guesa, + a human figure in an humble attitude, the hands folded, and a halo + about the head. It is supposed to represent the unfortunate youth + selected as the victim of the sacrifice made every twenty Chibchan + years to the god of the harvest. + +The characters _b_ and _f_ below, markedly resemble one given by Pipart +(_a_), with the same signification. It referred to the preparation of +the ground for sowing. + +[Illustration: FIG. 980.--Chibcha symbols.] + +Wiener (_f_) gives the following summary of prominent Peruvian symbols: + + In the conventional system of the Peruvians a bird indicates + velocity, a lion strength, the lion and the bird united in one + figure strength and velocity together, and, deductively, power. + The meander indicates fertility and the pyramid with degrees or + steps indicates defense. A bird combined with the meander indicates + rapid production. A rectangular oblong figure (the mouth) indicates + speech and discourse. A circle with a depression almost in the form + of a heart means a female child, a circle with a small blade or + stalk a male child. The circle with two stalks is the symbol of a + man--the worker. The circle with four stalks means a married couple, + marriage, etc. + +[Illustration: FIG. 981.--Syrian symbols.] + +Fig. 981 is presented to show another collection of engraved symbols, +some of which with different execution resemble some found in North +America. It is a bronze tablet found in Syria in the collection of M. +Péretié, and is described by Maj. Claude R. Conder, R. F. (_a_): + + It measures 4-1/2 inches in height by 3-1/4 in width. The design + is supposed to represent the fate of the soul according to Assyrian + or Phenician belief. The tablet is divided into four compartments + horizontally, the lowest being the largest and highest the most + narrow. In the top compartment various astronomical symbols occur, + many of which, as M. Canneau points out, occur on other Assyrian + monuments. On the extreme right are the seven stars, next to these + the crescent, next the winged solar disk, then an eight-rayed star + in a circle. The remaining symbols are less easily explained, but + the last is called by M. Canneau a “cidaris” or Persian tiara, while + another appears to approach most nearly to the Trisul, or symbol of + “fire,” the emblem of the Indian Siva. + + Below these symbols stand seven deities facing to the right, + with long robes, and the heads of various animals. The first to the + left resembles a lion, the second a wolf or hound, the fourth a + ram, the sixth a bird, the seventh a serpent, while the third and + fifth are less easily recognized. In the third compartment a body + lies on a bier, with a deity at the head, and another at the feet. + These deities have the right hand held up, and the left down (a + common feature of Indian symbolism also observable in the attitude + of the Mâlawiyeh dervishes), and the figure to the left appears to + hold a branch or three ears of corn. Both are robed in the peculiar + fish-headed costume, with a scaly body and fish tail, which is + supposed to be symbolical of the mythical Oannes, who according to + Berosus, issued from the Persian gulf and taught laws and arts to + the early dwellers on the Euphrates. Behind the left-hand fish-god + is a tripod stand, on which is an indefinite object; to the right of + the other fish-god are two lion-headed human figures with eagles’ + claws, apparently contending with one another, the right arms being + raised, the left holding hand by hand. To the right of these is + another figure of Assyrian type, with a domed headdress and beard. + + In the lowest compartment the infernal river fringed with + rushes, and full of fish, is represented. A fearful lion-headed + goddess with eagles’ claws kneels on one knee on a horse (the emblem + of death) which is carried in a kneeling attitude on a boat with + bird-headed prow. The goddess crushes a serpent in either hand, + and two lion cubs are represented sucking her breasts. To the left + is a demon bearing a close resemblance to the one which supports + the tablet itself, and which appears to urge on the boat from the + bank; to the right are various objects, mostly of an indefinite + character, among which M. Ganneau recognizes a vase, and a bottle, + a horse’s leg with hoof, etc.; possibly offerings to appease the + infernal deities. The lion-headed goddess might well be taken for + the terrible infernal deity Kali or Durga, the worship of whose + consort, Yama, was the original source of that of the later Serapis, + whose dog was the ancestor of Cerberus. There is also a general + resemblance between this design and the well-known Egyptian picture + representing the wicked soul conveyed to hell in the form of a pig. + + The Oannes figures take the place of the two goddesses who in + Egyptian designs stand at either end of the mummy and who form the + prototype of the two angels for whom the pious Moslem provides + seats at the head and foot of his tombstone. Perhaps the miserable + horse who stumbles under the weight of the gigantic lion goddess + may represent the unhappy soul itself, while the three ears of corn + remind us of the grains of corn which have been found in skulls + dug up in Syria by Capt. Burton. Corn is intimately connected with + Dagon, the Syrian fish-god. + + As a tentative suggestion I may, perhaps, be allowed to propose + that the seven deities in the second compartment are the planets, + and that the symbols above belong to them as follows, commencing on + the right: + + ------------+----------------+----------------+------------- + Planet. | Assyrian name. | Head of deity. | Symbol. + ------------+----------------+----------------+------------- + 1. Saturn | Chiun | Serpent | Seven stars. + 2. Moon | Nannar | Bird | Crescent. + 3. Sun | Shamash | Boar (?) | Winged Disc. + 4. Mars | Marduk | Ram | Rayed disc. + 5. Mercury | Nebo | (?) | Two columns. + 6. Venus | Ishtar | Wolf (?) | Trisul. + 7. Jupiter | Ishn | Lion | Cidaris (?). + ------------+----------------+----------------+------------- + + The serpent is often the emblem of Saturn, who, as the eldest + of the seven (“the great serpent father of the gods”), naturally + comes first and therefore on the right, and has seven stars for his + symbol. + + The moon, according to Lenormant, was always an older divinity + than the sun. + + The boar is often an emblem of the sun in its strength. + + The disc (litu) was the weapon employed by Marduk, the warrior + god, as mentioned by Lenormant. + + The two pillars of Hermes are the proper emblem of the ancient + Set or Thoth, the planet Mercury. + + The trisul belongs properly to the Asherah, god or goddess of + fertility--the planet Venus. + + The Cidaris occurs in the Bavian sculptures in connection with + a similar emblem. In the Chaldean system, Jupiter and Venus occur + together as the youngest of the planets. + + It should also be noted that the position of the arms and the + long robe covering the feet resemble the attitudes and dress of the + Mâlawîyeh dervishes in their sacred dance, symbolic of the seven + planets revolving (according to the Ptolemaic system) round the + earth. + +Didron (_c_) thus remarks upon the emblems in the Roman catacombs: + + The large fish marks the fisher who catches it or the + manufacturer who extracts the oil from it. The trident indicates the + sailor, as the pick the digger. The trade of digger in the catacombs + was quite elevated; the primitive monuments thus represent these men + who are of the lower class among us, and who in the beginning of the + Christian era, when they dug the graves of saints and martyrs, were + interred side by side with the rich and even beside saints, and were + represented holding a pickaxe in one hand and a lamp in the other; + the lamp lighted them in their subterranean labors. The hatchet + indicates a carpenter, and the capital a sculptor or an architect. + As to the dove, it probably designates the duties of the mother of + a family who nourishes the domestic birdlings as would appear to be + indicated by a mortuary design in Bosis. It is possible, moreover, + that it originated from a symbolic idea, but this idea would be + borrowed from profane rather than religious sentiments, and I would + more willingly see in it the memorial of the good qualities of the + dead, man or woman, the fidelity of the wife, or of the dove, which + returning to the ark after the deluge announced that the waters + had retired and the land had again appeared; from this we can not + conclude that the fish filled a rôle analogous to it, nor above all + that it is the symbol of Christ; the dove is in the Old Testament, + the fish neither in the old nor in the new. + +Edkins (_b_) says respecting the Chinese: + + It is easy to trace the process of symbol-making in the words + used for the crenelated top of city walls, which are ya and c’hi, + both meaning “teeth” and both being pictures of the object, and + further, when the former is found also to be used for “tree buds” + and “to bud.” Such instances of word creation show how considerable + has been the prevalence of analogy and the association of ideas. The + picture writing of the Chinese is to a large extent a continuation + of the process of forming analogies to which the human mind had + already become accustomed in the earlier stages of the history of + language. + +D’Alviella (_b_) furnishes this poetical and truthful suggestion: + + It is not surprising that the Hindoos and Egyptians should both + have adopted as the symbol of the sun the lotus flower, which opens + its petals to the dawn and infolds them on the approach of night, + and which seems to be born of itself on the surface of the still + waters. + + +SECTION 3. + +SIGNIFICANCE OF COLORS. + +The use of color to be considered in studies of pictography is probably +to be traced to the practice of painting on the surface of the human +body. This use is very ancient. The Ethiopians in the army of Xerxes +applied vermillion and white plaster to their skins, and the German +tribes when first known in history inscribed their breasts with the +figures of divers animals. The North British clans were so much addicted +to paint (or perhaps tattoo) that the epithet Picti was applied to them +by the Romans. In this respect comparisons may be made with the Wichita, +who were called by the French Pawnees Piqués, commonly rendered in +English Pawnee Picts, and Marco de Niça, in Hakluyt, (_e_) says that +Indians in the region of Arizona and New Mexico were called Pintados +“because they painted their faces, breasts, and arms.” The general +belief with regard to the employment of paint in the above and similar +cases is that the colors had a tribal significance by which men became +their own flags; the present form of flag not having great antiquity, +as Clovis was the first among western monarchs to adopt it. Then the +theory became current that colored devices, such as appeared on ensigns +and on clothing, e. g., tartans, were imitated from the painted marks on +the skin of the tribesmen. In this connection remarks made supra about +tattoo designs are applicable. There is but little evidence in favor of +the theory, save that fashions in colored decorations probably in time +became tribal practices and so might have been evolved into emblems. But +it is proper to regard such colorations as primarily ornamental, and to +remember that even in England as late as the eighth century some bands +of men were so proud of their decorated bodies that they refused to +conceal them by clothes. + +This topic may be divided into: 1. Decorative use of color. 2. Idiocrasy +of colors. 3. Color in ceremonies. 4. Color relative to death and +mourning. 5. Colors for war and peace. 6. Colors designating social +status. + + +DECORATIVE USE OF COLOR. + +The following notes give instances of the use of painting which appear +to be purely decorative: + +Fernando Alarchon, in Hakluyt, (_f_) says of the Indians of the Bay of +California: “These Indians came decked after sundry fashions, some came +with a painting that couered their face all ouer, some had their faces +halfe couered, but all besmouched with cole and euery one as it liked +him best.” + +John Hawkins, in Hakluyt, (_g_) speaking of the Florida Indians, +tells of “Colours both red, blacke, yellow, and russet, very perfect, +wherewith they so paint their bodies and Deere skinnes which they weare +about them, that with water it neither faded away nor altereth in color.” + +Maximilian of Wied (_f_), reports: + + Even in the midst of winter the Mandans wear nothing on the + upper part of the body, under their buffalo robe. They paint their + bodies of a reddish brown colour, on some occasions with white clay, + and frequently draw red or black figures on their arms. The face + is, for the most part, painted all over with vermillion or yellow, + in which latter case the circumference of the eyes and the chin are + red. There are, however, no set rules for painting, and it depends + on the taste of the Indian dandy; yet, still, a general similarity + is observed. The bands, in their dances and also after battles, + and when they have performed some exploit, follow the established + rule. In ordinary festivals and dances, and whenever they wish to + look particularly fine, the young Mandans paint themselves in every + variety of way, and each endeavors to find out some new mode. Should + he find another dandy painted just like himself, he immediately + retires and makes a change in the pattern, which may happen three or + four times during the festival. If they have performed an exploit, + the entire face is painted jet black. + +A colored plate in the report of the Pacific Railroad Expedition (_f_) +shows the designs adopted by the Mojave Indians for painting the body. +These designs consist of transverse lines extending around the body, +arms, and legs, or horizontal lines or different parts may partake of +different designs. Clay is now generally used. + +Everard F. im Thurn (_h_) describes the painting of the Indians of +Guiana as follows: + + The paint is applied either in large masses or in patterns. For + example, a man, when he wants to dress well, perhaps entirely coats + both his feet up to the ankles with a crust of red; his whole trunk + he sometimes stains uniformly with blue-black, more rarely with red, + or covers it with an intricate pattern of lines of either color; + he puts a streak of red along the bridge of his nose; where his + eyebrows were till he pulled them out he puts two red lines; at the + top of the arch of his forehead he puts a big lump of red paint, and + probably he scatters other spots and lines somewhere on his face. + The women, especially among the Ackawoi, who use more body-paint + than other ornament, are more fond of blue-black than of red; and + one very favorite ornament with them is a broad band of this, which + edges the mouth, and passes from the corners of that to the ears. + Some women especially affect certain little figures, like Chinese + characters, which look as if some meaning were attached to them, but + which the Indians are either unable or unwilling to explain. + +Kohl (_a_) says of the Indians met by him around Lake Superior that “The +young men only paint--no women. When they become old they stop and cease +to pluck out their beards which are an obstacle in painting.” It is +probable that the custom of plucking the hairs originated in the attempt +to facilitate face and body painting. + +Herndon (_b_) gives the following report from the valley of the Amazon: + + Met a Conibo on the beach. This man was evidently the dandy of + his tribe. He was painted with a broad stripe of red under each eye; + three narrow stripes of blue were carried from one ear, across the + upper lip to the other--the two lower stripes plain, and the upper + one bordered with figures. The whole of the lower jaw and chin were + painted with a blue chain-work of figures, something resembling + Chinese figures. + +According to Dr. J. J. von Tschudi (_b_): + + The uncivilized Indians of Peru paint their bodies, but not + exactly in the tattoo manner; they confine themselves to single + stripes. The Sensis women draw two stripes from the shoulder, over + each breast, down to the pit of the stomach; the Pirras women paint + a band in a form of a girdle round the waist, and they have three of + a darker color round each thigh. These stripes, when once laid on, + can never be removed by washing. They are made with the unripe fruit + of one of the Rubiacaceæ. Some tribes paint the face only; others, + on the contrary, do not touch that part; but bedaub with colors + their arms, feet, and breasts. + +F. J. Mouat, M. D., in Jour. Roy. Geogr. Soc., (_a_) says that Andaman +Islanders rub red earth on the top of the head, probably for the purpose +of ornamentation. This fashion is similar to that of some North American +Indian tribes which rub red pigment on the parting of the hair. + +Marcano (_e_) says: + + The present Piaroas of Venezuela are in the habit of painting + their bodies, but by a different process. They make stamps out of + wood, which they apply to their skins after covering them with + coloring matter. + +[Illustration: FIG. 982.--Piaroa color stamps.] + +Fig. 982 shows examples of these stamps. The most noteworthy thing +about them is that they reproduce the types of certain petroglyphs, +particularly of those of the upper Cuchivero (see Figs. 152 and 153, +supra). + + The Piaroas either copied the models they found carved on the + rocks by peoples who preceded them, or they are aware of their + meaning and preserved the tradition of it. The former hypothesis is + the only tenable one. Not being endowed with inventive faculties, + it seems more natural that they should simply have copied the only + models they found. The Indians of French Guiana paint themselves in + order to drive away the devil when they start on a journey or for + war, whence Crevaux concludes that the petroglyphs must have been + carved for a religious purpose. But painting is to the Piaroas a + question of ornamentation and of necessity. It is a sort of garment + that protects them against insects, and which, applied with extra + care, becomes a fancy costume to grace their feasts and meetings. + +It is to be noted that at least one instance is found of the converse +of the Piaroa practice, by which the face-marks are used as the designs +of pictographs on inanimate objects. The Serranos, near Los Angeles, +California, formerly cut lines upon the trees and posts marking +boundaries of land, these lines corresponding to those adopted by the +owner as facial decorations. + +A suggestion appropriate to this branch of the topic is presented in +the answer communicated in a personal conversation of a Japanese lady +who was asked why she blackened her teeth: “Any dog has white teeth!” +An alteration of the physical appearance is itself a distinction, and +the greater the difference between the decorated person and the want +of decoration in others the greater the distinction. Modern milliners, +dressmakers, tailors and hatters, and their patrons pursue the same ends +of fashionable distinction which are exhibited in rivalry for priority +and singularity. These arbitrary fluctuations of fashion, which are seen +equally in the Mandan and the millionaire, the Pueblan and the Parisian, +are to be considered with reference to the supposed tribal significance +of colors before mentioned. So far as they originated in fashion they +changed with fashion, and the studies made in the preparation of this +paper tend to a disbelief in their distinctness and stability. The +conservatism of religious and of other ceremonial practices and of +social customs preserved, however, a certain amount of consistency and +continuity. + +IDEOCRASY OF COLORS. + +It has often been asserted that there was and is an intrinsic +significance in the several colors. A traditional recognition of this +among the civilizations connected with modern Europe is shown by the +associations of death and mourning with black, of innocence and peace +with white, danger with red, and epidemic disease officially with +yellow. A comparison of the diverse conceptions attached to the colors +will show great variety in their several attributions. + +The Babylonians represented the sun and its sphere of motion by gold, +the moon by silver, Saturn by black, Jupiter by orange, Mars by red, +Venus by pale yellow, and Mercury by deep blue. Red was anciently and +generally connected with divinity and power both priestly and royal. The +tabernacle of the Israelites was covered with skins dyed red, and the +gods and images of Egypt and Chaldea were of that color, which to this +day is the one distinguishing the Roman Pontiff and the cardinals. + +In ancient art each color had a mystic sense or symbolism, and its +proper use was an essential consideration. With regard to early +Christian art Mrs. Clement (_a_) furnishes the following account: + + White is worn by the Saviour after his resurrection; by the + Virgin in representations of the Assumption; by women as the emblem + of chastity; by rich men to indicate humility; and by the judge as + the symbol of integrity. It is represented sometimes by silver or + the diamond, and its sentiment is purity, virginity, innocence, + faith, joy, and light. + + Red, the color of the ruby, speaks of royalty, fire, divine + love, the holy spirit, creative power, and heat. In an opposite + sense it symbolized blood, war, and hatred. Red and black combined + were the colors of Satan, purgatory, and evil spirits. Red and white + roses are emblems of love and innocence or love and wisdom, as in + the garland of St. Cecilia. + + Blue, that of the sapphire, signified heaven, heavenly love and + truth, constancy and fidelity. Christ and the Virgin Mary wear the + blue mantle; St. John a blue tunic. + + Green, the emerald, the color of spring, expressed hope and + victory. + + Yellow or gold was the emblem of the sun, the goodness of God, + marriage and fruitfulness. St. Joseph and St. Peter wear yellow. + Yellow has also a bad signification when it has a dirty, dingy hue, + such as the usual dress of Judas, and then signifies jealousy, + inconstancy, and deceit. + + Violet or amethyst signified passion and suffering or love and + truth. Penitents, as the Magdalene, wear it. The Madonna wears it + after the crucifixion, and Christ after the resurrection. + + Gray is the color of penance, mourning, humility, or accused + innocence. + + Black with white signified humility, mourning, and purity of + life. Alone, it spoke of darkness, wickedness, and death, and + belonged to Satan. In pictures of the Temptation Jesus sometimes + wears black. + +The associations with the several colors above mentioned differ widely +from those in modern folk-lore; for instance, those with green and +yellow, the same colors being stigmatized in the old song that “green’s +forsaken and yellow’s forsworn.” + +The Hist. de Dieu, by Didron (_d_), contains the following: + + The hierarchy of colors could well, in the ideas of the Middle + Ages, have been allied at the same time to symbolism. The most + brilliant color is gold, and here it is given to the greatest + saints. Silver, color of the moon, which is inferior to the sun, but + its companion, however, should follow; then red, or the color of + fire, attribute of those who struggle against passion, and which is + inferior to the two metals, gold and silver, to the sun and moon, + of which it is but an emanation; next green, which symbolizes hope, + and which is appropriate to married people; lastly, the uncertain + yellowish color, half white and half yellow, a modified color, which + is given to saints who were formerly sinners, but who have succeeded + in reforming themselves and are made somewhat bright in the sight of + God by penitence. + +A note in the Am. Journal of Psychology, Vol. I, November, 1887, p. 190, +gives another list substantially as follows: + + Yellow, the color of gold and fire, symbolizes reason. + + Green, the color of vegetable life, symbolizes utility and labor. + + Red, the color of blood, symbolizes war and love. + + Blue, the color of the sky, symbolizes spiritual life, duty, religion. + +COLOR IN CEREMONIES. + +The colors attributed to the cardinal points have been the subject +of much discussion. Some of these special color schemes of the North +American Indians are now mentioned. + +Mr. James Stevenson, in an address before the Anthropological Society +of Washington, D. C.; Dr. Washington Matthews, U. S. Army, in the Fifth +Ann. Rep. of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 449; and Mr. Thomas V. Keam, in +a MS. contribution, severally report the tribes mentioned below as using +in their ceremonial dances the respective colors designated to represent +the four cardinal points, viz: + + N. S. E. W. + Stevenson--Zuñi Yellow. Red. White. Black. + Matthews--Navajo Black. Blue. White. Yellow. + Keam--Moki White. Red. Yellow. Blue. + +Mr. Stevenson, in his paper on the Ceremonial of Hasjelti Dailjis, +in the Eighth Ann. Rep. of the Bureau of Ethnology, agrees with Dr. +Matthews regarding the ceremonial scheme of the Navajo colors symbolic +of the cardinal points, as follows: “The eagle plumes were laid to the +east, and near by them white corn and white shell; the blue feathers +were laid to the south, with blue corn and turquoise; the hawk feathers +were laid to the west, with yellow corn and abalone shell; and to the +north were laid the whippoorwill feathers, with black beads and corn of +all the several colors.” + +In A Study of Pueblo Architecture, by Mr. Victor Mindeleff, in the +Eighth Ann. Rep. of the Bureau of Ethnology, the prayers of consecration +by the Pueblos are addressed thus: + + To the west: Siky’ak oma’uwu Yellow cloud. + To the south: Sa’kwa oma’uwu Blue cloud. + To the east: Pal’a oma’uwu Red cloud. + To the north: Kwetsh oma’uwu White cloud. + +Mr. Frank H. Cushing, in Zuñi Fetiches, Second Ann. Rep., Bureau of +Ethnology, pp. 16-17, gives the following: + + In ancient times, while yet all beings belonged to one family, + Po-shai-ang-k’ia, the father of our sacred bands, lived with his + children (disciples) in the City of the Mists, the middle place + (center) of the medicine societies of the world. When he was about + to go forth into the world he divided the universe into six regions, + namely, the North (Direction of the swept or barren place); the + West (Direction of the Home of the Waters); the South (Direction of + the Place of the Beautiful Red); the East (Direction of the Home of + Day); the Upper Regions (Direction of the Home of the High); and the + Lower Regions (Direction of the Home of the Low). + + In the center of the great sea of each of these regions stood a + very ancient sacred place--a great mountain peak. In the North was + the Mountain Yellow, in the West the Mountain Blue, in the South the + Mountain Red, in the East the Mountain White, above the Mountain + All-color, and below the Mountain Black. + + We do not fail to see in this clear reference to the natural + colors of the regions referred to--to the barren North and its + auroral hues, the West with its blue Pacific, the rosy South, the + white daylight of the east, the many hues of the clouded sky, and + the black darkness of the “caves and holes of earth.” Indeed these + colors are used in the pictographs and in all the mythic symbolism + of the Zuñis to indicate the directions or regions respectively + referred to as connected with them. + +Mr. A. S. Gatschet (_a_), in Proc. Am. Philos. Soc., gives the symbolic +colors of the Isleta Pueblo for the points of the compass, as “white for +the east; from there they go to the north, which is black; to the west, +which is blue; and to the south, which is red.” + +Mr. James Mooney, in Seventh Ann. Rep., Bureau Ethnology, p. 342, says +that the symbolic color system of the Cherokees is: + + East--red--success; triumph. + North--blue--defeat; trouble. + West--black--death. + South--white--peace; happiness. + +In the ceremonies of the Indians of the plains it is common that the +smoke of the sacred pipe should be turned first directly upward, second +directly downward, and then successively to the four cardinal points, +but without absolute agreement among the several tribes as to the order +of that succession. In James’ Long (_i_), it is reported that in a +special ceremony of the Omaha regarding the buffalo the first whiff of +smoke was directed to them, next to the heavens, next to the earth, +and then successively to the east, west, north, and south. The rather +lame explanation was given that the east was for sunrise, the west for +sunset, the north for cold country, and the south for warm country. + +The Count de Charencey, in Des Couleurs considérés comme symboles des +Pointes de l’Horizon, etc., and in Ages ou Soleils, gives as the result +of his studies that in Mexico and Central America the original systems +were as follows: + + _Quaternary system._ _Quinary system._ + East--Yellow. South--Blue. + North--Black. East--Red. + West--White. North--Yellow. + South--Red. West--White. + Center--Black. + +Mr. John Crawford (_a_) says: + + In Java the divisions of the horizon and the corresponding + colors were named in the following order: first, white and the east; + second, red and the south; third, yellow and the west; fourth, black + and the north; and fifth, mixed colors and the focus or center. + +Boturini (_a_) gives the following arrangement of the “symbols of the +four parts or angles of the world,” comparing it with that of Gemelli: + + _Gemelli._ _Boturini._ + 1. Tochtli--South. 1. Tecpatl--South. + 2. Acatl--East. 2. Calli--East. + 3. Tecpatl--North. 3. Tochtli--North. + 4. Calli--West. 4. Acatl--West. + + SYMBOLS OF THE FOUR ELEMENTS. + + _Gemelli._ _Boturini._ + 1. Tochtli--Earth. 1. Tecpatl--Fire. + 2. Acatl--Water. 2. Calli--Earth. + 3. Tecpatl--Air. 3. Tochtli--Air. + 4. Calli--Fire. 4. Acatl--Water. + +Herrera (_a_) speaks only of the year symbols and colors, and, although +he does not directly connect them, indicates his understanding in regard +thereto by the order in which he mentions them: + + They divided the year into four signs, being four figures; the + one of a house, another of a rabbit, the third of a cane, the fourth + of a flint, and by them they reckoned the year as it passed on. * + * * They painted a sun in the middle from which issued four lines + or branches in a cross to the circumference of the wheel, and they + turned so that they divided it into four parts and the circumference + and each of them moved with its branch of the same color, which were + four--green, blue, red, and yellow. + +From this statement Prof. Cyrus Thomas, in Notes on certain Maya and +Mexican Manuscripts, Third Ann. Rep., Bureau of Ethnology, concludes +that Herrera’s arrangement would presumably be as follows: + + Calli--Green. + Tochtli--Blue. + Acatl--Red. + Tecpatl--Yellow. + +Combining these several lists it would appear that Calli, color green, +was Fire and West or Earth and East; Tochtli, color blue, was Earth and +South or Air and North; Acatl, color red, was Water and East or Water +and West; Tecpatl, color yellow, was Air and North or Fire and South. + +The foregoing notes leave the symbolic colors of the cardinal points +in a state of confusion, and on calm reflection no other condition +could be expected. Taking the idea of the ocean blue, for instance, and +recognizing the impressive climatic effects of the ocean, the people +examined may be in any direction from the ocean and to each of them its +topographic as well as color relation differs. If it shall be called +blue, the color blue may be north, south, east, or west. So as to the +concepts of heat and cold, however presented in colors by the fancy, +heat being sometimes red and sometimes yellow, cold being sometimes +considered as black by the manifestation of its violent destruction of +the tissues and sometimes being more simply shown as white, the color +of the snow. Also the geographic situation of the people must determine +their views of temperature. The sun in tropical regions may be an object +of terror, in Arctic climes of pure beneficence, and in the several +seasons of more temperate zones the sun as fire, whether red or yellow, +may be destructive or life-giving. Regarding the symbols of the cardinal +points it seems that there is nothing intrinsic as to colors, but that +the ideograms connected with the topic are local and variant. As the +ancient assignments of color to the cardinal points are not established +and definite among people who have been long settled in their present +habitat, the hope of tracing their previous migration by that line of +investigation may not be realized. + +The following account of the degree posts of the Grand Medicine Society +of the Ojibwa is condensed from an article by Dr. Hoffman in the Am. +Anthropologist for July, 1889: + + In constructing the inclosure in which the Midē' priests + practice the rites and ceremonies of initiation, a single post, from + 4 to 5 feet in height and about 8 inches thick, is planted at a + point opposite the main entrance, and about three-fourths the entire + distance of the interior from it. This post is painted red, with a + band of green about the top, of the width of a palm. + + The red and green colors are used to designate the Midē' + society, but for what reason is not positively known. The green + appears to have some connection with the south, the sources of + heat and abundance of crops; the thunder-bird also comes from that + direction in the springtime, bringing rain, which causes the grass + and fruits to grow, giving an abundance of food. + + For the second degree two posts are erected within the + inclosure, the first being like that for the first degree, the + second being planted nearer the main entrance, though not far from + the opposite end of the structure; this post is painted red and is + covered with white spots made by applying white clay with the finger + tip. These spots are symbolical of the migis shell, the sacred + emblem of the Grand Medicine Society. + + The third degree contains three posts, the two preceding ones + being used, to which a third is added and planted in a line with + them; this post is painted black. + + In the fourth degree the additional post is really a cross, a + crosspiece of wood being attached near the top; the lower part of + the upright piece is squared, the side on the east being painted + white; on the south, green; on the west, red; and on the north, + black. The white is the source of light facing the direction of the + rising sun, the green, apparently the source of warmth, rains, and + abundance of crops, while the north is black, and pertains to the + region from which come cold, disease, and desolation. The red is + placed upon the western side, but there is a diversity of opinion + regarding its significance. The most plausible theory appears to + relate to the “road of the dead,” referred to in the ritual of the + Ghost Society, as the path upon which the departed shadow partakes + of the gigantic strawberry which he finds. The upper portion of the + cross is white, upon which are placed irregularly red spots. + +In the same article is the following account of face coloring in the +Midē' degrees: + + In connection with the colors of the degree posts, there is a + systematic arrangement of facial ornamentation, each style to be + characteristic of one of the four degrees, as well as the degree of + the Ghost Society. + + According to the White Earth (Minnesota) method, the arrangement + is as follows: + + First degree. One red stripe across the face from near the ears + across the tip of the nose. + + Second degree. One stripe as above and another across the eyes, + temples, and root of the nose. + + Third degree. The upper half of the face painted green and the + lower half red. + + Fourth degree. The forehead and the left side of the face from + the outer canthus of the eye downward is painted green; four spots + of vermilion are made with the tip of the finger upon the forehead + and four upon the green surface of the left cheek. + + According to Sikassige, a Mille Lacs Midē' priest, the + ornamentation practiced during his youth was as follows: + + First degree. A broad band of green across the forehead and a + narrow stripe of vermilion across the face just below the eyes. + + Second degree. A narrow stripe of vermilion across the temple, + eyelids, and the root of the nose, a short distance above which is a + similar stripe of green, then another of vermilion, and above this + again one of green. + + Third degree. Red and white spots are daubed all over the face, + the spots averaging three-fourths of an inch each in diameter. + + Fourth degree. Two forms are admissible; in the former the face + is painted red, with a stripe of green extended diagonally across it + from the upper part of the left temporal region to the lower part + of the right cheek. In the latter the face is painted red with two + short, horizontal parallel green bars across the forehead. + + Either of these may be adopted as a sign of mourning by a man + whose deceased son had been intended for the priesthood of the Grand + Medicine Society. + +The religious and ceremonial use of the color red by the New Zealanders +is mentioned by Taylor (_d_): + + Closely connected with religion, was the feeling they + entertained for the Kura, or Red Paint, which was the sacred color; + their idols, Pataka, sacred stages for the dead, and for offerings + or sacrifices, Urupa graves, chief’s houses, and war canoes, were + all thus painted. + + The way of rendering anything tapu was by making it red. When + a person died, his house was thus colored; when the tapu was laid + on anything, the chief erected a post and painted it with the kura; + wherever a corpse rested, some memorial was set up, oftentimes the + nearest stone, rock, or tree served as a monument; but whatever + object was selected, it was sure to be made red. If the corpse were + conveyed by water, wherever they landed a similar token was left; + and when it reached its destination, the canoe was dragged on shore, + thus distinguished, and abandoned. When the hahunga took place, + the scraped bones of the chief, thus ornamented, and wrapped in a + red-stained mat, were deposited in a box or bowl, smeared with the + sacred color, and placed in a tomb. Near his final resting place a + lofty and elaborately carved monument was erected to his memory; + this was called he tiki, which was also thus colored. + + In former times the chief anointed his entire person with red + ocher; when fully dressed on state occasions, both he and his + wives had red paint and oil poured upon the crown of the head and + forehead, which gave them a gory appearance, as though their skulls + had been cleft asunder. + +Mr. S. Gason reports in Worsnop, op. cit.: + + On the Cooper, Herbert, and Diamentina rivers of the North there + are no paintings in caves, but in special corroborees the bodies of + the leading dancers are beautifully painted with every imaginable + color, representing man, woman, animals, birds, and reptiles, the + outlines being nearly faultless, and in proportion, independent of + the blending of the colors. + + These paintings take about seven or eight hours’ hard tedious + work for two men, one in front, the other at the back of the man + who is to be painted, and when these men who are painted display + themselves, surrounded by bright fires and rude torches, it has an + enchanting effect to the others. After the ceremony is over, the + paintings are allowed to be examined, and the artists congratulated + or criticised. + + At the other ceremonies, after returning from “Bookatoo” (red + ocher expedition), they paint a few of their dancers with all the + colors of the rainbow, the outlines showing all the principal + species of snakes. They are well drawn and colored, and take many + hours of labor to complete. + + These paintings of snakes are done for the purpose of having a + good harvest of snakes. The women are not allowed to attend at this + ceremony, as it is one of their strict secret dances. + +A few notes of other ceremonial and religious uses of color are +presented. + +Capt. John G. Bourke (_f_) says that the Moki employ the colors in +prayers--yellow for pumpkins, green for corn, and red for peaches. +Black and white bands are typical of rain, and red and blue bands, of +lightning. + +In James’s Long (_k_), it is mentioned of the Omaha that the boy +who goes to fast on the hill top to see his guardian spirit, as +a preparation rubs his body over with whitish clay, but the same +ceremonial among the Ouenebigonghelins near Hudson bay is described by +Bacqueville de la Potherie (_d_), with the statement that the postulant +paints his face black. + +Peter Martyr (_a_) says the natives of the Island of Hispaniola [Haiti] +when attending a festival at the religious edifice, go in a procession +having their bodies and faces painted in black, red, and yellow colors. +Some had feathers of the parrot and other birds, with which they +decorated themselves. The women had no decoration. + +Pénicaut’s Relation, A. D. 1704, in Margry (_f_), gives an account of +decorations of the victims who die with the grand chief, or Sun of the +Natchez. Their faces were painted vermilion, as the author says, “lest +they by paleness should show their fear.” Though the practice may have +thus originated as a mere expedient, red thus used would become in time +a sacrificial color. + +But the color red can not always be deduced from such an origin. It +is connected with the color of fire and of blood. The Romans on great +festivals painted the face of Jupiter Capitolinus with vermilion. They +painted in the same way all the statues of the gods, demi-gods, heroes, +fauns, and satyrs. Pan is described by Virgil in Ecl. X, line 27: + + Pan, deus Arcadiæ venit, quem vidimus ipsi + Sanguineis ebuli baccis minioque rubentem. + +These verses are rendered with spirit by R. C. Singleton, Virgil in +English Rhythm, London, 1871, though the translator wrote “cinnabar” +instead of “red lead” and might as well have used the correct word, +“minium,” which has the same prosodial quantity as cinnabar. + + Pan came, the god of Arcady, whom we + Ourselves beheld, with berries bloody red + Of danewort, and with cinnabar aglow. + +In Chapman’s translation of Homer’s hymn to Pan the god is again +represented stained with red, but with the original idea of blood. + + A lynx’s hide, besprinkled round about + With blood, cast on his shoulders. + +By imitation of greatness and the semblance of divinity the faces of +generals when they rode in triumph, e. g., Camillus as mentioned by +Pliny, quoting Verrius, were painted red. + +On the tree which supports the Vatican figure of the Apollo Belvedere +are traces of an object supposed to be the στέμμα δελφικόν, which was +composed of bushy tufts of Delphian laurel bound with threads of red +wool into a series of knots and having at each end a tassel. This is +an old sign of consecration and is possibly connected with the +traditional gipsy sign of mutual binding in love signified by a red +knot, as mentioned in a letter from Mr. Charles G. Leland. + +The Spaniards distinguished red as the color par excellence, and among +many of the savage and barbaric peoples red is the favorite and probably +once was the sacred color. + + +COLOR RELATIVE TO DEATH AND MOURNING. + +Charlevoix (_a_) says of the Micmacs that “their mourning consisted in +painting themselves black and in great lamentations.” + +Champlain (_f_), in 1603, described the mourning posts of the +northeastern Algonquian tribes as painted red. + +Keatings’ Long (_g_) tells that the Sac Indians blackened themselves +with charcoal in mourning and during its continuance did not use any +vermilion or other color for ornamentation. + +Some of the Dakota tribes blackened the whole face with charcoal for +mourning, but ashes were also frequently employed. + +Col. Dodge (_a_) says that the Sioux did not use the color green in +life, but that the corpses were wrapped in green blankets. The late Rev. +S. D. Hinman, who probably was, until his death within the last year, +the best authority concerning those Indians, contradicts this statement +in a letter, declaring that the Sioux frequently use the color green in +their face-painting, especially when they seek to disguise themselves, +as it gives so different an expression. If it is not used as generally +as blue or yellow the reason is that it is seldom found in the clays +which were formerly relied upon and therefore it required compounding. +Also they do not use green as painting or designation for the dead, but +red, that being their decoration for the “happy hunting ground.” But the +color for the mourning of the survivors is black. + +Thomas L. McKenny (_a_) says the Chippeway men mourn by painting their +faces black. + +The Winnebago men blacken the whole face with charcoal in mourning. The +women make a round black spot on both cheeks. + +Dr. Boas, in Am. Anthrop. (_a_), says of Snanaimuq, a Salish tribe: + + The face of the deceased is painted red and black. After the + death of husband or wife the survivor must paint his legs and his + blanket red. For three or four days he must not eat anything; then + three men or women give him food, and henceforth he is allowed to + eat. + +In Bancroft (_d_) it is mentioned that the Guatemalan widower dyed his +body yellow. + +Carl Bock (_b_) describes the mourning solemnities in Borneo as being +marked chiefly by white, the men and women composing the mourning +processions being enveloped in white garments, and carrying white flags +and weapons and ornaments, all of which were covered with white calico. + +A. W. Howitt (_h_) says of the Dieri of Central Australia: + + A messenger who is sent to convey the intelligence of a death + is smeared all over with white clay. On his approach to the camp + the women all commence screaming and crying most passionately. * * + * Widows and widowers are prohibited by custom from uttering a word + until the clay of mourning has worn off, however long it may remain + on them. They do not, however, rub it off, as doing so would be + considered a bad omen. It must absolutely wear off of itself. During + this period they communicate by means of gesture language. + +A. C. Haddon (_b_) tells that among the western tribes of Torres strait +plastering the body with gray mud was a sign of mourning. + +Elisée Reclus (_c_) says: “In sign of mourning the Papuans daub +themselves in white, yellow, or black, according to the tribes.” + +D’Albertis (_d_) reports that the women of New Guinea paint themselves +black all over on the death of a relation, but that there are degrees of +mourning among the men, e. g., the son of the deceased paints his whole +body black, but other less related mourners may only paint the face more +or less black. In Vol. II, p. 9, a differentiation is shown, by which in +one locality the women daubed themselves from head to foot with mud. The +same author says, in the same volume, p. 378, that the skulls preserved +in their houses are always colored red and their foreheads frequently +marked with some rough design. + +In Armenia, as told in The Devil Worshipers of Armenia, in Scottish +Geog. Mag., VIII, p. 592, widows dress in white. + +In Notes in East Equatorial Africa, Bull. Soc. d’Anthrop. de Brux. +(_b_), it is told that in the region mentioned the women rub flour over +their bodies on the death or departure of the husband. + +Sir G. Wilkinson (_a_) writes that the ancient Egyptians in their +mourning ceremonies wore white fillets, and describes the same use of +the color white in the funeral processions painted on the walls of +Thebes. + +Dr. S. Wells Williams (_a_) reports of the Chinese mourning colors that +“the mourners are dressed entirely in white or wear a white fillet +around the head. In the southern districts half-mourning is blue, +usually exhibited in a pair of blue shoes and a blue silken cord woven +in the queue, instead of a red one; in the northern provinces white is +the only mourning color seen.” + +Herr von Brandt, in the Ainos and Japanese, Journal of the Anthrop. +Inst. G. B. and I. (_e_), tells that the coffins of the deceased Mikados +were covered with red, that is, with cinnabar. + + +COLORS FOR WAR AND PEACE. + +These colors, respecting the Algonquian Indians, are mentioned in 1763, +as published in Margry, to the effect that red feathers on the pipe +signify war, and that other colors [each of which may have a modifying +or special significance] mean peace. + +W. W. H. Davis (_b_) recounts that “in 1680 the Rio Grande Pueblos +informed the Spanish officers that they had brought with them two +crosses, one painted red, which signified war, and the other white, +which indicated peace, and they might take their choice between the two.” + +Capt. de Lamothe Cadillac (_b_), writing in the year 1696 of the +Algonquians of the Great Lake region near Mackinac, etc., describes +their decorations for war as follows: + + On the day of departure the warriors dress in their best. They + color their hair red; they paint their faces red and black with much + skill and taste, as well as the whole of their bodies. Some have + headdresses with the tail feathers of eagles or other birds; others + have them decorated with the teeth of wild beasts, such as the wolf + or tiger [wild cat]. Several adorn their heads, in lieu of hats, + with helmets bearing the horns of deer, roebuck, or buffalo. + +Schoolcraft (_r_) says that blue signifies peace among the Indians of +the Pueblo of Tesuque. + +The Dakota bands lately at Grand river agency had the practice of +painting the face red from the eyes down to the chin when going to war. + +The Absaroka or Crow Indians generally paint the forehead red when on +the warpath. This distinction of the Crows is also noted by the Dakota +in recording pictographic narratives of encounters with the Crows. + +Haywood (_e_) says of the Cherokees: + + When going to war their hair is combed and annointed with bear’s + grease and the red root, _Sanguinaria canadensis_, and they adorn + it with feathers of various beautiful colors, besides copper and + iron rings, and sometimes wampum or peak in the ears; and they paint + their faces all over as red as vermilion, making a circle of black + about one eye and another circle of white about the other. + +H. H. Bancroft (_e_) tells that when a Modoc warrior paints his face +black before going into battle it means victory or death, and that he +will not survive a defeat. In the same volume, p. 105, he says that when +a Thlinkit arms himself for war he paints his face and powders his hair +a brilliant red. He then ornaments his head with a white eagle feather +as a token of stern, vindictive determination. + +Mr. Dorsey reports that when the Osage men go to steal horses from the +enemy they paint their faces with charcoal. [Possibly this may be for +disguise, on the same principle that burglars use black crape.] The same +authority gives the following description of the Osage paint for war +parties: + + Before charging the foe the Osage warriors paint themselves + anew. This is called the death paint. If any of the men die with + this paint on them the survivors do not put on any other paint. + + All the gentes on the “Left” side use the “fire paint,” which + is red. It is applied by them with the left hand all over the face. + And they use prayers about the fire: “As the fire has no mercy, so + should we have none.” Then they put mud on the cheek, below the left + eye, as wide as two or more fingers. The horse is painted with some + of the mud on the left cheek, shoulder, and thigh. + +The following extract is from Belden (_b_): + + The sign paints used by the Sioux Indians are not numerous, but + very significant. When the warriors return from the warpath and have + been successful in bringing back scalps, the squaws, as well as the + men, paint with vermilion a semicircle in front of each ear. The bow + of the arc is toward the nose and the points of the half-circle on + the top and bottom of the ear; the eyes are then reddened and all + dance over the scalps. + +John Lawson (_a_) says of the North Carolina Indians: + + When they go to war * * * they paint their faces all over red, + and commonly make a circle of black about one eye and another circle + of white about the other, while others bedaub their faces with + tobacco-pipe clay, lampblack, black lead, and divers other colors, + etc. + +De Brahm, in documents connected with the History of South Carolina +(_a_), reports that the Indians of South Carolina “painted their +faces red in token of friendship and black in expression of warlike +intentions.” + +Rev. M. Eells (_a_) says of the Twana Indians of the Skokomish +reservation that when about to engage in war “they would tamanamus in +order to be successful and paint themselves with black and red, making +themselves as hideous as possible.” + +The U. S. Exploring Expedition (_b_), referring to a tribe near the +Sacramento river, tells that the chief presented them with a tuft of +white feathers stuck on a stick about 1 foot long, which was supposed to +be a token of friendship. + +Dr. Boas, in Am. Anthrop. (_b_), says of the Snanaimuq that before +setting out on war expeditions they painted their faces red and black. + +Peter Martyr (_b_) says of the Ciguaner Indians: + + The natives came out of the forest painted and daubed with + spots. For it is their custom, when they go to war, to daub + themselves from the face to the knee with black and scarlet or + purple color in spots, which color they [obtain] from some curious + fruits resembling “Pyren,” which they plant and cultivate in their + gardens with the greatest care. Similarly they also cause the hair + to grow in a thousand very curious shapes, if it is not by nature + long or black enough, so that they look not otherwise than if the + similar devil or hellish Circe came running out of hell. + +Curr (_c_) tells that the Australians whitened themselves with white +clay when about to engage in war. Some African tribes, according to Du +Chaillu, also paint their faces white for war. + +Haddon (_c_) says of the western tribe of Torres straits: + + When going to fight the men painted their bodies red, either + entirely so or partially, perhaps only the upper portion of the body + and the legs below the knees, or the head and upper part of the body + only. The body was painted black all over by those who were actually + engaged in the death dance. + +Du Chaillu (_c_) tells that among the Scandinavians there were peace and +war shields, the former white and the latter red. When the white was +hoisted on a ship it was a sign for the cessation of hostility, in the +same manner that a flag of the same color is now used to procure or mark +a truce. The red shield displayed on a masthead or in the midst of a +body of men was the sign of hostility. + + +COLOR DESIGNATING SOCIAL STATUS. + +The following extract is translated, from Peter Martyr (_c_): + + For the men are in body long and straight, possess a vivid and + natural complexion which compares somewhat with a red and genuine + flesh color. Their whole body and skin is lined over with sundry + paints and curious figures, which they consider as a handsome + ornament and fine decoration, and the uglier a man’s painting or + lining over is the prettier he considers himself to be, and is also + regarded as the most noble among their number. + +Mr. Dorsey reports of the Osages that all the old men who have been +distinguished in war are painted with the decorations of their +respective gentes. That of the Tsicu wactake is as follows: The face +is first whitened all over with white clay; then a red spot is made on +the forehead and the lower part of the face is reddened; then with the +fingers the man scrapes off the white clay, forming the dark figures by +letting the natural color of the face show through. + +H. H. Bancroft (_f_), citing authorities, says the central Californians +(north of San Francisco bay) formerly wore the down of Asclepias (?) +(white) as an emblem of royalty; and in the same volume, p. 691, it is +told that the natives of Guatemala wore red feathers in their hats, the +nobles only wearing green ones. + +The notes immediately following are about the significant use of color, +not readily divisible into headings. + +Belden (_c_) furnishes the following remarks: + + The Yanktons, Sioux, Santees, and Cheyennes use a great deal + of paint. A Santee squaw paints her face the same as a white woman + does, only with less taste. If she wishes to appear particularly + taking she draws a red streak half an inch wide from ear to ear, + passing it over the eyes, the bridge of the nose, and along the + middle of the cheek. When a warrior desires to be left alone he + takes black paint or lampblack and smears his face; then he draws + zigzag lines from his hair to his chin by scraping off the paint + with his nails. This is a sign that he is trapping, is melancholy, + or in love. + + A Sioux warrior who is courting a squaw usually paints his eyes + yellow and blue and the squaw paints hers red. I have known squaws + to go through the painful operation of reddening the eye-balls, + that they might appear particularly fascinating to the young men. + A red stripe drawn horizontally from one eye to the other means + that the young warrior has seen a squaw he could love if she would + reciprocate his attachment. + +As narrated by H. H. Bancroft, the Los Angeles county Indian girls paint +the cheeks sparingly with red ocher when in love. This also prevails +among the Arikara, at Fort Berthold, Dakota. + +La Potherie (_e_) says that the Indian girls of a tribe near Hudson +bay, when they have arrived at the age of puberty, at the time of +its sign, daub themselves with charcoal or a black stone, and in far +distant Yucatan, according to Bancroft (_h_), the young men restricted +themselves to black until they were married, indulging afterwards in +varied and bright colored figures. + +The color green is chiefly used symbolically as that of grass, with +reference to which Father De Smet’s MS. on the dance of the Tinton Sioux +contains these remarks: “Grass is the emblem of charity and abundance; +from it the Indians derive the food for their horses and it fattens the +wild animals of the plains, from which they derive their subsistence.” + +Brinton (_d_) gives the following summary: + + Both green and yellow were esteemed fortunate colors by the + Cakchiquels, the former as that of the flourishing plant, the latter + as that of the ripe and golden ears of maize. Hence, says Coto, they + were also used to mean prosperity. + + The color white, _zak_, had, however, by far the widest + metaphorical uses. As the hue of light, it was associated with day, + dawn, brightness, etc. + +Marshall (_b_) gives as the explanation why certain gracious official +documents are sealed with green that the color expresses youth, honor, +beauty, and especially liberty. + +H. M. Stanley (_a_) gives the following use of white as a sign of +innocence: “Qualla drew a piece of pipeclay and marked a broad white +band running from the wrist to the shoulder along each arm of Ngalyema, +as a sign to all men present that he was guiltless.” + +H. Clay Trumbull (_a_) says: + + The Egyptian amulet of blood friendship was red, as representing + the blood of the gods. The Egyptian word for “red” sometimes stood + for “blood.” The sacred directions in the Book of the Dead were + written in red; hence follows our word “rubrics.” The rabbis say + that, when persecution forbade the wearing of the phylacteries + with safety, a red thread might be substituted for this token of + the covenant with the Lord. It was a red thread which Joshua gave + to Rahab as a token of her covenant relations with the people of + the Lord. The red thread, in China, to-day, binds the double cup, + from which the bride and bridegroom drink their covenant draught + of “wedding wine,” as if in symbolism of the covenant of blood. + And it is a red thread which, in India, to-day, is used to bind a + sacred amulet around the arm or the neck. * * * Upon the shrines in + India the color red shows that worship is still living there; red + continues to stand for blood. + +Mr. Mooney, in the Seventh Annual Report, Bureau of Ethnology, shows +that to the Cherokee the color blue signifies grief or depression of +spirits, a curious parallel to the colloquial English phrase “has the +blues” and wholly opposite to the poetical symbol of blue for hope. + +The notes above collected on the general topic of color symbolism might +be indefinitely extended. Those presented, however, are typical and +perhaps sufficient for the scope of the present work. In regarding +ideography of colors the first object is to expunge from consideration +all merely arbitrary or fanciful decorations, which is by no means easy, +as ancient customs, even in their decadence or merely traditional, +preserve a long influence. But as a generalization it seems that all +common colors have been used in historic times for nearly all varieties +of ideographic expression by the several divisions of men, and that +they have differed fundamentally in the application of those colors. +Yet there was an intelligent origin in each one of those applications +of color. With regard to mourning the color black is now considered +to be that of gloom. It was still earlier expressed by casting ashes +or earth over the head and frame, and possibly the somber paint was +adopted for cleanliness, the concept being preserved and indeed +intensified by durable blackness instead of the mere transient dinginess +of dirt, although the actual defilement by the latter is thereby only +symbolized. This gloom is the expression of the misery of the survivors, +perhaps of their despair as not expecting any happiness to the dead +or any hope of a meeting in another world. Other lines of thought are +shown by blue, considered as the supposed sky or heavenly home of the +future, and by green, as suggesting renewal or resurrection, and those +concepts determine the mourning color of some peoples. Red or yellow may +only refer to the conceptions of the colors of flames, and therefore +might simply be an objective representation of the disposition of the +corpse, which very often was by cremation. But sometimes these colors +are employed as decoration and display to proclaim that the dead go +to glory. White, used as frequently by the populations of the world +as other funeral colors, may have been only to assert the purity and +innocence of the departed, an anticipation of the flattering obituary +notices or epitaphs now conventional in civilized lands. + +With regard to the color red, it may be admitted that it originally +represents blood; but it may be, and in fact is, used for the +contradictory concepts of war and peace. It is used for war as +suggesting the blood of the enemy, for peace and friendship to signify +the blood relation or blood covenant, the strongest tie of love and +friendship. + +So it would seem that, while colors have been used ideographically, +the ideas which determined them were very diverse and sometimes their +application has become wholly conventional and arbitrary. A modern +military example may be in point which has no connection with the +well-known squib of an English humorist. One of the officers of the +U. S. Army of the last generation when traveling in Europe was much +disgusted to observe that a green uniform was used in some of the armies +for the corps of engineers and for branches of the service other +than rifles or tirailleurs. He insisted that the color naturally and +necessarily belongs to the Rifles, because the soldiers of that arm +when clad with that color were most useful as skirmishers in wooded +regions. This reason for the selection of green for the riflemen who +composed a part of the early army of the United States is correct, but +in the necessity for the distinction of special uniforms for the several +component parts of a military establishment, whether in Europe or +America, the original and often obsolete application of color was wholly +disregarded and colors were selected simply because they were not then +appropriated by other branches of the service. So in the late formation +of the signal corps of the U. S. Army, the color of orange, which had +belonged to the old dragoons, was adopted simply because it was a good +color no longer appropriated. + +With these changes by abandonment and adoption comes fashion, which has +its strong effect. It is even exemplified where least expected, i. e., +in Stamboul. Every one knows that the descendants of the Prophet alone +are entitled to wear green turbans, but a late Sultan, not being of the +blood of Mohammed, could not wear the color, so the emirs who could do +so carefully abstained from green in his presence and the color for the +time was unfashionable. + +As the evolution of clothing commenced with painting and tattooing, it +may be admitted that what is now called fashion must have had its effect +on the earlier as on the later forms of personal decoration. Granting +that there was an ideographic origin to all designs painted on the +person, the ambition or vanity of individuals to be distinctive and to +excel must soon have introduced varieties and afterward imitations of +such patterns, colors, or combinations as favorably struck the local +taste. The subject therefore is much confused. + +An additional suggestion comes from the study of the Mexican codices. In +them color often seems to be used according to the fancy of the scribe. +Compare pages 108 and 109 of the Codex Vaticanus, in Kingsborough, Vol. +II, with pages 4 and 5 of the Codex Telleriano Remensis, in part 4 of +Kingsborough, Vol. I, where the figures and their signification are +evidently the same, but the coloration is substantially reversed. + +A comparison of Henry R. Schoolcraft’s published coloration with the +facts found by the recent examination of the present writer is set forth +with detail on page 202, supra. + +In his copious illustrations colors were exhibited freely and with +stated significance, whereas, in fact, the general rule in regard to +the birch-bark rolls is that they were never colored at all; indeed, +the bark was not adapted to coloration. His colors were painted on and +over the true scratchings, according to his own fancy. The metaphorical +coloring was also used by him in a manner which, to any thorough student +of the Indian philosophy and religions, seems absurd. Metaphysical +significance is attached to some of the colored devices, or, as he +calls them, symbols, which could never have been entertained by a +people in the stage of culture of the Ojibwa, and those devices, in +fact, were ideograms or iconograms. + + +SECTION 4. + +GESTURE AND POSTURE SIGNS DEPICTED. + +Among people where a system of ideographic gesture signs has prevailed +it would be expected that their form would appear in any mode of +pictorial representation used with the object of conveying ideas or +recording facts. When a gesture sign had been established and it became +necessary or desirable to draw a character or design to convey the same +idea, nothing could be more natural than to use the graphic form or +delineation which was known and used in the gesture sign. It was but one +more step, and an easy one, to fasten upon bark, skins, or rocks the +evanescent air pictures of the signs. + +In the paper “Sign language among the North American Indians,” published +in the First Ann. Rep. of the Bureau of Ethnology, a large number +of instances were given of the reproduction of gesture lines in the +pictographs made by those Indians, and they appeared to be most frequent +when there was an attempt to convey subjective ideas. It was suggested, +therefore, that those pictographs which, in the absence of positive +knowledge, are the most difficult of interpretation were those to which +the study of sign-language might be applied with advantage. The topic +is now more fully discussed. Many pictographs in the present work, the +meaning of which is definitely known from direct sources, are noted in +connection with the gesture-signs corresponding with the same idea, +which signs are also understood from independent evidence or legitimate +deduction. + +Dr. Edkins (_c_) makes the following remarks regarding the Chinese +characters, which are applicable also to the picture-writing of the +North American Indians, and indeed to that of all peoples among whom it +has been cultivated: + + The use of simple natural shapes, such as the mouth, nose, eye, + ear, hand, foot, as well as the shape of branches, trees, grass, + caves, holes, rivers, the bow, the spear, the knife, the tablet, the + leaf--these formed, in addition to pictures of animals, much of the + staple of Chinese ideographs. + + Attention should be drawn to the fact that the mouth and the + hand play an exceptionally important part in the formation of the + symbols. + + Men were more accustomed then than now to the language of signs + by the use of these organs. Perhaps three-twentieths of the existing + characters are formed by their help as one element. + + This large use of the mouth and hand in forming characters is, + as we may very reasonably suppose, only a repetition of what took + place when the words themselves were made. + + There is likely to be a primitive connection between + demonstratives and names for the hand, because the hand is used in + pointing. + +Fig. 983 is a copy of a colored petroglyph on a rock in the valley of +Tule river, California, further described on page 52, et seq., supra. + +_a_, a person weeping. The eyes have lines running down to the breast, +below the ends of which are three short lines on either side. The arms +and hands are in the exact position for making the gesture for rain. See +_h_ in Fig. 999, meaning eye-rain, and also Fig. 1002. It was probably +the intention of the artist to show that the hands in this gesture +should be passed downward over the face, as probably suggested by the +short lines upon the lower end of the tears. It is evident that sorrow +is portrayed. + +[Illustration: FIG. 983.--Rock painting. Tule river, California.] + +_b_, _c_, _d_, six persons apparently making the gesture for “hunger” +by passing the hands towards and backward from the sides of the body, +suggesting a gnawing sensation. The person, _d_, shown in a horizontal +position, may possibly denote a “dead man,” dead of starvation, this +position being adopted by the Ojibwa, Blackfeet, and others as a common +device to represent a dead body. The varying lengths of head ornaments +denote different degrees of status as warriors or chiefs. + +_e_, _f_, _g_, _h_, _i_. Human forms of various shapes making gestures +for negation, or more specifically “nothing, nothing here,” a natural +and universal gesture made by throwing one or both hands outward toward +either side of the body. The hands are extended, and, to make the action +apparently more emphatic, the extended toes are also shown on _e_, _f_, +_g_, and _i_. The several lines upon the leg of _i_ probably indicate +trimmings upon the leggings. + +The character at _j_ is strikingly similar to the Alaskan pictographs +(see _b_ of Fig. 460), indicating self with the right hand, and the left +pointing away, signifying to go. + +_k._ An ornamented head with body and legs. It may refer to a Shaman, +the head being similar to the representations of such personages by the +Ojibwa and Iroquois. + +Similar drawings occur at a distance of about 10 miles southeast of this +locality as well as at other places toward the northwest, and it appears +probable that the pictograph was made by a portion of a tribe which had +advanced for the purpose of selecting a new camping place, but failed +to find the quantities of food necessary for sustenance, and therefore +erected this notice to inform their followers of their misfortune and +determined departure toward the northwest. It is noticeable that the +picture is so placed upon the rock that the extended arm of _j_ points +toward the north. + +The following examples are selected from a large number that could +be used to illustrate those gesture signs known to be included in +pictographs. Others not referred to in this place may readily be noticed +in several parts of the present paper where they appear under other +headings. + +[Illustration: FIG. 984.--Coward.] + +Fig. 984.--Afraid-of-him. Red-Cloud’s Census. The following is the +description of a common gesture sign used by the Dakotas for afraid, +fear, coward: + +Crook the index, close the other fingers, and, with its back upward, +draw the right hand backward about a foot, from 18 inches in front of +the right breast. Conception, “Drawing back.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 985.--Coward.] + +Fig. 985.--Afraid-of-him. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is obviously the same +device without clear depiction of the arm, which is explained by the +preceding. + +[Illustration: FIG. 986.--Little-Chief.] + +Fig. 986.--Little-Chief. Red-Cloud’s Census. A typical gesture sign for +chief is as follows: + +Raise the forefinger, pointed upwards, in a vertical direction and then +reverse both finger and motion; the greater the elevation the “bigger” +the chief. In this case the elevation above the head is slight, so the +chief is “little.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 987.--Hit.] + +Fig. 987.--The Dakotas went out in search of the Crows in order to +avenge the death of Broken-Leg-Duck. They did not find any Crows, but, +chancing on a Mandan village, captured it and killed all the people in +it. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1787-’88. + +The mark on the tipi is not the representation of a hatchet or tomahawk, +but is explained by the gesture sign for “hit by a bullet from a gun,” +made by the Dakotas as follows: + +With the hands in the position of the completion of the sign for +discharge of a gun, draw the right hand back from the left, that is, +in toward the body; close all the fingers except the index, which is +extended, horizontal, back toward the right, pointing straight outward, +and is pushed forward against the center of the stationary left hand +with a quick motion. Conception, “Bullet comes to a stop. It struck.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 988.--Cow.] + +Fig. 988.--The first stock cattle were issued to them. American-Horse’s +Winter Count, 1875-’76. The figure represents a cow surrounded by +people. A common gesture sign distinguishing the cattle brought by +Europeans from the buffalo is as follows: + +Make sign for buffalo, then extend the left forefinger and draw the +extended index across it repeatedly at different places. Literally, +spotted buffalo. + +[Illustration: FIG. 989.--Two.] + +Fig. 989.--Kills-two. Red-Cloud’s Census. In this figure only the +suggestion of number is in point. Two fingers are extended. + +[Illustration: FIG. 990.--Sign for Dakota.] + +Fig. 990.--Four Crow Indians killed by the Minneconjou Dakotas. +The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1864-’65. + +The four heads and necks are shown. The pictograph shows the tribe of +the conquerors and not that of the victims. The gesture sign for Dakota +is as follows: + +Forefinger and thumb of right hand extended (others closed) are drawn +from left to right across the throat as though cutting it. The Dakotas +have been named the “cut-throats” by some of the surrounding tribes. + +[Illustration: FIG. 991.--Noon.] + +Fig. 991.--Noon. Red-Cloud’s Census. A Dakotan gesture sign for noon is +as follows: + +Make a circle with the thumb and index for sun, and then hold the hand +overhead, the outer edge uppermost. + +[Illustration: FIG. 992.--Hard.] + +Fig. 992.--Hard. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is the representation of a +stone hammer and coincides with the Dakotan gesture sign for hard as +follows: + +Same as the sign for stone, which is: With the back of the arched right +hand strike repeatedly in the palm of the left, held horizontal, back +outward, at the height of the breast and about a foot in front; the ends +of the fingers point in opposite directions. Refers to the time when the +stone hammer was the hardest pounding instrument the Indians knew. + +[Illustration: FIG. 993.--Moon.] + +Fig. 993.--Little-Sun. Red-Cloud’s Census. The moon is expressed both in +gestural and oral language as sun-little. + +[Illustration: FIG. 994.--Old-Cloud.] + +Fig. 994.--Old-Cloud. Red-Cloud’s Census. Cloud is drawn in blue in the +original; old is signified by drawing a staff in the hand of the man. +The Dakotan gesture for old is described as follows: + +With the right hand held in front of right side of body, as though +grasping the head of a walking-stick, describe the forward arch +movement, as though a person walking was using it for support. “Decrepit +age dependent on a staff.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 995.--Call-for.] + +Fig. 995.--Call-for. Red-Cloud’s Census. The gesture for come or to call +to one’s self is shown in this figure. This is similar to that prevalent +among Europeans, and so requires no explanation. + +[Illustration: FIG. 996.--Wise-Man.] + +Fig. 996.--The-Wise-Man was killed by enemies. + +Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1797-’98. The following gesture sign +explains this figure: + +Touch the forehead with the right index and then make the sign for big +directly in front of it. Conception, “Big brain.” + +In this as in other delineations of gesture the whole of the sign could +not be expressed, but only that part of it which might seem to be the +most suggestive. + +[Illustration: FIG. 997.--Sign for pipe.] + +Fig. 997 is taken from the winter count of Battiste Good and is drawn to +represent the sign for pipe, which it is intended to signify. The sign +is made by placing the right hand near the upper portion of the breast, +the left farther forward, and both held so that the index and thumb +approximate a circle, as if holding a pipe-stem. The remaining fingers +are closed. + +The point of interest in this character is that, instead of drawing a +pipe, the artist drew a human figure making the sign for pipe, showing +the intimate connection between gesture-signs and pictographs. The pipe, +in this instance, was the symbol of peace. + +[Illustration: FIG. 998.--Searches-the-Heavens.] + +Fig. 998.--Mahpiya-wakita, Searches-the-Heavens; from the Oglala Roster. +The cloud is drawn in blue, the searching being derived from the +expression of that idea in gesture by passing the extended index of +one hand (or both) forward from the eye, then from right to left, as +if indicating various uncertain localities before the person, i. e., +searching for something. The lines from the eyes are in imitation of +this gesture. + + +WATER. + +[Illustration: FIG. 999.--Water symbols.] + +The Chinese character for to give water is _a_, in Fig. 999, which may +be compared with the common Indian gesture to drink, to give water, +viz: “Hand held with the tips of fingers brought together and passed +to the mouth, as if scooping up water” (see Fig. 1000), obviously from +primitive custom, as with Mojaves, who still drink with scooped hands, +throwing the water to the mouth. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1000.--Gesture sign for drink.] + +Another common Indian gesture sign for water to drink--I want to +drink--is: “Hand brought downward past the mouth with loosely extended +fingers, palm toward the face.” This appears in the Mexican character +for drink, _b_, in Fig. 999, taken from Pipart (_a_). Water, i. e., +the pouring out of water with the drops falling or about to fall, is +shown in Fig. 999, _c_, taken from the same author (_b_), being the +same arrangement of them as in the Indian gesture-sign for rain, shown +in Fig. 1002, the hand, however, being inverted. Rain in the Mexican +picture-writing is sometimes shown by small circles inclosing a dot, as +in the last two designs, but not connected together, each having a short +line upward marking the line of descent. Several other pictographs for +rain are given below. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1001.--Water, Egyptian.] + +With the gesture sign for drink may be compared Fig. 1001, the Egyptian +goddess Nu in the sacred sycamore tree, pouring out the water of life +to the Osirian and his soul represented as a bird, in Amenti, from a +funereal stelē in Cooper’s Serpent Myths (_b_). + +The common Indian gesture for river or stream--water--is made by passing +the horizontal flat hand, palm down, forward and to the left from the +right side in a serpentine manner. + +The Egyptian character for the same is _d_ in Fig. 999, taken from +Champollion’s Dictionary (_b_). The broken line is held to represent the +movement of the water on the surface of the stream. When made with one +line less angular and more waving it means water. It is interesting to +compare with this the identical character in the syllabary invented by a +West African negro, Mormoru Doalu Bukere, for water, _e_, in Fig. 999, +mentioned by Dr. Tylor (_b_). + +The abbreviated Egyptian sign for water as a stream is _f_, in Fig. 999, +taken from Champollion, loc. cit., and the Chinese for the same is as in +_g_, same figure. + +In the picture writing of the Ojibwa the Egyptian abbreviated character, +with two lines instead of three, appears with the same signification. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1002.--Gesture for rain.] + +The Egyptian character for weep, _h_, in Fig. 999, i. e., an eye with +tears falling, is also found in the pictographs of the Ojibwa, published +by Schoolcraft (_o_), and is also made by the Indian gesture of drawing +lines by the index repeatedly downward from the eye, though perhaps more +frequently made by the full sign for rain--made with the back of the +hand downward from the eye--“eye rain.” The sign is as follows, as made +by the Shoshoni, Apache, and other Indians: Hold the hand (or hands) at +the height of and before the shoulder, fingers pendent, palm down, then +push it downward a short distance, as shown in Fig. 1002. That for heat +is the same, with the difference that the hand is held above the head +and thrust downward toward the forehead; that for to weep is made by +holding the hand as in rain, and the gesture made from the eye downward +over the cheek, back of the fingers nearly touching the face. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1003.--Water sign. Moki.] + +The upper design in Fig. 1003, taken from the manuscript catalogue of +T.V. Keam, is water wrought into a meandering device, which is the +conventional generic sign of the Hopitus. The two forefingers are joined +as in the lower design in the same figure. + +In relation to the latter, Mr. Keam says: “At the close of the religious +festivals the participants join in a parting dance called the ‘dance of +the linked finger.’ They form a double line, and crossing their arms in +front of them they lock the forefingers of either hand with those of +their neighbors, in both lines, which are thus interlocked together, and +then dance, still interlocked by this emblematic grip, singing their +parting song. The meandering designs are emblems of this friendly dance.” + + +CHILD. + +The Arapaho sign for _child_, _baby_, is the forefinger in the mouth, i. +e., a nursing child, and a natural sign of a deaf-mute is the same. The +Egyptian figurative character for the same is seen in Fig. 1004 _a_. Its +linear form is _b_, same figure, and its hieratic is _c_, Champollion +(_c_). + +These afford an interpretation to the ancient Chinese form for _son_, +_d_ in same figure, given in Journ. Royal Asiatic Society, I, 1834, +p. 219, as belonging to the Shang dynasty, 1756-1112 B. C., and the +modern Chinese form, _e_, which, without the comparison, would not +be supposed to have any pictured reference to an infant with hand or +finger at or approaching the mouth, denoting the taking of nourishment. +Having now suggested this, the Chinese character for _birth_, _f_ in +same figure, is understood as a parallel expression of a common gesture +among the Indians, particularly reported from the Dakota, for _born_, +_to be born_; viz, place the left hand in front of the body a little +to the right, the palm, downward and slightly arched, then pass the +extended right hand downward, forward, and upward, forming a short curve +underneath the left, as in Fig. 1005 _a_. This is based upon the curve +followed by the head of the child during birth, and is used generically. +The same curve, when made with one hand, appears in Fig. 1005 _b_. + +It may be of interest to compare with the Chinese _child_ the Mexican +abbreviated character for _man_, Fig. 1004 _g_, found in Pipart (_c_). +The character on the right is called the abbreviated form of the one by +its side. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1004.--Symbols for child and man.] + +The Chinese character for _man_ is Fig. 1004 _h_, and may have the same +obvious conception as a Dakota sign for the same signification: “Place +the extended index pointing upward and forward before the lower portion +of the abdomen.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 1005.--Gestures for birth.] + +A typical sign made by the Indians for _no_, _negation_, is as follows: + +The hand extended or slightly curved is held in front of the body, a +little to the right of the median line; it is then carried with a rapid +sweep a foot or more farther to the right. + +The sign for _none_, _nothing_, sometimes used for simple negation, +is made by throwing both hands outward from the breast toward their +respective sides. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1006.--Negation.] + +With these compare the two forms of the Egyptian character for no, +negation, the two upper characters of Fig. 1006 taken from Champollion +(_d_). No vivid fancy is needed to see the hands indicated at the +extremities of arms extended symmetrically from the body on each side. + +Also compare the Maya character for the same idea of negation, the +lowest character of Fig. 1006, found in Landa (_a_). The Maya word for +negation is “_ma_,” and the word “_mak_,” a six-foot measuring rod, +given by Brasseur de Bourbourg in his dictionary, apparently having +connection with this character, would in use separate the hands as +illustrated, giving the same form as the gesture made without the rod. + +Another sign for _nothing_, _none_, made by the Comanche is: Flat +hand thrown forward, back to the ground, fingers pointing forward and +downward. Frequently the right hand is brushed over the left thus thrown +out. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1007.--Hand.] + +Compare the Chinese character for the same meaning, the upper character +of Fig. 1007. This will not be recognized as a hand without study of +similar characters, which generally have a cross-line cutting off +the wrist. Here the wrist bones follow under the crosscut, then the +metacarpal bones, and last the fingers, pointing forward and downward. + +Leon de Rosny (_a_) gives the second and third characters in Fig. 1007 +as the Babylonian glyphs for “hand,” the upper being the later and the +lower the archaic form. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1008.--Signal of discovery.] + +Fig. 1008 is reproduced from an ivory drill-bow (U. S. Nat. Mus., No. +24543) from Norton sound, Alaska. The figure represents the gesture sign +or signal of discovery. In this instance the game consists of whales, +and the signal is made by holding the boat paddle aloft and horizontally. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1009.--Pictured gestures. Maya.] + +Fig. 1009, reproduced from Fig. 365, p. 308, Sixth Ann. Rep. Bureau +of Ethnology, is a copy of Pl. 53 of the Dresden Codex, and is a good +example of the use of gestures in the Maya graphic system. The main +figure in the upper division of the plate, probably that of a deity or +ruler, holds his right hand raised to the level of the head, with the +index prominently separated from the other fingers. This is the first +part of a sign common to several of the Indian tribes of North America +and signifies affirmation or assent. The Indians close the fingers other +than the index more decidedly than in the plate and, after the hand +has reached its greatest height, shake it forward and down, but these +details, which indeed are not essential, could not well be indicated +pictorially. The human figure in the lower division is kneeling and +holds both hands easily extended before the body, palms down and index +fingers straight, parallel, and separated from the other fingers, which +are flexed or closed. This in its essentials is a common Indian gesture +sign for “the same,” “similar,” and also for “companion.” A sign nearly +identical is used by the Neapolitans to mean “union” or “harmony.” If +the two divisions of the plate are supposed to be connected, it might be +inferred through the principles of gesture language that the kneeling +man was praying to the seated personage for admission to his favor and +companionship, and that the latter was responding by a dignified assent. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1010.--Pictured gestures. Guatemala.] + +Dr. S. Habel (_e_) thus describes Fig. 1010, a sculpture in Guatemala: + + The upper half represents the head, arms, and part of the breast + of a deity, apparently of advanced age, as indicated by the wrinkles + in the face. The right arm is bent at the elbow, the finger tips of + the outstretched hand apparently touching the region of the heart; + the left upper arm is drawn up, the elbow being almost as high as + the shoulder, and the fore arm and hand hanging at nearly right + angles. From the head and neck issue winding staves, to which not + only knots or nodes are attached, but also variously-shaped leaves, + buds, flowers, and fruits. Apparently these are symbols of speech, + replacing our letters and expressing the mandate of the deity. + + The lower part represents an erect human figure with the face + turned up toward the deity imploring, and from the mouth emanates + a staff with nodes variously arranged. The appeal is still + further intensified by the raising of the right hand and arm. A + human head partly covers the head of the figure, from which hang + variously-shaped ribbons, terminating in the body and tail of a + fish. Above the right wrist is a double bracelet, apparently formed + of small square stones. The left hand is covered, gauntlet-like, + by a human skull, and the wrist is ornamented by a double scaly + bracelet. The waist is encircled by a stiff projecting girdle, which + differs from the general style of this ornament by having attached + to it on the side a human head, with another human head suspended + from it. From the front of the girdle emanate four lines, which + ascend towards the deity, uniting at the top. They seem to symbolize + the emotions of the person, not expressed by words. From behind the + image issue flames. + + + + +CHAPTER XIX. + +CONVENTIONALIZING. + + +Before writing was invented by a people there were attempts in its +direction which are mentioned in other chapters of this paper. Human +forms were drawn pictorially in the act of making gesture signs and +in significant actions and attitudes and combinations of them. Other +natural objects, as well as those purely artificial, which represented +work or the result of work, were also drawn with many differing +significations. When any of these designs had become commonly adopted on +account of its striking fitness or even from frequent repetition with a +special signification, it became a conventional term of thought-writing, +with substantially the same use as when, afterward, the combinations +of letters of an alphabet into words became the arbitrary signs of +sound-writing. While the designs thus became conventional terms, their +forms became more and more abbreviated or cursive until in many cases +the original concept or likeness was lost. Sometimes when a specimen of +the original form is preserved, its identity in meaning with the current +form can be ascertained by correlation of the intermediate shapes. + +The original ideography is often exhibited by exaggeration. For +instance, a loud voice has been sometimes indicated by a human face with +an enormous mouth. Hearing, among the Peruvians, was early expressed +by a man with very large ears; then by a head with such ears, and +afterwards by the form of the ears without the head. Soon such forms +became so conventionalized as to be practically ideographic writing. +In the same manner a numeral cipher has become the representation of a +mathematical quantity, a written musical note shows a kind and degree +of sound, and other pictured signs give values of weights and measures. +All of these signs express ideas independent of any language and may be +understood by peoples speaking all diversities of language. + +So also the idea of smallness and subjection may be conveyed by drawing +an object in an obviously diminished size, of which examples are given +in this chapter. Another expedient, illustrations of which also appear, +is by repetition and combination, with reference to which the following +condensed remarks of James Summers (_a_) are in point: + + The earliest Chinese characters were pictorial; but pictures + could not be made which would clearly express all ideas. One of the + means devised to express concepts that could not be indicated by a + simple sketch, was to combine two or more familiar pictures. For + instance, a man with a large eye represents “seeing;” two men, “to + follow;” three men, “many;” two men on the ground, “sitting.” + + All other means failing, the present great mass of characters + was formed by a principle from which the class is called “phonetic;” + because in the characters classed under it, while one part (called + the “radical”) preserves its meaning, the other part (called the + “phonetic” or “primitive”) is used to give its own sound to the + whole figure. This part does sometimes, however, convey also its + symbolic meaning as well as its sound. + +But while the original mode of expressing ideas required various +devices, when an idea had become established in pictography there always +appeared an attempt to simplify the figure and reduce it in size, so as +to require less space in the drafting surface and also to lessen the +draftsman’s labor. This was more obvious in the degree in which the +figure was complicated and of frequent employment. + +For convenience the subject is divided into: 1. Conventional devices. 2. +Syllabaries and alphabets. + + +SECTION 1. + +CONVENTIONAL DEVICES. + +PEACE. + +Among the North American Indians and in several parts of the world +where, as among the Indians, the hand-grasp in simple salutation has not +been found, the junction of the hands between two persons of different +tribes is the ceremonial for union and peace, and the sign for the same +concept is exhibited by the two hands of one person similarly grasped as +an invitation to, or signification of, union and peace. The ideogram of +clasped hands to indicate peace and friendship is found in pictographs +from many localities. The exhibition and presentation of the unarmed +hand may have affected the practice, but the concept of union by linking +is more apparent. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1011.] + +Fig. 1011.--The Dakotas made peace with the Cheyenne Indians. The-Swan’s +Winter Count, 1840-’41. Here the hands shown with fingers extended, and +therefore incapable of grasping a weapon, are approaching each other. +The different coloration of the arms indicates different tribes. The +device on the right is a rough form of the forearm of the Cheyenne +marked as mentioned several times in this work. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1012.] + +Fig. 1012.--The Dakotas made peace with the Pawnees. American-Horse’s +Winter Count, 1858-’59. The man on the left is a Pawnee. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1013.] + +Fig. 1013.--A Mandan and a Dakota met in the middle of the Missouri +River, each swimming halfway across. They shook hands there and made +peace. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1791-’92. + +Mulligan, post interpreter at Fort Buford, says that this was at Fort +Berthold, and is an historic fact; also that the same Mandan long +afterwards, killed the same Dakota. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1014.] + +Fig. 1014.--The Omahas came and made peace to get their people whom the +Dakotas held as prisoners. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1804-’05. The +attitudes and expressions are unusually artistic. The uniting line may +only intensify the idea of a treaty resulting in peace, but perhaps +recognizes the fact that the Omaha (on the left) and Dakota belong to +the same Siouan stock. The marks on the Omaha are not tribal, but refer +to the prisoners--the marks of their bonds. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1015.] + +Fig. 1015.--The Dakotas made peace with the Crows at Pine Bluff. +American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1816-’17. The arrow shows they had been +at war. The Indian at the left is a Crow. The distinctive and typical +arrangement of the hair of the several tribes in this and the preceding +figure are worthy of note. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1016.] + +Fig. 1016.--The Dakotas made peace with the Pawnees. Cloud-Shield’s +Winter Count, 1814-’15. The man with the marked forehead, blue in the +original, is a Pawnee, the other is a Dakota, whose body is smeared with +clay. The four arrows show that they had been at war, and the clasped +hands denote peace. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1017.] + +Fig. 1017.--They made peace with the Gros Ventres. American-Horse’s +Winter Count, 1803-’04. But one arrow is shown, indicating that the +subject in question was war, but that it was not waged at the time, as +would have been shown by two opposed arrows. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1018.] + +Fig. 1018.--Dakotas made peace with the Crow Indians. The-Swan’s Winter +Count, 1851-’52. Here the representatives of the two tribes show their +pipes crossed, indicating exchange as is expressed by a common gesture +sign. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1019.] + +Fig. 1019.--Made peace with Gen. Sherman and others at Fort Laramie. +The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1867-’68. This is the adoption of the white +man’s flag, as the paramount symbol on recognition of which peace was +made. + + +WAR. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1020.] + +Fig. 1020.--The Dakotas were at war with the Cheyennes. American-Horse’s +Winter Count, 1834-’35. The Cheyenne is the man with stripes on +his arm. The two arrows shot in opposite directions form one of the +conventional symbols for war. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1021.] + +Fig. 1021 is taken from the Winter Count of Battiste Good for the year +1840-’41. He names it “Came-and-killed-five-of-Little-Thunder’s-brothers +winter.” He explains that the five were killed in an encounter with +the Pawnees. The capote or headdress, always but not exclusively worn +by Dakota war parties, is shown, and is the special symbol of war as +also given in several other places in the same record. The five short +vertical lines below the arrow signify that five were killed. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1022.] + +Fig. 1022.--War-Eagle. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure shows a highly +abbreviated conventional symbol. The pipe used in the ceremonial manner +explained on page 539 et seq. means war and not peace, and the single +eagle feather stands for the entire bird often called the war-eagle. + +The adoption of a mat or mattress as an emblem of war or a military +expedition is discussed and illustrated, supra, p. 553, Fig. 782. + +In the Jesuit Relation for 1606, p. 51, it is narrated that “The Huron +and Northern Algonkin chiefs, when their respective war parties met the +enemy, distributed among their warriors rods which they carried for the +purpose, and the warriors stuck them in the earth as a token that they +would not retreat any more than the rods would.” + +In their pictographs the rods became represented by strokes which were +not only numerical, but signified warriors. + + +CHIEF. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1023.--Chief-Boy.] + +Fig. 1023.--Naca-haksila, Chief-Boy. From the Oglala Roster. The large +pipe held forward with the outstretched hand is among the Oglalas the +conventional device for chief. This is explained elsewhere by the +ceremonies attendant on the raising of war parties, in which the pipe +is conspicuous. That the human figure is a boy is indicated by the +shortness of the hair and the legs. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1024.--War Chief. Passamaquoddy.] + +Fig. 1024, drawn by a Passamaquoddy Indian, shows the manner of +representing a war chief by that tribe: + +It signifies a chief with 300 braves. The relative magnitude of the +leading human figure indicates his rank. In this particular compare +Figs. 137, 138, and 142. The device is common in the Egyptian glyphs. + +Dr. Worsnop, op. cit., makes the following remarks about a similar +device in Australia: + + At Chasm island, in the Gulf of Carpentaria, indenting + Australia, the third person of a file of thirty-two painted on the + rock was twice the height of the others, and held in his hand + something resembling the waddy, or wooden sword, of the natives + of Port Jackson, and was probably intended to represent a chief. + They could not as with us, indicate superiority by clothing or + ornament, since they wear none of any kind, and therefore, with the + addition of a weapon similar to the ancients, they seem to have + made superiority of persons the principal emblem of superior power, + of which, indeed power is usually a consequence in the very early + stages of society. + +The exhibition of horns as a part of the head dress, or pictorially +displayed as growing from the head, is generally among the tribes of +Indians an emblem of power or chieftancy. It is distinctly so asserted +by Schoolcraft, vol. I, p. 409, as regards the Ojibwa, and by Lafitau, +vol. II, 21, both authors presenting illustrations. The same concept +was ancient and general in the eastern hemisphere. The images of gods +and heads of kings were thus adorned, as at a later day were the crests +of the dukes of Brittany. Some writers have suggested that this symbol +was taken from the crescent moon, others that it referred to the vigor +of the bull. Col. Marshall (_a_), however, gives an instance of special +derivation. He says that the Todas, when idle, involuntarily twist and +split branches of twigs and pieces of cane into the likeness of buffalo +horns, because they dream of buffalo, live on and by it, and their whole +religion is based on the care of the cow. + + +COUNCIL. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1025.] + +Fig. 1025 is taken from the Winter Count of Battiste Good for the +year 1851-’52. In that year the first issue of goods was made to the +Dakotas, and the character represents a blanket surrounded by a circle +to show how the Indians sat awaiting the distribution. The people are +represented by small lines running at right angles to the circle. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1026.] + +Fig. 1026.--The-Good-White-Man returned and gave guns to the Dakotas. +American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1799-1800. The circle of marks represents +the people sitting around him, the flint-lock musket the guns. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1027.] + +Fig. 1027.--Council at Spotted-Tail agency. The-Flame’s Winter Count, +1875-’76. Here the circle composed of short lines pointing to the center +takes the conventional form frequently used to designate a council. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1028.] + +Fig. 1028.--Surrounds-them. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure is +introduced in this place to show the distinction made by an +antagonistic “surround” and the peaceable ring depicted immediately +before. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1029.] + +Fig. 1029.--The Dakotas had a council with the whites on the Missouri +river below the Cheyenne agency, near the mouth of Bad creek. They had +many flags which the Good-White-Man gave them with their guns, and they +erected them on poles to show their friendly feelings. American-Horse’s +Winter Count, 1805-’06. This was perhaps their meeting with the Lewis +and Clarke expedition. The curved line is drawn to represent the council +lodge, which they made by opening several tipis and uniting them at +their sides to form a semicircle. The small dashes are for the people. +This is a compromise between the Indian and the European mode of +designating an official assemblage. + + +PLENTY OF FOOD. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1030.] + +Fig. 1030.--The Dakotas have an abundance of buffalo meat. +Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1856-’57. This is shown by the full drying +pole on which it was the usage after successful hunts to hang the pieces +of meat to be dried for preservation. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1031.] + +Fig. 1031.--The Oglalas had an abundance of buffalo meat and shared it +with the Brulés, who were short of food. American-Horse’s Winter Count, +1817-’18. The buffalo hide hung on the drying pole, with the buffalo +head above it, indicates an abundance of meat, as in the preceding +figure. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1032.] + +Fig. 1032 is taken from Battiste Good’s Winter Count for the year +1745-’46, in which the drying-pole is as usual supported by two forked +sticks or poles. This is a variant of the two preceding figures. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1033.] + +Fig. 1033.--Immense quantities of buffalo meat. The-Swan’s Winter Count, +1845-’46. This is another form of drying-pole in which a tree is used +for one of the supports. The pieces of meat would not be recognized as +such without explanation by the preceding figures. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1034.] + +Fig. 1034 is taken from the Winter Count of Battiste Good for the +year 1703-’04. The forked stick being one of the supports of the +drying pole or scaffold, indicates meat. The irregular circular +object means “heap,” i. e., large quantity, buffalo having been +very plentiful that year. The buffalo head denotes the kind of meat +stored. This is an abbreviated form of the device before presented, and +affords a suggestive comparison with some Egyptian hieroglyphics and +Chinese letters, both in their full pictographic origin and in their +abbreviation. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1035.] + +Fig. 1035.--The Dakotas had unusual quantities of buffalo. The-Swan’s +Winter Count, 1816-’17. This representation of a buffalo hide or side +is another sign for abundance of meat, and is the most abbreviated and +conventional of all, with the same significance, in the collections now +accessible. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1036.] + +Fig. 1036.--The Dakotas had unusual abundance of buffalo. The-Swan’s +Winter Count, 1861-’62. This is another mode of expressing the same +abundance. The buffalo tracks, shown by the cloven hoofs, are coming up +close to the tipi. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1037.] + +Fig. 1037.--They had an abundance of corn, which they got at the Ree +villages. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1823-’24. + +The symbol shows the maize growing, and also is the tribal sign for +Arikara or Ree. + + +FAMINE. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1038.] + +Fig. 1038.--The Dakotas had very little buffalo meat, but plenty of +ducks in the fall. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1811-’12. The bare, +drying pole is easily interpreted, but the reversed or dead duck would +not be understood without explanation. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1039.] + +Fig. 1039.--Food was very scarce and they had to live on acorns. +Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1813-’14. The tree is intended for an oak +and the dots beneath it for acorns. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1040.] + +Fig. 1040.--A year of famine. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1787-’88. +They, i. e., the Dakotas, lived on roots, which are represented in front +of the tipi. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1041.] + +Fig. 1041.--They could not hunt on account of the deep snow, and were +compelled to subsist on anything they could get, as herbs (pézi) and +roots. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1790-’91. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1042.] + +Fig. 1042.--They had to sell many mules and horses to get food, as they +were starving. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1868-’69. White-Cow-Killer +calls it “Mules-sold-by-hungry-Sioux winter.” The figure is understood +as a conventionalized sign by reference to the historic fact +mentioned. The line of union between the horses’ necks shows that the +subject-matter was not a horse trade, but that both of the animals, i. +e., many, were disposed of. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1043.] + +Fig. 1043.--Kingsborough (_l_) gives the pictograph recording that “In +the year of One Rabbit and A. D. 1454 so severe a famine occurred that +the people died of starvation.” It is reproduced in Fig 1043. + + +STARVATION. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1044.] + +Fig. 1044.--Many horses were lost by starvation, as the snow was so deep +they couldn’t get at the grass. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1865-’66. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1045.] + +Fig. 1045, from the record of Battiste Good for the year 1720-’21, +signifies starvation, denoted by the bare ribs. This design is +abbreviated and conventionalized among the Ottawa and Pottawatomi +Indians. Among the latter a single line only is drawn across the breast, +shown in Fig. 1046. This corresponds also with one of the Indian +gesture-signs for the same idea. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1046.] + +See also the Abnaki sign of starvation, a pot upside down, in Fig. 456, +supra. + + +HORSES. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1047.] + +Fig. 1047.--They caught many wild horses south of the Platte river. +American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1811-’12. This figure shows a horse in +the process of being caught by a lasso. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1048.] + +Fig. 1048.--Many wild horses caught. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1812-’13. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1049.] + +Fig. 1049.--Dakotas first used a lasso for catching wild horses. +The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1812-’13. In these two figures the lasso is +shown without the animal, thus becoming the conventional sign for wild +horse. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1050.] + +Fig. 1050.--Crow Indians stole 200 horses from the Minneconjou Dakotas, +near Black Hills. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1849-’50. This figure is +inserted to show in the present connection the lunules, which signify +unshod horses. The Indians never shod their ponies, and the hoof marks +may be either of wild horses, herds of which formerly roamed the +prairies, or the common horses brought into subjection. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1051.] + +Fig. 1051.--Blackfeet Dakotas stole some American horses having shoes +on. Horseshoes seen for the first time. The-Swan’s Winter Count, +1802-’03. The horseshoe here depicted is the conventional sign for the +white man’s horse. + + +HORSE STEALING. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1052.] + +Fig. 1052.--Runs-off-the-Horse. Red-Cloud’s Census. “Runs off” in the +parlance of the plains means stealing. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1053.] + +Fig. 1053.--Runs-off-the-Horse. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure explains +the one preceding. The man has in his hand a lariat or perhaps a lasso. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1054.] + +Fig. 1054.--Drags-the-Rope. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is a variant of +the last figure, without, however, the exhibition of anything, such as +tracks, to indicate horses. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1055.] + +Fig. 1055.--Dog, an Oglala, stole seventy horses from the Crows. +American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1822-’23. Each of the seven tracks stands +for ten horses. A lariat, which serves the purpose among others of a +long whip, and is usually allowed to trail on the ground, is shown in +the man’s hand. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1056.] + +Fig. 1056.--Sitting-Bear, American-Horse’s father, and others, stole +two hundred horses from the Flat Heads. American-Horse’s Winter Count, +1840-’41. A trailing lariat is in the man’s hand. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1057.] + +Fig. 1057.--Brings-lots-of-horses. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is a further +step in conventionalizing. The lariat is but slightly indicated as +connected with the horse track on the lower left-hand corner. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1058.] + +Fig. 1058.--The Utes stole all of the Brulé horses. Cloud-Shield’s +Winter Count, 1874-’75. The mere indication of a number of horse tracks +without any qualifying or determinative object means that the horses are +run off or stolen. This becomes the most conventionalized form of the +group. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1059.] + +Fig. 1059.--Steals-Horses. Red-Cloud’s Census. In this figure the horse +tracks themselves are more rude and conventionalized. + +The Prince of Wied mentions, op. cit., p. 104, that in the Sac and Fox +tribes the rattle of a rattlesnake attached to the end of the feather +worn on the head signifies a good horse stealer. The stealthy approach +of the serpent, accompanied with latent power, is here clearly indicated. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1060.] + +Fig. 1060.--Making-the-Hole stole many horses from a Crow tipi. Such is +the translation in Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1849-’50. The man is +cutting the hole with a knife. Through the orifice thus made he obtains +access to the horse. But it is more probable that the single tipi +represents a village into which the horse-thief effected an entrance and +ran off the horses belonging to it. + + +KILL AND DEATH. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1061.] + +Fig. 1061.--Male-Crow, an Oglala, was killed by the Shoshoni. +American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1844-’45. The bow in contact with the +head of the victim is frequently the conventional sign for “killed by an +arrow.” This is not drawn in the Winter Counts on the same principle +as the touching with a lance or coup stick, elsewhere mentioned in this +paper, but is generally intended to mean killed, and to specify the +manner of killing, though in fact before the use of firearms the “coup” +was often counted by striking with a bow. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1062.] + +Fig. 1062.--Kills-in-tight-place. Red-Cloud’s Census. This man has +evidently been enticed into an ambush, to which his tracks lead. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1063.] + +Fig. 1063.--Uncpapas kill two Rees. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1799-1800. +The object over the heads of the two Rees, projecting from the man +figure, is a bow, showing the mode of death. The hair of the Arickaras +is represented. This is clearly conventional and would not be understood +from the mere delineation. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1064.] + +Fig. 1064.--Kills-by-the-camp. Red-Cloud’s Census. The camp is shown by +the tipi, and the idea of “kill” by the bow in contact with the head of +the victim. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1065.] + +Fig. 1065.--Kills-Two. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here is the indication of +number by upright lines united by a horizontal line, as designating the +same occasion and the same people, two of whom are struck by the coup +stick. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1066.] + +Fig. 1066.--Feather-Ear-Rings was killed by the Shoshoni. +American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1842-’43. The four lodges and the many +blood-stains intimate that he was killed in a battle when four lodges of +Shoshoni were killed. Again appears the character for successful gunshot +wound, before explained in connection with Fig. 987. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1067.] + +Fig. 1067.--Kills-the-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here there appears to +be a bullet mark in the middle of the paw representing the middle of +the whole animal. The idea of death may be indicated by the reverse +attitude of the paws, which are turned up, corresponding with the slang +expression “toes up,” to indicate death. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1068.] + +Fig. 1068.--They killed a very fat buffalo bull. American-Horse’s +Winter Count, 1835-’36. This figure is introduced to show an ingenious +differentiation. The rough outline of the buffalo’s forequarters is +given sufficiently to show that the arrow penetrates to an unusual +depth, which indicates the mass of fat, into the region of the buffalo’s +respiratory organs, and therefore there is a discharge of blood not only +from the point of entrance of the arrow, but from the nostrils of the +animal. No device of an analogous character is found among five hundred +of the Dakotan pictographs studied, so that the designation of abnormal +fat is made evident. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1069.] + +Fig. 1069.--They killed many Gros Ventres in a village which they +assaulted. American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1832-’33. The single scalped +head shows the killing. This conventional sign is so common as hardly to +require notice. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1070.--Killed. Dakota.] + +Fig. 1070, taken from Mrs. Eastman’s Dakota (_e_), shows the Dakota +pictograph for “killed”: _a_ is a woman and _b_ a man killed, and _c_ +and _d_ a boy and girl killed. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1071.--Life and death. Ojibwa.] + +Fig. 1071, taken from Copway (_g_), gives two characters which severally +represent life and death, the black disk representing death and the +simple circle life. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1072.--Dead. Iroquois.] + +In Doc. Hist. N. Y. (_d_), is the illustration now copied as Fig. 1072 +with the statement that it shows the fashion of painting the dead among +the Iroquois; the first two are men and the third is a woman, who is +distinguished only by the waistcloth that she wears. + +The device is further explained by the following paragraphs from the +same volume, on p. 6, which add other details: + + When they have lost any men on the field of battle they paint + the men with the legs in the air and without heads, and in the same + number as they have lost; and to denote the tribe to which they + belonged, they paint the animal of the tribe of the deceased on its + back, the paws in the air, and if it be the chief of the party that + is dead, the animal is without the head. + + If there be only wounded, they paint a broken gun which, + however, is connected with the stock, or even an arrow, and to + denote where they have been wounded, they paint the animal of the + tribe to which the wounded belong with an arrow piercing the part + in which the wound is located; and if it be a gunshot they make the + mark of the ball on the body of a different color. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1073.--Dead man. Arikara.] + +Fig. 1073.--This is drawn by the Arikara for “dead man” and perhaps +suggests the concept of nothing inside, i. e., no life, with a stronger +emphasis than given to “lean” in Fig. 903, supra. It must be noted, +however, that the Hidatsa draw the same character for “man” simply. + +La Salle, in 1680, wrote that when the Iroquois had killed people they +made red strokes with the figure of a man drawn in black with bandaged +eyes. As this bandaging was not connected with the form of killing, it +may be conjectured that it ideographically meant death--the light of +life put out. + +For other devices to denote “Kill,” see Figs. 93 and 94. + + +SHOT. + +In this group the figures show obvious similarity yet seem to be +graphic, or at least ideographic, but on examining the text of the +several records conventionality is developed. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1074.] + +Fig. 1074.--Shot-at. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here is shown the discharge of +guns and lines of passage of the bullets, one of which is graphically +displayed passing the neck of the human figure, but without either +graphic mark of wound or the conventional sign for “hit” or “it struck.” +He was shot at by many enemies, but was not hit. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1075.] + +Fig. 1075.--Shot. Red-Cloud’s Census. There is no doubt that this man, a +Dakota, was actually shot with an arrow. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1076.] + +Fig. 1076.--Shot-at-his-horse. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here again are the +flashes made by the discharge of guns and the horse tracks showing +horses, but no specific indication of hitting. The mark within the +right-hand horse track may be compared with the passing bullet in Fig. +1074. The horse was shot at but not hit. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1077.] + +Fig. 1077.--Shot-his-horse. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure is to be +correlated with the last one, as it shows actual hitting and blood +flowing from the wound. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1078.] + +Fig. 1078.--Shot-in-front-the-lodge. Red-Cloud’s Census. Without +explanation derived from the context this figure would not be +understood. The right hand character means several bows united. Between +these and the tipi is the usual device for blood flowing vertically +downwards, meaning a fatal shot, and the device displayed horizontally +and touching the tipi means that the man shot belonged to that tipi or +lodge, in front of which he was shot. + + +COMING RAIN. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1079.--Coming rain.] + +Mr. Keam in his MS. describes Fig. 1079 as two forms of the symbol of +Aloseka, which is the bud of the squash. The form seen in the upper part +of the figure, drawn in profile, is also used by the Moki to typify the +east peak of the San Francisco mountains, the birthplace of the Aloseka; +when the clouds circle, it presages the coming rain. In the rock +carvings the curving profile is further conventionalized into straight +lines and assumes the lower form. + +The collection of characters given in Figs. 1080 and 1081 are selected +from a list published by Maj. C. R. Conder (_b_). That list includes +all the Hittite designs distinctly deciphered which are so far known, +and they are divided by the author into two plates, one giving the +“Hittite emblems,” as he calls them, “of known sound,” and which are +all compared with the Cypriote, and some with the cuneiform, Egyptian, +and other characters; and the other comprising the “Hittite emblems of +uncertain sound.” The collection is highly suggestive for comparison of +the significance of many forms commonly appearing in several lands and +also as a study of conventionalizing. In these respects its presentation +renders it unnecessary to dwell as much as would otherwise be required +upon the collections of Egyptian and cuneiform characters, with which +students are more familiar and which teach substantially the same +lessons. + + +HITTITE EMBLEMS OF KNOWN SOUND. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1080.--Hittite emblems of known sound.] + +_a_, a crook. Cypriote _u_. + +_b_, apparently a key. Cypriote _ke_. Compare the cuneiform emblem _ik_, +“to open.” + +_c_, a tiara. Cypriote _ko_; Akkadian _ku_, “prince;” Manchu _chu_, +“lord.” + +_d_, another tiara, apparently a variant of _c_. + +_e_, hand and stick. Cypriote _ta_, apparently a causative prefix, like +the Egyptian determinative; Chinese _ta_, “beat.” + +_f_, an herb. Cypriote _te_; Akkadian _ti_, “live;” Turkish _it_, +“sprout;” _ot_, “herb.” + +_g_, the hand grasping. Cypriote _to_. Compare the Egyptian, cuneiform +and Chinese signs for “touch,” “take,” “have.” Akkadian _tu_, “have.” + +_h_, apparently a branch. Cypriote _pa_. Compare Akkadian _pa_, “stick” +(Lenormant). + +_i_, apparently a flower. Cypriote _pu_. Compare the Akkadian emblem +_pa_, apparently a flower. Akkadian _pu_, “long;” Tartar _boy_, “long,” +“growth,” “grass;” Hungarian _fu_, “herb.” + +_j_, a cross. Cypriote _lo_; Carian _h_. + +_k_, a yoke. Cypriote _lo_ and _le_; Akkadian _lu_, “yoke.” + +_l_ probably represents rain. Compare the Egyptian, Akkadian, and +Chinese emblems for “rain,” “storm,” “darkness.” + +_m_ seems to represent drops of water equivalent to the last. Cypriote +_re_. + +_n_, possibly the “fire-stick.” Cypriote _ri_. Occurs as the name of a +deity. Akkadian _ri_, “bright,” the name of a deity. + +_o_, two mountains. Cypriote _me_ or _mi_. The emblem for “country.” + +_p_ resembles the cuneiform sign for “female.” + +_q_, this is the sign of opposition in cuneiform, in Chinese and +Egyptian. Cypriote _mu_ or _no_ (_nu_, “not”). + +_r_, a pot. Cypriote _a_ or _ya_. Compare the Akkadian _a_, “water.” + +_s_, a snake. Perhaps the Cypriote _ye_. + +_t_, apparently a sickle. Cypriote _sa_. Compare the Tartar _sa_, _se_, +“knife.” + +_u_, the open hand. Cypriote _se_. Akkadian _sa_, “give.” Tartar _saa_, +“take.” + +_v_ resembles the cuneiform and Chinese emblem for “breath,” “wind,” +“spirit.” Cypriote _zo_ or _ze_. Occurs as the name of a god. Akkadian +_zi_, “spirit.” + +_w_ resembles the Chinese, cuneiform, and Egyptian emblem for heaven. +Akkadian _u_. It may be compared with the Carian letter _u_ or _o_. + +_x_, the foot, used evidently as a verb, and resembles the cuneiform +_du_. Probably may be sounded as in Akkadian and used for the passive +(_du_, “come” or “become”). + + +HITTITE EMBLEMS OF UNCERTAIN SOUND. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1081.--Hittite emblems of uncertain sound.] + +_y_, a serpent. Occurs in the name of a god. + +_z_, perhaps a monument. It recalls the Cypriote _ro_. + +_aa_, apparently a monument. + +_bb_, probably the sun (_ud_ or _tam_). + +_cc_, apparently a house. + +_dd_, perhaps the sole of the foot. + +_ee_, a donkey’s head. Probably the god Set. + +_ff_, a ram’s head. Probably with the sound _gug_ or _guch_ and the +meaning “fierce,” “mighty.” + +_gg_, a sheep’s head. Probably _lu_ or _udu_. + +_hh_, a dog or fox head. + +_ii_, a lion’s head. Only on seals. + +_jj_, a demon’s head. Used specially in a text which seems to be a magic +charm. + +_kk_, two legs. Resembles the cuneiform _dhu_, and means probably “go” +or “run.” + +_ll_, two feet. Probably “stand;” or “send,” as in Chinese. + +_mm_, apparently an altar. + +_nn_, perhaps a bundle or roll. + +_oo_, apparently a knife or sword; perhaps _pal_. + +_pp_, apparently a tree. + +_qq_, apparently the sacred artificial tree of Asshur. + +_rr_, a circle. Compare the cuneiform _sa_, “middle.” + +_ss_, twins. As in Egyptian. + +_tt_ resembles the Chinese emblem for “small.” + +_uu_, a pyramid or triangle. + +_vv_, apparently a hand or glove, pointing downwards. Possibly _tu_ or +_dun_ for “down.” + +_ww_, apparently a ship, like the cuneiform _ma_. Appears only on seals. + +_xx_, only once found on the Babylonian bowl, and seems to represent the +inscribed bowl itself. + + +SECTION 2. + +SYLLABARIES AND ALPHABETS. + +It is worthy of observation that the Greeks used the same word, γράφειν, +to mean drawing and writing, suggesting their early identity. +Drawing was the beginning of writing, and writing was a conventionalized +drawing. The connection of both with gesture signs has been noticed +above. A gesture sign is a significant but evanescent motion, and a +drawing is produced by a motion which leaves significant marks. When +man became proficient in oral language, and desired to give permanence +to his thoughts, he first resorted to the designs of picture-writing, +already known and used, to express the sounds of his speech. + +The study of different systems of writing--such as the Chinese, the +Assyrian, and the Egyptian--shows that no people ever invented an +arbitrary system of writing or originated a true alphabet by any +fixed predetermination. All the known graphic systems originated in +picture-writing. All have passed through the stage of conventionalism +to that commonly called the hieroglyphic, while from the latter, +directly or after an intermediate stage, sprang the syllabary which +used modifications of the old ideograms and required a comparatively +small number of characters. Finally, among the more civilized of ancient +races the alphabet was gradually introduced as a simplification of the +syllabary, and still further reduced the necessary characters. + +The old ideograms were, or may be supposed to have been, intelligible +to all peoples without regard to their languages. In this respect they +resembled the Arabic and Roman numerals which are understood by many +nations of diverse speech when written while the sound of the words +figured by them is unintelligible. Their number, however, was limited +only by the current ideas, which might become infinite. Also each idea +was susceptible of preservation in different forms, and might readily +be misinterpreted; therefore the simplicity and precision of alphabetic +writing amply compensated for its exclusiveness. + +The high development of pictorial writing in Mexico and Central America +is well known. Some of these peoples had commenced the introduction of +phonetics into their graphic system, especially in the rendering of +proper names, which probably also was the first step in that direction +among the Egyptians. But Prof. Cyrus Thomas (_b_) makes the following +remark upon the Maya system, which is of general application: + + It is certain, and even susceptible of demonstration, that a + large portion, perhaps the majority, of the characters are symbols. + + The more I study these characters the stronger becomes the + conviction that they have grown out of a pictographic system similar + to that common among the Indians of North America. The first step in + advance appears to have been to indicate, by characters, the gesture + signs. + +It is not possible now to discuss the many problems contained in the +vast amount of literature on the subject of the Mexican and Central +American writing, and it is the less necessary because much of the +literature is recent and easily accessible. With regard to the Indian +tribes north of Mexico, it is not claimed that more than one system of +characters resembling a syllabary or alphabet was invented by any of +them. The Cherokee alphabet, so called, was adopted from the Roman by +Sequoya, also called George Gist, about A. D. 1820, and was ingenious +and very valuable to the tribe, but being an imitation of an old +invention it has no interest in relation to the present topic. The same +is manifestly true regarding the Cree alphabet, which was of missionary +origin. The exception claimed is that commonly, but erroneously, called +the Micmac hieroglyphics. The characters do not partake of the nature of +hieroglyphs, and their origin is not Micmac. + + +THE MICMAC “HIEROGLYPHICS.” + +The Micmac was an important tribe, occupying all of Nova Scotia, +Cape Breton island, Prince Edward island, the northern part of New +Brunswick, and the adjacent part of the province of Quebec, and ranging +over a great part of Newfoundland. According to Rev. Silas T. Rand, +op. cit., Megum is the singular form of the name which the Micmacs +use for themselves. Rev. Eugene Vetromile (_a_) translates “Micmacs” +as “secrets practicing men,” from the Delaware and old Abnaki word +_malike_, “witchcraft,” and says the name was given them on account of +their numerous jugglers; but he derives Mareschite, which is an Abnaki +division, from the same word and makes it identical with Micmac. The +French called them Souriquois, which Vetromile translates “good canoe +men.” They were also called Acadians, from their habitat in Acadie, now +Nova Scotia. + +The first reference in literature with regard to the spontaneous use by +Indians of the characters now called the “Micmac hieroglyphs” appears +in the Jesuit Relations of the year 1652, p. 28. In the general report +of that year the work of Father Gabriel Druillettes, who had been a +missionary to the Abnaki (including under this term the Indians of +Acadia, afterwards distinguished as Micmacs), is dwelt upon in detail. +His own words, in a subordinate report, appear to have been adopted +in the general report of the Father Superior, and, translated, are as +follows: + + Some of them wrote out their lessons in their own manner. They + made use of a small piece of charcoal instead of a pen, and a + piece of bark instead of paper. Their characters were novel, and + so _particuliers_ [individual or special] that one could not know + or understand the writing of the other; that is to say, that they + made use of certain marks according to their own ideas as of a local + memory to preserve the points and the articles and the maxims which + they had remembered. They carried away this paper with them to study + their lesson in the repose of the night. + +No further remark or description appears. + +It is interesting to notice that the abbé J. A. Maurault, (_a_) after +his citation of the above report of Father Druillettes, states in a +footnote translated as follows: + + We have ourselves been witnesses of a similar fact among + the Têtes-de-Boule Indians of the River St. Maurice where we + had been missionaries during three years. We often saw during + our instructions or explanations of the catechism that the + Indians traced on pieces of bark, or other objects very singular + hieroglyphs. These Indians afterward passed the larger part of + the following night in studying what they had so written, and in + teaching it to their children or their brothers. The rapidity with + which they by this manner learnt their prayers was very astonishing. + +The Indians called by the Abbé Maurault the Têtes-de-Boule or Round +Heads, are also known as Wood Indians, and are ascertained to have been +a band of the Ojibwa, which shows a connection between the practice of +the Ojibwa and that of the Micmacs, both being of the Algonquian stock, +to mark on bark ideographic or other significant inscriptions which +would assist them to memorize what struck them as of special interest +and importance, notably religious rites. Many instances are given in the +present paper, and the spontaneous employment of prayer sticks by other +persons of the same stock is also illustrated in Figs. 715 and 716. + +The next notice in date is by Père Chrétien Le Clercq (_a_), a member +of the Recollect order of Franciscans who landed on the coast of Gaspé +in 1675, learned the language of the Micmacs and worked with them +continuously for several years. + +It would appear that he observed and took advantage of the pictographic +practice of the Indians, which may have been continued from that +reported by Father Druillettes a few years earlier with reference to +the same general region, or may have been a separate and independent +development in the tribe with which Father Le Clercq was most closely +connected. + +His quaint account is translated as follows: + + Our Lord inspired me with this method the second year of my + mission, when, being greatly embarrassed as to the mode in which I + should teach the Indians to pray, I noticed some children making + marks on birch bark with coal, and they pointed to them with their + fingers at every word of the prayer which they pronounced. This + made me think that by giving them some form which would aid their + memory by fixed characters, I should advance much more rapidly + than by teaching on the plan of making them repeat over and over + what I said. I was charmed to know that I was not deceived, and + that these characters which I had traced on paper produced all the + effect I desired, so that in a few days they learned all their + prayers without difficulty. I cannot describe to you the ardor with + which these poor Indians competed with each other in praiseworthy + emulation which should be the most learned and the ablest. It + costs, indeed, much time and pains to make all they require, and + especially since I enlarged them so as to include all the prayers of + the church, with the sacred mysteries of the trinity, incarnation, + baptism, penance, and the eucharist. + +There is no description whatever of the characters. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1082.--Title page of Kauder’s Micmac Catechism.] + +The next important printed notice or appearance of the Micmac characters +is in the work of Rev. Christian Kauder, a Redemptorist missionary, the +title page of which is given in Fig. 1082. It was printed in Vienna +in 1866 and therefore was about two centuries later than the first +recorded invention of the characters. During those two centuries the +French and therefore the Roman Catholic influences had been much of the +time dormant in the habitat of the Micmacs (the enforced exodus of the +French from Acadie being about 1755). Father Kauder was one of the most +active in the renewal of the missions. He learned the Micmac language, +probably gathered together such “hieroglyphs” on rolls of bark as had +been preserved, added to them parts of the Greek and Roman alphabet and +other designs, and arranged the whole in systematic and grammatic form. +After about twenty years of work upon them he procured their printing +in Vienna. A small part of the edition, which was the first printed, +reached the Micmacs. The main part, shipped later, was lost at sea in +the transporting vessel. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1083.--The Lord’s Prayer in Micmac hieroglyphics.] + +Fig. 1083 shows the version of the Lord’s Prayer, published by Dr. J. G. +Shea (_a_) in his translation of Le Clercq’s First Establishment of the +Faith in New France, this and the preceding figure being taken from the +Bibliography of the Languages of the N. A. Indians by Mr. J. C. Pilling, +of the Bureau of Ethnology. + +The publication of Father Kauder was a duodecimo in three parts: +Catechism, 144 pages; religious reflections, 109 pages; and hymnal, 208 +pages. They are very seldom found bound together, and a perfect copy of +either of the parts or volumes is rare. On a careful examination of the +hieroglyphs, so called, it seems evident that on the original substratum +of Micmac designs or symbols, each of which represented mnemonically a +whole sentence or verse, a large number of arbitrary designs have been +added to express ideas and words which were not American, and devices +were incorporated with them intended to represent the peculiarities +of the Micmac grammar as understood by Kauder, and it would seem of a +universal grammar antedating Volapük. The explanation of these additions +has never been made known. Kauder died without having left any record or +explanation of the plan by which he attempted to convert the mnemonic +characters invented by the Indians into what may be considered an +exposition of organized words (not sounds) in grammatical form. An +attempt which may be likened to this was made by Bishop Landa in his +use of the Maya characters, and one still more in point was that of the +priests in Peru, mentioned in connection with Figs. 1084 and 1085, infra. + +The result is that in the several camps of Micmacs visited by the +present writer in Cape Breton island, Prince Edward island, and Nova +Scotia, fragments of the printed works are kept and used for religious +worship, and also many copies on various sheets and scraps of paper have +been made of similar fragments, but their use is entirely mnemonic, +as was that of their ancient bark originals. Very few of the Indians +who in one sense can “read” them currently in the Micmac language, +have any idea of the connection between any one of the characters and +the vocables of the language. When asked what a particular character +meant they were unable to answer, but would begin at the commencement +of the particular prayer or hymn, and when arrested at any point would +then for the first time be able to give the Micmac word or words which +corresponded with that character. This was not in any religious spirit, +as is mentioned by Dr. Washington Matthews, in his Mountain Chant, Fifth +Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, with reference to the Navajo’s repeating +all, if any, of the chant, but because they only knew that way to use +the script. In that use they do as is mentioned of the Ojibwa, supra. +The latter often by their bark script keep the memory of archaic words, +and the Micmac keep that of religious phrases not well understood. A +few, and very few, of the characters, which were constantly repeated, +and were specially conspicuous, were known as distinct from the other +characters by one only of the Indians examined. It apparently had never +occurred to any of them that these same characters, which in their +special mnemonic connection represented Micmac words, could be detached +from their context and by combination represent the same words in other +sentences. Therefore, the expression “reading,” used in reference to +the operation, is not strictly correct. In most cases the recitation of +the script was in a chant, and the musical air of the Roman Catholic +Church belonging to the several hymns and chants was often imitated. +The object, therefore, which has been expressed in the above quoted +accounts of Fathers Druillettes and Le Clercq had been accomplished +regarding the then extant generation of Indians two hundred years before +Father Kauder’s publication. That object was for Indians under their +immediate charge to learn in the most speedy manner certain formulæ +of the church, by the use of which it was supposed that they would +gain salvation. The formation of an alphabet, or even a syllabary, by +which the structure of the language should be considered and its vocal +expression recorded, was not the object. It is possible that there was +an objection to the instruction of the Indians in a modern alphabet by +which they might more readily learn either French or English, and at +the same time be able to read profane literature and thereby become +perverted from the faith. These missionaries certainly refrained, +for some reason, not only from instructing the heathen in any of the +languages of civilization, but also from teaching them the use of an +alphabet for their own language. + +It is probable that Father Kauder had some idea of reducing the language +of the Micmacs to a written form, based not upon verbal or even syllabic +notation, but upon some anomalous compromise between their ideographic +original or substratum and a grammatic superstructure. If so, he +entirely failed. The interesting point with regard to this remarkable +and unique attempt is, that there is undoubtedly a basis of Indian +designs and symbols included and occluded among the differentiated +devices in the three volumes mentioned, which arbitrarily express +thoughts and words by a false pictographic method, instead of sentences +and verses. But the change from the pictorial forms to those adopted, +if not as radical as that from the Egyptian hieroglyphs to the Roman +text, resembles that from the archaic to the modern Chinese. Therefore +it would follow that the present form of the characters is not one which +the Indians would learn more readily than an alphabet or a syllabary, +and that is the ascertained fact. At Cow bay, a Micmac camp, about 12 +miles from Halifax, an aged chief who in his boyhood at Cape Breton +island was himself instructed by Father Kauder in these characters, +explained that Kauder taught them to the boys by drawing them on a +blackboard and by repetition, very much in the manner in which a +schoolmaster in civilized countries teaches the alphabet to children. +The actual success of the Cherokees in the free and general use of +Sequoya’s Syllabary, which was not founded on pictographs, but on signs +for sounds, should be noted in this connection. + +Among the thousands of scratchings on the Kejemkoojik rocks, many of +which were undoubtedly made by the Micmac, only two characters were +found resembling any in Kauder’s volumes, and those were common symbols +of the Roman Catholic Church, and might readily have been made by the +Frenchmen, who also certainly left scratchings there. Altogether after +careful study of the subject it is considered that the devices in Father +Kauder’s work are so intrinsically changed, both in form and intent, +from the genuine Micmac designs that they can not be presented as +examples of Indian pictography. + +Connected with this topic is the following account in the Jesuit +Relations of 1646, p. 31, relative to the Montagnais and other +Algonquians of the St. Lawrence river, near the Saguenay: “They confess +themselves with admirable frankness; some of them carry small sticks +to remind them of their sins; others write, after their manner, on +small pieces of bark.” This is but the application of the ideographic +writing on birch bark by the converts to the ceremonies and stories of +the Christian religion, as the same art had been long used for their +aboriginal traditions. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1084.--Religious story. Sicasica.] + +Examples of pictographic work, done in a spirit similar to that above +mentioned, are given by Wiener (_g_), describing the illustrations of +which Figs. 1084 and 1085 are copies, one-fifth real size. + +In the most distant part of Peru, in the valley of Paucartambo, at +Sicasica, the history of the passion of Christ was found written in +the same ideographic system that the Indians of Ancon and the north of +the coast were acquainted with before the conquest. (Fig. 1084.) The +drawings were made with a pencil, probably first dipped in a mixture of +gum and mandioc flour. This tissue is of a dark brown and the designs +are of a very bright red. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1085.--Religious story. Sicasica.] + +The second series, Fig. 1085, which was found at Paucartambo, was +written in an analogous system on old Dutch paper. The designs are red +and blue. + +In an article by Terrien de Lacouperie (_f_) is the following condensed +account, part of which relates to Fig. 1086, and may be compared with +the priestly inventions above mentioned: + +[Illustration: FIG. 1086.--Mo-so MS. Desgodins.] + + Père Desgodins was able, in 1867, to make a copy of eleven + pages from a manuscript written in hieroglyphics, and belonging + to a tom-ba or tong-ba, a medicine man among the Mo-sos. These + hieroglyphics are not, properly speaking, a writing, still less the + current writing of the tribe. The sorcerers or tong-bas alone use + it when invited by the people to recite these so-called prayers, + accompanied with ceremonies and sacrifices, and also to put some + spells on somebody, a specialty of their own. They alone know how to + read them and understand their meaning; they alone are acquainted + with the value of these signs, combined with the numbers of the + dice and other implements of divination which they use in their + witchcraft. Therefore, these hieroglyphics are nothing else than + signs more or less symbolical and arbitrary, known to a small number + of initiated who transmit their knowledge to their eldest son and + successor in their profession of sorcerers. Such is the exact value + of the Mo-so manuscripts; they are not a current and common writing; + they are hardly a sacred writing in the limits indicated above. + + However, they are extremely important for the general theory of + writing, inasmuch as they do not pretend to show in that peculiar + hieroglyphical writing any survival of former times. According + to these views, it was apparently made up for the purpose by the + tom-bas or medicine men. This would explain, perhaps, the anomalous + mixture of imperfect and bad imitations of ancient seal characters + of China, pictorial figures of animals and men, bodies and their + parts, with several Tibetan and Indian characters and Buddhist + emblems. + + It is not uninteresting to remark here that a kind of meetway or + toomsah, i. e., priest, has been pointed out among the Kakhyens of + Upper Burma. The description is thus quoted: + + “A formal avenue always exists as the entrance to a Kakhyen + village. * * * On each side of the broad grassy pathway are a + number of bamboo posts, 4 feet high or thereabouts, and every 10 + paces or so, taller ones, with strings stretching across the path, + supporting small stars of split rattan and other emblems. There are + also certain hieroglyphics which may constitute a kind of embryo + picture-writing but are understood by none but the meetway or + priest.” + + +PICTOGRAPHS IN ALPHABETS. + +Mr. W. W. Rockhill, in Am. Anthrop., IV, No. 1, p. 91, notices the +work of M. Paul Vial, missionary, etc., De la langue et de l’écriture +indigènes au Yûnân, with the following remarks: + + Père Vial has published a study upon the undeciphered script + of the Lolos of Western China, of which the first specimen was + secured some twelve years ago by E. Colborne Baber. Prof. Terrien + de Lacouperie endeavored to establish a connection between these + curious characters and the old Indian script known as the southern + Ashoka alphabet. The present, Père Vial’s, work gives them a much + less glorious origin. He says of them: “The native characters were + formed without key, without method. It is impossible to decompose + them. They are written not with the strokes of a brush, but with + straight, curved, round, or angular lines, as the shape chosen for + them requires. As the representation could not be perfect, they have + stopped at something which can strike the eye or mind--form, motion, + passion, a head, a bird’s beak, a mouth, right or left, lightness or + heaviness; in short, at that portion of the object delineated which + is peculiarly characteristic of it. But all characters are not of + this expressive kind; some even have no connection with the idea + they express. This anomaly has its reason. The native characters + are much less numerous than the words of the language, only about + thirty per cent. Instead of increasing the number of ideograms, the + Lolos have used one for several words. As a result of this practice + the natives have forgotten the original meaning of many of their + characters.” + +A summary of the original cuneiform characters, numbering one hundred +and seventy, gives many of them as recognizable sketches of objects. +The foot stands for “go,” the hand for “take,” the legs for “run,” much +as in the Egyptian and in the Maya and other American systems. The bow, +the arrow, and the sword represent war; the vase, the copper tablet, and +the brick represent manufacture; boats, sails, huts, pyramids, and many +other objects are used as devices. + +W. St. Chad Boscawen (_a_) says: + + Man’s earliest ventures in the art of writing were, as we are + well aware, of a purely pictorial nature, and even to this day such + a mode of ideography can be seen among some of the Indian tribes. * + * * There is no reasonable doubt but that all the principal systems + of paleography now in vogue had their origin at some remote period + in this pictorial writing. In so primitive a center as Babylonia we + should naturally expect to find such a system had been in vogue, and + in this we are not disappointed. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1087.--Pictographs in alphabets.] + +Fig. 1087 is presented as a brief exhibit of the pictographs in some +inchoate alphabets. + + + + +CHAPTER XX. + +SPECIAL COMPARISONS. + + +The utility of the present work depends mainly upon the opportunity +given by the various notes and illustrations collected for students to +make their own comparisons and deductions. This chapter is intended to +assist in that study by presenting some groups of comparisons which +have seemed to possess special interest. For that reason descriptions +and illustrations are collected here which logically belong to other +headings. + +Many of the pictographs discussed and illustrated in this chapter +and in the one following are the representation of animals and other +natural objects. It would therefore seem that they could be easily +identified, but in fact the modes of representation of the same object +among the several peoples differed, and when conventionalizing has also +become a factor the objects may not be recognized without knowledge of +the typical style. Sometimes there was apparently no attempt at the +imitation of natural objects, but marks were used, such as points, +lines, circles, and other geometric forms. These were combined in +diverse modes to express concepts and record events. Those marks and +combinations originated in many centers and except in rare instances +of “natural” ideograms those of one people would not correspond with +those of other peoples unless by conveyance or imitation. Typical +styles therefore appear also in this class of pictographs and, when +established, all typical styles afford some indication with regard to +the peoples using them. + +This chapter is divided under the headings of: 1. Typical Style. 2. +Homomorphs and Symmorphs. 3. Composite forms. 4. Artistic skill and +methods. + + +SECTION 1. + +TYPICAL STYLE. + +Fig. 1088 is presented as a type of eastern Algonquian petroglyphs. It +is a copy of the “Hamilton picture rock,” contributed by Mr. J. Sutton +Wall, of Monongahela city, Pennsylvania. The drawings are on a sandstone +rock, on the Hamilton farm, 6 miles southeast from Morgantown, West +Virginia. The turnpike passes over the south edge of the rock. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1088.--Algonquian petroglyph. Hamilton farm, West +Virginia.] + +Mr. Wall furnishes the following description of the characters: + + _a_, outline of a turkey; _b_, outline of a panther; _c_, + outline of a rattlesnake; _d_, outline of a human form; _e_, a + “spiral or volute;” _f_, impression of a horse foot; _g_, impression + of a human foot; _h_, outline of the top portion of a tree or + branch; _i_, impression of a human hand; _j_, impression of a bear’s + forefoot, but lacks the proper number of toe marks; _k_, impression + of two turkey tracks; _l_, has some appearance of a hare or rabbit, + but lacks the corresponding length of ears; _m_, impression of a + bear’s hindfoot, but lacks the proper number of toe marks; _n_, + outline of infant human form, with two arrows in the right hand; + _o_, _p_, two cup-shaped depressions; _q_, outline of the hind part + of an animal; _r_ might be taken to represent the impression of a + horse’s foot were it not for the line bisecting the outer curved + line; _s_ represent buffalo and deer tracks. + +The turkey _a_, the rattlesnake _c_, the rabbit _l_, and the +“footprints” _j_, _m_, and _q_, are specially noticeable as typical +characters in Algonquian pictography. + +Mr. P. W. Sheafer furnishes, in his Historical Map of Pennsylvania, +Philadelphia, 1875, a sketch of a pictograph on the Susquehanna +river, Pennsylvania, below the dam at Safe Harbor, part of which is +reproduced in Fig. 1089. This appears to be purely Algonquian, and has +more resemblance to Ojibwa characters than any other petroglyph in the +eastern United States yet noted. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1089.--Algonquian petroglyphs. Safe Harbor, +Pennsylvania.] + +See also Figs. 70, et seq., supra, under the heading of Pennsylvania, +as showing excellent types of eastern Algonquian petroglyphs and +resembling those on the Dighton rock. + +[Illustration: Fig. 1090.--Algonquian petroglyphs. Cunningham’s island, +Lake Erie.] + +Fig. 1090 is reproduced from Schoolcraft (_p_), and is a copy taken +in 1851 of an inscription sculptured on a rock on the south side of +Cunningham’s island, Lake Erie. Mr. Schoolcraft’s explanation, given in +great detail, is fanciful. It is perhaps only necessary to explain that +the dotted lines are intended to divide the partially obliterated from +the more distinct portions of the glyph. The central part is the most +obscure. + +It is to be remarked that this petroglyph is in some respects similar +in general style to those before given as belonging to the eastern +Algonquian type, but is still more like some of the representations of +the Dighton rock inscription, one of them being Fig. 49, supra, and +others, which it still more closely resembles in the mode of drawing +human figures, are in the copies of Dighton rock on Pl. LIV, Chap. XXII. +In some respects this Cunningham’s island glyph occupies a typical +position intermediate between the eastern and western Algonquian. + +A good type of western Algonquian petroglyphs was discovered by the +party of Capt. William A. Jones (_b_), in 1873, with an illustration +here reproduced as Fig. 1091, in which the greater number of the +characters are shown, about one-fifth real size. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1091.--Algonquian petroglyphs. Wyoming.] + +An abstract of his description is as follows: + + * * * Upon a nearly vertical wall of the yellow sandstones, + just back of Murphy’s ranch, a number of rude figures had been + chiseled, apparently at a period not very recent, as they had become + much worn. * * * No certain clue to the connected meaning of this + record was obtained, although Pínatsi attempted to explain it when + the sketch was shown to him some days later by Mr. F. W. Bond, who + copied the inscriptions from the rocks. The figure on the left, + in the upper row, somewhat resembles the design commonly used to + represent a shield, with the greater part of the ornamental fringe + omitted, perhaps worn away in the inscription. We shall possibly + be justified in regarding the whole as an attempt to record the + particulars of a fight or battle which once occurred in this + neighborhood. Pínatsi’s remarks conveyed the idea to Mr. Bond that + he understood the figure [the second in the upper line] to signify + cavalry, and the six figures [three in the middle of the upper line, + as also the three to the left of the lower line] to mean infantry, + but he did not appear to recognize the hieroglyphs as the copy of + any record with which he was familiar. + +Throughout the Wind river country of Wyoming many petroglyphs have been +found and others reported by the Shoshoni Indians, who say that they +are the work of the “Pawkees,” as they call the Blackfeet, or, more +properly, Satsika, an Algonquian tribe which formerly occupied that +region, and their general style bears strong resemblance to similar +carvings found in the eastern portion of the United States, in regions +known to have been occupied by other tribes of the Algonquian linguistic +stock. + +The four specimens of Algonquian petroglyphs presented here in Figs. +1088-91 and those referred to, show gradations in type. In connection +with them reference may be made to the numerous Ojibwa bark records in +this work; the Ottawa pipestem, Fig. 738; and they may be contrasted +with the many Dakota, Shoshoni, and Innuit drawings also presented. + +The petroglyphs found scattered throughout the states and territories +embraced within the area bounded by the Rocky mountains on the +east and the Sierra Nevada on the west, and generally south of the +forty-eighth degree of latitude, are markedly similar in the class +of objects represented and the general style of their delineation, +without reference to their division into pecked or painted characters; +also in many instances the sites selected for petroglyphic display +are of substantially the same character. This type has been generally +designated as the Shoshonean, though many localities abounding in +petroglyphs of the type are now inhabited by tribes of other linguistic +stocks. + +Mr. G. K. Gilbert, of the U. S. Geological Survey, has furnished a small +collection of drawings of Shoshonean petroglyphs from Oneida, Idaho, +shown in Fig. 39, supra. + +Five miles northwest from this locality and one-half mile east from +Marsh creek is another group of characters on basalt bowlders, +apparently totemic, and drawn by Shoshoni. A copy of these, also +contributed by Mr. Gilbert, is given in Fig. 1092. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1092.--Shoshonean petroglyphs. Idaho.] + +All of these drawings resemble the petroglyphs found at Partridge +creek, northern Arizona, and in Temple creek canyon, southeastern Utah, +mentioned supra, pages 50 and 116, respectively. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1093.--Shoshonean petroglyphs. Utah.] + +Mr. I. C. Russell, of the U. S. Geological Survey, has furnished +drawings of rude pictographs at Black Rock spring, Utah, represented in +Fig. 1093. Some of the other characters not represented in the figure +consist of several horizontal lines, placed one above another, above +which are a number of spots, the whole appearing like a numerical record +having reference to the figure alongside, which resembles, to a slight +extent, a melon with tortuous vines and stems. The left-hand upper +figure suggests the masks shown in Fig. 713. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1094.--Shoshonean rock-painting. Utah.] + +Mr. Gilbert Thompson, of the U. S. Geological Survey, has discovered +pictographs at Fool creek canyon, Utah, shown in Fig. 1094, which +strongly resemble those still made by the Moki of Arizona. Several +characters are identical with those last mentioned, and represent human +figures, one of which is drawn to represent a man, shown by a cross, +the upper arm of which is attached to the perinæum. These are all +drawn in red color and were executed at three different periods. Other +neighboring pictographs are pecked and unpainted, while others are both +pecked and painted. + +Both of these pictographs from Utah may be compared with the Moki +pictographs from Oakley springs, Arizona, copied in Fig. 1261. + +Dr. G. W. Barnes, of San Diego, California, has kindly furnished +sketches of pictographs prepared for him by Mrs. F. A. Kimball, of +National city, California, which were copied from records 25 miles +northeast of the former city. Many of them found upon the faces of large +rocks are almost obliterated, though sufficient remains to permit +tracing. The only color used appears to be red ocher. Many of the +characters, as noticed upon the drawings, closely resemble those in New +Mexico, at Ojo de Benado, south of Zuñi, and in the canyon leading from +the canyon at Stewart’s ranch, to the Kanab creek canyon, Utah. This +is an indication of the habitat of the Shoshonean stock apart from the +linguistic evidence with which it agrees. + +From the numerous illustrations furnished of petroglyphs found in Owens +valley, California, reference is here made to Pl. II _a_, Pl. III _h_, +and Pl. VII _a_ as presenting suggestive similarity to the Shoshonean +forms above noted, and apparently connecting them with others in New +Mexico, Arizona, Sonora, and Central and South America. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1095.--Arizona petroglyph.] + +Mr. F. H. Cushing (_a_) figured three petroglyphs, now reproduced in +Figs. 1095 and 1096, from Arizona, and referred to them in connection +with figurines found in the ruined city of Los Muertos, in the Salado +valley, as follows: + +[Illustration: FIG. 1096.--Arizona petroglyph.] + + Beneath the floor of the first one of these huts which we + excavated, near the ranch of Mr. George Kay Miller, were discovered, + disposed precisely as would be a modern sacrifice of the kind in + Zuñi, the paraphernalia of a Herder’s sacrifice, namely, the paint + line, encircled, perforated medicine cup, the Herder’s amulet stone + of chalcedony, and a group of at least fifteen remarkable figurines. + The figurines alone, of the articles constituting this sacrifice, + differed materially from those which would occur in a modern + Zuñi “New Year Sacrifice” of the kind designed to propitiate the + increase and prosperity of its herds. While in Zuñi these figurines + invariably represent sheep (the young of sheep mainly; mostly also + females), the figurines in the hut at “Los Guanacos,” as I named the + place, represented with rare fidelity * * * some variety, I should + suppose, of the auchenia or llama of South America. + + Summing up the evidence presented by the occurrence of numerous + “bola stones” in these huts and within the cities; by the remarkably + characteristic forms of these figurines; by the traditional + statement of modern Zuñis regarding “small hairy animals” possessed + by their ancestors, no less than by the statements of Marcus + Nizza, Bernal Diaz, and other Spanish writers to the same effect, + and adding to this sum the facts presented in sundry ritualistic + pictographs, I concluded, very boldly, * * * that the ancient + Pueblos-Shiwians, or Aridians, * * * must have had domesticated a + North American variety of the auchenia more nearly resembling, it + would seem, the guanaco of South America than the llama. + +It is ascertained that the petroglyphs copied by Mr. Cushing as +above are pecked upon basaltic rock in the northern face of Maricopa +mountains, near Telegraph pass, south of Phœnix, Arizona. + +The following information is obtained from Dr. H. Ten Kate (_a_): + + In several localities in the sierra in the peninsula of + California and Sonora are rocks painted red. These paintings are + quite rude and are inferior to many of the pictographs of the + North American Indians. Figs. 1097 and 1098 were found at Rincon + de S. Antonio. The right-hand division of Fig. 1097 is a complete + representation, and the figures copied appear on the stone in the + order in which they are here given. The left-hand division of the + same figure represents only the most distinct objects, selected from + among a large number of others, very similar, which cover a block of + marble several meters in height. The object in the upper left-hand + corner of Fig. 1097 measures 20 to 21 centimeters; the others are + represented in proportion. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1097.--Petroglyphs, Lower California.] + +[Illustration: FIG. 1098.--Petroglyphs in Lower California.] + +These two figures resemble petroglyphs reported from the Santa Inez +range, west of Santa Barbara, Lower California. + +The same author, op. cit., p. 324, says: + + Fig. 1098 represents symbols which were the most easily + distinguished among the great number of those which cover two + immense granite blocks at Boca San Pedro. The rows of dots (or + points) which are seen at the left of this figure measure 1.50 + meters, the parallel lines traced at the right are about 1 meter. + +This figure is like another found farther east (see Fig. 31) from Azuza +canyon, California. + +A number of Haida pictographs are reproduced in other parts of this +work. In immediate connection with the present topic Fig. 1099 is +presented. It shows the carved columns in front of the chief’s house at +Massett, Queen Charlotte island. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1099.--Haida Totem Post.] + +The following illustrations from New Zealand are introduced here for +comparison. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1100.--New Zealand house posts.] + +Dr. F. von Hochstetter (_b_) writing of New Zealand, says: + + The dwellings of the chiefs at Ohinemutu are surrounded with + inclosures of pole fences, and the Whares and Wharepunis, some + of them exhibiting very fine specimens of the Maori order of + architecture, are ornamented with grotesque wood carvings. Fig. 1100 + is an illustration of some of them. The gable figure with the lizard + having six feet and two heads is very remarkable. The human figures + are not idols, but are intended to represent departed sires of the + present generation. + +Niblack (_c_) gives a description of the illustration reproduced as Fig. +1101. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1101.--New Zealand tiki.] + + Tiki. At Raroera Pah, New Zealand. From Wood’s Natural History, + page 180. Of this he says: “This gigantic tiki stands, together with + several others, near the tomb of the daughter of Te Whero-Whero, + and, like the monument which it seems to guard, is one of the finest + examples of native carving to be found in New Zealand. The precise + object of the tiki is uncertain, but the protruding tongue of the + upper figure seems to show that it is one of the numerous defiant + statues which abound in the islands. The natives say that the lower + figure represents Maui the Auti who, according to Maori tradition, + fished up the islands from the bottom of the sea.” + +Dr. Bransford (_b_) gives an illustration, copied here as the left-hand +character of Fig. 1102, with the description of the site, viz: “On a +hillside on the southern end of the island of Ometepec, Nicaragua, +about a mile and a half east of Point San Ramon.” On a rough, irregular +stone of basalt, projecting 3 feet above ground, was the following +figure on the south side: + +[Illustration: FIG. 1102.--Nicaraguan petroglyphs.] + +This suggests comparison with some of the Moki and British Guiana +figures. + +The same authority gives on page 66, from the same island and +neighborhood, the illustration copied as the right-hand character of the +same figure. + +By comparing some of the New Mexican, Zuñi, and Pueblo drawings with the +above figure the resemblance is obvious. This is most notable in the +outline of the square abdomen and the widespread legs. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1103.--Nicaraguan petroglyphs.] + +Fig. 1103, also mentioned and figured by Dr. Bransford as found with the +preceding in Nicaragua, resembles some of the petroglyphs presented in +the collection from Owens valley, California. + +The carvings in Fig. 1104 are from British Guiana, and are reproduced +from im Thurn (_i_): + +[Illustration: FIG. 1104.--Deep carvings in Guiana.] + +Most of these figures so strongly resemble some from New Mexico, and +perhaps Arizona, as to appear as if they were made by the same people. +This is specially noticeable in the lowermost characters, and more +particularly so in the last two, resembling the usual Shoshonean type +for toad or frog. + +The petroglyph of Boca del Infierno, a copy of which is furnished by +Marcano (_f_), reproduced as Fig. 1105, is thus described: + +[Illustration: FIG. 1105.--Venezuelan petroglyphs.] + + In the strange combination that surmounts it, _a_, there are + seen at the lower part two figures resembling the eyes of jaguars, + but asymmetric. Still the difference is apparent rather than real. + These eyes are always formed of three circumferences, the central + one being at times replaced by a point, as in the eye at the left; + the one at the right shows its three circumferences, but the + outermost is continuous with the rest of the drawing. The two eyes + are joined together by superposed arches, the smallest of which + touches only the left eye, while the larger one, which is not in + contact with the left eye, forms the circumference of the right + eye. The whole is surrounded by 34 rays, pretty nearly of the same + size, except one, which is larger. Is there question of a jaguar’s + head seen from in front with its bristling mane, or is it a sunrise? + All conjecture is superfluous, and it is useless to search for the + interpretation of these figures, whose value, entirely conventional, + is known only by those who invented them. + + In _b_ of the same pictograph, alongside of a tangle of various + figures, always formed of geometric lines, we distinguished, at the + left, three points; in the middle a collection of lines representing + a fish. Let us note, finally, the dots which, as in the preceding + case, run out from certain lines. + + The design of _c_, while quite as complex, has quite + another arrangement. At the left we see again the figure of the + circumferences surrounding a dot, and these are surmounted by a + series of triangles; at the bottom there are two little curves + terminated by dots. At _d_ two analogous objects are represented; + they may be what Humboldt took to be arms or household implements. + +In the above figure, the uppermost character, _a_, is similar to various +representations of the “sky,” as depicted upon the birch-bark midē' +records of the Ojibwa. The lower characters are similar to several +examples presented under the Shoshonean types, particularly to those in +Owens valley, California. + +Dr. A. Ernst in Verhandl. der Berliner, Anthrop. Gesell. (_c_) gives a +description of Fig. 1106, translated and condensed as follows: + +[Illustration: FIG. 1106.--Venezuelan petroglyphs.] + + The rock on which the petroglyph is carved is 41 kilometers WSW. + of Caracas, and 27 kilometers almost due north of La Victoria, in + the coast mountains of Venezuela. The petroglyph is found on two + large stones lying side by side and leaning against other blocks of + leptinite, though resembling sandstone. The length of the two stones + is 3.5 m., their height 2 m. The stones lie beside the road from the + colony of Tovar to La Maya, on the border of a clearing somewhat + inclined southward not far from the woods. The surface is turned + south. Concerning the meaning of the very fragmentary figures I can + not even express a conjecture. + +Araripe (_c_) furnishes the following description of Fig. 1107: + +[Illustration: FIG. 1107.--Brazilian petroglyphs.] + + In the district of Inhamun, on the road from Carrapateira to + Cracará, at a distance of half a league, following a footpath which + branches off to the left, is a small lake called Arneiros, near + which is a heap of round and long stones; on one of the round ones + is an inscription, here given in the order in which the figures + appear, on the face toward the north, engraved with a pointed + instrument, the characters being covered with red paint. + +The same authority, p. 231, gives the following description of the lower +group in Fig. 1108. It is called Indian writing in Vorá, in Faxina, +province of São Paulo. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1108.--Spanish and Brazilian petroglyphs.] + + From a rock which is more than 40 meters in height, a large mass + has been detached leaving a greater inclination of 10 meters. This + incline, together with the wall formed by the detached portion, + constitutes a sheltered place which was used by the Indians as a + resting place for their dead. + + On the walls of this grotto are figures engraved in the stone + and painted with “indelible” colors in red and black. It would seem + that the Indians had engraved in these figures the history of the + tribe. The designs are as follows: + + A human figure with ornaments of feathers on the head and neck; + a palm tree rudely engraved and painted; a number of circular holes, + 24 or more or less, in a straight line; a circle with a diameter + of 15 inches, having dentated lines on the edge; two concentric + circles resembling a clock face, with 60 divisions; immediately + following this the figure of an idol, and various marks all painted + in a very firm black; a figure of the sun with a +; a T; six more + circles; a human hand and foot well carved, etc. In the wall are + fragments of bones. + +The two upper groups are copies of petroglyphs in Fuencaliente, +Andalusia, Spain, which are described in Chap. IV, sec. 3, and are +introduced here for convenient comparison with characters in the lower +group of this figure, and also with others in Figs. 1097 and 1107. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1109.--Brazilian petroglyphs.] + +Dr. Ladisláu Netto (_c_) gives an account of characters copied from the +inscriptions of Cachoeira Savarete, in the valley of the Rio Negro, here +reproduced as Fig. 1109. They represent men and animals, concentric +circles, double spirals, and other figures of indefinite form. The +design in the left hand of the middle line evidently represents a group +of men gathered and drawn up like soldiers in a platoon. + +The same authority, p. 552, furnishes characters copied from rocks near +the villa of Moura in the valley of the Rio Negro, here reproduced as +Fig. 1110. They represent a series of figures on which Dr. Netto remarks +as follows: + +[Illustration: FIG. 1110.--Brazilian petroglyphs.] + + It is singular how frequent are these figures of circles two + by two, one of which seems to simulate one of the meanders that in + a measure represent the form of the Buddhic cross. This character, + represented by the double cross, is very common in many American + inscriptions. It probably signifies some idea which has nothing to + do with that of nandyavarta. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1111.--Brazilian petroglyphs.] + +The same authority, p. 522, gives carvings copied from the rocks of the +banks of the Rio Negro, from Moura to the city of Mañaus, some of which +are reproduced as Fig. 1111. The group on the left Dr. Netto believes +to represent a crowned chief, having by his side a figure which may +represent either the sun or the moon in motion, but which, were it +carved by civilized men, would suggest nothing more remarkable than a +large compass. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1112.--Brazilian pictograph.] + +The same authority, p. 553, presents characters copied from stones on +the banks of the Rio Negro, Brazil, here reproduced as Fig. 1112. + +They are rather sketches or vague tracings and attempts at drawing +than definite characters. The human heads found in most of the figures +observed at this locality resemble the heads carved in the inscriptions +of Central America and on the banks of the Colorado river. The left-hand +character, which here appears to be simply a rude drawing of a nose and +the eyes belonging to a human face, may be compared with the so-called +Thunderbird from Washington, contributed by Rev. Dr. Eels (see Fig. 679). + +Dr. E. R. Heath (_b_), in his Exploration of the River Beni, introducing +Fig. 1113, says: + +[Illustration: FIG. 1113.--Brazilian petroglyphs.] + + Periquitos rapids connects so closely with the tail of “Riberáo” + that it is difficult to say where one begins and the other ends. + Our stop at the Periquitos rapids was short yet productive of a few + figures, one rock having apparently a sun and moon on it, the first + seen of that character. + +He further says: + +[Illustration: FIG. 1114.--Brazilian petroglyphs.] + + On some solid water-worn rocks, at the edge of the fall, are the + following figures [Fig. 1114]. There were many fractional parts of + figures which we did not consider of sufficient value to copy. + + +SECTION 2. + +HOMOMORPHS AND SYMMORPHS. + +It has already been mentioned that characters substantially the same, or +homomorphs, made by one set of people, have a different signification +among others. The class of homomorphs may also embrace the cases common +in gesture signs, and in picture writing, similar to the homophones in +oral language, where the same sound has several meanings among the same +people. + +It would be very remarkable if precisely the same character were +not used by different or even the same persons or bodies of people +with wholly distinct significations. The graphic forms for objects +and ideas are much more likely to be coincident than sound is for +similar expressions, yet in all oral languages the same precise sound, +sometimes but not always distinguished by different literation, is +used for utterly diverse meanings. The first conception of different +objects could not have been the same. It has been found, indeed, that +the homophony of words and the homomorphy of ideographic pictures is +noticeable in opposite significations, the conceptions arising from +the opposition itself. The same sign and the same sound may be made +to convey different ideas by varying the expression, whether facial +or vocal, and by the manner accompanying their delivery. Pictographs +likewise may be differentiated by modes and mutations of drawing. The +differentiation in picturing or in accent is a subsequent and remedial +step not taken until after the confusion had been observed and had +become inconvenient. Such confusion and contradiction would only be +eliminated from pictography if it were far more perfect than is any +spoken language. + +This heading, for convenience, though not consistently with its +definition, may also include those pictographs which convey different +ideas and are really different in form of execution as well as in +conception, yet in which the difference in form is so slight as +practically to require attention and discrimination. Examples are given +below in this section, and others may be taken from the closely related +sign-language, one group of which may now be mentioned. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1115.--Tree.] + +The sign used by the Dakota, Hidatsa, and several other tribes for +“tree” is made by holding the right hand before the body, back forward, +fingers and thumb separated; then pushing it slightly upward, Fig. 1115; +that for “grass” is the same, made near the ground; that for “grow” is +made like “grass,” though, instead of holding the back of the hand near +the ground, the hand is pushed upward in an interrupted manner, Fig. +1116. For “smoke” the hand (with the back down, fingers pointing upward +as in grow) is then thrown upward several times from the same place +instead of continuing the whole motion upward. Frequently the fingers +are thrown forward from under the thumb with each successive upward +motion. For “fire” the hand is employed as in the gesture for smoke, but +the motion is frequently more waving, and in other cases made higher +from the ground. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1116.--Grow.] + +Symmorphs, a term suggested by the familiar “synonym,” are designs not +of the same form, but which are used with the same significance or +so nearly the same as to have only a slight shade of distinction and +which sometimes are practically interchangeable. The comprehensive +and metaphorical character of pictographs renders more of them +interchangeable than is the case with words; still, like words, some +pictographs with essential resemblance of meaning have partial and +subordinate differences made by etymology or usage. Doubtless the +designs are purposely selected to delineate the most striking outlines +of an object or the most characteristic features of an action; but +different individuals and likewise different bodies of people would +often disagree in the selection of those outlines and features. In +an attempt to invent an ideographic, not an iconographic, design for +“bird,” any one of a dozen devices might have been agreed upon with +equal appropriateness, and, in fact, a number have been so selected by +several individuals and tribes, each one, therefore, being a symmorph +of the other. Gesture language gives another example in the signs for +“deer,” designated by various modes of expressing fleetness, also by his +gait when not in rapid motion, by the shape of his horns, by the color +of his tail, and sometimes by combinations of those characteristics. +Each of these signs and of the pictured characters corresponding with +them may be indefinitely abbreviated and therefore create indefinite +diversity. Some examples appropriate to this line of comparison are now +presented. + + +SKY. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1117.--Sky.] + +The Indian gesture sign for sky, heaven, is generally made by passing +the index from east to west across the zenith. This curve is apparent in +the Ojibwa pictograph, the left-hand character of Fig. 1117, reported +in Schoolcraft (_q_), and is abbreviated in the Egyptian character +with the same meaning, the middle character of the same figure, from +Champollion (_e_). A simpler form of the Ojibwa picture sign for sky is +the right-hand character of the same figure, from Copway (_h_). + + +SUN AND LIGHT. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1118.--Sun. Oakley springs.] + +Fig. 1118 shows various representations of the sun taken from a +petroglyph at Oakley springs. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1119.--Sun. Gesture sign.] + +The common Indian gesture sign for sun is: Right hand closed, the index +and thumb curved, with tips touching, thus approximating a circle, and +held toward the sky, the position of the fingers of the hand forming a +circle as is shown in Fig. 1119. Two of the Egyptian characters for sun, +the left-hand upper characters of Fig. 1120 are the common conception +of the disk. The rays emanating from the whole disk appear in the two +adjoining characters on the same figure, taken from the rock etchings +of the Moki pueblos in Arizona. From the same locality are the two +remaining characters in the same figure, which may be distinguished from +several similar etchings for “star,” Fig. 1129, infra, by their showing +some indication of a face, the latter being absent in the characters +denoting “star.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 1120.--Devices for sun.] + +With the above characters for sun compare the left-hand character of +Fig. 1121, found at Cuxco, Peru, and taken from Wiener (_h_). + +[Illustration: FIG. 1121.--Sun and light.] + +In the pictorial notation of the Laplanders the sun bears its usual +figure of a man’s head, rayed. See drawings in Scheffer’s History of +Lapland, London, 1704. + +The Ojibwa pictograph for sun is seen in the second character of Fig. +1121, taken from Schoolcraft (_r_). The sun’s disk, together with +indications of rays, as shown in the third character of the same figure, +and in its linear form, the fourth character of that figure, from +Champollion, Dict., constitutes the Egyptian character for light. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1122.--Light.] + +Fig. 1122.--Light. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is to be compared with the +rays of the sun as above shown, but still more closely resembles the old +Chinese character for light, or more specifically “light above man,” in +the left-hand character of Fig. 1123, reported by Dr. Edkins. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1123.--Light and sun.] + +The other characters of the same figure are given by Schoolcraft (_s_) +as Ojibwa symbols of the sun. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1124.--Sun. Kwakiutl.] + +The left-hand character of Fig. 1124, from Proc. U. S. Nat. Museum +(_a_), shows the top of an heraldic column of the Sentlae (Sun) gens of +the Kwakiutl Indians in Alert bay, British Columbia, which represents +the sun surrounded by wooden rays. A simpler form is seen in the right +character of the same figure where the face of the sun is also fastened +to the top of a pole. The author, Dr. Boas, states that Fig. 1125 is the +sun mask used by the same gens in their dance. This presents another +mode in which the common symbolic connection of the eagle (the beak of +which bird is apparently shown) with the sun is indicated. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1125.--Sun mask. Kwakiutl.] + +Prof. Cyrus Thomas, in Aids to the Study of the Manuscript Troano, Sixth +Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn., p. 348, gives the left-hand character in Fig. 1126 +as representing the sun. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1126.--Suns.] + +General Forlong (_a_) states that the middle device of the same figure +represents the sun as Mihr, the fertilizer of the seed. + +Dr. Edkins (_e_) gives the right-hand device of the same figure as a +picture of the sun. Originally it was a circle with a stroke or dot in +the middle. + + +MOON. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1127.--Gesture for moon.] + +A common Indian gesture sign for moon, month, is the right hand closed, +leaving the thumb and index extended, but curved to form a half circle +and the hand held toward the sky, in a position which is illustrated in +Fig. 1127, to which curve the Moki drawing, the upper left-hand device +in Fig. 1128, and the identical form in the ancient Chinese have an +obvious resemblance. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1128.--Moon.] + +The crescent, as Europeans and Asiatics commonly figure the satellite, +appears also in the Ojibwa pictograph, the lower left-hand character in +Fig. 1128, taken from Schoolcraft (t), which is the same, with a slight +addition, as the Egyptian figurative character. + +The middle character in Fig. 1128 is the top of an upright post of a +house of the moon gens of the Kuakiutl Indians taken from Boas (_g_). It +represents the moon. + +Schoolcraft (_u_) gives the right-hand character of the same figure for +the moon, i. e., an obscured sun, as drawn by the Ojibwa. + + +STARS. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1129.--Stars.] + +Fig. 1129 shows various forms of stars, taken from a petroglyph at +Oakley Springs, Arizona. Most of them show the rays in a manner to +suggest the points of stars common in many parts of the world. + + +DAYTIME AND KIND OF DAY. + +Fig. 1130, copied from Copway (_h_), presents respectively the +characters for sunrise, noon, and sunset. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1130.--Day. Ojibwa.] + +An Indian gesture sign for “sunrise,” “morning,” is: Forefinger of right +hand crooked to represent half of the sun’s disk and pointed or extended +to the left, slightly elevated. In this connection it may be noted that +when the gesture is carefully made in open country the pointing would +generally be to the east, and the body turned so that its left would be +in that direction. In a room in a city, or under circumstances where +the points of the compass are not specially attended to, the left side +supposes the east, and the gestures relating to sun, day, etc., are made +with such reference. The half only of the disk represented in the above +gesture appears in the Moki pueblo drawings for morning and sunrise. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1131.--Morning. Arizona.] + +Fig. 1131 shows various representations of sunrise from Oakley Springs, +Arizona. + +J. B. Dunbar (_b_), in The Pawnee Indians, says: + + As an aid to the memory the Pawnees frequently made use of + notches cut in a stick or some similar device for the computation + of nights (for days were counted by nights), or even of months and + years. Pictographically a day or daytime was represented by a six or + eight pointed star as a symbol of the sun. A simple cross (a star) + was a symbol of a night and a crescent represented a moon or lunar + month. + +A common Indian gesture for day is when the index and thumb form a +circle (remaining fingers closed) and are passed from east to west. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1132.--Day.] + +Fig. 1132 shows a pictograph found in Owens valley, California, a +similar one being reported in the Ann. Rep. Geog. Survey West of the +100th Meridian for 1876, Washington, 1876, pl. opp. p. 326, in which the +circle may indicate either day or month (both these gestures having the +same execution), the course of the sun or moon being represented perhaps +in mere contradistinction to the vertical line, or perhaps the latter +signifies one. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1133.--Days. Apache.] + +Fig. 1133 is a pictograph made by the Coyotèro Apaches, found at Camp +Apache, in Arizona, reported in the Tenth Ann. Rep. U. S. Geol. and +Geogr. Survey of the Terr., Washington, 1878, Pl. LXXVII. The sun and +the ten spots of approximately the same shape represent the days, +eleven, which the party passed in traveling through the country. The +separating lines are the nights, and may include the conception of +covering over and consequent obscurity referred to in connection with +the pictographs for night. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1134.--Clear, stormy. Ojibwa.] + +The left-hand character in Fig. 1134, copied from Copway (_h_), +represents smooth water or clear day. + +The right-hand character in the same figure, from the same authority, p. +135, represents storm or a windy day. + + +NIGHT. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1135.] + +Fig. 1135.--Kills-the-Enemy-at-Night. Red-Cloud’s Census. Night is +indicated by the black circle around the head, suggesting the covering +over with darkness, as is shown in the common gesture for night, made +by passing both flat hands from their respective sides, inward and +downward, before the body. The sign for kill is denoted here by the bow +in contact with the head, in accordance with a custom among the Dakota +of striking the dead enemy with the bow or coup stick. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1136.] + +Fig. 1136.--Kills-Enemy-at-Night. Red-Cloud’s Census. This drawing is +similar to the preceding. The differentiation is sufficient to allow of +a distinction between the two characters, each representing the same +name, though belonging to two different men. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1137.] + +Fig. 1137.--Smokes-at-Night. Red-Cloud’s Census. Again the concept is +expressed by the covering over with darkness. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1138.] + +Fig. 1138.--Kills-at-Night. Red-Cloud’s Census. Night is here shown by +the curve for sky and the suspension, beneath it, of a star, or more +probably in Dakotan expression, a night sun, i. e., the moon. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1139.] + +Fig. 1139.--A Crow chief, Flat-Head, comes into the tipi of a Dakota +chief, where a council was assembled. Flame’s Winter Count, 1852-’53. +The night is shown by the black top of the tipi. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1140.--Ojibwa.] + +Fig. 1140 is taken from Copway (_f_). It represents “night.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 1141.--Sign for night.] + +A typical Indian gesture for night, illustrated by Fig. 1141, is: Place +the flat hands horizontally about 2 feet apart, move them quickly in an +upward curve toward one another until the right lies across the left. +“Darkness covers all.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 1142.--Night. Egyptian.] + +The conception of covering executed by delineating the object covered +beneath the middle point of an arch or curve, appears also clearly in +the Egyptian characters for night, Fig. 1142, Champollion (_f_). + +[Illustration: FIG. 1143.--Night. Mexican.] + +In Kingsborough (_m_) is the painting reproduced as Fig. 1143. + +This painting expresses the multitude of eyes, i. e., stars in the sky, +and signifies the night. Eyes in Mexican paintings are painted exactly +in this manner. + + +CLOUD. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1144.--Cloud shield.] + +Fig. 1144.--Cloud shield. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure shows in +conjunction with the disk, probably a shield but possibly the sun, a +dim cloud, and below is a line apparently holding up clouds from which +the raindrops have not yet begun to fall. This may be collated with the +pictographs for rain and also for snow, as figured below. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1145.--Clouds, Moki.] + +A Cheyenne sign for cloud is as follows: (1) Both hands partially +closed, palms facing and near each other, brought up to level with +or slightly above but in front of the head; (2) suddenly separated +sidewise, describing a curve like a scallop; this scallop motion is +repeated for “many clouds.” The same conception is in the Moki etchings, +the three left-hand characters of Fig. 1145 (Gilbert MS.), and in +variants from Oakley Springs, the two right-hand characters of the same +figure. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1146.--Cloud, Ojibwa.] + +The Ojibwa pictograph for cloud, reported in Schoolcraft (_n_), is more +elaborate, Fig. 1146. It is composed of the sign for sky to which that +for clouds is added, the latter being reversed, as compared with the +Moki etchings, and picturesquely hanging from the sky. + + +RAIN. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1147.--Rain. Ojibwa.] + +Fig. 1147.--From Copway, loc. cit., represents rain, cloudy. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1148.--Rain. Pueblo.] + +The gesture sign for rain is illustrated in Fig. 1002. The pictograph, +Fig. 1148, reported as found in New Mexico, by Lieut. Simpson, in +Ex. Doc. No. 64, 31st Congress, 1st session, 1850, p. 9, is said to +represent Montezuma’s adjutants sounding a blast to him for rain. The +small character inside the curve which represents the sky, corresponds +with the gesturing hand, but may be the rain cloud appearing. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1149.--Rain. Moki.] + +The Moki drawing for rain, i. e., a cloud from which the drops are +falling, is given in Fig. 1149, in six variants taken from a petroglyph +at Oakley Springs. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1150.--Rain. Chinese.] + +Edkins (_f_) gives Fig. 1150 as the Chinese character for rain. It is a +picture of rain falling from the clouds. He adds, p. 155: + + Rain was anciently without the upper line, and instead of the + vertical line in the middle there were four, but all shorter. Above + each of them and within the concave was a dot. These four dots were + raindrops, the four lines were the direction of their descent, and + the concave was the firmament. + + +LIGHTNING. + +Among the northern Indians of North America the concept of lightning is +included in that of thunder, and is represented by the thunder bird, see +Chap. XIV, sec. 2, supra. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1151.--Lightning. Moki.] + +Fig. 1151 shows three ways in which lightning is represented by the +Moki. They are copied from a petroglyph at Oakley Springs, Arizona. In +the middle character the sky is shown, the changing direction of the +streak and clouds with rain falling. The part relating specially to the +streak is portrayed in an Indian gesture sign as follows: Right hand +elevated before and above the head, forefinger pointing upward, brought +down with great rapidity with a sinuous, undulating motion, finger still +extended diagonally downward toward the right. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1152.--Lightning. Moki.] + +Fig. 1152 is a copy from a vase in the collection of relics of the +ancient builders of the southwest table lands in the MS. Catalogue of +Mr. Thomas V. Keam, and represents the body of the mythic Um-tak-ina, +the Thunder. This body is a rain cloud with thunder [lightning] darting +through it, and is probably of ancient Moki workmanship. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1153.--Lightning. Moki.] + +Fig. 1153, also from Keam’s MS., gives three other representations of +the Moki characters for lightning. The middle one shows the lightning +sticks which are worked by the hands of the dancers. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1154.--Lightning. Pueblo.] + +Fig. 1154 also represents lightning, taken by Mr. W. H. Jackson, +photographer of the late U. S. Geol. and Geogr. Survey, from the +decorated walls of an estufa in the Pueblo de Jemez, New Mexico. The +former is blunt, for harmless, and the latter terminates in an arrow or +spear point, for destructive or fatal lightning. + +Connected with this topic is the following extract from Virgil’s Æneis, +Lib. VIII, 429: + + Tres imbris torti radios, tres nubis aquosæ + Addiderant, rutili tres ignis et alitis austri. + +The “radii” are the forks or spikes by which lightning is designated, +especially on medals. It consisted of twelve wreathed spikes or darts +extended like the radii of a circle. The wings denote the lightning’s +rapid motion and the spikes or darts its penetrating quality. The +four different kinds of spikes refer to the four seasons. The “tres +imbristorti radii” or the three spikes of hail, are the winter when +hail storms abound. The “tres nubis aquosæ radii,” the three spikes +of a watery cloud, denote the spring. The “tres rutili ignis radii,” +the three spikes of sparkling fire, are the summer when lightning is +frequent and the “tres alitis austri radii,” or the three spikes of +winged wind, are for autumn with its many wind storms. + + +HUMAN FORM. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1155.--Human form.] + +Fig. 1155.--_a_ among the Arikara signifies men. The characters are +used in connection with horseshoes, to denote “mounted men” _b_. In +other pictographs such spots or dots are merely numerical. _c_ is drawn +by the Kiatéxamut branch of the Innuits for man. It is an abbreviated +form and rare. _d_, drawn by the Blackfeet, signifies “Man-dead.” This +is from a pictograph in Wind River mountains, taken from Jones’s (_c_) +Northwestern Wyoming. _e_ is also a Kiatéxamut Innuit drawing for man. +This figure is armless; generally represents the person addressed. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1156.--Human form.] + +Fig. 1156.--_a_ is also a Kiatéxamut Innuit drawing for man. The +person makes the gesture for negation. _b_ and _c_, from a Californian +petroglyph, are men also gesturing negation. _d_, from Schoolcraft +(_v_), is the Ojibwa “symbol” for disabled man. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1157.--Human form.] + +Fig. 1157.--_a_ is the Kiatéxamut Innuit drawing for Shaman. _b_, used +by the same tribe, represents man supplicating. _c_, reproduced from +Schoolcraft (_u_), is the Ojibwa representative figure or man. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1158.--Human form.] + +Fig. 1158.--_a_, from Schoolcraft, loc. cit., is an Ojibwa drawing of +a headless body. _b_, from the same, is another Ojibwa figure for a +headless body, perhaps female. _c_, contributed by Mr. Gilbert Thompson, +is a drawing for a man, made by the Moki in Arizona. _d_, reproduced +from Schoolcraft (_w_), is a drawing from the banks of the River +Yenesei, Siberia, by Von Strahlenberg (_a_). _e_ is given by Dr. Edkins, +op. cit., p. 4, as the Chinese character for, and originally a picture +of, a man. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1159.--Human form. Alaska.] + +The representation of a headless body does not always denote death. +An example is given in Fig. 1159, _a_, taken from an ivory drill-bow +in the collection of the Alaska Commercial Company, of San Francisco, +California. It was made by the Aigaluxamut natives of Alaska. As the +explanation gives no suggestion of a fatal casualty, the concept may be +that the hunter got lost or “lost his head,” according to the colloquial +phrase. + +The figures of men in a canoe are represented by the Kiatéxamut Innuit +of Alaska, as shown in the same figure, _b_. The right-hand upward +stroke represents the bow of the boat, while the two lines below the +horizontal stroke denote the paddles used by the men, who are shown +as the first and second upward strokes above the canoe; in the same +figure, _c_ shows the outline of human figures, copied from a walrus +ivory drill-bow (U. S. Nat. Mus., No. 44398) from Cape Nome, Alaska. +The second pair closely resemble forms of the thunder-bird as drawn +by various Algonquian tribes and as found in petroglyphs upon rocks +in the northeastern portion of the United States; in the same figure, +_d_, selected from a group of human forms, is incised upon a walrus +ivory drill-bow obtained at Port Clarence, Alaska, by Dr. T. H. Bean, +of the National Museum. The specimen is numbered 40054. The fringe-like +appendages on the arms may indicate the garment worn by some of the +Kenai or other inland Athabascan Indians of Alaska. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1160.--Bird-man. Siberia.] + +Fig. 1160, from Strahlenberg, op. cit., was found in Siberia, and is +identical with the character which, according to Schoolcraft, is drawn +by the Ojibwa to represent speed and the power of superior knowledge +by exaltation to the regions of the air, being, in his opinion, a +combination of bird and man. + +It is to be noticed that some Ojibwa recently examined regard the +character merely as a human figure with outstretched arms, and fringes +pendent therefrom. It has, also, a strong resemblance to some of +the figures in the Lone-Dog Winter Counts (those for 1854-’55 and +1866-’67, pages 283 and 285, respectively), in which there is no attempt +understood to signify anything more than a war-dress. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1161.--American. Ojibwa.] + +Fig. 1161, according to Schoolcraft (_t_), is the Ojibwa drawing +symbolic for an American. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1162.--Man. Yakut.] + +Bastian (_a_), in Ethnologisches Bilderbuch, says: + + Upon a shaman’s drum, from the Yakuts of Siberia, is the figure + of a human form greatly resembling some forms of the American types. + The appendages beneath the arms, given in Fig. 1162, suggest also + some forms of the thunder-bird as drawn by the Ojibwa. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1163.--Human forms. Moki.] + +Fig. 1163 is a copy of human forms found by Mr. Dellenbaugh in +petroglyphs in Shinumo canyon, Utah. They probably are of Moki +workmanship. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1164.--Human form. Navajo.] + +Fig. 1164, from Mr. Stevenson’s paper in the Eighth Annual Report of the +Bureau of Ethnology, p. 283, is the form of a man, drawn in the sand in +the Hasjelti ceremony of the Navajo. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1165.--Man and woman. Moki.] + +The left-hand character of Fig. 1165 is described in Keam’s MS. as +follows: + + This is a conventional design of dragon flies, and is often + found among rock etchings throughout the plateau [Arizona]. The + dragon flies have always been held in great veneration by the Mokis + and their ancestors, as they have been often sent by Oman to reopen + springs which Muingwa had destroyed and to confer other benefits + upon the people. + + This form of the figure, with little vertical lines added to the + transverse lines, connects the Batolatci with the Ho-bo-bo emblems. + The youth who was sacrificed and translated by Ho-bo-bo reappeared a + long time afterwards, during a season of great drought, in the form + of a gigantic dragon fly, who led the rain clouds over the lands of + Ho-pi-tu, bringing plenteous rains. + +Describing the middle character of the figure, he says: “The figure +represents a woman. The breath sign is displayed in the interior. The +simpler design in the right-hand character consists of two triangles, +one upon another, and is called the ‘woman’s head and body.’” + +[Illustration: FIG. 1166.--Human form. Colombia.] + +Fig. 1166, reproduced by permission from the Century Magazine for +October, 1891, p. 887, is a representation of a golden breastplate +found in the United States of Colombia, and now in the Ruiz-Randall +collection. The human figure is nearly identical with some of those +described and illustrated in the present work as found in other +localities. + +Crevaux, quoted by Marcano, (_g_) in speaking of the photographs of +French Guyana, makes these useful suggestions: + + The drawings of frogs found by Brown on the Esesquibo + are nothing else than human figures such as the Galihis, the + Roucouyennes, and the Oyampis represent them every day on their + pagaras, their pottery, or their skin. We ourselves, on examining + these figures with legs and arms spread out, thought that they were + meant for frogs, but the Indians told us that that was their manner + of representing man. + +In Necropolis of Ancon in Peru, by W. Reiss and A. Stubel, (_a_) are +descriptions of figures _a_ to _g_ in Pl. L, all being painted sepulcher +tablets one-seventh of the actual size. The descriptions are condensed. +The general characteristics of the tablets are that they are in a +tabular form, made of reeds, and covered with a white cotton fabric, the +edges of which are stitched together behind and attached to a pole, +short at top, and projecting to a greater length downwards. On the front +is a slightly sketched design in red and black lines, while a winding or +undulating border usually runs around the sides. Nearly all the space +within this border is occupied by a human figure surrounded by isolated +symbols or ornaments. The head and features of the conventionalized +figure is out of all proportion to the small body, which is often merely +suggested by a few strokes. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. L + +TABLETS AT ANCON, PERU.] + +_a._ The features and high headdress of a human figure, represented +by concentric black and red lines. To the short arms are attached +outstretched three-fingered hands, the right holding some object, while +body and legs are arbitrarily indicated. The legs are twice reproduced +in black and red lines. The space between the figure and border is +occupied by six simple designs, two black and one red on either side. + +_b._ The human figure, comparatively simple and distinct, distinguished +by large ear ornaments, with designs similar to those of the preceding +figure, but varying in number and disposition. + +_c._ Highly fantastic figure with diverse ornamentations; the space +in the corners cut off by designs, of which the upper two show a bird +motive, such as frequently occurs on earthenware and woven fabrics. + +_d._ This is doubtless meant to represent a figure clothed down to the +feet. + +_e._ Here the human figure is formed of black lines, connected at right +angles with complementary red lines. A wide top-piece covers the head, +which consists of two small rectangles, leaving room only to indicate +the eyes, while the mouth, placed rather too low down, is suggested by +a red stroke. The arms are bent downwards; hands and feet with triple +articulation. Within the red and black frame the figure is encircled by +crosses, dots, and a conventional star. + +_f._ Human figure filling most of the space, which is inclosed only by +a narrow edging. Surface painting distinguishes the wide body, which +is rounded off below and to which the triangular head is fitted above. +Hands with five, feet with three, articulations; crenelled head gear; +necklace suggested by dots; the corners of the ground-surface filled in +with rectangular sharply-edged ornaments. + +_g._ Human figure consisting of two disconnected parts; triangular head +and body; hands and feet with two articulations; frame of red and black +dovetailed teeth. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1167.--Human form. Peru.] + +Wiener (_i_), describing illustrations reproduced here as Fig. 1167, +says: + + The tissue found at Moché, _a_, represents a man with flattened + head, exaggerated ears, and the thumb of the right hand too much + developed. When correlated with that from Ancon, _b_, with its + coarse paintings, it becomes a sort of caligraphy in which all the + letters are traced with the greatest care, while _b_, and also the + sepulchral inscription _c_, found at the same place, become cursive. + +The design _a_ of this series presents peculiarities found in Zuñi +drawings on pottery. The appendages from the side of the head among +the latter denote large coils of hair so arranged by tying. Their +significance is that the wearer is an unmarried woman. The remaining +designs also resemble types of human figures found upon Zuñi and Pueblo +pottery, being rather of a decorative character than having special +significance. + + +HUMAN HEAD AND FACE. + +A large number of human faces as drawn by members of different tribes +and stocks of North American Indians appear in the present paper. Some +of them are iconographic and others are highly conventionalized. Other +examples from other regions of the world are also presented under +various headings. + +In the present connection it may be useful to examine a series of +drawings from the prehistoric pottery of Brazil in the National Museum +at Rio de Janeiro. Although the U. S. National Museum contains many +specimens of a similar character, some of which have been copied and +published, the Brazilian types show an instructive peculiarity in the +reduction of the face to certain main lines and finally to the eyes, so +that the latter are placed apart and independent in a symmetric field. + +The following Figs. 1168 to 1174 are reproduced from Dr. Ladisláu Netto +(_d_), all of them being from Brazil and from paintings and carvings on +Marajo ware. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1168.--Human face. Brazil.] + +Fig. 1168 shows broken lines without the aid of curves, but gracefully +attached to an instrument, either lance or trident, which present the +outline of the contours of a face. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1169.--Human faces. Brazil.] + +The characters in Fig. 1169 are somewhat more elaborate. The eyes are +decorated with lines and the contour of the face is round. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1170.--Human faces. Brazil.] + +The characters in Fig. 1170 are carved human faces, some of which would +not be recognized as such unless shown in the series. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1171.--Double-faced head. Brazil.] + +The face in Fig. 1171 represents the horizontal projection or plan of +a double-faced head. The central H represents in this case the top of +the head, each of the shafts of the H being neither more nor less than +the double arch of the eyebrows, joined to which the representation of +the nose in a triangular figure may be recognized. The most noticeable +point is that if this surface be applied in imagination to the cranium +of the bifrontal head, of which it seems to be the covering or skin, the +features of the double-faced heads of the Marajo idols are immediately +recognized, including the orifices by which those idols are hung on +cords, which orifices are seen in the dividing line of the two faces. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1172.--Funeral urn. Marajo.] + +Fig. 1172 presents the general form of decoration found upon vases +bearing figures of the face as above mentioned. It is a funeral urn, +carved and engraved, from Marajo, reduced to one-fifth. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1173.--Marajo vase.] + +Frequently the face is produced in relief, in which a larger portion of +a vessel is taken to produce more lifelike imitation, as in Fig. 1173. +It is the neck of an anthropomorphic vase of Marajo ornamented with +grooves and lines, red on a white ground, reduced to one-half. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1174.--Marajo vases.] + +Fig. 1174 _a_, real size, is the neck of a Marajo vase, representing a +human head. The nose and chin are very prominent, the eyes horizontal +and slit in the same direction. This head is remarkable for the relief +of the eyebrows which, after reaching the height of the ears, form these +organs, describing above a second curve in the inverse direction of the +curve of the brow, each brow thus forming an S. There are other heads in +which the eyebrows are prolonged to form the relief of the ears at the +outer extremity. In these cases the whole relief represents a semicircle +more or less irregular, while on the contrary this relief forms the +figure S. + +Same figure, _b_, real size, is the neck of an ornithomorphic, +anthropocephalous vase. It has on the face the classic and conventional +T to represent the nose and brows. The eyes are formed by the symbolic +figure equally conventional in the ceramics of the mound-builders of +Marajo, and the ears differ very little from the characters seen in +other figures. + +Same figure, _c_, four-fifths real size, is the neck of a Marajo vase +representing, by engraving and painting, all the conventional characters +of the different parts of the human face employed by the mound-builders +of Marajo. This vase preserves perfectly the primitive colors, which +show vermilion lines on a white ground. A double protuberance from each +ear, the design which forms the eyes, and that which surrounds and +outlines the mouth, the nose, and the ears, are characteristic traces +of the decorative art of the human face which few heads present in such +perfection. + +Same figure, _d_, four-fifths real size, is the neck of a Marajo vase +more simple than the preceding one, but with more regular and distinct +features. + +The Brazilian system above illustrated, which reduces the face to +certain main lines and finally to the eyes, in such manner that the eyes +are placed apart and each is put by itself in a symmetric field, has +its parallel in North America. This is the practice of the Bella Coola +Indians and their neighbors at the present day. They divide the surface, +to be ornamented into zones and fields, by means of broad horizontal and +vertical lines, each field containing, according to its position, now a +complete face, now only an indication of it, the especial indication +being made by the eye. The eyes themselves are given different shapes, +according to the different animals represented, being now large and +round, now oblong and with pointed angles. These peculiarities, which +have become conventional, are retained when the eye is represented +alone, so that by this method it may still be easy to recognize which +animal--for example, a raven or a bear, is intended to be portrayed. + +The left-hand character in Fig. 1175, from Champollion (_g_), is the +Egyptian character for a human face. The predominance of the ears +probably has some special significance. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1175.--Human heads.] + +Schoolcraft (_u_) gives the right-hand character of the same figure as a +man’s head, with ears open to conviction, as made by the Ojibwa. + +Both of these may be compared with the exaggerated ears in Fig. 1167. + + +HAND. + +The impression, real or represented, of a human hand is used in several +regions in the world with symbolic significance. + +Among the North American Indians the mark so readily applied is of +frequent occurrence, with an ascertained significance, which, however, +differs in several tribes. + +Fig. 1176, taken from Copway (_b_), represents the hand, and also +expresses “did so.” This signification of “do,” or action, and hence +“power,” is also given to the same character in the Egyptian and Chinese +ideograms. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1176.--Hand. Ojibwa.] + +Among several Indian tribes a black hand on a garment or ornament means +“the wearer of this has killed an enemy.” The decoration appears upon +Ojibwa bead belts, and the Hidatsa and Arikara state that it is an old +custom of showing bravery. The character was noticed at Fort Berthold, +and the belt bearing it had been received from Ojibwa Indians of +northern Minnesota. The mark of a black hand drawn of natural size or +less, and sometimes made by the impress of an actually blackened palm, +was also noticed, with the same significance, on articles among the +Hidatsa and Arikara in 1881. + +Schoolcraft (_x_) says of the Dakota on the St. Peters river that a red +hand indicates that the wearer has been wounded by his enemy, and a +black hand that he has slain his enemy. + +Irving (_b_) remarks, in Astoria, of the Arikara warriors: “Some had the +stamp of a red hand across their mouths, a sign that they had drunk the +life-blood of a foe.” + +In other parts of the present paper the significance of the mark is +mentioned and may be briefly summarized here. + +Among the Sioux a red hand painted on a warrior’s blanket or robe means +that he has been wounded by the enemy, and a black hand that he has +been in some way unfortunate. Among the Mandan a yellow hand on the +breast signifies that the wearer had captured prisoners. + +Among the Titon Dakota a hand displayed meant that the wearer had +engaged in a hand-to-hand struggle with an enemy. The impress of a hand, +stained or muddy, upon the body or horse was the Winnebago mark that the +wearer had killed a man. + +The drawing of linked fingers or joined hands has been before discussed, +p. 643, and in several petroglyphs illustrated in this paper the +single hand appears. It is a common device on rocks, and doubtless +with varieties of signification, as above mentioned in other forms of +pictograph. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1177.--Joined hands. Moki.] + +It will suffice now to add that the figure of a hand with extended +fingers is very common in the vicinity of ruins in Arizona as a rock +etching, and is also frequently seen daubed on the rocks with colored +pigments or white clay. But Mr. Thomas V. Keam explains the Arizona +drawings of hands on the authority of the living Moki. In his MS., in +describing Fig. 1177, he says: + + The outline of two outstretched hands joined at the wrists and + figure of a hand with extended fingers is very common as a rock + etching. + + These are vestiges of the test formerly practiced among young + men who aspired for admission to the fraternity of Salyko. The + Salyko is a trinity of two women and a woman from whom the Hopitu + obtained the first corn. The first test above referred to was that + of putting their hands in the mud and impressing them upon the rock. + Only those were chosen as novices the imprints of whose hands had + dried on the instant. + +Le Plongeon (_a_) tells that the tribes of Yucatan have the custom of +printing the impress of the human hand, dipped in a red-colored liquid, +on the walls of certain sacred edifices. + +A. W. Howitt, in manuscript notes on Australian pictographs, says: + + In very many places there are representations of a human hand + imprinted or delineated upon the rocks or in caverns. In the + mountains on the western side of the Darling river, in New South + Wales, I have observed such, and the aborigines whom I questioned + upon the subject said that these representations were made in sport. + This reply would, however, be also given were any white man to find + and draw their attention to one of the figures which are made in + connection with the initiation ceremonies. The representations of + hands are made in two ways. In one the hand is smeared with red + ocher and water, and impressed upon the rock surface. In the other + the hand, being placed upon the rock, a mouthful of red ocher or + pipe-clay and water is squirted over it. The hand being then removed + there remains its representation surrounded and marked out by the + colored wash. + +Thomas Worsnop (_b_) says: + +[Illustration: FIG. 1178.--Cave painting, Australia.] + + Mr. Winnecke, in 1879, saw several drawings on rocks and in + caves, [Fig. 1178], and describes them as follows: + + There are found in several large caves near Mount Skinner and + Ledans hill, in latitude 22° 30′ south and longitude 134° 30′ east. + The natives appear to have selected the smooth surface of granite + rocks inside several large caves, which spots are not subject to + the influence of wind or rain. These caves are resorted to by the + natives during excessive rainy seasons, as indicated by their camp + preparations, and it is beyond doubt that these drawings have + been performed during these periods of forced inactivity by some + artistically inclined native. Those I am alluding to are somewhat + numerous in these particular localities and present a uniform + appearance. + + _a_, apparently represents a heart pierced in the center by a + spear. The outline of the object representing the heart has been + delineated with red ocher, whilst the spear has been drawn with + a burnt stick or piece of coal. I have only seen this particular + sketch in one instance, where four distinct drawings of the same + object exactly below and equidistant from each other have been made + in anything but a crude manner, the outline having been carefully + and very distinctly traced on the rocks, showing a degree of + perfection scarcely to be anticipated from these wild inhabitants. + The breadth of the heart is about 5 inches and its length about 6 + inches. The length of the spear portion is about 3 feet. [The device + reminds of St. Valentine’s day.] + + _b_, consists of two parallel lines about 6 inches apart, with + regular marks between, and probably represents the native’s notion + of a creek with emu tracks traversing its bed. This drawing has been + made with a coal, and is found depicted on smooth rocks in various + localities. + + _c_, has been drawn both with coal and red ocher. It is found + in many places, and seems to be a favorite drawing of the natives. + I have found it depicted in several localities in the interior of + Australia. It is generally supposed to represent a hand. + + _d._ This figure is made by the natives in the following manner: + Placing their extended hand against a smooth rock, after having + previously moistened the same, they fill their mouths with powdered + charcoal, which they then blow violently along the outline of their + extended hand, thus leaving the portions of rock covered perfectly + clean, whilst the space between their fingers and elsewhere around + about becomes covered with the black substance. This drawing is not + very common. I found several specimens near the Sabdover river. I + have, however, been informed that it has been seen in other and + distant parts of Australia. + +Renan (_a_) says in the chapter on the Nomad Semites: + + The real monuments of the period were, as in the case with + all people who can not write, the stones which they reared, the + columns erected in memory of some event, and upon which was often + represented a hand, whence the name of _iad_ [finger post]. + +Major Conder (_c_) writes that in Jerusalem a rough representation of +a hand is marked by the native races on the wall of every house while +building. Some authorities connect it with the five names of God, and +it is generally considered to avert the evil eye. The Moors generally, +and especially the Arabs in Kairwan, apply paintings of red hands above +the doors and on the columns of their houses as talismans to drive away +the envious. Similar hand prints are found in the ruins of El Baird near +Petra. Some of the quaint symbolism connected with horns is supposed to +originate from such hand marks. The same people make the gesture against +the evil eye by extending the five fingers of the left hand. + +H. Clay Trumbull (_b_) gives the following: + + It is a noteworthy fact that among the Jews in Tunis, near + the old Phenician settlement of Carthage, the sign of a bleeding + hand is still an honored and a sacred symbol as if in recognition + of the covenant-bond of their brotherhood and friendship. “What + struck me most in all the houses,” says a traveler (Chevalier de + Hesse-Wartegg) among these Jews, “was the impression of an open + bleeding hand on every wall of each floor. However white the walls, + this repulsive (yet suggestive) sign was to be seen everywhere.” + +The following is extracted from Panjab Notes and Queries, Vol. I, No. 1 +(October, 1883), p. 2: + + At the Temple of Balasundarí Deví at Tilokpúr, near Náhan, the + priests stamp a red hand on the left breast of the coat of a pilgrim + who visits the temple for the first time to show that he has, as + it were, paid for his footing. If the pilgrim again visits the + temple and can show the stamp he pays only 4 annas as his fee to the + priests. + +Gen. A. Hontum-Schindler, Teheran, Persia, in a letter of December 19, +1888, tells: + + All through Persia, principally in villages though, a rough + representation of a hand, or generally the imprint of a right hand, + in red, may be seen on the wall or over the door of a house whilst + in building, or on the wall of a mosque, booth, or other public + building. It is probably an ancient custom, although the Persians + connect it with Islam, and they say that the hand represents that of + Albas, a brother of Husain (a grandson of the prophet Mohammed), who + was one of the victims at the massacre of Kerbela in 680, and who + had his right hand cut off by el Abrad ibu Shaibân. In India I have + noticed similar marks, hands, or simply red streaks. + +In Journal of the Proc. Royal Soc. Antiq., Ireland, I, 3, fifth series, +1890, p. 247, is the following: + + The hand an emblem of good luck in Ireland.--In Maj. Conder’s + “Syrian Stone Lore,” published for the Palestine Exploration + Committee by Bentley & Son (1886), p. 71, occurs the following + passage: “Among other primitive emblems used by the Phenicians + is the hand occurring on votive steles at Carthage, sometimes in + connection with the sacred fish. This hand is still a charm in + Syria, called Kef Miriam, ‘the Virgin Mary’s hand,’ and sovereign + against the evil eye. The red hand is painted on walls, and occurs, + for instance, in the Hagia Sophia at Constantinople and elsewhere. + It is common also in Ireland and in India (Siva’s hand) and on + early scepters, always as an emblem of good luck.” What actual + foundation is there for the above statement as regards Ireland? + About twenty years ago the first Monday in January was known in + the south of Ireland as “Handsel Monday,” and looked upon as in + some way indicating the prosperity the year succeeding was to bring + forth. But whether, as the name would seem to imply, this had any + connection with the hand as an emblem of good luck I am unaware.--J. + C. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1179.--Irish cross.] + +Gen. Forlong (_b_) makes the following remarks: + + The “red hand of Ireland” is known alike to Turanians, Shemites, + and Aryans, and from the Americas to farthest Asia. The hand, being + an organ peculiar to man, is in the East a sign of Siva, and seems + to have been identified with his emblem even by the Medes. All men + have usually worshiped and plighted their troth or sworn by manual + signs, so the hand naturally stands as the sign of man himself; but + more than this, Easterns attach a significance to it as an organ + without which the procreating one is useless. In Germany, says J. + Grimm, the hand was _Tyr_, or the son of Odin, “the one-handed,” + for he lost one limb by the biting wintry wolf--that is, he + became powerless to produce.... He was then the “golden-handed,” + fertilizer, whom ancient Irans denoted by their name Zerdosht, and + Irish Kelts placed as a talisman on their Ulster shield.... The + Irish solo-phalik idea is seen in the “crosses” of Clon-Mac-Noise + and Monasterboise, where, as in Fig. 1179, all the fingers are + carefully placed in the center of the circle of fertility. The Vedas + constantly speak of Savatar as “the golden-handed sun,” who lost + this limb owing to his efforts when at sacrifice, and who remained + impotent until the deity restored to him a hand of gold. + + Hindus, like the high Asian tribes and the old Mexicans, usually + impress a hand covered with blood or vermilion on the door posts + of their temple--that is, on the Delpheus or “door of life;” and + the great Islamite, Mahmood, when he captured Constantinople, rode + up to the holy feminine shrine of St. Sophia, and reaching up as + high as he could, there unwittingly imprinted this bloody sign of + Great Siva. We must remember how often the hand appears with other + significant objects on the arms of men and nations, and notably so + on Roman standards.... Fig. 1180. + + In the old shrines of America, Leslie says, the “sacred hand was + a favorite subject of art,” and Stevens in his Yucatan says, “The + red hand stared us in the face over all the ruined buildings of the + country, ... not drawn or printed, but stamped by the living hand, + the pressure of the palm upon the stone being quite distinct, the + thumb and fingers being extended as we see in the Irish and Hindu + hands.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 1180.--Roman standard.] + + +FEET AND TRACKS. + +In the two first illustrations of this group the respective figures of +the man and the eagle are in the act of forming tracks on the ground. +Such tracks are shown in the next two figures, but without the context +might not be recognized as such. The fifth figure is more distinctly +ideographic, showing the foot and leg as in the act of making the +impress, and the eagle’s feather to indicate the kind of track which +would have been made by a running eagle. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1181.] + +Fig. 1181.--Goes-Walking. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1182.] + +Fig. 1182.--Running-Eagle. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1183.] + +Fig. 1183.--Tracks. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1184.] + +Fig. 1184.--Walking-Bull-Track. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1185.] + +Fig. 1185.--Eagle-Track. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1186.--Feet.] + +Fig. 1186, copied from Copway (_b_), gives three characters of which the +first represents “ran,” the second “walked” or “passed,” and the third +“stand,” characters similar both to the tracks and the feet found on +many petroglyphs in North America. + +They are also found in the terraces of temples of Thebes, of Karnak, and +especially at Nakhaur in South Bihar. + +P. le Page Renouf (_a_), in An Elementary Grammar of the Ancient +Egyptian Language, gives the right-hand character of the same figure as +the generic determinative implying motion. + + +BROKEN LEG. + +This group gives several modes of expressing, pictorially, broken legs. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1187.] + +Fig. 1187.--Many were thrown from their horses while surrounding +buffalo, and some had their legs broken. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, +1847-’48. The legs are distorted and the line may refer to the slippery +ice touched by the toes. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1188.] + +Fig. 1188.--Lone-Horn’s father broke his leg. The-Flame’s Winter Count, +1832-’33. This is a strongly marked representation. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1189.] + +[Illustration: FIG. 1190.] + +Fig. 1189.--A Minneconjou Dakota named Broken-Leg died. The-Flame’s +Winter Count, 1846-’47. The-Flame’s representation is objective, but +Battiste Good gives another more ideographic. The arm in his character, +given in Fig. 1190, is lengthened so as nearly to touch the broken leg, +which is shown distorted, instead of indicating the injury by the mere +distortion of the leg itself. The bird over the head, and connected by a +line with it, probably represents the teal as a name-totem. Perhaps he +was called Broken-Leg after the injury. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1191.] + +Fig. 1191.--There were a great many accidents and some legs were broken, +the ground being covered with ice. American-Horse’s Winter Count, +1847-’48. Here the fracture is very obvious--too much so to be intended +as objective--rather delineating the idea of the breaking and separation +of the bone. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1192.] + +Fig. 1192.--Broken-Leg was killed by the Pawnees. His leg had +been broken by a bullet in a previous fight with the Pawnees. +American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1807-’08. Here the leg is entirely +removed from its normal position. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1193.--Broken leg. Chinese.] + +Dr. Edkins (_g_) gives Fig. 1193, _a_, as a picture of a bent leg +broken, and adds, “The true radical and phonetic for which this stands +as representative is rather _b_, ‘fault,’ ‘move.’” + + +VOICE AND SPEECH. + +This group relates to sounds issuing from the mouth, that is, to voice +and speech: + +[Illustration: FIG. 1194.] + +Fig. 1194.--The-Elk-that-Holloes-Walking. The-Swan’s Winter +Count, 1860-’61. Interpreter A. Lavary said, in 1867, that +The-Elk-that-Holloes-Walking, then chief of the Minneconjous, was +then at Spotted-Tail’s camp. His father was Red-Fish. He was the +elder brother of Lone-Horn. His name is given as A-hag-a-hoo-man-ie, +translated The-Elk’s-Voice-Walking, compounded of he-ha-ka, elk, +and omani, walk; this according to Lavary’s literation. The correct +literation of the Dakota word meaning elk is heqaka; voice, ho; and +to walk, walking, mani. Their compound would be heqaka ho mani, the +translation being the same as above given. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1195.] + +Fig. 1195.--Elk-walking-with-his-Voice. Red-Cloud’s Census: This is +explained by the following figure. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1196.] + +Fig. 1196 is taken from the manuscript drawing book of an Indian +prisoner at St. Augustine, Florida, now in the Smithsonian Institution, +No. 30664. It represents an antelope and the whistling sound produced by +the animal on being surprised or alarmed. It also shows the tracks, and +supplies the idea of walking not exhibited by the preceding two figures. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1197.] + +Fig. 1197.--Dog-with-good-voice. Red-Cloud’s Census. The peculiar +angular divisions of the line may indicate the explosive character +of a dog’s bark as distinct from a long-drawn howl. Among the many +lines indicating voice which appear in the Dakota pictographs none has +been found identical with this, and therefore it probably has special +significance. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1198.] + +Fig. 1198.--Bear-that-growls. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure gives a +marked differentiation. The sound of growling does not appear to come +from the mouth, but from the lower part of the neck or the upper part of +the chest, from which the lines here are drawn to emanate. They are also +confined by a surrounding line, to suggest the occluded nature of the +sound. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1199.--Speech. Ojibwa.] + +Fig. 1199, from Copway (_b_), represents “speak.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 1200.--Talk. Mexican.] + +The Mexican pictograph, Fig. 1200, taken from Kingsborough (_n_), is +illustrative of the sign made by the Arikara and Hidatsa for “tell” and +“conversation.” “Tell me” is: Place the flat right hand, palm upward, +about 15 inches in front of the right side of the face, fingers pointing +to the left and front; then draw the hand inward toward and against the +bottom of the chin. For “conversation,” talking between two persons, +both hands are held before the breast, pointing forward, palms up, the +edges being moved several times toward one another. Perhaps, however, +the picture in fact only means the common poetical image of “flying +words.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 1201.--Talk. Maya.] + +Fig. 1201 is from Landa (_b_) and suggests one of the gestures for +“talk,” and more especially that for “sing,” in which the extended and +separated fingers are passed forward and slightly downward from the +mouth--“many voices.” Although late criticisms of the bishop’s work are +unfavorable to its authenticity, yet even if it were prepared by a Maya, +under his supervision, the latter would probably have given him some +genuine native conceptions, and among them gestures would be likely to +occur. + +Gustav Eisen (_a_), in describing Fig. 1202, says: + +[Illustration: FIG. 1202.--Talk. Guatemala.] + + The original, from near Santa Lucia, Guatemala, represents a + sepulchral tablet, on which are seen the portraits of perhaps man + and wife, their different headdresses, etc., indicating decidedly + their different sexes. From the mouths of the respective portraits + extend as usual curved figures with notes or nodes. + + +DWELLINGS. + +Irving (_c_) noticed fifty years ago that each tribe of Indians has a +different mode of shaping and arranging lodges, and especially that the +Omaha make theirs gay and fanciful with undulating bands of red and +yellow or with dressed and painted buffalo skins. + +The left-hand upper characters of Fig. 1203 represents Dakota lodges as +drawn by the Hidatsa. These characters when carelessly or rudely drawn +can only be distinguished from personal marks by their position and +their relation to other characters. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1203.--Dwellings.] + +The right-hand upper characters of the same figure signify, among the +Hidatsa, earth lodges. The circles represent the ground plan of the +lodges, while the central markings are intended to represent the upright +poles, which support the roof on the interior. Some of these are similar +to the Kadiak drawing for island, Fig. 439. + +The left-hand lower character of the figure represents buildings erected +by civilized men; the character is generally used by the Hidatsa to +designate government buildings and traders’ stores. + +The remaining character is the Hidatsati, the home of the Hidatsa; an +inclosure having earth lodges within it. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1204.] + +Fig. 1204.--Dakotas and Rees meet in camp together and are at peace. +The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1792-’93. The two styles of dwellings, viz, +the tipi of the Dakotas and the earth lodge of the Arikaras, are +depicted. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1205.] + +Fig. 1205.--The Dakotas camped on the Missouri river, near the Gros +Ventres, and fought with them a long time. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, +1792-’93. The Dakota tipi and the Gros Ventre lodge are shown in the +figure. The gun shows that war was raging. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1206.] + +Fig. 1206.--The Dakotas camped near the Rees and fought with them. +Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1795-’96. This figure is a variant of the +one foregoing. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1207.] + +Fig. 1207.--Some of the Dakotas built a large house and lived +in it during the winter. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1815-’16. +White-Cow-Killer calls it “Made-a-house-winter.” It would seem to be a +larger dwelling than the ordinary tipi, and that wood entered into its +construction. This is made more clear by the figure next following. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1208.] + +Fig. 1208.--They lived in the same house that they did last winter. +Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1816-’17. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1209.] + +Fig. 1209.--Adobe houses were built by Maj. J. W. Wham, Indian agent +(afterwards paymaster, U. S. Army), on the Platte river, about 30 +miles below Fort Laramie. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1871-’72. +White-Cow-Killer calls it “Major-Wham’s-house-built-on-Platte-river +winter.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 1210.] + +Fig. 1210.--American-Horse’s Winter Count, 1815-’16. The figure is +intended to represent a white man’s house. Other forms are shown in +Lone-Dog’s Winter Count, Chap. X, sec. 2. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1211.--Dwelling. Moki.] + +Fig. 1211 shows different representations of Moki houses copied from a +petroglyph at Oakley Springs, Arizona. + +Prof. Cyrus Thomas, in A Study of the Manuscript Troano, Contrib. N. A. +Ethn., Vol. V, p. 128, gives the following description of Fig. 1212: + +[Illustration: FIG. 1212.--Dwelling. Maya.] + + The side wall in Fig. 1212 appears to be composed of blocks of + some kind placed one upon another, probably of stone, each bearing + the _Muluc_ character. The character at the top of the wall with a + cross in it, somewhat resembling that in the symbol for _Ezanab_, + is very common in these figures. This probably marks the end of the + beam which was placed on the wall to support the roof. The curved + line running from this to the top portion probably represents the + rafter; the slender thread-like lines (yellow in the original) the + straw or grass with which the roof was thatched. + + The checkered part may represent a matting of reeds or brushwood + on which the straw was placed. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1213.--House. Egyptian.] + +Champollion (_h_) gives the Egyptian characters for house, reproduced in +Fig. 1213. + + +ECLIPSE OF THE SUN. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1214.--Eclipse of the sun.] + +Fig. 1214.--Dakotas witnessed eclipse of the sun; they were terribly +frightened. The sun is a dark globe and the stars appear. The-Swan’s +Winter Count, 1869-’70. + +The left-hand design on the lower line of Pl. XLIX is reproduced from +Kingsborough. “In this year there was a great eclipse of the sun.” + +Humboldt infers from this painting that the Mexicans were informed of +the real cause of the eclipses; which would not be at all surprising +considering the many other curious things with which they were +acquainted, the knowledge of which they must have derived from the +West. It is proper to observe that on the 127th page of the Vatican +MS., where a representation of the same eclipse occurs, the disk of the +moon does not appear to be projecting over that of the sun. The Vatican +MS. appears to have been copied from a Mexican painting similar to but +not the same as that which Pedro de los Rios copied, whose notes and +interpretations the Italian interpreter had before his eyes and strictly +followed. + + +METEORS. + +This group shows the pictorial representation of meteors by the Dakotas. +The translations as well as the devices are suggestive. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1215.] + +Fig. 1215.--A large roaring star fell. It came from the east and +shot out sparks of fire along its course. Cloud-Shield’s Winter +Count, 1821-’22. Its track and the sparks are shown in the figure. +White-Cow-Killer says “One-star-made-a-great-noise winter.” + +This and the three following figures evidently refer to the fall of a +single large meteor in the land of the Dakotas some time in the winter +of 1821-’22. The fact can not be verified by scientific records. There +were not many correspondents of scientific institutions in the upper +Missouri region at the date mentioned. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1216.] + +Fig. 1216.--Large ball of fire with hissing noise (aerolite). +The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1821-’22. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1217.] + +Fig. 1217.--Dakota Indians saw an immense meteor passing from southeast +to northwest, which exploded with great noise. The-Swan’s Winter Count, +1821-’22. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1218.] + +Battiste Good says for the same phenomenon: +“Star-passed-by-with-loud-noise winter.” His device is shown in Fig. +1218, showing the meteor, its pathway, and the clouds from which it came. + +The five winter counts next cited all undoubtedly refer to the +magnificent meteoric display of the morning of November 13, 1833, which +was witnessed throughout North America and which was correctly assigned +to the winter corresponding with that of 1833-’34. All of them represent +stars having four points, except The-Swan, who draws a globular object +followed by a linear track. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1219.] + +Fig. 1219.--It rained stars. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1833-’34. +White-Cow-Killer calls it “Plenty-stars winter.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 1220.] + +Fig. 1220.--The stars moved around. American-Horse’s Winter Count, +1833-’34. This shows one large four-pointed star as the characterizing +object and many small stars, also four-pointed. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1221.] + +Fig. 1221.--Many stars fell. The-Flame’s Winter Count, 1833-’34. The +character shows six stars above the concavity of the moon. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1222.] + +Fig. 1222.--Dakotas witnessed magnificent meteoric showers; much +terrified. The-Swan’s Winter Count, 1833-’34. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1223.] + +Battiste Good calls it “Storm-of-stars winter,” and gives as the device +a tipi with stars falling around it. This is presented in Fig. 1223. The +tipi is colored yellow in the original and so represented in the figure +according to the heraldic scheme. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1224.--Meteors. Mexican.] + +Fig. 1224 is taken from Kingsborough, I, Pls. XXIX and XXX. The +description, given in Codex Tell.-Rem., VI, p. 148, et seq., is as +follows: Regarding the left-hand device figure, “In the year of Three +Rabbits, or in 1534, Don Antonio de Mendoça arrived as Viceroy of New +Spain. They say that the star smoked.” + +Regarding the lower figure: “In the year of Eleven Houses, or in +1529, Nuño de Guzman set out for Yalisco on his march to subdue +that territory; they pretend that a serpent descended from the sky, +exclaiming that troubles were preparing for the natives since the +Christians were directing their course thither.” + + +THE CROSS. + +Referring to the numerous forms of cross delineated in the work of Mr. +W. H. Holmes (_d_), it is to be noted that most of them are equilateral +or the Greek pattern, and that similar ornaments or instruments now used +by the Dakotas are always worn so that the cross upon them stands as if +resting on one foot only and not on two, as is the mode in which St. +Andrew’s cross is drawn. + +The “Greek” cross represents to the Dakota the four winds, which issue +from the four caverns in which the souls of men existed before their +incarnation in the human body. All “medicine-men,” i. e., conjurers +and magicians, recollect their previous dreamy life in those places +and the instructions then received from the gods, demons, and sages. +They recollect and describe their preexistent life, but only dream and +speculate as to the future life beyond the grave. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1225.--Cross. Dakota.] + +The top of the cross is the cold all-conquering giant, the North-wind, +most powerful of all. It is worn on the body nearest the head, the seat +of intelligence and conquering devices. The left arm covers the heart; +it is the East-wind, coming from the seat of life and love. The foot +is the melting burning South-wind, indicating, as it is worn, the seat +of fiery passion. The right arm is the gentle West-wind, blowing from +the spirit land, covering the lungs, from which the breath at last +goes out, gently, but into unknown night. The center of the cross is +the earth and man, moved by the conflicting influences of the gods and +winds. This cross is often illustrated as in Fig. 1225. It is sometimes +drawn and depicted in beadwork and also on copper, as in Fig. 1226, +extracted from the Second Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn., Pl. LII, Fig. 4, where +it appears cut out of a copper plate found in an Ohio mound. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1226.--Cross. Ohio mound.] + +But among some of the Indian tribes the true Latin cross is found, viz, +upright with three members of equal length, and the fourth, the foot, +much longer. The use of this symbol antedates the discovery of America, +and is carried far back in tradition and myth. When a missionary first +asked a Dakota the name of this figure, which he drew for him in the +sand, wishing to use the information in his translation of Bible and +Creed, the Dakota promptly replied Sus-be-ca, and retraced the figure +saying “That is a Sus-be-ca.” It was therefore promptly transferred to +Scripture and Creed where it still reads “He was nailed to the Susbeca,” +etc. “God forbid that I should glory save in the Susbeca of our Lord +Jesus Christ.” To the good missionary this was plain and satisfactory; +for the Dakota had demonstrated by tracing it in the sand that Susbeca +was the name of the figure called in English, “cross.” The foregoing +statement is made on the excellent authority of Rev. S. D. Hinman. + +But when the Dakota read his new Bible or Creed, he must have been +puzzled or confused to find, “He was nailed to a mosquito-hawk,” or, +“God forbid that I should glory save in the mosquito-hawk of our Lord +Jesus Christ.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 1227.--Dragon fly.] + +The same disposition of straight lines which is called the Latin cross +was and is used by the Dakota to picture or signify both in pictograph +and gesture sign, the mosquito-hawk, more generally called dragon fly. +The Susbeca or mosquito-hawk is a supernatural being. He is gifted +with speech. He warns men of danger. He approaches the ear of the man +moving carelessly or unconcernedly through the deep grass of the meadow +or marsh--approaches his ear silently and at right angles, as shown in +Fig. 1227_a_, and says to him, now alarmed, “Tci”-“tci”-“tci!”--which +is an interjection equivalent to “Look out!” “You are surely going to +destruction!” “Look out!” “Tci”-“tci”-“tci!” + +Now the mosquito-hawk is easily knocked down and caught and has a +temptingly small neck. But woe to the man or woman or child who with the +cruelty commonly practiced on all living things by Indians of all ages +and states, dares to wring off his head. Whoever shall do this before +the winter comes shall be beheaded by the detested Ojibwa. It is true, +for long ago a reckless young warrior feeling annoyed or insulted by +the infernal “Tci”-“tci”-“tci!” so unceremoniously uttered in explosive +breaths near his ear, tried it, and his headless trunk was found ere he +escaped from the swamp. + +The cross has its proper significance in this use not only in +representing quite faithfully the shape of the insect but also the angle +of his approach. It is variously drawn, but usually as in Fig. 1227, +_a_, or _b_, and in painting or embroidery, _c_, and sometimes _d_. + +One reason for the adoption of the dragon fly as a mysterious and +supernatural being, is on account of its sudden appearance in large +numbers. When in the still of the evening, before the shades of darkness +come, there is heard from the meadow a hum as of the sound of crickets +or frogs, but indistinct and prolonged; on the morrow the Susbeca will +be hovering over it; it is the sound of their coming, but whence no man +kens. See also Fig. 1165 and remarks. + +Among the Ojibwa of northern Minnesota the cross is one of the sacred +symbols of the society of the Midē or shamans, and has special reference +to the fourth degree. A neophyte who has been advanced to the third +initiation or degree, is instructed in ritualistic chants purporting to +relate the struggle between Mi'nabō'zho, the mediator between the Ojibwa +and Ki'tshi Ma'nidō, and the malevolent Bear spirit, which contest +occurred when Mi'nabō'zho entered the fourth degree structure at the +time when the first Indian was inducted therein for initiation. + +The structure as erected at this day is built in the form of an oblong +square having openings or doors at the four cardinal points. At these +openings Mi'nabō'zho appeared and shot into the inclosure charmed +arrows, to expel the horde of demons occupying the sacred place, and the +Bear spirit was the last to yield to his superior powers. The openings +being opposite to one another, north and south and east and west, +suggested to Mi'nabō'zho the cross, which is now erected whenever a +third degree Midē receives this last and highest honor. + +The cross is made of saplings, the upright pole reaching the height of 4 +to 6 feet, the transverse arms being somewhat shorter, each being of the +same length as that part of the pole between the arms and the top. The +upper parts are painted white, or besmeared with white clay, over which +are spread small spots of red, the latter suggesting the sacred shell or +mēgis, the symbol of the order. The lower arm or pole is squared, the +surface toward the east being painted white, to denote the source of +light and warmth. The face on the south is green, denoting the source +of the thunder bird who brings the rains and causes the appearance of +vegetation; the surface toward the west is covered with vermilion and +relates to the land of the setting sun, the abode of the dead. The +north is painted black, as that faces the direction from which come +affliction, cold, and hunger. + +Illustrations and additional details on this topic are presented in the +paper of Dr. Hoffman (_a_). + +In the chart presented in that paper, Pl. B, a midē' structure is also +shown, within which are a number of crosses, each of which designates +the spirit of a deceased midē priest. + +Upon several birch-bark scrolls received from Ojibwa midē priests +are characters resembling rude crosses, which are merely intended to +designate wigwams, resembling in this respect similar characters made by +Hidatsa to designate Sioux lodges as shown in Fig. 1203. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1228.--Crosses. Eskimo.] + +Groups of small crosses incised upon ivory bow drills and representing +flocks of birds, occur on Eskimo specimens, Nos. 45020 and 44211, in +the collection of the U. S. National Museum. They are reproduced in +Fig. 1228. In Figs. 429 and 1129, representing petroglyphs at Oakley +Springs, Arizona, are crosses which are mentioned by Mr. G. K. Gilbert +as signifying stars. The simple cross appears to be the simplest type +of character to represent stellar forms. See Figs. 1219, 1220, 1221 and +1223. + +Fig. 28, supra, represents a cross copied from the Najowe Valley group +of colored pictographs, 40 miles west of Santa Barbara, California. The +cross measures 10 inches in length, the interior portion being painted +black, while the outside or border is of a dark red tint. This drawing, +as well as numerous others in close connection, is painted on the walls +of a shallow cave or rock-shelter in the limestone formation. + +Fourteen miles west of Santa Barbara, on the summit of the Santa Ynez +mountains, are caverns having a large opening, facing the northwest and +north, in which crosses occur of the types given in Fig. 33, supra. + +The interior portion of the cross is of a dull, earthy red, while the +outside line is of a faded black tint. The cross measures nearly a foot +in extent. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1229.--Cross. Tulare valley, California.] + +At Tulare Indian agency, Tulare valley, California, is an immense +bowlder of granite which has become broken in such a manner that one of +the lower quarters has moved away from the larger mass sufficiently to +leave a passageway 6 feet wide and nearly 10 feet high. The interior +walls are well covered with large, painted figures, while upon the +ceiling are numerous forms of animals, birds, and insects. Among this +latter group is a white cross measuring about 18 inches in length, Fig. +1229, presenting a unique appearance, for the reason that white coloring +matter applied to petroglyphs is, with this single exception, entirely +absent in that region. + +One of the most interesting series of rock sculpturings in groups is +that in Owens valley, south of Benton, California. Among these various +forms of crosses occur, and circles containing crosses of various simple +and complex types, as shown in Pls. I to XI and in Mojave desert, +California, illustrated in Fig. 19, but the examples of most interest in +the present connection are the two shown herewith in Fig. 1230, _a_ and +_b_. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1230.--Crosses. Owens valley, California] + +The larger one, _a_, occurs upon a large bowlder of trachyte, blackened +by exposure, located 16 miles south of Benton, at a locality known as +the Chalk Grade. The circle is a depression about 1 inch in depth, the +cross being in high relief within. Another smaller cross, _b_, found 3 +miles north of the one above-mentioned, is almost identical, each of the +arms of the cross, however, extending to the rim of the circle. + +In this locality occurs also the form of the cross _c_, in the same +figure, and some examples having more than two cross arms. Other simple +forms clearly represent the human form, but by erosion the arms and body +have become partially obliterated so as to lose all trace of resemblance +to humanity. + +In the same figure, _d_, from a rock in the neighborhood, exhibits +the outline of the human form, while in _e_ parts of the extremities +have been removed by erosion so that the resemblance is less striking; +in _f_ a simple cross occurs, which may also have been intended to +represent the same, but through disintegration the extremities have +been so greatly changed or erased that their original forms can not be +determined. + +Rev. John McLean (_a_) says: “On the sacred pole of the sun lodge of the +Blood Indians two bundles of small brushwood taken from the birch tree +were placed in the form of a cross. This was an ancient symbol evidently +referring to the four winds.” + +Among the Kiatéxamut, an Innuit tribe, a cross placed on the head, as +in Fig. 1231, signifies a Shaman’s evil spirit or demon. This is an +imaginary being under control of the Shaman to execute the wishes of the +latter. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1231.--Cross. Innuit.] + +Many of the mescal eaters at the Kaiowa mescal ceremony wear the +ordinary Roman Catholic crucifixes, which they adopt as sacred emblems +of the rite, the cross representing the cross of scented leaves upon +which the consecrated mescal rests during the ceremony, while the human +figure is the mescal goddess. + +Concerning Fig. 1232, Keam, in his MS., says: + +[Illustration: FIG. 1232.--Crosses. Moki.] + + The Maltese cross is the emblem of a virgin; still so recognized + by the Moki. It is a conventional development of a more common + emblem of maidenhood, the form in which the maidens wear their hair + arranged as a disk of 3 or 4 inches in diameter upon each side of + the head. This discoidal arrangement of their hair is typical of the + emblem of fructification worn by the virgin in the Muingwa festival, + as exhibited in the head-dress illustration _a_. Sometimes the hair, + instead of being worn in the complete discoid form, is dressed from + two curving twigs and presents the form of two semicircles upon each + side of the head. The partition of these is sometimes horizontal + and sometimes vertical. A combination of both of these styles, _b_, + presents the form from which the Maltese cross was conventionalized. + The brim decorations are of ornamental locks of hair which a maiden + trains to grow upon the sides of the forehead. + +The ceremonial employment of the cross by the Pueblo is detailed in Mr. +Stevenson’s paper entitled Ceremonial of Hasjelti Dailjis and Mythical +Sand-painting of the Navajo Indians, in the Eighth Ann. Rept. Bur. +Ethn., p. 266, where it denotes the scalp-lock. + +In the present paper the figure of the cross among the North American +Indians is presented under other headings with many differing +significations. Among other instances it appears on p. 383 as the +tribal sign for Cheyenne; on p. 582 as Dakota lodges; on p. 613 as the +character for trade or exchange; on p. 227 as the conventional sign for +prisoner; on p. 438 for personal exploits; while elsewhere it is used in +simple numeration. + +But, although this device is used with a great variety of meanings, +when it is employed ceremonially or in elaborate pictographs by the +Indians both of North and South America, it represents the four winds. +The view long ago suggested that such was the significance of the many +Mexican crosses, is sustained by Prof. Cyrus Thomas, in his Notes on +Maya and Mexican MSS., Second Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn., p. 61, where strong +confirmatory evidence is produced by the arms of the crosses having the +appearance of conventionalized wings, similar to some representations +of the thunder-bird by more northern tribes. Yet the same author, in +his paper on the Study of the MS. Troano, Contrib. N. A. Ethn., V, +144, gives Fig. 1233 as the symbol for wood, thus further showing the +manifold concepts attached to the general form. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1233.--Crosses. Maya.] + +Bandelier (_a_) thinks that the crosses which were frequently used +before the conquest by the aborigines of Mexico and Central America were +merely ornaments and were not objects of worship, while the so-called +crucifixes, like that on the “Palenque tablet,” were only the symbol of +the “new fire” or close of a period of fifty-two years. He believes them +to be merely representations of “fire-drills,” more or less ornamented. + +Mr. W. H. Holmes (_e_) shows by a series representing steps in the +simplification of animal characters that in Chiriqui a symmetrical cross +was developed from the design of an alligator. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1234.--Crosses. Nicaragua.] + +Carl Bovallius (_a_) gives an illustration, copied here as Fig. 1234, of +pictographs in the island of Ceiba, Nicaragua. + +Zamacois (_a_) says that “the cross figured in the religion of various +tribes of the peninsula of Yucatan and that it represented the god of +rain.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 1235.--Cross. Guatemala.] + +Dr. S. Habel (_f_), describing Fig. 1235, says: + + On it is a person in a reclining position, with a single band + tied around his forehead, forming a knot with two pendent tassels. + From his temple rises an ornament resembling the wing of a bird. + The emaciated face, as well as the recumbent position of the body, + indicates a state of sickness. The hair is interwoven behind with + many ribbons forming loops, which are bound together by a clasp, + and then spread out in the shape of a fan. The ear is ornamented + with a circular disk, to the center of which are attached a plume + and a twisted ornament similar to a queue. On the breast is a kind + of brooch, which is hollow like a shell, and in which are imbedded + seven pearls. Around the waist are three rows of a twisted fabric, + which is knotted in front in a bow, the ends descending between + the thighs. Another band, of a different texture, stretches out + horizontally from the region of the above-mentioned knot. Attached + to this girdle is another fabric, of a scaly texture, which + surrounds the thighs. The right leg, below the knee, is encircled + with a ribbon and a rosette. This would seem to be the undress + substitute for the band and pendant. In front of the recumbent + person stands the representation of a skeleton, quite well executed. + Other points noticeable about this skeleton are the hair on the head + and the fact that its hands are fleshy and the fingers and toes have + nails. Like all representations by these sculptures, the skeleton is + also embellished with ornaments. + + From the back of the head emanate two objects similar to horns, + which, if they were not differently ribbed, might represent flames. + The ear is ornamented with a circular disk, with a pendant from its + center. A double-ruffled collar surrounds the neck and a serpent + encircles the loins. Both the shoulders and arms are enveloped in + flames. From the mouth emanates a bent staff, touching the first of + a row of ten circles. Beneath the second and third circles are five + bars, three of which are horizontal. The lowest one is the longest, + while the two upper ones are shorter and of different lengths. On + the uppermost of these bars rest two others, crossing each other + obliquely, and touching with their upper ends two of the aforesaid + circles. From the last of these circles descend serpentine lines, + which touch the ground behind the recumbent person. + +Gustav Eisen, op. cit., describing Fig. 1236, says: + + From near Santa Lucia, Guatemala, is a stone tablet, most likely + a sepulchral tablet, having in its center a forced dead head, with + outstretched tongue. Above the same are seen two crossed bars, + perhaps meant to represent two crossed bones. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1236.--Cross. Guatemala.] + +W. F. Wakeman (_a_) makes the following remarks: + + A cross was used by the people of Erin as a symbol of some + significance at a period long antecedent to the mission of St. + Patrick or the introduction of Christianity to this island. It is + found, not unfrequently, amongst the scribings picked or carved + upon rock surfaces and associated with a class of archaic designs, + to the meaning of which we possess no key. * * * It may be seen on + prehistoric monuments in America, on objects of pottery found by Dr. + Schliemann at Hissarlik and at Mycenæ, and, in more than one form, + on pagan Roman altars still preserved in Germany and Britain. With + the Chinese it was for untold ages a symbol of the earth. The Rev. + Samuel Beal, B. A., rector of Flastone, North Tyrone, professor of + Chinese in University College, London, writes: “Now, the earliest + symbol of the earth was a plain cross, denoting the four cardinal + points; hence we have the word chaturanta, i. e., the four sides, + both in Pâli and Sanscrit, for the earth; and on the Nestorian + tablet, found at Siganfu some years ago, the mode of saying “God + created the earth” is simply this: “God created the +.”” + +A writer in the Edinburgh Review in an article entitled “The +Pre-Christian Cross,” January, 1870, p. 254, remarks: “The Buddhists +and Brahmins who together constitute nearly half the population of the +world, tell us that the decussated figure of the cross, whether in a +simple or complex form, symbolizes the traditional happy abode of their +primeval ancestors.” + +[Illustration: FIG. 1237.--Crosses. Sword-maker’s marks.] + +Rudolf Cronau (_c_), describing Fig. 1237, says that in the Berlin +Zeughause are swords of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, bearing +the marks shown in _a_, _b_, _c_, and _d_, while those having the marks +_e_ and _f_ are from swords in the Historical Museum at Dresden. + +The remarkable resemblance of some of these characters to forms on +petroglyphs in the three Americas, presented in this paper, will at once +be noticed. + +D’Alviella (_c_), remarks: + + One of the most frequent forms of the cross is called the gamma + cross, because its four arms are bent at a right angle so as to form + a figure like that of four Greek gammas turned in the same direction + and joined at the base. We meet it among all the peoples of the Old + World, from Japan to Iceland, and it is found in the two Americas. + There is nothing to prevent us from supposing that in the instance + it was spontaneously conceived everywhere, like the equilateral + crosses, circles, triangles, chevrons, and other geometrical + ornaments so frequent in primitive decoration. But we see it, at + least among the peoples of the Old Continent, invariably passing for + talisman, appearing in the funeral scenes or on the tombstones of + Greece, Scandinavia, Numidia, and Thibet, and adorning the breasts + of divine personages--of Apollo and Buddha--without forgetting + certain representations of the Good Shepherd in the Catacombs. + +It is, however, impossible within the present limits, to attempt even +a summary of the vast amount of literature on this topic. Perhaps one +symbolic use of the form which is not commonly known is of sufficient +interest to be noted. Travelers say that crosses are exhibited in the +curtains of the monasteries of the Thibetan Buddhists, to mean peace and +quietness. With the same conception the loopholes of the Japanese forts +were in time of peace covered with curtains embroidered with crosses, +which when war broke out were removed. + +It is also impossible to refrain from quoting the following, translated +with condensation, from de Mortillet (_a_). The illustration referred to +is reproduced in the present paper by Fig. 1238, the right-hand figure +being from the vase, and that on the left the recognized monogram of +Christ: + +[Illustration: FIG. 1238.--Cross. Golasecca.] + + There can no longer be any doubt as to the use of the cross as a + religious symbol long before the advent of Christianity. The worship + of the cross, extensive throughout Gaul before the conquest, already + existed during the bronze age, more than a thousand years before + Christ. + + It is especially in the sepulchres of Golasecca that this + worship is revealed in the most complete manner, and there, strange + to say, has been found a vessel bearing the ancient monogram of + Christ, designed perhaps 1,000 years before the coming of Jesus + Christ. Is the isolated presence of this monogram of Christ in the + midst of numerous crosses, an entirely accidental coincidence? + + Another curious fact, very interesting to prove, is that this + great development of the worship of the cross before the coming + of Christ seems to coincide with the absence of idols and indeed + of any representation of living objects. Whenever such objects + appear, it may be said that the crosses become more rare and finally + disappear altogether. The cross has then been, in remote antiquity, + long before Christ, the sacred emblem of a religious sect which + repudiated idolatry. + +The author, with considerable naiveté, has evidently determined that +the form of the cross was significant of a high state of religious +culture, and that its being succeeded by effigies, which he calls idols, +showed a lapse into idolatry. The fact is simply that, next after one +straight line, the combination of two straight lines forming a cross is +the easiest figure to draw, and its use before art could attain to the +drawing of animal forms, or their representation in plastic material, +is merely an evidence of crudeness or imperfection in designing. It +is worthy of remark that Dr. Schliemann, in his “Troja,” page 107, +presents as his Fig. 38 a much more distinct cross than that given +by M. de Mortillet, with the simple remark that it is “a geometrical +ornamentation.” + +Probably no cause has more frequently produced archeologic and +ethnologic blunders than the determination of Christian explorers +and missionaries to find monograms of Christ in every monument or +inscription where the cross figure appears. The early missionaries to +America were obliged to explain the presence of this figure there by a +miraculous visit of an apostle, St. Thomas being their favorite. Other +generations of the same good people were worried in the same manner +by the cross pattée or Thor hammer of the Scandinavians, and by the +conventionalized clover leaf of the Druids. This figure often has been +a symbol and as often an emblem or a mere sign, but it is so common in +every variety of application that actual evidence is necessary to show +in any special case what is its real significance. + + * * * * * + +Gen. G. P. Thruston (_a_) gives the following account of Pl. LI, which +suggests several points of comparison with figures under other headings +in this paper: + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LI + +THRUSTON TABLET, TENNESSEE.] + + There has been discovered in Sumner county, Tennessee, near the + stone graves and mounds of Castalian springs, a valuable pictograph, + the ancient engraved stone which we have taken the liberty to + entitle a Group of Tennessee Mound Builders. + + This engraved stone, the property of the Tennessee Historical + Society, is a flat, irregular slab of hard limestone, about 19 + inches long and 15 inches wide. It bears every evidence of very + great age. * * * The stone was found on Rocky creek, in Sumner + county, and was presented, with other relics, to the Tennessee + Historical Society about twelve years ago. * * * + + It is evidently an ideograph of significance, graven with a + steady and skillful hand, for a specific purpose, and probably + records or commemorates some important treaty or public or tribal + event. * * * Indian chiefs fully equipped with the insignia of + office, are arrayed in fine apparel. Two leading characters + are vigorously shaking hands in a confirmatory way. The banner + or shield, ornamented with the double serpent emblem and other + symbols, is, doubtless, an important feature of the occasion. Among + the historic Indians, no treaty was made without the presence or + presentation of the belt of wampum. This, the well-dressed female of + the group appears to grasp in her hand, perhaps as a pledge of the + contract. The dressing of the hair, the remarkable scalloped skirts, + the implements used, the waistbands, the wristlets, the garters, the + Indian leggings and moccasins, the necklace and breastplates, the + two banners, the serpent emblem, the tattoo stripes, the ancient + pipe, all invest this pictograph with unusual interest. * * * The + double serpent emblem or ornament upon the banner may have been + the badge or totem of the tribe, clan, or family that occupied + the extensive earthworks at Castalian springs in Sumner county, + near where the stone was found. The serpent was a favorite emblem + or totem of the Stone Grave race of Tennessee, and is one of the + common devices engraved on the shell gorgets taken from the ancient + cemeteries. * * * The circles or sun symbol ornaments on the banners + and dresses are the figures most frequently graven on the shell + gorgets found near Nashville. + +The following summary of the translation, kindly furnished by Mr. Pom +K. Soh of an article, “Pictures of Dokatu or so-called bronze bell,” by +Mr. K. Wakabayashi (_a_), in the Bulletin of the Tōkyō Anthropological +Society, refers to Pl. LII. The author saw the bell described at the +town of Takoka, Japan, in August, 1891. The “pictures” on it were +fourteen in number, cast in the metal of the bell, each one occupying a +separate compartment and running around the bell in several bands. The +author took rubbings of the pictures, lithographs of which are published +as illustrations of his article, and from these the eight pictures +now presented in actual size are selected, the remainder being of the +same general character, and some of them nearly identical with those +selected. The information obtained is that the bell, which is iron and +not bronze, was procured before, and perhaps long before, the present +century from Jisei, in the village of Sasakura in the state of Yetsin, +and had been excavated from a mountain at Samki. Copies of the markings +upon it were taken in 1817 to a high authority at Yedo, now Tōkyō. It +is believed that the markings illustrate or are related to a national +story, “Kanden Ko Hitsu,” written by Ban Kokei. A few similar bells or +fragments of them, some being bronze, have been found in various parts +of the Japanese empire. One, which is bronze, height about 3-1/2 feet, +and diameter somewhat more than 1 foot, was dug up in Hanina in the year +A. D. 821. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LII + +PICTURES ON DŌTAKU, JAPAN.] + +The interest of the drawings on Pl. LII, in the present connection, +consists in their remarkable similarity, both in form and apparent +motive, with several of those found in the western continent and +figured in the present work. Thus, _a_ is to be compared with +characters on Figs. 437 and 1227 and others referring to the human form, +the cross, and the dragon-fly; _b_ with Figs. 57, 165 _b_ and 1261 _l_; +the two characters in _c_, respectively, with Fig. 1262; the mantis, +and Fig. 1129, one form of star; _d_ with a common turtle form, as in +Fig. 50; _e_ with Fig. 166, an Ojibwa human form, and also exhibiting +gesture, and Fig. 113 a Brazilian petroglyph; and _f_ with Fig. 657, a +north-eastern Algonquian drawing. The three last-mentioned pictures, +_e_ and _f_ and _g_, exhibit the peculiar internal life organ (often +the conventionalized heart), noticed in Figs. 50, 700, and 701, and it +is to be remarked that the largest quadruped in _g_ has the life organ +connected with the mouth, while the other quadrupeds, and those in +_h_, show no depiction of internal organs. The human figure in _g_ is +noticeable for the American form of bow, and the upper character of _h_ +is to be compared with Figs. 104 and 148. + + +SECTION 3. + +COMPOSITE FORMS. + +The figures in this group are selected from a larger number in which the +union of two animals of different kinds or that of an animal and another +object indicates the union of the several qualities or attributes +supposed to belong to those animals or objects. The form and use of such +composite figures are familiar from the publication of the inscriptions +on Egyptian monuments and papyri. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1239.] + +Fig. 1239.--Eagle-Elk. Red-Cloud’s Census. Here are the branching +antlers of the elk and the tail of the eagle. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1240.] + +Fig. 1240.--Eagle-Horse. Red-Cloud’s Census. Eagle feathers replace the +horse’s mane. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1241.] + +Fig. 1241.--Eagle-Horse. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is a variant of the +preceding, the change being shown in the tail. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1242.] + +Fig. 1242.--Eagle-Swallow. Red-Cloud’s Census. The characteristics of +the two birds are obvious. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1243.] + +Fig. 1243.--Eagle-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1244.] + +Fig. 1244.--Weasel-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. With only hasty view the +really characteristic form of the weasel might be mistaken for a rudely +drawn gun. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1245.] + +Fig. 1245.--Horned-Horse. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1246.] + +Fig. 1246.--Bull-Lance. Red-Cloud’s Census. The object attached to the +bull’s muzzle is the common ornamented lance of the Plains tribes. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1247.] + +Fig. 1247.--Shield-Bear. Red-Cloud’s Census. The ornamented shield is +borne on the bear’s body. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1248.] + +Fig. 1248.--Ring-Owl. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1249.] + +Fig. 1249.--Sunka-wanbli, Dog-Eagle; from the Oglala Roster. The +mingling of the attributes of the dog and the eagle with special +reference to swiftness may be suggested. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1250.] + +Fig. 1250.--Zintkala-wicasa, Bird-Man; also from the Oglala Roster. An +indication of a bird gens is suggested without information, but perhaps +it is only a representation of the usual vision required from and +therefore obtained by boys before reaching manhood. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1251.] + +Fig. 1251.--Sunkakan-heton, Horse-with-horns; also from the Oglala +Roster. Perhaps this is not intended as a composite animal, but as +a horse possessing special and mystic power, as is indicated by the +gesture sign for wakan, and, as elsewhere in pictographs, by lines +extending from each side of the head. The same sub-chief appears in +Red-Cloud’s Census with the name translated into English as Horned-Horse. + +This union of the human figure with that of other animals is of interest +in comparison with the well-known forms of similar character in the art +of Egypt and Assyria. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1252.--Wolf-man. Haida.] + +The feet of the accompanying Fig. 1252, reproduced from Bastian (_b_) +on the Northwest Coast of America, can not be seen, being hidden in +the head of the figure beneath. It is squatting, with its hands on its +knees, and has a wolf’s head. Arms, legs, mouth, jaws, nostrils, and +ear-holes are scarlet; eyebrows, irises, and edges of the ears black. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1253.--Panther-man. Haida.] + +The drawing Fig. 1253 was made by Mr. J. G. Swan while on a visit to +the Prince of Wales archipelago, where he found two carved figures with +panthers’ heads, and claws upon the fore feet, and human feet attached +to the hind legs. These mythical animals were placed upon either side of +a corpse which was lying in state, awaiting burial. + +The Egyptians represented the evil Typhon by the hippopotamus, the most +fierce and savage of their animals; the hawk was the symbol for power, +and the serpent that for life. Plutarch, in Isis and Osiris, 50, says +that in Hermopolis these symbols were united, a hawk fighting with a +serpent being placed on the hippopotamus, thus accentuating the idea of +the destroyer. The Greeks sometimes substituted the eagle for the hawk, +and pictured it killing a hare, the most prolific of quadrupeds, or +fighting a serpent, the same attribute of destruction being portrayed. +But the eagle when alone meant simply power, as did the hawk in Egypt. +The Scandinavians posited the eagle on the head of their god Thor and +the bull on his breast to express a similar union of attributes. + + +SECTION 4. + +ARTISTIC SKILL AND METHODS. + +Dr. Andree (_d_), in Das Zeichnen bei den Naturvölkern, makes the +following remarks, translated with condensation: + + The great ability of the Eskimo and their southern neighbors, + the natives of northwest America (Koliushes, Thlinkits, etc.), in + representative art is well known and needs no further insisting. + Among all primitive peoples they have made the greatest advances in + the conventionalization of figures, which indicates long practice + in painting. The totem figures, carved both in stone and in wood + and tattooed on the body, show severe conventionalization and have + perfect heraldic value. Ismailof, one of the earliest Russian + explorers that came in contact with the Koliushes, relates that + European paintings and drawings did not strike them with the least + awe. When a chief was shown portraits of the Russian imperial family + he manifested no astonishment. That chief was accompanied by his + painter, who examined everything very closely, in order to paint + it afterward. He was able in particular “to paint all manner of + objects on wooden tablets and other material (leather),” using blue + iron earth, iron ocher, colored clays, and other mineral colors. + Among these peoples, too, painting is employed as a substitute for + writing, in order to record memorable things. + + Far below the artistic achievements of the Eskimo and of the + natives of the American northwest (Haida, Thlinkit, etc.) are those + of the redskins east of the Rocky mountains. They are, however, + very productive in figure drawing; nay, that art has advanced to a + kind of picture writing, which, it is true, is not distinguished by + artistic finish. That “fling” which, depending on good observation + of nature, appears in the drawings of Australians, Bushmen, etc., + and the good characterization of the figures, are lacking among + the Indians; and though, as is frequently the case, their animals + are better represented than the men, yet they can not compare + with the animal figures of the Eskimo or Bushmen. Dr. Capitan, + who had drawings made by the Omahas shown in 1883 in the Jardin + d’acclimatation of Paris, says concerning them: “It is singular to + note that by the side of very rudimentary representations of human + figures the pictures of horses are drawn with a certain degree of + correctness. If the Indians take pains in anything it is in the + painting of their buffalo skins, which are often worn as mantles. + On red-brown ground are seen black figures, especially of animals; + on others, on white ground, the heroic deeds and life events of + distinguished Indians, represented in black or in other colors. + You see the wounded enemies, the loss of blood, the killed and the + captives, stolen horses, all executed in the peculiar manner of an + art of painting still in the stage of infancy, with earth colors + black, red, green, and yellow. Almost all the Missouri tribes + practice painting on buffalo skins; the most skillful are the + Pawnees, Mandans, Minitaris, and Crows. Among the Mandans, Wied met + individuals who possessed “a very decided talent” for drawing.” + +The same author, in the same connection, reasserts the old statement +that there is an established difference in artistic capacity between +the so-called mound-builders and the present Indians, so great that it +either shows a genetic difference between them or that the Indians had +degenerated in that respect. This statement is denied by the Bureau of +Ethnology, but the point to be now considered is whether it is true that +the historic North American Indians are as low in artistic skill as is +alleged. + +The French traveler Crevaux, as quoted by Marcano (_g_), says that he +had the happy idea of giving pencils to the Indians, in order to see +whether they were capable of producing the same drawings. The young +Yumi rapidly drew for him sketches of man, dog, tiger; in brief, of +all the animals of the country. Another Indian reproduced all sorts of +arabesques, which he was wont to paint with genipa. Crevaux saw that +these savages, who are accused of being absolutely ignorant of the fine +arts, all drew with extraordinary facility. + +The same idea, i. e., of testing the artistic ability of Indians in +several tribes, occurred to the present writer and to many other +travelers, who generally have been surprised at the skill in free-hand +drawing and painting exhibited. It would seem that the Indians had +about the same faults and decidedly more talent than the average +uninstructed persons of European descent who make similar attempts. +An instance of special skill in portrait painting is given by Lossing +(_a_), where a northern tribe in 1812 made a bark picture of Joseph +Barron, a fugitive, to obtain his identification by sending copies of +it to various tribes. The portrait given as an illustration in the work +cited is very distinct and lifelike. This, however, was a special task +prompted by foreign influence. While the Indians had no more knowledge +of perspective than the Japanese, they were unable or indisposed to +attempt the accurate imitation of separate natural objects in which the +Japanese excel. Before European instruction or example they probably +never produced a true picture. Some illustrations in the present work, +which show a continuous series of men, animals, and other objects, are +no more pictures than are the consecutive words of a printed sentence, +both forms, indeed, being alike in the fact that their significance is +expressed by the relation between the separate parts. The illustration +which at a first glance seems to be most distinctively picturesque +is Fig. 659, but it will be noticed that the personages are repeated, +the scene changed, and the time proceeds, so that there is no view of +specified objects at any one time and place. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1254.--Moose, Kejimkoojik.] + +Fig. 1254 shows two drawings from Kejimkoojik, N. S., reduced to +one-fourth, each supposed to represent a moose, though possibly one +of them is a caribou, and the mode of execution vividly suggests some +of the examples of prehistoric art found in Europe and familiar by +repeatedly published illustrations. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1255.--Hand, Kejimkoojik.] + +Fig. 1255 is the etching of a hand from the Kejimkoojik rocks, reduced +one-half. Its peculiarity consists in the details by which the lines of +the palm and markings on the balls of the thumb and fingers are shown. +If this is the real object of the design it shows close observation, +though it is not suggested that any connection with the pseudo-science +of palmistry is to be inferred. + +In connection with this drawing the following translated remarks in +Verhandl. Berlin. Gesellsch. für Anthrop. (_d_), may be noted: + + The frequency with which partial representations of the eye are + met with appeared to me so striking that I requested Mr. Jacobson + to ask the Bella Coola Indians whether they had any special idea + in employing the eye so frequently. To my great surprise the + person addressed pointed to the palmar surface of his finger tips + and to the fine lineaments which the skin there presents; in his + opinion a rounded or longitudinal field, such as appears between + the converging or parallel lines, also means an eye, and the reason + of this is that originally each part of the body terminated in an + organ of sense, particularly an eye, and was only afterward made to + retrovert into such rudimentary conditions. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LIII + +GERMAN KNIGHTS AND APACHE WARRIORS.] + +The lower character in Pl. LIII is copied from Rudolph Cronau (_c_) +Geschichte der Solinger Klingenindustrie, where it is presented as an +illustration of the knights of the thirteenth century, after a sketch in +a MS. of the year 1220, in the library of the University of Leipsig. + +The upper character in the same plate is a copy of a drawing made in +1884 by an Apache Indian at Anadarko, although the insignia of the +riders are more like those used by the Cheyenne than those of the +Apache. A striking similarity will be noticed in the motive of the two +sketches of the mounted warriors and their steeds as well as in their +decorations, from which in Europe the devices called heraldic were +differentiated. Doubtless still better examples could be obtained to +compare the degree of artistic skill attained by the several draftsmen, +but these are used as genuine, convenient, and typical. See also the +Mexican representation of horses and riders under the heading of +meteors, Fig. 1224. + +These horses are far less skillfully portrayed than they are by the +Plains tribes, which may be explained by the fact that the Mexicans had +not yet become familiar with the animal. + +A story told by Catlin to the general effect that the Siouan stock of +Indians did not understand the drawing of human faces in profile has +been repeated in various forms. The last is by Popoff (_a_): + + When Catlin was drawing the profile of a chief named Matochiga, + the Indians around him seemed greatly moved, and asked why he did + not draw the other half of the chief’s face. “Matochiga was never + ashamed to look a white man square in the face.” Matochiga had not + till then seemed offended at the matter, but one of the Indians said + to him sportively, “The Yankee knows that you are only half a man, + and he has only drawn half of your face because the other half is + not worth anything.” + +Another variant of the story is that Catlin was accused of practicing +magic, by which the half of the subject’s head should get into his +power, and he was forced to stop his painting and flee for his life. +The explorer and painter who tells the story is not considered to be +altogether free from exaggeration, and he may have invented the tale to +amuse his auditors in his lectures and afterwards his readers, or he may +have been the victim of a practical joke by the Indians, who are fond of +such banter, and the well-known superstitions about sorcerers gaining +possession of anything attached to the person would have rendered their +anger plausible. But certain it is that the people referred to, before +and after and at the time of the visit of Catlin to them, were in the +habit of drawing the human face in profile, and, indeed, much more +frequently than the full or front face. This is abundantly proved by +many pictures in existence at that time and place which have been seen +by this writer, and a considerable number of them are copied in the +present work. Thus much for one of the oft-cited fictions on which the +allegation of the Indian’s stupidity in drawing has been founded. + +Another false statement is copied over and over again by authors, to +the effect that from a similar superstition the Indians are afraid to, +and therefore do not, make delineations of the whole human figure. +The present work shows their drawing of front, side, and rear views +of the whole human figure, presenting as each view may allow, all the +limbs and features. This, however, is rare, not from the fear charged, +but because the artists directed their attention, not to iconography, +but to ideography, seizing some special feature or characteristic for +prominence and disregarding or intentionally omitting all that was +unnecessary to their purpose. + +On the other hand the Indians have sometimes been unduly praised +for acumen in observation and for skill in their iconography. For +instance, in the lectures of Mr. Edward Muybridge, explaining the +highly interesting photographs of consecutive movements of animals from +which he formulates the novel science of zoöpraxography, the lecturer +attributes to the Indians a scientific and artistic method of drawing +horses in motion which has excelled in that respect all the most famous +painters and sculptors. But Mr. Muybridge bases his statement upon a +small number of Indian drawings, apparently seen by him in Europe, the +characteristics of which do not appear in the many drawings of horses +in the possession of the present writer, a considerable number of which +are published in this work. The position of the legs in the drawings +praised is doubtless fortuitous. The Indian in his delineation of horses +cared little more than to show an animal with the appropriate mane, +tail, and hoofs, and the legs were extended without the slightest regard +to natural motion. The drawing of the Indians closely resembles the +masterly abstractions of the living forms devised by the early heraldic +painters which later were corrupted by an attempt to compromise with +zoölogy, resulting in a clumsy naturalism if not caricature. + +A comparison of artistic rather than of pictographic skill may +frequently be made, for instance the art of the Haida in carving, which +shows remarkable similarity to that in Central and South America, and +made public by Habel, op. cit., and H. H. Bancroft (_i_). + +The style of drawing is strongly influenced by the material on which +it is made. This topic must receive some consideration here, though +too extensive for full treatment. The substances on which and the +instruments by which pictographs are made in America are discussed in +Chaps. VII and VIII of this work, and the remarks and illustrations +there presented apply generally to other forms of drawing and painting. +Examples of drawing on every kind of material known to the American +aborigines appear in this work. Carving, pecking, and scratching +of various kinds of rock are illustrated, also paintings on skins +and on wood. The Innuit carving on walrus ivory, of which numerous +illustrations are furnished, is notable for its minuteness as well as +distinctness. The substance was precious, the working surface limited, +and the workmanship required time and care. Birch bark, common in the +whole of the northern Algonquian region, was an attractive material. It +was used much more freely and was worked more easily than walrus ivory, +and in two modes, one in which outlines are drawn by any hard-pointed +substance on the inner side of the bark when it is soft and which remain +permanent when dry, the other made by scraping on the rough outer +surface, thus producing a difference in color. Many examples of the +first-mentioned method are shown throughout this work, and of the latter +in Pl. XVI and Fig. 659. Having before them this large collection of +varied illustrations readers can judge for themselves of the effect of +the material in determining the style among people who had substantially +the same concepts. + +It is universally admitted that the material used, whether papyrus or +parchment, stone or wood, palm leaves or metal, wax or clay, and the +appropriate instruments, hammer, knife, graver, brush or pen, decided +the special style of incipient artists throughout the world. The Chinese +at first worked with knives on bamboo and stone, and even after they +had obtained paper, ink, and fine hair pencils, the influence of the +old method continued. The cuneiform characters are due to the shape of +the wooden style used to impress the figures on unbaked clay. It may +generally be remarked that in materials having a decided “grain,” of +which bamboo is the most obvious instance, the early stage of art with +its rude implements was forced to work in lines running with the grain. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1256.--Engravings on bamboo, New Caledonia.] + +Dr. Andree (_e_) gives the illustration presented here as Fig. 1256 with +these remarks: + + The advances made by the Kanakas of New Caledonia in drawing are + illustrated by the bamboo staves covered with engraved drawings, + which they carry about as objects of fashion, somewhat as we do + our walking sticks, and a number of which are preserved in the + ethnographic museum of Paris (Trocadero). They have been described + by E. T. Hamy. In these finely incised drawings ornaments of the + simplest kind (straight lines and zigzag models) are combined + with figures and tree groups. The artistic execution is a rather + primitive one, yet the figures by no means lack character and + vividness. There are seen on the bamboo the pointed-roofed huts of + the chieftains, turtles, fowl, lizards, and between them scenes from + the life of the Kanakas. A man beats his wife, men discharge their + bows, others stand idle in rank and file, adorned with the cylindric + straw hat described by Cook, which at this day has almost entirely + disappeared. + +The explanation of many peculiar forms of Indian drawing and painting is +to be found in the stage of mythologic sophiology reached by the several +tribes. For instance, Mr. W. H. Holmes, op. cit., discovered that in +Chiriqui all the decorations originated in life forms of animals, +none being vegetal and none clearly expressive of the human figure or +attempting the portrayal of physiognomy. This peculiarity doubtless +arose from the exclusively zoomorphic character of the religion of +the people. Other mythologic concepts have given a special trend to +the art of other tribes and peoples. This results in conventionalism. +The sculptures of Persia chiefly express the power and glory of the +God-King, and the Egyptian statues are canonical idealizations of +an abstract human being, type of the race. It is to be noticed that +Indians also show conservatism and conventionalization in their ordinary +pictures. Within what may be called a tribal, or more properly stock, +system, every Indian draws in precisely the same manner. The figures +of a man, of a horse, and of every other object delineated are made +by everyone who attempts to make any such figure, with seeming desire +for all the identity of which their mechanical skill is capable, thus +showing their conception and motive to be the same. In this respect +the drawing of the Indians may be likened to that of boys at a public +school, who are always drawing, and drawing the same objects and with +constant repetition of the same errors from one school generation to +another. + +In discussing artistic skill only in its relation to picture-writing the +degree of its excellence is not intrinsically important, though it may +be so for comparison and identification. The figures required were the +simplest. Among these were vertical and horizontal straight lines and +their combinations, circles, squares, triangles, a hand, a foot, an ax +or a bow, a boat or a sledge. Both natural and artificial objects were +drawn by a few strokes without elaboration. The fewer the marks the +more convenient was the pictograph, if it fulfilled its object of being +recognized by the reader. The simple fact without esthetic effect was +all that the pictographic artists wanted to show, and when an animal +was represented it was not by imitation of its whole form, but by +emphasis of some characteristic which must be made obvious, even if it +distorted the figure or group and violated every principle of art as now +developed. + + + + +CHAPTER XXI. + +MEANS OF INTERPRETATION. + + +The power of determining the authorship of pictographs made on materials +other than rocks, by means of their general style and type, can be +estimated by a comparison of those of the Abnaki, Ojibwa, Dakota, Haida, +Innuit, Shoshoni, Moki, etc., presented in various parts of this paper. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1257.--Typical character. Guiana.] + +Everard F. im Thurn (_k_), in reference to Fig. 1257, remarks: + + Wherever a peculiar, complex, and not very obvious figure + occurs in many examples it is legitimate to assume that this had + some ulterior object and meaning. Now this figure, occurring in the + shallow engravings of Guiana, is of such kind. It is not a figure + which an Indian would be likely to invent in an idle moment even + once, for such a man very seldom, probably never, except in these + particular figures, has been known to draw straight lines. Moreover, + even if it were a figure that one Indian might idly invent, it is + certainly highly improbable that this would be copied by many other + Indians in various places. And, lastly, a figure strikingly like + the one in question, if, indeed, it is not identical, occurs in + certain Mexican picture writings. For example, in the Mexican MSS. + [reproduced in Kingsborough, _op. cit._, I, from Sir Thomas Bodley’s + MSS., pp. 22, 23, and from the Selden MSS., also in the Bodleian, + p. 3] several figures occur so like that of the shallow engravings + of Guiana that there can be but little doubt of their connection. + The recurrence of this peculiar figure in these writings is surely + sufficient evidence of the fact that they are not without intention. + If it were possible to obtain a clue to the meaning of the Mexican + figures it might serve as a key to decipher the hieroglyphic + writings of Guiana. + +With regard to the study of the individual characters themselves to +identify the delineators of pictographs, the various considerations of +fauna, religion, customs, tribal signs, indeed most of the headings of +this paper, will be applicable. + +It is convenient to divide this chapter into: 1. Marked characters of +known significance. 2. Distinctive costumes, weapons, and ornaments. 3. +Ambiguous characters, with ascertained meaning. + + +SECTION 1. + +MARKED CHARACTERS OF KNOWN SIGNIFICANCE. + +It is obvious that before attempting the interpretation of pictographs +concerning which no direct information is to be obtained, there should +be a collection, as complete as possible, of known characters, in order +that through them the unknown may be learned. When any considerable +number of objects in a pictograph are actually known the remainder may +be ascertained by the context, the relation, and the position of the +several designs, and sometimes by the recognized principles of the art. + +The present writer has been engaged, therefore, for a considerable time +in collating a large number of characters in a card-catalogue arranged +primarily by similarity in forms, and in attaching to each character +any significance ascertained or suggested. As before explained, the +interpretation upon which reliance is mainly based is that which has +been made known by direct information from Indians who themselves were +actually makers of pictographs at the time of giving the interpretation. +Apart from the comparisons obtained by this collation, the only mode of +ascertaining the meaning of the characters, in other words, the only key +yet discovered, is in the study of the gesture sign included in many of +them. + +A spiral line frequently seen in petroglyphs is explained by the Dakota +to be a snail shell, and, furthermore, this device is seen in Pl. XX, +and fully described in that connection as used in the recording and +computation of time. + +The limits of this paper do not allow of presenting a complete list of +the characters in the pictographs which have become known. But some of +the characters in the petroglyphs, Figs. 1258, 1259, and 1260, which are +not discussed under various headings, supra, should be explained. The +following is a selection of those which were interpreted to Mr. Gilbert. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1258.--Moki devices.] + +The left hand device of Fig. 1258 is an inclosure, or pen, in which +ceremonial dances are performed. That on the right is a headdress used +in ceremonial dances. + +Compare the drawing from Fairy Rocks, N. S., Fig. 549. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1259.--Frames and arrows. Moki.] + +Fig. 1259 gives sketches of the frames or sticks used in carrying wood +on the back; also shows different forms of arrows. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1260.--Blossoms. Moki.] + +Fig. 1260 represents the blossoms of melons, squashes. + +The appearance of objects showing the influence of European civilization +and christianization should always be carefully noted. An instance +where an object of that character is found among a multitude of others +not liable to such suspicion is in the heart surmounted by a cross, +in the upper line of Fig. 437. This suggests missionary teaching and +corresponding date. + +Maximilian of Wied (_g_) says: + + Another mode of painting their robes by the Dakotas is to + represent the number of valuable presents they have made. By these + presents, which are often of great value, they acquire reputation + and respect among their countrymen. On such robes we observed long + red figures with a black circle at the termination placed close to + each other in transverse rows; they represent whips, indicating the + number of horses given, because the whip belonging to the horse is + always bestowed with the animal. Red or dark-blue transverse figures + indicate cloth or blankets given; parallel transverse stripes + represent firearms, the outlines of which are pretty correctly drawn. + +It may be desirable also to note, to avoid misconception, that where, +throughout this work, mention is made of particulars under the headings +of customs, religion, etc., which might be made the subject of graphic +illustration in pictographs, and for that reason should be known +as preliminary to the attempted interpretation of the latter, the +suggestion is not given as a mere hypothesis. Such objective marks +and conceptions of the character indicated which can readily be made +objective, are in fact frequently found in pictographs and have been +understood by means of the preliminary information to which reference +is made. When interpretations obtained through this line of study are +properly verified, they can take places in the card catalogue little +inferior to those of interpretations derived directly from aboriginal +pictographers. + +The interpretation by means of gesture-signs has already been discussed, +Chap. XVIII, Sec. 4. + +Capt. Carver (_b_) describes how an Ojibwa drew the emblem of his own +tribe as a deer, a Sioux as a man dressed in skins, an Englishman as a +human figure with a hat on his head, and a Frenchman as a man with a +handkerchief tied around his head. + +In this connection is the quotation from the Historical Collections of +Louisiana, Part III, 1851, p. 124, describing a pictograph, as follows: +“There were two figures of men without heads, and some entire. The first +denoted the dead and the second the prisoners. One of my conductors told +me on this occasion that when there are any French among either, they +set their arms akimbo, or their hands upon their hips, to distinguish +them from the savages, whom they represent with their arms hanging down. +This distinction is not purely arbitrary; it proceeds from these people +having observed that the French often put themselves in this posture, +which is not used among them.” + +It is also said suggestively, by C. H. Read (_f_) in Jour. of the +Anthrop. Inst. of Gr. Br. and I., that in the carvings of the West +African negroes, the typical white man is constantly figured with a +brandy bottle in one hand and a large glass in the other. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1261.--Moki characters. The following is the +explanation: + + _a._ A beaver. + _b._ A bear. + _c._ A mountain sheep (_Ovis montana_). + _d._ Three wolf heads. + _e._ Three jackass rabbits. + _f._ Cottontail rabbit. + _g._ Bear tracks. + _h._ An eagle. + _i._ Eagle tails. + _j._ A turkey tail. + _k._ Horned toads (_Phryosoma_ sp. ?). + _l._ Lizards. + _m._ A butterfly. + _n._ Snakes. + _o._ A rattlesnake. + _p._ Deer track. + _q._ Three bird tracks. + _r._ Bitterns (wading birds). +] + +Instructive particulars regarding pictographs may be discovered in the +delineation of the fauna in reference to its present or former habitat +in the region where the representation of it is found. + +As an example of the number and kind of animals pictured as well as of +their mode of representation, the foregoing Fig. 1261, comprising many +of the Moki inscriptions at Oakley Springs, Arizona, is presented by +Mr. G. K. Gilbert. These were selected by him from a large number of +etchings for the purpose of obtaining the explanation, and they were +explained to him by Tubi, an Oraibi chief living at Oraibi, one of the +Moki villages. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1262.--Mantis. Kejimkoojik.] + +The large object in Fig. 1262, scratched on the Kejimkoojik rocks, Nova +Scotia, is probably intended for a mantis or “rear-horse,” but strongly +reminds the observer of the monkey forms in the petroglyphs of Central +and South America. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1263.--Animal forms. Sonora.] + +Ten Kate (_b_) shows in Fig. 1263 those animal forms which were not +obliterated from the face of the rock of El-Sauce, Sonora; they were +very nearly in the order in which they are represented. The fish at the +upper right hand is 20 centimeters long. + + +SECTION 2. + +DISTINCTIVE COSTUMES, WEAPONS, AND ORNAMENTS. + +On examining the relics of ancient peoples or their modern +representatives, the instruments and arms accompanying them and the +clothing upon them mark the social status of the individual. In the +social life of past generations, and still to-day, certain garments +with their adjuncts indicate certain functions. The lawyer, the +mechanic, the priest, and the soldier are easily recognizable. These +garments do not only give general indications, but minute details, so in +looking upon a certain soldier it is known what country he serves, how +many men are under his orders, and how many chiefs are above him. It is +known if he marches on horseback or afoot, if he handles the rifle or +the saber, works the cannon, designs fortifications, or builds bridges. +Also, by looking on his decorated breast, it is shown if he has made +campaigns and participated in historic battles, and whether or not he +has gained distinction. This is told by the color, cut, and ornaments of +his clothes and by the weapon he bears. Some details are also furnished +by the cut of the hair, and even the style of foot-gear. The above +remarks apply to the highest civilization, but all kinds of personal +and class designations by means of distinctive costumes, weapons, and +adornments were and still are most apparent and important among the less +cultured peoples. + +The American Indians seldom clothed themselves, except in very cold +weather, save for purposes of ornament. They habitually wore no other +garment than the breech-cloth, but in their ceremonies and social +dances they bedecked themselves with full and elaborate costumes, often +regulated with special punctilio for the occasion. The boreal tribes, +such as the Alaskan, Athapascan, and Chippewayan, who were obliged to +protect themselves for a large part of the year by furs and skins, +developed characteristic forms of dress which in pictography take the +place occupied by painting and tattooing among tribes where the person +was more habitually exposed. Among the southern tribes there was need of +protection against the rays of the sun, as in Mexico, where cotton and +other fibers were used. In general some of the forms of wearing apparel, +if only varieties in the make of moccasins or sandals, designated the +tribe of the wearers, and therefore often became adopted as pictorial +signs. Ceremonial clothing is often elaborately decorated with beads, +porcupine quills, claws and teeth of animals, shells, and feathers. Many +of these garments are further ornamented with paintings of a totemic +or mythologic character, or bear the insignia of the wearer’s rank and +social status. Metal ornaments, such as armlets, bracelets, anklets, +earrings and bells, were also worn, the material and quantity being in +accordance with the wearer’s ability and pecuniary condition. Upon both +social and ceremonial occasions the headgear displayed eagle feathers +and the plumes of other species of birds, and tufts of hair dyed in red +or other colors. Necklaces were made of claws, shells, deer and antelope +hoofs, the teeth of various animals, snake-skins, and even human +fingers. + +Immediately following are some of the Dakota designations in the +particulars mentioned: + +[Illustration: FIG. 1264.] + +Fig. 1264.--Shield. Red Cloud’s Census. The shield here is without +device, though frequently one is painted on the war shields. Such +painting may be the pictograph of the gens or of the personal +designation, or may show the marks of rank. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1265.] + +Fig. 1265.--Wahacanka, Shield. The Oglala Roster. The marks or bearings +on the shield probably are personal and similar to those commonly called +heraldic, but in this drawing are too minute for accurate blazonry. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1266.] + +Fig. 1266.--Black-Shield “says his prayers” (in the interpreter’s +phrase; that is, he performed the rites elsewhere explained); and takes +the war-path to avenge the death of two of his sons who had been killed +by the Crows. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1859-’60. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1267.] + +Fig. 1267.--Eagle-Feather. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is probably the same +name as translated Lone-Feather in the following figure, in which the +feather also comes from an eagle’s tail: + +[Illustration: FIG. 1268.] + +Fig. 1268.--Lone-Feather said his prayers and took the warpath to avenge +the death of some relatives. Cloud-Shield’s Winter Count, 1842-’43. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1269.] + +Fig. 1269.--Feathers. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure and the next refer +to some special ornamentation. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1270.] + +Fig. 1270.--Feathers. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1271.] + +Fig. 1271.--Bone-Necklace. Red-Cloud’s Census. This figure and the three +following show special kinds of neck ornaments. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1272.] + +Fig. 1272--Beads. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1273.] + +Fig. 1273.--Stone-Necklace. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1274.] + +Fig. 1274.--Feather-Necklace. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1275.] + +Fig. 1275.--Wolf-Robe was killed by the Pawnees. American-Horse’s Winter +Count, 1850-’51. + +He is killed and scalped while wearing a robe of wolf-skin. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1276.] + +Fig. 1276.--Wears-the-Bonnet. Red-Cloud’s Census. This is the ornamented +war bonnet of the Dakotas. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1277.] + +Fig. 1277.--Garter. Red-Cloud’s Census. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1278.] + +Fig. 1278.--Wicanapsu-owin, Wears-human-fingers as earrings. The Oglala +Roster. + +The place for the fingers to be worn is indicated by the line +terminating in a loop. + +The Indian accumulated no wealth except in things useful during his +life. His ornaments were made from shells which in their natural shape +are innumerable; from the skins of animals which require only skill +to take and dress them; and from stone and copper, demanding only +strength to procure and transport them. The value of an Indian ornament +is in the skill, care and patience required in making it. Thus the +wampum-bead became of intrinsic value, similar in that to gold and +silver in civilization; the stone carefully wrought into the fashion of +a pipe became the emblem of authority and the instrument of worship; +and copper, slowly and toilfully delved and fashioned with the rudest +of tools and appliances, became almost a fetich of superstition. So +likewise the quill of the porcupine, worked into a design in embroidery +with the most exquisite care, was an ornament fit for warriors and +chiefs. But on the cradle or basket-nest for the expected or new-born +child, upon the gown or woman’s dress of the favorite daughter, and upon +the moccasins and trappings for the growing son, hand and head and heart +were employed for months and even years. + +The Dakotan bride, swayed by the yearning of expectant maternity, +perhaps also by ambition to excel in the sole permitted mode of its +display, adorned her lodge with ornamented cradles, each new one +becoming in design more beautiful and intricate than the last, until her +yearning was answered, when the cradles not needed were exchanged for +horses and ornaments, which became the endowment of the new-born child. + +Some note should be made of the sense of correspondence and contrast +of colors which the Dakota, at least, exhibits; the rules which he +originates and observes forming that which is called artistic taste. +The Indian’s use of colors corresponds more nearly than that of most +barbarians with that common in high civilization, except that he +perceives so little distinction between blue and green that but one name +generally suffices for both colors. It is remarkable that among the +wilder and plains tribes of Dakotas dead colors in beads are preferred +and arranged with good effect, and that among these, specially, the use +of neutral tints is common. Probably both of these results were produced +from the old and exclusive employment of clays for pigments--clays of +almost all colors and shades being found in the country over which the +Dakotas roamed. + +The peculiarities of dress or undress would seem to have first struck +the people of the eastern hemisphere as well adapted to pictorial +representation. Singularly enough to modern ideas, the braccæ or +trousers were to the Romans the symbol of barbarism, whereas now the +absence of the garments, called even “indispensable,” has the same +significance. Maj. C. R. Conder (_d_) gives this good lesson literally +“a propos de bottes:” + + A curious peculiarity of dress also serves to indicate the + racial connection. In Cappadocia and in Anatolia the monuments + represent figures with a boot or shoe curled up in front. An + Assyrian representation of an Armenian merchant shows the same + boot. Sir C. Wilson first compared it with the boot now worn by the + peasantry of Asia Minor. Perrot compares it with the cavalry boot + worn in Syria and with what we call a Turkish slipper. The Etruscans + wore a similar shoe called calceus repandus by the Romans. On the + monuments at Karnak the Hittites are represented wearing the same + shoe, and although it is not of necessity a mark of race, it is + still curious that this curly-toed boot was common to the various + Turanian peoples of Syria, Asia Minor, Armenia, and Italy. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1279. Weapons.] + +Schoolcraft (_t_) gives the characters on the left hand of Fig. 1279 as +two Ojibwa war clubs, and the right-hand character in the same figure is +represented in a Wyoming petroglyph as a bow. + +Many other weapons distinctive to their draughtsmen are shown in this +paper. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1280. Australian wommeras and clubs.] + +It may be well to insert here Fig. 1280, showing the wommeras and clubs +of the Australians, taken from Curr (_d_), not only on account of their +forms but of the pictorial designs on some of them, which should be +compared with those of the Moki and other Indian tribes. + +A large number of pictographic figures distinguishing bodies of Indians +by different mode of head dress have already been given. Some additional +detail may be added about the Absaroka who have in this regard been +imitated by the Hidatsa and Arikara. + +They wear horse hair taken from the tail, attached to the back of their +heads and allowed to hang down their backs. It is arranged in eight or +ten strands, each about as thick as a finger and laid parallel with +spaces between them of the width of a single strand. Pine gum is then +mixed with red ocher or vermilion and by means of other hair, or fibers +of any kind laid crosswise, the strands are secured and around each +intersection of hair a ball of gum is plastered to hold it in place, +secured to the real growth of hair on the back of the head. About four +inches further down a similar row of gum balls and cross strings is +placed, and so on down to the end. The Indians frequently incorporate +the false hair with their own so as to lengthen the latter without any +marked evidence of the deception. Nevertheless the transverse fastenings +with their gum attachments are present. In picture-writing this is shown +upon the figure of a man by parallel lines drawn downward from the back +of the head, intersected by cross lines, the whole appearing like small +squares or a piece of net. See Figs. 484 and 485, supra. + +A quaint account of social designation by the arrangement of the hair +among the Northeastern Algonquins is recorded in the Jesuit Relations of +1639, pp. 44-5: + + When a girl or woman favors some one who seeks her, she cuts the + hair in the fashion adopted by the maidens of France, hanging over + the forehead, which is an ugly style as well in this country as in + France; St. Paul forbidding women to show their hair. The women here + wear their hair in bunches at the back of the head, in the form of a + truss, which they decorate with beads when they have them. If, after + marrying some one, a woman leaves him without cause, or if, being + promised and having accepted some present, she fails to keep her + word, the presumptive husband sometimes cuts her hair, which renders + her very despicable and prevents her from getting another spouse. + +There is a differentiation of this usage among the Pueblos generally, +who, when accurate and particular in delineation, designate the women of +that tribe by a huge coil of hair over either ear. This custom prevails +also among the Coyotèro Apaches, the women wearing the hair in a coil to +denote a virgin, while the coil is absent in the case of a married woman. + +Regarding the apparent subject matter of pictographs an obvious +distinction may be made between hunting and land scenes such as would +be familiar to interior tribes and those showing fishing and aquatic +habits common to seaboard and lacustrine peoples. Similar and more +perspicuous modes of discrimination are available. The general scope of +known history, traditions, and myths may also serve in identification. +Known habits and fashions of existing or historically-known tribes have +the same application, e. g., the portrayal on a drawing of a human face +of labrets or nose rings limits the artist to defined regions, and then +other considerations may further specify the work. + +When the specific pictorial style of distinctive peoples is ascertained +its appearance on rocks may give evidence of their habitat and +migrations, and on the other hand their authorship of the petroglyphs +being received as a working hypothesis, the latter may be confirmed and +the characters interpreted through the known practices and habits of the +postulated authors. + + +SECTION 3. + +AMBIGUOUS CHARACTERS WITH ASCERTAINED MEANING. + +Under this heading specimens of the card catalogue before mentioned +are presented. The characters would not probably be recognized for +the objects they are intended to represent and many of them might be +mistaken for attempts to delineate other objects. A much larger number +of similar delineations are to be found under other headings in this +work, especially in Chap. XIII on Totems, titles, and names. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1281.--Turtle. Maya.] + +Prof. C. Thomas (_c_) gives _a_, _b_, _c_, and _d_, in Fig. 1281 as +representing the turtle. + +That they do so is shown by the head of the animal, _e_, taken from +the Cortesian Codex. This is one of the many examples in which +the significance of drawings can be ascertained from a series of +conventionalized forms. Other instances are given in the present paper, +and more in the works of Mr. W. H. Holmes, published in several of the +Annual Reports of the Bureau of Ethnology. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1282.--Armadillo. Yucatan.] + +Fig. 1282 is given in the last cited volume and page as the symbol of +the armadillo of Yucatan. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1283.--Dakota drawings.] + +The drawings of which Fig. 1283 presents copies were made by Dakota +tribesmen: _a_, fox; _b_, black fox; _c_, wolf; _d_, black deer; _e_, +beaver; _f_, spotted horse; _g_, porcupine; _h_, white hawk; _i_, bald +eagle; _k_, crow; _l_, swallow; _m_ and _n_, war bonnet; _o_, leggins; +_p_, gun; _q_, pipe. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1284.--Ojibwa drawings.] + +The characters in Fig. 1284 are Ojibwa drawings. With the exception of +the last one they are copies of selected sketches made by Gaga Sindebi +at White Earth, Minn., in 1891, as parts of a Midē' song. + +_a_, a wolf. The dark chest markings and the large tail are in imitation +of those parts of the timber wolf. The coyote is not now found in the +region where the author of the song lives; but is more particularly a +prairie animal. + +_b_, a wolf. The pronounced jaw indicates his carnivorous nature. + +_c_, a badger. Although the form resembles that of the bear the +difference is shown by the darkened body to imitate the gray fur. + +_d_, a bear. + +_e_, a bear. This style of drawing is not common, it being rather short +and stout, while the legs and ears are unusually pronounced. + +_f_, the figure of a bear manido, to which is attached a feather +denoting the mythic character of the animal. + +_g_, the figure represents a “lean bear,” as is specified by the +appearance of the ribs showing his lean condition. + +_h_, a lizard. The ribs are ridges, which are found upon some forms of +_Siredon_, one species of which occurs in the ponds and small lakes of +Minnesota. + +_i_, a toad. + +_k_, a raccoon. The bands of color are indicated in the drawing. + +_l_, a porcupine. Resembles some forms of the sacred bear manido as the +latter is sometimes drawn. + +_m_, the crane. The three round spots over the head represent three +songs sung by the midē' to the crane manido. + +_n_, the thunder-bird or eagle, having four heads. This character +appears to be unique, as it has at no time been noticed upon any of the +numerous midē' records in the possession of the Bureau of Ethnology. + +_o_, the character represents a man using the rattle, as in the ceremony +of incantation. The projections above the head denote his superior +powers. + +_p_, a midē', holding in his right hand a bear’s paw medicine bag, and +in his left hand an arrow. The character resembles similar drawings to +denote vessels in which herbs are boiled and from the top of which vapor +is issuing. + +_q_, a midē' medicine sack. The character appears like similar drawings +of the otter; in the present instance, however, the ornamentation upon +the skin shows it to be not a living animal. + +_r_, a beaver’s tail, from Schoolcraft (_y_). Many other illustrations +of this general nature are given by Mr. Schoolcraft, nearly all colored +according to his fancy. + + + + +CHAPTER XXII. + +CONTROVERTED PICTOGRAPHS. + + +No large amount of space need be occupied in the mention of detected +pictographic frauds, their present and future importance being small, +but much more than is now allowed would be required for the full +discussion of controverted cases. + +There is little inducement, beyond the amusement derived from hoaxing, +to commit actual frauds in the fabrication of petroglyphs. It must, +however, be remembered that coloration and carving of a deceptive +character are sometimes produced by natural causes, e. g., pictured +rocks on the island of Monhegan, Maine, figured by Schoolcraft (_z_), +are classed in “Science” VI, No. 132, p. 124, as freaks of surface +erosion. Mica plates were found in a mound at Lower Sandusky, Ohio, +which, after some attempts at interpretation, proved to belong to the +material known as graphic or hieroglyphic mica, the discolorations +having been caused by the infiltration of mineral solution between the +laminæ. + +The instances where inscribed stones from mounds have been ascertained +to be forgeries or fictitious drawings are to be explained as sometimes +produced by simple mischief, sometimes by craving for personal +notoriety, and in other cases by schemes either to increase the +marketable value of land supposed to contain more of the articles or to +sell those exhibited. + +With regard to more familiar and more portable articles, such as +engraved pipes, painted robes, and like curios, it is well known that +the fancy prices paid for them by amateurs have stimulated their +unlimited manufacture by Indians at agencies who make a business of +sketching upon ordinary robes or plain pipes the characters in common +use by them, without regard to any real event or person, and selling +them as significant records. Some enterprising traders have been known +to furnish the unstained robes, plain pipes, paints, and other materials +for the purpose, and simply pay a skillful Indian for his work, when the +fresh antique or imaginary chronicle is delivered. + +As the business of making and selling archæologic frauds has become so +extensive in Egypt and Palestine, it can be no matter of surprise that +it has been attempted by enterprising people of the United States, about +whom the wooden-nutmeg imputation still clings. The Bureau of Ethnology +has discovered several centers of the manufacture of antiquities. + +It was once proclaimed that six inscribed copper plates had been found +in a mound near Kinderhook, Pike county, Illinois, which were reported +to bear a close resemblance to Chinese. This resemblance seemed not +to be extraordinary when it was ascertained that the plate had been +engraved by the village blacksmith, copied from the lid of a Chinese +tea-chest. + +The following recent notice of a case of alleged fraud is quoted from +Science, Vol. III, No. 58, March 14, 1884, page 334: + + Dr. N. Roe Bradner exhibited [at the Academy of Natural + Sciences, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania] an inscribed stone found + inside a skull taken from one of the ancient mounds at Newark, + Ohio, in 1865. An exploration of the region had been undertaken, + in consequence of the finding of stones bearing markings somewhat + resembling Hebrew letters, in the hope of finding other specimens + of a like character. The exploration was supposed to have been + entirely unproductive of such objects until Dr. Bradner had found + the engraved stone, now exhibited, in a skull which had been given + to him. + +This was supplemented by an editorial note in No. 62 of the same +publication, page 467, as follows: + + A correspondent from Newark, Ohio, warns us that any inscribed + stones said to originate from that locality may be looked upon as + spurious. Years ago certain parties in that place made a business of + manufacturing and burying inscribed stones and other objects in the + autumn, and exhuming them the following spring in the presence of + innocent witnesses. Some of the parties to these frauds afterwards + confessed to them; and no such objects, except such as were + spurious, have ever been known from that region. + +The correspondent of Science probably remembered the operations of +David Wyrick, of Newark, who, to prove his theory that the Hebrews were +the mound-builders, discovered in 1860 a tablet bearing on one side a +truculent “likeness” of Moses with his name in Hebrew, and on the other +a Hebrew abridgment of the ten commandments. A Hebrew bible afterwards +found in Mr. Wyrick’s private room threw some light on the inscribed +characters. + +A grooved stone ax or maul, first described by the late Dr. John Evans, +of Pemberton, New Jersey, was reproduced by Dr. Wilson (_a_). Several +characters are cut in the groove and on the blade. They are neither +Runic, Scandinavian, nor Anglo-Saxon. It was found near Pemberton, New +Jersey, prior to 1859. Dr. E. H. Davis, who saw the stone, does not +regard the inscription as ancient. The characters had been retouched +before he saw them. + +A grooved stone ax or maul, sent to Col. Whittlesey in 1874, from Butler +county, Ohio, about the size of the Pemberton ax, was covered with +English letters so fresh as to deceive no one versed in antiquities. The +purport of this inscription is that in 1689 Capt. H. Argill passed there +and secreted two hundred bags of gold near a spring. + +It was claimed that an inscribed stone had been plowed up on the eastern +shore of Grand Traverse bay, Michigan, and an imperfect cast of it +was among the collections of the state of Michigan at the Centennial +Exhibition. The original is or was in the cabinet of the Kent county +Institute, Grand Rapids, Michigan. It is imperfectly executed, probably +with a knife, and evidently of recent make, in which Greek, Bardic, and +fictitious letters are jumbled together without order. + +In 1875 a stone maul was discovered in an ancient mine pit near Lake +Desor, Isle Royal, Lake Superior, on which were cut several lines that +were at first regarded as letters. + +An instructive paper by Mr. Wm. H. Holmes “On Some Spurious Mexican +Antiquities and their Relation to Ancient Art,” is published in the +Report of the Smithsonian Institution for 1886, Pt. 1, pp. 319-334. + + +SECTION 1. + +THE GRAVE CREEK STONE. + +An inscribed stone found in Grave creek mound, near the Ohio river, +in 1838, has been the subject of much linguistic contention among +persons who admitted its authenticity. Twenty-four characters on it +have been considered by various experts to be alphabetic, and one is +a supposed hieroglyphic sign. Mr. Schoolcraft says that twenty-two +of the characters are alphabetic, but there has been a difference of +opinion with regard to their origin. One scholar finds among them four +characters which he claims are ancient Greek; another claims that four +are Etruscan; five have been said to be Runic; six, ancient Gaelic; +seven, old Erse; ten, Phenician; fourteen, old British; and sixteen, +Celtiberic. M. Levy Bing reported at the Congress of Americanists at +Nancy, in 1875, that he found in the inscription twenty-three Canaanite +letters, and translated it: “What thou sayest, thou dost impose it, thou +shinest in thy impetuous clan and rapid chamois.” (!) M. Maurice Schwab +in 1857 rendered it: “The Chief of Emigration who reached these places +(or this island) has fixed these statutes forever.” M. Oppert, however, +gave additional variety by the translation, so that all tastes can be +suited: “The grave of one who was assassinated here. May God to avenge +him strike his murderer, cutting off the hand of his existence.” + +Col. Chas. Whittlesey (_a_) gives six copies of the Grave creek stone, +all purporting to be facsimiles, which have been published and used in +the elaborate discussions held upon its significance. Of these, three +are here reproduced with Col. Whittlesey’s remarks, as follows: + +[Illustration: FIG. 1285.--Grave creek stone.] + +Copy No. 1 is reproduced as Fig. 1285, drawn by Capt. Eastman. + + Capt. Seth Eastman was a graduate and teacher of drawing at West + Point. He was an accomplished draftsman and painter detailed by + the War Department to furnish the illustrations for “Schoolcraft’s + Indian Tribes,” published by the Government. This copy was made in + his official capacity, with the stone before him, and therefore + takes the first rank as authority. There are between the lines + twenty-two characters, but one is repeated three times and another + twice leaving only twenty. The figure, if it has any significance, + is undoubtedly pictorial. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1286.--Grave creek stone.] + +Copy No. 3, now Fig. 1286, was used by Monsieur Jomard at Paris, 1843. + + From this copy M. Jomard considered the letters to be Lybian, a + language derived from the Phenician. At the right of the upper line + one is omitted and another bears no resemblance to the original. + The fifth character of the second line is equally defective and + objectionable. The second, fifth, and sixth of the lower line are + little better. In the rude profile of a human face beneath an eye + has been introduced and the slender cross lines attached to it have + assumed the proportions of a dagger or sword. For the linguist or + ethnologist this copy is entirely worthless. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1287.--Grave creek stone.] + +Copy No. 4, now Fig. 1287, was sent to Prof. Rafn, Copenhagen, 1843. + + This is so imperfect and has so many additions that it is little + better than a burlesque upon the original. No one will be surprised + that the learned Danish antiquarian could find in it no resemblance + to the Runic, with which he was thoroughly familiar. + +A mere collocation of letters from various alphabets is not an alphabet. +Words can not be formed or ideas communicated by that artifice. When a +people adopts the alphabetical signs of another it adopts the general +style of the characters and more often the characters in detail. Such +signs had already an arrangement into syllables and words which had a +vocalic validity as well as known significance. A jumble of letters from +a variety of alphabets bears internal evidence that the manipulator +did not have an intelligent meaning to convey by them, and did not +comprehend the languages from which the letters were selected. In the +case of the Grave creek inscription the futile attempts to extract +a meaning from it on the theory that it belongs to an intelligent +alphabetic system show that it holds no such place. If it is genuine +it must be treated as pictorial and ideographic, unless, indeed, it is +cryptographic, which is not indicated. + + +SECTION 2. + +THE DIGHTON ROCK. + +In this connection some allusion must be made to the learned discussions +upon the Dighton rock before mentioned, p. 86. The originally Algonquian +characters were translated by a Scandinavian antiquary as an account +of the party of Thorfinn, the Hopeful. A distinguished Orientalist +made out clearly the word “melek” (king). Another scholar triumphantly +established the characters to be Scythian, and still another identified +them as Phenician. But this inscription has been so manipulated that it +is difficult now to determine the original details. + +An official report made in 1830 by the Rhode Island Historical Society +and published by the Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries, in +“Antiquitates Americanæ,” by C. C. Rafn (_e_), presents the best account +known concerning the Dighton rock and gives copies made from time to +time of the inscription, which are here reproduced, Pl. LIV. The text is +condensed as follows, but in quoting it the statement that the work was +not done by the Indians is without approval. + +[Illustration: BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LIV + +I. _Dr. Danforth’s Drawing 1680_ + +II. _Dr. Cotton Mather’s 1712_ + +III. _Dr. Greenwood’s 1730_ + +IV. _Mr. Stephen Sewell’s 1768_ + +V. _Mr. James Winthrop’s 1788_ + +VI. _Mr. Kendall’s 1807_ + +VII. _Mr. Job Gardner’s 1812_ + +VIII. _Dr. Baylies and Mr. Goodwin’s 1790_ + +IX. _The Rhode Island Historical Society’s 1830_ + +DIGHTON ROCK.] + + It is situated about 6-1/2 miles south of Taunton, on the east + side of Taunton river, a few feet from the shore, and on the west + side of Assonet neck, in the town of Berkley, county of Bristol, and + commonwealth of Massachusetts; although probably from the fact of + being generally visited from the opposite side of the river, which + is in Dighton, it has always been known by the name of the Dighton + Writing Rock. It faces northwest toward the bed of the river, and is + covered by the water 2 or 3 feet at the highest, and is left 10 or + 12 feet from it at the lowest tides; it is also completely immersed + twice in twenty-four hours. The rock does not occur in situ, but + shows indubitable evidence of having occupied the spot where it + now rests since the period of that great and extensive disruption + which was followed by the transportation of immense bowlders to, + and a deposit of them in, places at a vast distance from their + original beds. It is a mass of well characterized, fine grained + graywacke. Its true color, as exhibited by a fresh fracture, is a + bluish gray. There is no rock in the immediate neighborhood that + would at all answer as a substitute for the purpose for which the + one bearing the inscription was selected, as they are aggregates + of the large conglomerate variety. Its face, measured at the base + is 11-1/2 feet, and in height it is a little rising 5 feet. The + upper surface forms with the horizon an inclined plane of about 60 + degrees. The whole of the face is covered to within a few inches of + the ground with unknown hieroglyphics. There appears little or no + method in the arrangement of them. The lines are from half an inch + to an inch in width; and in depth, sometimes one-third of an inch, + though generally very superficial. They were, inferring from the + rounded elevations and intervening depressions, pecked in upon the + rock and not chiseled or smoothly cut out. The marks of human power + and manual labor are indelibly stamped upon it. No one who examines + attentively the workmanship will believe it to have been done by + the Indians. Moreover, it is a well attested fact that nowhere + throughout our widespread domain is a single instance of their + recording or having recorded their deeds or history on stone. + + “The committee also examined the various drawings that have been + made of this inscription. + + “The first was made by Cotton Mather as early as 1712; and may + be found in No. 338, vol. 28, of the Philosophical Transactions, pp. + 70 and 71; also in vol. 5, Jones’s abridgment, under article fourth. + + “Another was made by James Winthrop in 1788, a copy of which may + be found in the Memoirs of the American Academy, vol. 2, part 2, p. + 126. + + “Dr. Baylies and Mr. Goodwin made another drawing in 1790, a + copy of which is inclosed. + + “Mr. E. A. Kendall in 1807 took another which may be found in + the Memoirs of the American Academy, vol. 3, part 1, p. 165. + + “And one has been more recently [1812] made by Mr. Job Gardner, + a lithograph from which is also inclosed. + + “Dr. Isaac Greenwood exhibited a drawing of the inscription + before the Society of Antiquarians of London bearing the date of + 1730. The drawing by the Historical Society of Rhode Island bears + the date of 1830. + + “We send you a copy of the inscription, as given on said + representation of the rock, being what you probably desire; but + having made an accurate drawing of the rock itself for your + special use, we have not deemed it necessary to forward the one + above referred to. We also send a copy of Judge Winthrop’s drawing + contained in the same work, and of one taken by Stephen Sewell in + 1768. + + “You will likewise find among the drawings a copy of what + purports to be ‘a faithful and accurate representation of the + inscription,’ taken by Dr. Danforth in 1680. This is not sent with + any idea that it will prove serviceable in your present inquiry, + but simply to show what strange things have been conjured up by + travelers and sent to Europe for examination. We are, indeed, at + times almost compelled to believe there must have been some other + inscription rock seen; and yet from the accompanying accounts it + would appear that all refer to the same one; besides, there is a + degree of similarity in the complicated triangular figures which + appear on all.” + +See, also, the illustration from Schoolcraft, Fig. 49, supra, with +further account. The fact was mentioned on p. 87 that the characters +on the Dighton Rock strongly resembled those on the Indian God Rock, +Pennsylvania, and some others specified. Lately some observers have +noticed the same fact with a different deduction. They presuppose +that the Dighton inscription is Runic, and therefore that the one in +Pennsylvania was carved by the Norsemen. This logic would bring the +Vikings very far inland into West Virginia and Ohio. + + +SECTION 3. + +IMITATIONS AND FORCED INTERPRETATIONS. + +From considerations mentioned elsewhere, and others that are obvious, +any inscriptions purporting to be pre-Columbian, showing apparent use +of alphabetic characters, signs of the zodiac, or other evidences of +a culture higher than that known among the North American Indians, +must be received with caution, but the pictographs may be altogether +genuine, and their erroneous interpretation may be the sole ground for +discrediting them. + +The course above explained, viz, to attempt the interpretation of all +unknown American pictographs by the aid of actual pictographers among +the living Indians, should be adopted regarding all remarkable “finds.” +This course was pursued by Mr. Horatio N. Rust, of Pasadena, California, +regarding the much-discussed Davenport Tablets, in the genuineness of +which he believes. Mr. Rust exhibited the drawings to Dakotas with the +result made public at the Montreal meeting of the American Association +for the Advancement of Science, and also in a letter, an extract from +which is as follows: + + As I made the acquaintance of several of the older and more + intelligent members of the tribe, I took the opportunity to show + them the drawings. Explaining that they were pictures copied from + stones found in a mound, I asked what they meant. They readily + gave me the same interpretation (and in no instance did either + interpreter know that another had seen the pictures, so there could + be no collusion). In Plate I, of the Davenport Inscribed Tablets + [so numbered in the Proceedings of the Davenport Academy, vol. II], + the lower central figure represents a dome-shaped lodge, with smoke + issuing from the top, behind and to either side of which appears a + number of individuals with hands joined, while three persons are + depicted as lying upon the ground. Upon the right and left central + margins are the sun and moon, the whole surmounted by three arched + lines, between each of which, as well as above them, are numerous + unintelligible characters. * * * The central figure, which has been + supposed by some to represent a funeral pile, was simply the picture + of a dirt lodge. The irregular markings apparently upon the side + and to the left of the lodge represent a fence made of sticks and + brush set in the ground. The same style of fence may be seen now in + any Sioux village. + + The lines of human figures standing hand-in-hand indicate that a + dance was being conducted in the lodge. The three prostrate forms at + right and left sides of the lodge represent two men and a woman who, + being overcome by the excitement and fatigue of the dance, had been + carried out in the air to recover. The difference in the shape of + the prostrate forms indicates the different sexes. + + The curling figures or rings above the lodge represent smoke, + and indicate that the dance was held in winter, when fire was used. + +An amusing example of forced interpretation of a genuine petroglyph is +given by Lieut. J. W. Gunnison (_a_), and is presented in the present +work in connection with Fig. 81, supra. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1288.--Imitated pictograph.] + +Fig. 1288 is a copy of a drawing taken from an Ojibwa pipestem, +obtained by Dr. Hoffman from an officer of the United States Army, who +had procured it from an Indian in St. Paul, Minnesota. On more minute +examination, it appeared that the pipestem had been purchased at a shop +in St. Paul, which had furnished a large number of similar objects--so +large as to awaken suspicion that they were in the course of daily +manufacture. The figures and characters on the pipestem were drawn in +colors. In the present figure, which is without colors, the horizontal +lines represent blue and the vertical red, according to the heraldic +scheme. The outlines were drawn in a dark neutral tint, in some lines +approaching black; the triangular characters, representing lodges, +being also in a neutral tint, or an ashen hue, and approaching black in +several instances. The explanation of the figures, made before there was +any suspicion of their authenticity, is as follows: + +The first figure is that of a bear, representing the person to whom the +record pertains. The heart above the line, according to an expression +in gesture language, would signify a brave heart, increased numbers +indicating much or many, so that the three hearts mean a large brave +heart. + +The second figure, a circle inclosing a triradiate character, refers to +the personal totem. The character in the middle somewhat resembles the +pictograph sometimes representing stars, though in the latter the lines +center upon the disks and not at a common point. + +The seven triangular characters represent the lodges of a village to +which the person referred to belongs. + +The serpentine lines immediately below these signify a stream or river, +near which the village is situated. + +The two persons holding guns in their left hands, together with another +holding a spear, appear to be the companions of the speaker or recorder, +all of whom are members of the turtle gens, as shown by that animal. + +The curve from left to right is a representation of the sky, the sun +having appeared upon the left or eastern horizon. The drawing, so far, +might represent the morning when a female member of the crane gens, was +killed--shown by the headless body of a woman. + +The lower figure of a bear is the same apparently as the upper, though +turned to the right. The hearts are drawn below the line, i. e., down, +to denote sadness, grief, remorse, as it would be expressed in gesture +language, and to atone for the misdeed committed the pipe is brought and +offering made for peace. + +Altogether the act depicted appears to have been accidental, the woman +belonging to the same tribe, as can be learned from the gens of which +she was a member. The regret or sorrow signified in the bear, next to +the last figure, corresponds with that supposition, as such feelings +would not be manifested on the death of an enemy. + +The point of interest in this drawing is, that the figures are very +skillfully copied from the numerous characters of the same kind +representing Ojibwa pictographs, and given by Schoolcraft. The +arrangement of these copied characters is precisely what would be +common in the similar work of Indians. In fact, the group constitutes +an intelligent pictograph and affords a good illustration of the +manner in which one can be made. The fact that it was sold under false +representations is its objectionable feature. + +Another case brought officially to the Bureau of Ethnology shows +evidence of a more determined fraud. In 1888 and earlier a so-called +“Shawnee doctor” had displayed as a chart in the nature of an aboriginal +diploma, a brightly colored picture 36 by 40 inches, a copy of which was +sent, to be deciphered, to the Bureau by a gentleman who is not supposed +to have been engaged in fraud or hoax. The mystic chart is copied in +Fig. 1289. There was little difficulty in its explanation. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1289.--Fraudulent pictograph.] + +The large figures on the border can not be pretended to be of Indian +origin. The smaller interior figures constituting the body of the chart +are all, with trifling exceptions, exact copies of figures published +and fully explained in G. Copway’s “Traditional History, etc., of the +Ojibway Nation,” op. cit. Several of the same figures appear above in +the present work. The principal exceptions are, first, a modern knife; +second, a bird with a decidedly un-Indian human head, and, third, +a cross with two horizontal arms of equal length. The figures from +Copway are not in the exact order given in his list and it is possible +that they may have been placed in their present order to simulate the +appearance of some connected narrative or communication, which could +readily be done in the same manner as the words of a dictionary could be +cut out and pasted in some intelligent sequence. + +Among the curiosities of literature in connection with the +interpretation of pictographs may be mentioned La Vèritè sur le Livre +des Sauvages, par L’Abbé Em. Domenech, Paris, 1861, and Researches +into the Lost Histories of America, by W. S. Blacket, London and +Philadelphia, 1884. + +[Illustration: FIG. 1290.--Chinese characters.] + +The following remarks of Dr. Edkins (_h_) are also in point: + + The early Jesuits were accustomed to interpret Chinese + characters on the wildest principles. They detected religious + mysteries in the most unexpected situations. Kwei “treacherous,” is + written with Kieu “nine,” and above it one of the covering radicals, + Fig. 1290_a_. This, then, was Satan at the head of the nine ranks of + angels. The character, same Fig., _b_, c’hwen “a boat,” was believed + to contain an allusion to the deluge. On the left side is the ark + and on the right are the signs for eight and for persons. The day + for this mode of explaining the Chinese characters has gone by. + + + + +CHAPTER XXIII. + +GENERAL CONCLUSIONS. + + +The result of the writer’s studies upon petroglyphs as distinct from +other forms of picture writing may now be summarized. + +Perhaps the most important lesson learned from these studies is that no +attempt should be made at symbolic interpretation unless the symbolic +nature of the particular characters under examination is known, or can +be logically inferred from independent facts. To start with a theory, or +even a hypothesis, that the rock writings are all symbolic and may be +interpreted by the imagination of the observer or by translation either +from or into known symbols of similar form found in other regions, were +a limitless delusion. Doubtless many of the characters are genuine +symbols or emblems, and some have been ascertained through extrinsic +information to be such. Sometimes the more modern forms are explained +by Indians who have kept up the pictographic practice, and the modern +forms occasionally throw light upon the more ancient. But the rock +inscriptions do not evince mysticism or esotericism, cryptography, +or steganography. With certain exceptions they were intended to be +understood by all observers either as rude objective representations +or as ideograms, which indeed were often so imperfect as to require +elucidation, but not by any hermeneutic key. While they often related to +religious ceremonies or myths, such figures were generally drawn in the +same spirit with which any interesting matter was portrayed. + +While the interpretation of petroglyphs by Indians should be obtained +if possible, it must be received with caution. They very seldom know +by tradition the meaning of the older forms, and their inferences are +often made from local and limited pictographic practices. There is +no more conscientious and intelligent Indian authority than Frank La +Flêche, an Omaha, and he explains the marks on a rock in Nebraska as +associated with the figures of deceased men and exhibiting the object +which caused their death, such as an arrow or ax. This may be a local +or tribal practice, but it certainly does not apply to similar figures +throughout the Algonquian and Iroquoian areas, where, according to the +concurrent testimony for more than two centuries, similar figures are +either designations of tribes and associations, or in their combinations +are records of achievements. + +Lossing (_b_) gives the following explanation of markings on a well +known rock: + + Among the brave warriors in the battle [of Maumee] who were the + last to flee before Wayne’s legion, was Me-sa-sa, or Turkey-foot, an + Ottawa chief, who lived on Blanchards Fork of the AuGlaize River. + He was greatly beloved by his people. His courage was conspicuous. + When he found the line of dusky warriors giving way at the foot of + Presque Isle hill, he leaped upon a small bowlder, and by voice and + gesture endeavored to make them stand firm. He almost immediately + fell, pierced by a musket ball, and expired by the side of the + rock. * * * They carved many rude figures of a turkey’s foot on the + stone, as a memorial of the English name of the lamented Me-sa-sa. + The stone is still there, by the side of the highway at the foot of + Presque Isle hill, within a few rods of the swift-flowing Maumee. + Many of the carvings are still quite deep and distinct, while others + have been obliterated by the abrasion of the elements. + +This tale may be true, but it surely does not account for the +turkey-foot marks which are so common in the northeastern Algonquian +region, extending from Dighton rock to Ohio, that they form a typical +characteristic of its pictographs. They have been considered to be the +sign for the bird, the turkey, which was a frequent totem. Lossing’s +story is an example of the readiness of an Indian, when in an amiable +and communicative mood, to answer queries in a manner which he supposes +will be satisfactory to his interviewer. He will then give any desired +amount of information on any subject without the slightest restriction +by the vulgar bounds of fact. It is dangerous to believe explanations +on such subjects as are now under consideration, unless they are +made without leading questions by a number of Indian authorities +independently. + +Specially convenient places for halting and resting on a journey, +either by land or water, such as is mentioned supra, on Machias bay, +generally exhibit petroglyphs if rocks of the proper character are +favorably situated there. The markings may be mere graffiti, the product +of leisure hours, or may be of the more serious descriptions mentioned +below. + +Some points are ascertained with regard to the motives of the painters +and sculptors on rocks. Some of the characters were mere records +of the visits of individuals to important springs or to fords on +regularly established trails. In this practice there may have been in +the intention of the Indians very much the same spirit which induces +the civilized man to record his name or initials upon objects in the +neighborhood of places of general resort. But there was real utility in +the Indian practice, which more nearly approached to the signature in +a visitor’s book at a hotel or public building, both to establish the +identity of the traveler and to give the news to friends of his presence +and passage. At Oakley springs, Arizona territory, totemic marks have +been found, evidently made by the same individual at successive visits, +showing that on the number of occasions indicated he had passed by those +springs, probably camping there, and the habit of making such record +was continued until quite recently by the neighboring Indians. The same +repetition of totemic names has been found in great numbers in the +pipestone quarries of Minnesota, on the rocks near Odanah, Wisconsin, +and also at some old fords in West Virginia. These totemic marks are +so designed and executed as to have intrinsic significance and value, +wholly different in this respect from names in alphabetic form, which +grammatically are proper but practically may be common. + +Rock carvings are frequently noticed at waterfalls and other points +on rivers and on lake shores favorable for fishing, which frequency +is accounted for by the periodical resort of Indians to such places. +Sometimes they only mark their stay, but occasionally there also appear +to be records of conflict with rival or inimical tribes which sought to +use the same waters. + +Evidence is presented in the present work that the characters on +rock pictures sometimes were pointers or “sign-posts” to show the +direction of springs, the line of established trails, or of paths that +would shorten distances in travel. It has been supposed that similar +indications were used guiding to burial mounds and other places of +peculiar sanctity or interest, but the evidence of this employment is +not conclusive. Many inquiries have been made of the Bureau of Ethnology +concerning Indian marks supposed to indicate the sites of gold, silver, +and copper mines and buried treasure generally, which inquiries were +answered only because it was recognized as the duty of an office of the +government to respond, so far as possible, to requests for information, +however silly, which are made in good faith. + +Petroglyphs are now most frequently found in those parts of the world +which are still, or recently have been, inhabited by savage or barbarian +tribes. Persons of these tribes when questioned about the authorship of +the rock drawings have generally attributed them to supernatural beings. +Statements to this effect from many peoples of the three Americas and +of other regions, together with the names of rockwriting deities, are +abundantly cited in the present work. This is not surprising, nor +is it instructive, except as to the mere fact that the drawings are +ancient. Man has always attributed to supernatural action whatever he +did not understand. Also, it appears that in modern times shamans have +encouraged this belief and taken advantage of it to interpret for their +own purposes the drawings, some of which have been made by themselves. +But notwithstanding these errors and frauds, a large proportion of the +petroglyphs in America are legitimately connected with the myths and the +religious practices of the authors. The information obtained during late +years regarding tribes such as the Zuñi, Moki, Navajo, and Ojibwa, which +have kept up on the one hand their old religious practices and on the +other that of picture writing, is conclusive on this point. The rites +and ceremonies of these tribes are to some extent shown pictorially on +the rocks, some of the characters on which have until lately been wholly +meaningless, but are now identified as drawings of the paraphernalia +used in or as diagrams of the drama of their rituals. Unless those +rituals, with the creeds and cosmologies connected with them had been +learned, the petroglyphs would never have been interpreted. The fact +that they are now understood does not add any new information, except +that perhaps in some instances their age may show the antiquity and +continuity of the present rites. + +A potent reason for caution in making deductions based only on copies +of figures published incidentally in works of travel is that it can +seldom be ascertained with exactness what is the true depiction +of those figures as actually existing or as originally made. The +personal equation affects the drawings and paintings intended to +be copies from the rock surfaces and also the engravings and other +forms of reproductions, and the student must rely upon very uncertain +reproductions for most of his material. The more ancient petroglyphs +also require the aid of the imagination to supply eroded lines or +faded colors. Travelers and explorers are seldom so conscientious as +to publish an obscure copy of the obscure original. It is either made +to appear distinct or is not furnished at all, and if the author were +conscientious the publisher would probably overrule him. + +Thorough knowledge of the historic tribes, including their sociology, +sophiology, technology, and especially their sign language, will +probably result in the interpretation of many more petroglyphs than +are now understood, but the converse is not true. The rock characters +studied independently will not give much primary information about +customs and concepts, though it may and does corroborate what has +been obtained by other modes of investigation. A knowledge of Indian +customs, costumes, including arrangement of hair, paint, and all tribal +designations, and of their histories and traditions, is essential to +the understanding of their drawings; for which reason some of those +particulars known to have influenced pictography have been set forth in +this work and objects have been mentioned which were known to have been +portrayed graphically with special intent. + +Other objects are used symbolically or emblematically which, so far as +known, have never appeared in any form of pictographs, but might be +found in any of them. For instance, Mr. Schoolcraft says of the Dakotas +that “some of the chiefs had the skins of skunks tied to their heels +to symbolize that they never ran, as that animal is noted for its slow +and self-possessed movements.” This is one of the many customs to be +remembered in the attempted interpretations of pictographs. The present +writer does not know that a skunk skin or a strip of skin which might +be supposed to be a skunk skin attached to a human heel has ever been +separately used pictorially as the ideogram of courage or steadfastness, +but with the knowledge of this objective use of the skins, if they were +found so represented pictorially, the interpretation would be suggested +without any direct explanation from Indians. + +A partial view of petroglyphs has excited hope that by their correlation +the priscan homes and migrations of peoples may be ascertained. +Undoubtedly striking similarities are found in regions far apart from as +well as near to each other. A glance at the bas-reliefs of Boro Boudour +in Java, now copied and published by the Dutch authorities, at once +recalls figures of the lotus and uræus of Egypt, the horns of Assyria, +the thunderbolt of Greece, the Buddhist fig tree, and other noted +characters common in several parts of the world. If the petroglyphs +of America are considered as the texts with which all others may be +compared, it is believed that the present work shows illustrations +nearly identical with many much-discussed carvings and paintings on the +rocks of the eastern hemisphere, those in Siberia being most strongly +suggestive of connection. But from the present collection it would seem +that the similarity of styles in various regions is more worthy of +study than is the mere resemblance or even identity of characters, the +significance of which is unknown and may have differed in the intent of +the several authors. Indeed it is clear that even in limited areas of +North America, diverse significance is attached to the same figure and +differing figures are made to express the same concept. + +The present work shows a surprising resemblance between the typical +forms among the petroglyphs found in Brazil, Venezuela, Peru, Guiana, +part of Mexico, and those in the Pacific slope of North America. This +similarity includes the forms in Guatemala and Alaska, which, on account +of the material used, are of less assured antiquity. Indeed it would be +safe to include Japan and New Zealand in this general class. In this +connection an important letter from Mr. James G. Swan, respecting the +carved wooden images of the Haidas, accentuates the deduction derived +only from comparison. Mr. Swan says that he showed to the Indians of +various coast tribes the plates of Dr. Habel’s work on sculptures in +Guatemala, and that they all recognized several of the pictures which +he notes. They also recognized and understood the pictures of the Zuñi +ceremonials, masks, and masquerades scenes published by Mr. F. H. +Cushing. + +Without entering upon the discussion whether America was peopled from +east to west, or from either, or from any other part of the earth, it +is for the present enough to suggest that the petroglyphs and other +pictographs in the three Americas indicate that their pre-Columbian +inhabitants had at one time frequent communication with each other, +perhaps not then being separated by the present distances of habitat. +Styles of drawing and painting could thus readily be diffused, and, +indeed, to mention briefly the extralimital influence, if as many +Japanese and Chinese vessels were driven upon the west American coast +in prehistoric times as are known by historic statistics to have been +so driven, the involuntary immigrants skilled in drawing and painting +might readily have impressed their styles upon the Americans near their +landing place to be thence indefinitely diffused. This hypothesis would +not involve migration. + +Interest has been felt in petroglyphs, because it has been supposed +that if interpreted they would furnish records of vanished peoples +or races, and connected with that supposition was one naturally +affiliated that the old rock sculptures were made by peoples so far +advanced in culture as to use alphabets or at least syllabaries, thus +supporting the theory about the mythical mound builders or some other +supposititious race. All suggestions of this nature should at once be +abandoned. The practice of pictography does not belong to civilization +and declines when an alphabet becomes popularly known. Neither is there +the slightest evidence that an alphabet or syllabary was ever used in +pre-Columbian America by the aborigines, though there is some trace +of Runic inscriptions. The fact that the Maya and Aztec peoples were +rapidly approaching to such modes of expressing thought, and that the +Dakota and Ojibwa had well entered upon that line of evolution, shows +that they had proceeded no farther, and it is admitted that they were +favorable representatives of the tribes of the continent in this branch +of art. The theory mentioned requires the assumption, without a particle +of evidence, that the rock sculptures are alphabetic, and therefore were +made by a supposititious and extinct race. Topers of the mysterious +may delight in such dazing infusions of perverted fancy, but they are +repulsive to the sober student. + +The foregoing remarks apply mainly to rock inscriptions and not to +pictographs on other substances, the discussion and illustration of +which occupy the greater part of the present work. In that division +there is no need of warning against wild theories or uncertain data. The +objects are in hand and their current use as well as their significance +is understood. Their description and illustration by classes is +presented in the above chapters with such detail that further discussion +here would be mere repetition. + +One line of thought, however, is so connected with several of the +classifications that it may here be mentioned with the suggestion that +the preceding headings, with the illustrations presented under each, +may be reviewed in reference to the methodical progress of pictography +toward a determined and convenient form of writing. This exhibition of +evolution was arrested by foreign invasion before the indirect signs of +sound had superseded the direct presentments of sight for communication +and record. Traces of it appear throughout the present paper, but are +more intelligently noticed on a second examination than in cursory +reading. In the Winter Counts of Battiste Good there are many characters +where the figure of a human being is connected with an object, which +shows his tribal status or the disease of which he died, and the +characters representing the tribe or disease are purely determinative. + +The discrimination which is made between animals and objects portrayed +simply as such, and as supernatural or mystic, is shown in the many +illustrations of Ojibwa and Zuñi devices, in which the heart is +connected with a line extending to the mouth, and those of the Ojibwa +and the Dakota, where the spirals indicate spirit or wakan. Animals are +often portrayed without such lines, in which cases it is understood +that they are only the animals in natural condition, but with the +designations or determinatives they are intended to be supernatural. +Among the Ojibwa animals connected with certain ceremonies are +represented as encircled by a belt or baldric, an ornamented baldric +of the same character being used by the participants in the ceremonial +chant dance; so that the baldric around the animal determines that the +figure is that of a supernatural and mystic, not an ordinary, animal. +This is an indication of the start from simple pictography towards an +alphabet by the use of determinatives as was done by the Chinese. + +It is not believed that much information of historical value will be +obtained directly from the interpretation of the petroglyphs in America. +The greater part of those already known are simply peckings, carvings, +or paintings connected with their myths or with their every-day lives. +It is, however, probable that others were intended to commemorate +events, but the events, which to their authors were of moment, would be +of little importance as history, if, as is to be expected, they were +selected in the same manner as is done by modern Indian pictographers. +They referred generally to some insignificant fight or some season of +plenty or of famine, or to other circumstances the interest in which has +long ago died away. + +The question may properly be asked, why, with such small prospect of +gaining historic information, so much attention has been directed to +the collection and study of petroglyphs. A sufficient answer might be +submitted, that the fact mentioned could not be made evident until after +that collection and study, and that it is of some use to establish the +limits of any particular line of investigation, especially one largely +discussed with mystical inferences to support false hypotheses. But +though the petroglyphs do not and probably never will disclose the kind +of information hoped for by some enthusiasts, they surely are valuable +as marking the steps in one period of human evolution and in presenting +evidence of man’s early practices. Also though the occurrences +interesting to their authors and therefore recorded or indicated by +them are not important as facts of history, they are proper subjects +of examination, simply because in fact they were the chief objects of +interest to their authors, and for that reason become of ethnologic +import. It is not denied that some of the drawings on rocks were made +without special purpose, for mere pastime, but they are of import even +as mere graffiti. The character of the drawings and the mode of their +execution tell something of their makers. If they do not tell who those +authors were, they at least suggest what kind of people they were as +regards art, customs, and sometimes religion. But there is a broader +mode of estimating the quality of known pictographs. Musicians are +eloquent in lauding of the great composers of songs without words. The +ideography, which is the prominent feature of picture writing, displays +both primordially and practically the higher and purer concept of +thoughts without sound. + +The experience of the present writer induces him to offer the following +suggestions for the benefit of travelers and other observers who may +meet with petroglyphs which they may desire to copy and describe. + +As a small drawing of large rock inscriptions must leave in doubt +the degree of its finish and perhaps the essential objects of its +production, it is requisite, in every instance, to affix the scale of +the drawing, or to give a principal dimension to serve as a guide. A +convenient scale for ordinary petroglyphs is one-sixteenth of actual +size. The copy should be with sufficient detail to show the character +of the work. It is useful to show the lithologic character of the rock +or bowlder used; whether the drawing has been scratched into the face +of the rock, or incised more deeply with a sharp implement, and the +depth of such incision; whether the design is merely outlined, or the +whole body of the figures pecked out, and whether paint has been applied +to the pecked surface, or the design executed with paint only. The +composition of paint should be ascertained when possible. The amount of +weathering or erosion, together with the exposure, or any other feature +bearing on the question of antiquity, might prove important. If actual +colors are not accessible for representation the ordinary heraldic +scheme of colors can be used. + +That sketches, even by artists of ability, are not of high value +in accuracy, is shown by the discrepant copies of some of the most +carefully studied pictographs, which discrepancies sometimes leave in +uncertainty the points most needed for interpretation. Sketches, or +still better, photographs are desirable to present a connected and +general view of the characters and the surface upon which they are +found. For accuracy of details “squeezes” should be obtained when +practicable. + +A simple method of obtaining squeezes of petroglyphs, when the lines +are sufficiently deep to receive an impression, is to take ordinary +manilla paper of loose texture, and to spread the sheet, after being +thoroughly wetted, over the surface, commencing at the top. The top edge +may be temporarily secured by a small streak of starch or flour paste. +The paper is then pressed upon the surface of the rock by means of a +soft bristle brush, so that its texture is gently forced into every +depression. Torn portions of the paper may be supplied by applying +small patches of wet paper until every opening is thoroughly covered. +A coating of ordinary paste, as above mentioned, is now applied to the +entire surface, and a new sheet of paper, similarly softened by water, +is laid over this and pressed down with the brush. This process is +continued until three or four thicknesses of paper have been used. Upon +drying, the entire mold will usually fall off by contraction. The edge +at the top, if previously pasted to the rock, should be cut. The entire +sheet can then be rolled up, or if inconveniently large can be cut in +sections and properly marked for future purposes. This process yields +the negative. To obtain the positive the inner coating of the negative +may be oiled, and the former process renewed upon the cast. + +The characters when painted with bright tints and upon a light-colored +surface, may readily be traced upon tracing linen, such as is employed +by topographers. Should the rock be of a dark color, and the characters +indistinct, a simple process is to first follow the characters in +outline with colored crayons, red chalk, or dry colors mixed with water +and applied with a brush, after which a piece of muslin is placed over +the surface and pressed so as to receive sufficient coloring matter to +indicate general form and relative position. After these impressions +are touched up, the true position may be obtained by painting the lines +upon the back of the sheet of muslin, or by making a true tracing of the +negative. + +An old mode of securing the outline was to clear out the channels of the +intaglios, then, after painting them heavily, to press a sheet of muslin +into the freshly painted depressions. The obvious objection to this +method is the damage to the inscription. Before such treatment, if the +only one practicable, all particulars of the work to be covered by paint +should be carefully recorded. + +The locality should be reported with detail of State (or territory), +county, township, and distance and direction from the nearest +post-office, railway station, or country road. In addition the name of +any contiguous stream, hill, bluff, or other remarkable natural feature +should be given. The name of the owner of the land is of temporary +value, as it is liable to frequent changes. The site or station should +be particularly described with reference to its natural characteristics +and geological history. When petroglyphs are in numbers and groups, +their relation to each other to the points of the compass or to +topographical features, should be noted, if possible, by an accurate +survey, otherwise by numeration and sketching. + +The following details should be carefully noted: The direction of the +face of the rock; the presence of probable trails and gaps which may +have been used in shortening distances in travel; localities of mounds +and caves, if any, in the vicinity; ancient camping grounds, indicated +by fragments of pottery, flint chips or other refuse; existence of +aboriginal relics, particularly flints which may have been used in +pecking (these may be found at the base of the rocks upon which +petroglyphs occur); the presence of small mortar-holes which may have +served in the preparation of colors. + +With reference to pictographs on other objects than rock it is important +to report the material upon which they appear and the implements +ascertained to be used in their execution examples of which are given in +other parts of this work. + +With reference to all kinds of pictographs, it should be remembered +that mere descriptions without graphic representations are of little +value. Probable age and origin and traditions relating to them should +be ascertained. Their interpretation by natives of the locality who +themselves make pictographs or who belong to people who have lately made +pictographs is most valuable, especially in reference to such designs +as may be either conventional, religious, or connected with lines of +gesture-signs. + + + + +LIST OF WORKS AND AUTHORS CITED. + + +The object of this alphabetical list is to permit convenient reference +to authorities without either deforming the pages of the present work +by footnotes or cumbering the text with more or less abbreviated +indications of editions, volumes, and pages, as well as titles and +names, which in some cases would have required many repetitions. The +list is by no means intended as a bibliography of the subject, nor +even as a statement of the printed and MS. works actually studied and +consulted by the present writer in the preparation of his copy. The +details and niceties of bibliographic description are not attempted, +the titles being abbreviated, except in a few instances where they are +believed to be of special interest. The purpose is to include only the +works which have been actually quoted or cited in the text, and, indeed, +not all of those, as it was deemed unnecessary to transfer to the +list some well-known works of which there are no confusing numbers of +editions. When a publication is cited in the text but once, sufficient +reference is sometimes made at the place of citation. When it would seem +that the reference should be more particular the work is mentioned in +the text, generally by the name of the author, followed by an italic +letter of the alphabet in a parenthesis, which letter is repeated in the +same form under the author’s name in the alphabetical list followed by +mention of the edition from which the citation was taken, the number of +the volume when there is more than one volume of that edition, and the +page; also a reference, when needed, to the illustration reproduced or +described. + +Example: When the voluminous official publication of Schoolcraft is +first quoted on p. 35, the reference is to p. 351 of his first volume, +and the name “Schoolcraft” is followed by (_a_). On turning to that +name in the list there appears under it a note of the work and the +letter (_a_) is followed by “I, p. 351.” The references to this author +are so many that all the letters of the alphabet are successively +employed--indeed, some of them do duty several times, as several +references in the text are to the same page or plate. The references +to this single author would therefore have required at least thirty +footnotes, or corresponding words in the text, instead of thirty italic +letters divided between the several places of citation. + +The abbreviation and simplicity of the plan is shown where there are +many editions of the work cited. One of the most troublesome for +reference of all publications is that of the Travels, etc., of Lewis and +Clarke. The letter (_a_) after those names on p. 419, repeated under the +same names in the list, refers to p. 66 of the edition specified. + +When the italic letter in parenthesis precedes the title of a work in +the list, reference is made to that work as a whole without specific +quotation. So also when no such italic letter appears. Occasionally the +title and imprint of a magazine or other continuous publication appears +in the list without note of volume and page. This occurs where the +authority is noted elsewhere, generally more than once, with only curt +reference to the serial publication, and is intended to avoid repetition. + +The simple scheme is designed, while avoiding bibliographic prolixity, +to give practical assistance to the reader in finding the authorities +cited, when desired. Scientific pretense has sometimes been sacrificed +for simplicity and convenience. + + + + +LIST. + + +~ADAIR~ (JAMES). + + The History of the American Indians; particularly those Nations + adjoining to the Mississippi, East and West Florida, Georgia, South + and North Carolina, and Virginia. * * * By James Adair, Esquire, a + Trader with the Indians, and Resident in their Country for Forty + Years. London; 1775. 4^{o}. + + (_a_) p. 389. + +~AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST.~ + + The American Anthropologist, published quarterly under the + auspices of the Anthropological Society of Washington. Washington, + D. C. Vol. I[-VI]. 8^{o}. + + (_a_) II, 1889, No. 4, p. 323. (_b_) ibid., p. 524. + +~AMERICAN NATURALIST.~ + + The American Naturalist, a monthly journal devoted to the + natural sciences in their widest sense. Philadelphia. Vol. + I[-XXVII]. 8^{o}. + +~AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY.~ + + Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, held at + Philadelphia, for promoting useful knowledge. Philadelphia (Penna.). + Vol. I[-XXX]. 8^{o}. + + (_a_) XXIX, p. 216. + +~ANDREE~ (_Dr._ RICHARD). + + Das Zeichnen bei den Naturvölkern. Separatabdruck aus den + Mittheilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien. Bd. XVII, + der neuen Folge Bd. VII. Wien; 1887. 8^{o}. + + (_a_) p. 6. (_b_) p. 4. (_c_) ib. (_d_) p. 8. (_e_) p. 5. + + Ethnographische Parallelen und Vergleiche, von Richard Andree. + Mit 6 Tafeln und 21 Holzschnitten. Stuttgart; 1878. 8^{o}. + + (_a_) p. 260. (_b_) p. 194. + +~ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND.~ + + The Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain + and Ireland. London; 1872[-1892]. 8^{o}. + + (_a_) XIX, May, 1890, p. 368. (_b_) XVI, Feb., 1887, p. 309. + (_c_) I, 1872, p. 334. (_d_) X, Feb., 1880, p. 104. (_e_) III, Feb., + 1873, p. 131. (_f_) XVII, Nov., 1887, p. 86. + +~ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF TŌKYŌ.~ + + See _Tōkyō Anthropological Society of._ + +~ANTHROPOLOGIE.~ + + See _L’Anthropologie._ + +~ANTHROPOLOGISCHE GESELLSCHAFT IN BERLIN.~ + + See _Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie._ + +~ANTHROPOLOGISCHE GESELLSCHAFT IN WIEN.~ + + Mittheilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in + Wien. In Commission bei Alfred Hölder, k.k. Hof- und + Universitäts-Buchhändler. Wien; 4^{o}. + + (_a_) XVI, iii. and iv. Heft, 1886, Tafel X. + +~APPUN~ (C. F.). + + Südamerikanischen, mit Sculpturen bedeckten Felsens. In + Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, + Ethnologie und Urgeschichte. Berlin; Mai, 1877. + + (_a_) pp. 6 and 7, Pl. XVI. + +~ARARIPE~ (TRISTÃO DE ALENCAR). + + Cidades Petrificades e Inscripções Lapidares no Brazil. By + Tristão de Alencar Araripe. In Revista Trim. do Inst. Hist. e Geog. + Brazil, Tome L, 2^o folheto. Rio de Janeiro; 1887. + + (_a_) p. 275 et seq. (_b_) p. 291. (_c_) p. 277. + +~ARCHAIC ROCK INSCRIPTIONS.~ + + Archaic Rock Inscriptions; an Account of the Cup and Ring + Markings on the Sculptured Stones of the Old and New Worlds. * * * A + Reader, Orange Street, Red Lion Square, London; 1891. Sm. 8^{o}. + +~AUSLAND~, _Das_ + + Das Ausland. Wochenschrift für Erd- und Völkerkunde. + Herausgegeben von Siegmund Günther. Stuttgart. Verlag der J. G. + Cotta’schen Buchhandlung, Nachfolger. 4^{o}. + + (_a_) 1884, No. 1, p. 12. + + +~BANCROFT~ (HUBERT HOWE). + + The Native Races of the Pacific States of North America. By + Hubert Howe Bancroft. San Francisco; 1882. Vol. I[-V]. 8^{o}. + + (_a_) I, p. 379. (_b_) I, p. 48. (_c_) I, p. 332. (_d_) II, p. + 802. (_e_) I, p. 333. (_f_) I, p. 387. (_g_) I, p. 403. (_h_) II, p. + 374. (_i_) IV, pp. 40-50. + +~BANDELIER~ (A. F.). + + Report of an Archæological Tour in Mexico in 1881. By A. F. + Bandelier. Papers of the Archæological Institute of America. + American Series, II. Boston; 1884. 8^{o}. + + (_a_) p. 184. + +~BARTLETT~ (JOHN RUSSELL). + + Personal Narrative of Explorations and Incidents in Texas, New + Mexico, California, Sonora, and Chihuahua, connected with the United + States and Mexican Boundary Commission, during the years 1850, ’51, + ’52, and ’53. By John Russell Bartlett, United States Commissioner + during that period. New York; 1854. 2 vols. 8^{o}. + + (_a_) II, pp. 192-206. (_b_) ibid., pp. 170-173. + +~BASTIAN~ (A.). + + (_b_) Amerika’s Nordwest-Küste. Neueste Ergebnisse + ethnologischer Reisen. Aus den Sammlungen der königlichen Museen + zu Berlin. Herausgegeben von der Direction der ethnologischen + Abtheilung. Berlin; 1884. Folio. + + Ethnologisches Bilderbuch (mit erklärendem Text), 25 Tafeln. Von + Adolf Bastian. Berlin; 1887. Folio. + + (_a_) Pl. VI. + +~BELDEN~ (G. P.). + + Belden, the White Chief, or Twelve Years among the Wild Indians + of the Plains. From the diaries and manuscripts of George P. Belden. + * * * Edited by Gen. James S. Brisbin, U. S. A. Cincinnati and New + York; 1870. 8^{o}. + + (_a_) p. 277. (_b_) p. 145. (_c_) p. 144. + +~BERLINER GESELLSCHAFT FÜR ANTHROPOLOGIE.~ + + Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, + Ethnologie und Urgeschichte. Redigirt von Rud. Virchow. Berlin. + 8^{o}. + + (_a_) No. 20, March, 1886. (_b_) Sitzung 16, November, 1889, p. + 655. (_c_) ibid., p. 651. (_d_) March 20, 1886, p. 208. + +~BERTHELOT~ (S.). + + Notice sur les Caractères Hiéroglyphiques Gravés sur les + Roches Volcaniques aux îles Canaries. In Bulletin de la Société de + Géographie, rédigé avec le Concours de la Section de Publication + par les Secrétaires de la Commission Centrale. Sixième Série, Tome + Neuvième, année 1875. Paris; 1875. + + (_a_) p. 117 et seq. (_b_) p. 189. + +~BERTHOUD~ (_Capt._ E. L.). + + (_a_) In Kansas City Review of Science and Industry, VII, 1883, + No. 8, pp. 489, 490. + +~BLOXAM~ (G. W.). + + Aroko, or Symbolic Letters. In Journal Anthrop. Inst. Great + Britain and Ireland. 1887. + + (_a_) pp. 291 et seq. (_b_) p. 295. (_c_) p. 298. + +~BOAS~ (_Dr._ FRANZ). + + Report on the Northwestern Tribes of the Dominion of Canada. In + Report of the Fifty-ninth Annual Meeting of the British Association + for the Advancement of Science. London; 1889. + + (_c_) p. 12. (_e_) pp. 852, 853. (_f_) p. 841. + + Felsenzeichnung von Vancouver Island. In Verhandlungen der + Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, ausserordentliche Sitzung + am 14. Februar 1891. + + (_a_) p. 160. Fig. p. 161. + + The Houses of the Kwakiutl Indians, British Columbia. In + Proceedings of the U. S. National Museum for 1888. Washington. 8^{o}. + + (_b_) pp. 197 et seq. (_d_) p. 212, Pl. XL. (_g_) p. 208. + +~BOBAN~ (EUGÈNE). + + Documents pour servir à l’Histoire du Mexique. Catalogue + raisonné de la Collection de M. E.-Eugène Goupil (Ancienne coll. + J.-M.-A. Aubin). Manuscrits figuratifs et autres sur papier indigène + d’agave Mexicana et sur papier européen antérieurs et postérieurs à + la Conquête du Mexique. (XVI^e siècle). Avec une introduction de M. + E.-Eugène Goupil et une lettre-préface de M. Auguste Génin. Paris; + 1891. 2 vols. 4^{o}, and atlas folio. + + (_a_) II, p. 273. (_b_) II, pp. 331, 342. + +~BOCK~ (CARL). + + The Head-Hunters of Borneo: A narrative of travel up the + Mahakkam and down the Barrito; also journeyings in Sumatra. By Carl + Bock. London; 1881. 8^{o}. + + (_a_) p. 67. (_b_) p. 41. + +~BOLLER~ (HENRY A.). + + Among the Indians. Eight years in the Far West: 1858-1866. + Embracing sketches of Montana and Salt Lake. By Henry A. Boller. + Philadelphia; 1868. 12^{o}. + + (_a_) p. 284. + +~BOSCAWEN~ (W. ST. CHAD). + + The Prehistoric Civilization of Babylonia. In Journal of the + Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. VIII, + No. 1; August, 1878. + + (_a_) p. 23. + +~BOSSU~ (_Capt._). + + Travels through that part of North America formerly called + Louisiana. By Mr. Bossu, captain in the French marines. Translated + from the French by John Rheinhold Forster. Illustrated with Notes, + relative chiefly to Natural History. London; 1771. 2 vols. 8^{o}. + + (_a_) I, p. 164. + +~BOTURINI~ (BENADUCI). + + Idea de una Nueva Historia General de la América Septentrional, + fundada sobre material copioso de Figuras, Symbolos, Caracteres y + Geroglíficos, Cantares y Manuscritos de Antores Indios, ultimamente + descubiertos. Dedicada al Rey N^{tro} Señor en su real y supremo + consejo de las Indias el Cavallero Lorenzo Boturini Benaduci, Señor + de la Torre, y de Pono. Madrid; 1746. 4^{o}. + + (_a_) pp. 54-56. + +~BOURKE~ (_Capt._ JOHN G.). + + The Snake-Dance of the Moquis of Arizona; being a Narrative of + a Journey from Santa Fé, New Mexico, to the Villages of the Moqui + Indians of Arizona, etc. By John G. Bourke, Captain, Third U. S. + Cavalry. New York; 1884. 8^{o}. + + (_f_) p. 120. + + The Medicine Men of the Apaches. By John G. Bourke, Captain, + Third Cavalry, U. S. Army. In the Ninth Annual Report of the Bureau + of Ethnology. + + (_a_) p. 550 et seq. (_b_) p. 562. (_c_) ib. (_d_) p. 580. (_e_) + p. 588. (_f_) ib. + +~BOVALLIUS~ (CARL). + + Nicaraguan Antiquities. By Carl Bovallius; pub. by Swed. Soc. + Anthrop. and Geog. Stockholm; 1886. 8^{o}. + + (_a_) Pl. 39. + +~BOYLE~ (DAVID). + + 4th Ann. Rep. Canadian Institute, 1890. + + (_a_) p. 23. (_b_) ib. + +~BRANSFORD~ (_Dr._ J. F.). + + Archæological Researches in Nicaragua. By J. F. Bransford, M. + D., Passed Assistant Surgeon, U. S. Navy. [Constitutes No. 383, + Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge.] Washington; 1881. + + (_a_) p. 64, fig. 123. (_b_) p. 65. + +~BRASSEUR DE BOURBOURG~ (_Abbé_ CHARLES ÉTIENNE). + + See _Landa_. + +~BRAZILEIRO, REVISTA TRIMENSAL.~ + + See _Revista Trimensal do Instituto Hist. e Geog. Brazileiro_. + +~BRINTON~ (_Prof._ DANIEL G.). + + On the “Stone of the Giants.” In Report of the Proceedings of + the Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Philadelphia for the years + 1887-1889. Philadelphia; 1891. + + (_a_) p. 78 et seq. (_c_) ib. + + On the Ikonomatic Method of Phonetic Writing, with special + reference to American Archæology. Read before the Am. Philosoph. + Soc. Oct. 1, 1886. + + (_b_) p. 3. + + The Names of the Gods in the Kiche Myths, Central America. By + Daniel G. Brinton, M. D. Separate and in Proc. Am. Philos. Soc. 8^o. + + (_d_) XIX, p. 613. + + (_e_) The Maya Chronicles. Edited by Daniel G. Brinton, M. + D. Philadelphia; 1882. 8^{o}. Number 1 of Brinton’s Library of + Aboriginal American Literature. + + (_f_) The Lenape and their Legends, with the complete text and + symbols of the Walam Olum. By Daniel G. Brinton, M. D. Philadelphia; + 1885. 8^{o}. + + (_g_) The Myths of the New World. A treatise on the symbolism + and mythology of the red race of America. By D. G. Brinton. New + York; 1876. 8^{o}. + +~BROWN~ (CHAS. B.). + + The Indian Picture Writing in British Guiana. By Charles B. + Brown. In Journal of the Anthropological Inst. of Gt. Britain and + Ireland. + + (_a_) II, 1873, pp. 254-257. + +~BROWN~ (EDWARD). + + The Pictured Cave of La Crosse Valley, near West Salem, + Wisconsin. In Report and Collections of the State Historical Society + of Wisconsin for the years 1877, 1878, and 1879, Vol. VIII, Madison; + 1879. + + (_a_) pp. 174-181, Figs. 2, 5, 9, 14. + +~BRUXELLES, SOCIÉTÉ D’ANTHROPOLOGIE DE.~ + + See _Société d’Anthropologie de Bruxelles_. + +~BUCKLAND~ (_Miss_ A. W.). + + On Tattooing. In Journal Anthrop. Inst. Gt. Britain and Ireland, + XVII, No. 4. May, 1888. + + (_a_) p. 318 et seq. + +~BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.~ + + Annual Reports of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of + the Smithsonian Institution. Washington. Roy. 8^o. I[-X]. + + First Annual Report [for 1879-’80]. 1881. Sign Language among + North American Indians compared with that among other peoples and + deaf mutes. By Garrick Mallery. pp. 263-552. + + (_a_) p. 498. + + Same Report. A Further Contribution to the Study of the Mortuary + Customs of the North American Indians. By Dr. H. C. Yarrow, Act. + Asst. Surg. U. S. + + A. pp. 87-203. + + (_a_) p. 195. + + Fourth Annual Report [for 1882-’83]. 1886. Pictographs of North + American Indians. A Preliminary Paper. By Garrick Mallery. pp. 3-256. + + References to other authors in this series appear under their + respective names. + +~CADILLAC~ (_Capt._ DE LAMOTHE). + + (_a_) Collier qui doit être porté à Montréal. In Margry, Part V, + pp. 290-291. + + (_b_) In Margry, Part V, p. 90. + +~CANADA, ROYAL SOCIETY OF.~ + + Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada. + I[-IX]. Montreal and Toronto. Large 4^o. + + ~CANADA~, Report of the Deputy Superintendent-General of Indian + Affairs of. Ottawa; 1879. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 113. + +~CANADIAN INSTITUTE.~ + + Proceedings of the Canadian Institute of Toronto, being a + continuation of the Canadian Journal of Science, Literature, and + History. 20 vols. in 3 series, commencing 1852. Toronto. First + series 4^o, last series 8^o. + +~CARNE~ (PERRIER DU). + + (_a_) In L’Anthropologie, II, 1891, No. 2, p. 269. + +~CARPENTER~ (EDWARD). + + From Adam’s Peak to Elephanta. Sketches in Ceylon and India. By + Edward Carpenter. London; 1892. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 129. + +~CARTAILHAC~ (ÉMILE). + + La France préhistorique d’après les sépultures et les monuments. + Par Émile Cartailhac. Paris; 1889. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 234. + +~CARVER~ (_Capt._ JONATHAN). + + Travels through the Interior Parts of North America, in the + years 1766, 1767, and 1768. By J. Carver, esq., captain of a company + of Provincial troops during the late war with France. Illustrated + with copper plates. London; 1778. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 418. (_b_) ib. (_c_) p. 357. + +~CATLIN~ (GEORGE). + + Letters and Notes on the Manners, Customs, and Condition of the + North American Indians. Fourth edition. London; 1844. 2 vols. 8^o. + + (_a_) II, p. 98. + +~CHAMPLAIN~ (_Le Sieur_ SAMUEL DE). + + Les voyages de la Novvelle France occidentale, dicte Canada, + faits par le S^r de Champlain Xainctongeois, Capitaine pour le Roy + en la Marine du Ponant, & toutes les Descouuertes qu’il a faites + en ce païs depuis l’an 1603 iusques en l’an 1629. Où se voit comme + ce pays a esté premierement descouuert par les François, sous + l’authorité de nos Roys tres-Chrestiens, iusques au regne de sa + Majesté à present regnante Lovis XIII. Roy de France & de Nauarre. + Auec vn traitté des qualitez & conditions requises à vn bon & + parfaict Nauigateur pour cognoistre la diuersité des Estimes qui se + font en la Nauigation; Les Marques & enseignments que la prouidence + de Dieu a mises dans les Mers pour redresser les Mariniers en leur + routte, sans lesquelles ils tomberoient en de grands dangers, Et + la maniere de bien dresser Cartes marines auec leurs Ports, Rades, + Isles, Sondes & autre chose necessaire à la Nauigation. Ensemble + vne Carte generalle de la description dudit pays faicte en son + Meridien selon la declinaison de la guide Aymant, & vn Catechisme ou + Instruction traduicte du François au langage des peuples Sauuages de + quelque contree, auec ce qui s’est passé en ladite Nouuelle France + en l’année 1631. Paris; 1632. Sm. 4^o. + + Œuvres de Champlain publiées sous le patronage de l’Université + Laval par l’abbé C. H. Laverdière, M. A., professor d’histoire à la + faculté des arts et bibliothécaire de l’université; Seconde édition. + Québec; 1870. [6 vols. Sm. 4^o (the fifth in two parts), paged + consecutively at bottom. 2 p. ll., pp. i-lxxvi, 1-1478, 1 l. The + pagination of the original edition appears at the top. Vol. V is a + reprint in facsimile as to arrangement, of the 1632 edition of Les + Voyages]. + + (_a_) V, 1st pt., p. 159. (_b_) ib. 157. (_c_) III, p. 57. (_d_) + V, 2d pt., p. 40. (_e_) III, p. 194. (_f_) II, p. 19. + +~CHAMPOLLION~ (JEAN FRANCOIS, _le jeune_). + + Grammaire Egyptienne, ou principes généraux de l’écriture sacrée + égyptienne appliquées à la représentation de la langue parlée. + Publiée sur le manuscrit autographe. Paris; 1836-’41. Sm. folio. + + (_a_) p. 113. (_d_) p. 519. (_g_) p. 91. (_h_) p. 57. + + Dictionnaire Egyptien, en écriture hiéroglyphique; publié + d’après les manuscrits autographes, par M. Champollion-Figeac. + Paris; 1842-’44. Folio. + + (_b_) p. 429. (_c_) p. 31. (_e_) p. 1. (_f_) p. 3. + +~CHARENCEY~ (_Count_ HYACINTHE DE). + + (_a_) Des Couleurs considérées comme Symboles des points de + l’Horizon chez les Peuples. From Actes de la Société Philologique. + Tome VI, No. 3, Oct., 1876; Paris; 1877. + + Essai sur la symbolique des points de l’horizon dans l’extrême + orient. Hyacinthe de Charencey. Caen; 1876. 8^o. + +~CHARLEVOIX~ (_Père_ F. X. DE). + + History and General Description of New France. By the Rev. Père + François Xavier de Charlevoix. Translated with Notes by John Gilmary + Shea. New York; 1866-1872. 2 vols. Imperial 8^o. + + (_a_) I, p. 266. + +~CHAVERO~ (ALFREDO). + + La piedra del Sol. Estudio arqueológico por Alfredo Chavero. In + Anales del Museo Nacional de México. + + (_a_) III, p. 124. + +~CLEMENT~ (CLARA ERSKINE). + + A Handbook of Legendary and Mythological Art. By Clara Erskine + Clement. Boston; 1883. Small 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 7. + +~COALE~ (CHARLES B.). + + Life and Adventures of William Waters. By Charles B. Coale. + Richmond; 1878. 12^o. + + (_a_) p. 136. + +~COMMISSION SCIENTIFIQUE AU MEXIQUE.~ + + See _Mexique, Mission Scientifique au_. + +~CONDER~ (_Maj._ CLAUDE R.) + + Hittite Ethnology. In Journal Anthropological Institute of Great + Britain and Ireland, XVII, pt. 2, Nov., 1887. + + (_d_) p. 141. + + Palestine Exploration Fund. Quarterly Statement for July, 1881. + London; 1881. + + (_a_) pp. 214-218. (_c_) p. 16. + + On the Canaanites. In Journal of the Transactions of the + Victoria Institute, Vol. XXIV, No. 93. London; 1889, pp. 56-62. + + (_b_) p. 57. + +~CONGRÈS INTERNATIONAL DES AMÉRICANISTES.~ + + Compte-rendu de la cinquiéme session, Copenhague, 1883. + Copenhague, 1884. 8^o. + +~CONTRIBUTIONS TO NORTH AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY.~ + + Vol. I[-VI]. Washington. Government Printing Office; + 1877[-1890]. 4^o. (Department of the Interior. U. S. Geographical + and Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region. J. W. Powell in + charge.) + +~COOPER~ (W. R.). + + The Serpent Myths of Ancient Egypt. By W. R. Cooper, F. R. S. L. + London; 1873. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 24. (_b_) p. 43. + +~COPE~ (_Prof._ E. D.). + + Report on the Remains of Population observed in Northwestern + New Mexico. By Prof. E. D. Cope. In Report upon United States + Geographical Surveys west of the one hundredth meridian, in charge + of First Lieut. Geo. M. Wheeler. 7 vols. Washington, 4^o. + + (_a_) VII, 1879, p. 358. + +~COPWAY~ (G.). + + The Traditional History and characteristic sketches of the + Ojibway Nation. By G. Copway, or Kah-gi-ga-gah-bowh, chief of the + Ojibway Nation. London; 1850. Sm. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 134. (_b_) p. 136. (_c_) pp. 135, 136. (_d_) p. 135. + (_e_) p. 134. (_f_) p. 135. (_g_) p. 134. (_h_) ibid. + +~CRANE~ (_Miss_ AGNES). + + Ancient Mexican Heraldry. By Agnes Crane. In Science, Vol. XX, + No. 503. + + (_a_) p. 175. + +~CRAWFURD~ (JOHN). + + History of the Indian Archipelago. By John Crawford * * *. + Edinburgh; 1820. 3 vols. 8^o. + + (_a_) I, p. 290. + +~CRONAU~ (RUDOLF). + + Geschichte der Solinger Klingenindustrie. Von Rudolf Cronau. + Stuttgart; 1885. Folio. + + (_b_) p. 17. (_c_) pp. 18, 19. + + Im Wilden Westen. Eine Künstlerfahrt durch die Prairien und + Felsengebirge der Union. Von Rudolf Cronau. * * * Braunschweig; + 1889. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 85. + +~CUMMING~ (R. GORDON). + + Sporting Adventures in South Africa. By Gordon Cumming. London; + 1856. 2 vols. 8^o. + + (_a_) I, p. 207. + +~CURR~ (EDWARD M.). + + The Australian Race. By Edward M. Curr. London; 1886. 3 vols. + 8^o, and folio atlas. + + (_a_) I, p. 149 et seq. (_b_) ibid., p. 94. (_c_) III, p. 544. + (_d_) I, plate facing p. 145. + +~CUSHING~ (FRANK HAMILTON). + + Preliminary Notes on the origin, working hypothesis and primary + researches of the Hemenway Southwestern Archæological Expedition. In + Congrès International des Américanistes. Compte-rendu de la septième + session. Berlin; 1890. + + (_a_) p. 151. + + +~D’ALBERTIS~ (L. M.). + + New Guinea; What I did and what I saw. By L. M. D’Albertis. + Boston; 1881. 2 vols. 8^o. + + (_a_) II, p. 66. (_b_) ibid., p. 301. (_c_) I, pp. 213, 215, + 519. (_d_) I, 262 and 264. + +~DALL~ (WILLIAM H.). + + On Masks, Labrets and certain aboriginal customs, with an + inquiry into the bearing of their geographical distribution. In + Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, 1885; + pp. 67-202. + + (_d_) p. 75. (_e_) p. 111. + + Contributions to North American Ethnology, I. + + (_a_) p. 79. (_f_) p. 86. + + Alaska and its Resources. London; 1870. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 142. (_b_) p. 412. (_c_) p. 95. + +~D’ALVIELLA~ (_Count_ GOBLET). + + The Migration of symbols. By the Count Goblet D’Alviella. In + Popular Science Monthly; 1890. (Sept. and Oct.) (Trans. from Révue + des Deux Mondes; Paris; May 1, 1890, p. 121.) + + (_a_) pp. 674, 779. (_b_) p. 676. (_c_) p. 677. + +~DAVIDSON~ (ALEXANDER) AND ~STRUVÉ~ (BERNARD). + + History of Illinois from 1673 to 1884, by Alexander Davidson and + Bernard Struvé. Springfield, Ill.; 1884. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 62. + +~DAVIS~ (W. W. H.). + + The Spanish Conquest of New Mexico. By W. W. H. Davis. + Doylestown, Pa.; 1869. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 405. (_b_) p. 292. + +~DAWSON~ (_Dr._ GEORGE M.). + + Notes on the Shuswap people of British Columbia. By George M. + Dawson, LL. D., F. R. S., Assistant Director Geological Society of + Canada. In Transactions of Royal Soc. of Canada, Section II, 1891. + + (_a_) p. 14. + +~DE CLERCQ~ (F. S. A.). + + Ethnographische Beschrijving van de West- en Noordkust van + Nederlandsch Nieuw-Guinea door F. S. A. De Clercq, met medewerking + van J. D. E. Schmeltz. Leiden; 1893. 4^o. + + (_a_) p. 31. + +~DELLENBAUGH~ (F. S.). + + The Shinumos. A Prehistoric People of the Rocky Mountain Region. + By F. S. Dellenbaugh. In Bull. Buffalo Soc. Nat. Sciences; Buffalo, + N. Y.; Vol. III, 1875-1877. + + (_a_) p. 172. + +~DE SMET~ (_Rev._ PETER). + + See _Smet_ (_Père_ Peter _de_). + +~DE SCHWEINITZ~ (_Bishop_ EDMUND). + + The life and times of David Zeisberger, the western pioneer and + apostle of the Indians. By Edmund De Schweinitz. Philadelphia; 1870. + 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 160. + +~DETROIT~ (SIEGE OF, DIARY OF THE). + + Diary of the Siege of Detroit in the War with Pontiac. Albany; + 1860. 4^o. + + (_a_) p. 29. + +~DIDRON~ (M.). + + Iconographie Chrétienne. Histoire de Dieu. Par M. Didron, de la + Bibliothèque Royale, Secrétaire du Comité Historique des Arts et + Monuments. Paris; 1843. 4^o. + + (_a_) p. 338. (_b_) p. 330. (_c_) p. 343. (_d_) p. 145. + +~DODGE~ (_Col._ R. I.). + + Our Wild Indians; Thirty-three years’ personal experience among + the Red Men of the Great West. * * * By Colonel Richard Irving + Dodge, U. S. Army. Hartford; 1882. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 163. + +~DORMAN~ (RUSHTON M.). + + The Origin of Primitive Superstitions and their development into + the worship of spirits and the doctrine of spiritual agency among + the aborigines of America. By Rushton M. Dorman. Philadelphia; 1881. + 8^o. + +~DORSEY~ (_Rev._ J. OWEN). + + Teton Folk-lore. In American Anthropologist, Vol. II, No. 2. + Washington; 1889. + + (_a_) p. 144. (_b_) p. 147. + +~DU CHAILLU~ (PAUL B.). + + The Viking Age. The early history, manners, and customs of the + ancestors of the English-speaking nations. By Paul B. Du Chaillu. * + * * New York; 1889. 2 vols. 8^o. + + (_a_) II, p. 116 et seq. (_b_) ibid., p. 133. (_c_) ibid., p. 10. + +~DUNBAR~ (JOHN B.). + + The Pawnee Indians. Their History and Ethnology. In Magazine of + American History. New York and Chicago; 1881. + + (_a_) IV, No. 4, p. 259. (_b_) VIII, p. 744. + +~DUPAIX~ (M.). + + In Kingsborough’s Mexican Antiquities. See _Kingsborough_. + + (_a_) V, p. 241. Pl. in IV, Pt. 2, No. 44. + +~DURAN~ (_Fr._ DIEGO). + + Historia de las Indias de Nueva-España y Islas de Tierra Firma. + Por El Padre Fray Diego Duran. México; 1867. 4^o. + + +~EASTMAN~ (MARY). + + Dahcotah; or, Life and Legends of the Sioux around Fort + Snelling. By Mrs. Mary Eastman; with Preface by Mrs. C. M. Kirkland. + New York; 1849. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 72. (_b_) p. 207. (_c_) p. 262. (_d_) p. xxvi. (_e_) p. + xxviii. + +~EDKINS~ (_Rev. Dr._ J.). + + Introduction to the Study of the Chinese Characters. By J. + Edkins, D.D. London; 1876. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 26. (_b_) p. 42. (_c_) p. 41. (_d_) Append. A, p. 3. + (_e_) p. 20. (_f_) p. 35. (_g_) p. 14. (_h_) p. viii. + +~EDWARDS~ (_Mrs._ A. B.). + + A Thousand Miles up the Nile. By Mrs. A. B. Edwards. London; + 1889. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 205. + +~EELLS~ (_Rev._ M.). + + Twana Indians of the Skokomish Reservation in Washington Terr. + In Bull. U. S. Geolog. Survey, Vol. III, pp. 57-114. Washington; + 1877. 8^o. + +~EISEN~ (GUSTAV). + + Some Ancient Sculptures from the Pacific Slope of Guatemala. + In Mem. of the California Academy of Sciences, Vol. II, No. 2. San + Francisco; July, 1888. + + (_a_) p. 17. + +~EMORY~ (_Lt. Col._ WILLIAM HELMSLEY). + + Notes of a Military Reconnoissance from Fort Leavenworth, in + Missouri, to San Diego, in California, etc. By Lieut. Col. W. H. + Emory, made in 1846-’47. [Thirtieth Congress, first session; Ex. + Doc. No. 41.] Washington; 1848. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 89. (_b_) p. 63. + +~ETHERIDGE~ (R., _jr._). + + The Aboriginal Rock-Carvings at the Head of Bantry Bay. In + Records of the Geological Survey of New South Wales, Vol. II, Pt. 1; + 1890. + + (_a_) p. 26 et seq. + +~ETHNOLOGY, CONTRIBUTIONS TO NORTH AMERICAN.~ + + See _Contributions to North American Ethnology_. + +~ETHNOLOGY (BUREAU OF).~ + + See _Bureau of Ethnology_. + +~EWBANK~ (THOMAS). + + North American Rock-writing and other aboriginal modes of + recording and transmitting thought. By Thomas Ewbank, Vice-President + of the Ethnological Society. Morrisania, N. Y.; 1866. Pamph., pp. 49. + +~EXPLORING EXPEDITION~ (United States). + + See _Wilkes_ (_Commodore_ Charles). + + +~FABER~ (ERNEST). + + Prehistoric China. By Ernest Faber. In Journal of the China + Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, n. s., XXIV. + +~FEWKES~ (_Dr._ J. WALTER). + + Journ. of American Folk Lore; Oct.-Dec., 1890. + + (_a_) p. 10. + + Am. Anthrop., V, No. 1, 1892. + + (_b_) p. 9. + + Journ. Am. Ethnol. and Archæol., II. + + (_c_) p. 159. + +~FLETCHER~ (_Dr._ ROBERT). + + Tattooing among civilized people. In Transactions of the + Anthropological Society of Washington, II, p. 411. + +~FORLONG~ (_Gen._ J. G. R.). + + River of Life, or Sources and Streams of the Faiths of Man in + all Lands. * * * By Maj.-Gen. J. G. R. Forlong. London; 1883. 2 + vols. 4^o. + + (_a_) I, p. 509. (_b_) II, p. 434. + +~FRAZER~ (_Prof._ PERSIFOR, _jr._). + + The Geology of Lancaster County. In Second Geological Survey of + Pennsylvania: Report of Progress in 1877. CCC, Harrisburg; 1880. + + (_a_) pp. 92, 94, 95. (_b_) p. 62. + +~GATSCHET~ (ALBERT S.). + + A Migration Legend of the Creek Indians, with a linguistic, + historic, and ethnographic introduction. By Albert S. Gatschet. * * + * Philadelphia; 1884. 2 vols. 8^o. [Printed in Brinton’s Library of + Aboriginal American Literature. No. IV.] + +~GIBBS~ (_Dr._ GEORGE). + + Tribes of Western Washington and Northern Oregon. In + Contributions to North American Ethnology, Vol. I, pp. 159-240. + Washington; 1877. 4^{o}. + + (_a_) p. 222. (_b_) ib. + +~GILDER~ (WILLIAM H.). + + Schwatka’s Search. Sledging in the Arctic in quest of the + Franklin records. By William H. Gilder. New York; 1881. 8^{o}. + + (_a_) p. 250. + +~GONGORA Y MARTINEZ~ (MANUEL DE). + + Antiguedades Prehistóricas de Andalucía, monumentos, + inscripciones, armas, utensilios y otros importantes objetos + pertenecientes á los tiempos mas remotos de su poblacion. Por Don + Manuel de Gongora y Martinez. * * * Madrid; 1868. 8^{o}. + + (_a_) p. 64. + +~GREEN~ (HENRY). + + Shakespeare and the Emblem Writers; an exposition of their + similarities of thought and expression. Preceded by a view of + emblem-literature down to A. D. 1616. By Henry Green, M. A. London; + 1870. 8^{o}. + + (_a_) pp. 4-12. (_b_) p. 13. + +~GREGG~ (JOSIAH). + + Commerce of the Prairies, or the Journal of a Santa Fé Trader, + during eight expeditions across the Great Western Prairies and a + residence of nearly nine years in Northern Mexico. By Josiah Gregg. + Second ed. New York; 1845. 2 vols. 12^{o}. + + (_a_) II, p. 286. + +~GUNNISON~ (_Lieut._ J. W.). + + The Mormons, or Latter-Day Saints in the Valley of the Great + Salt Lake; a History of the Mormons. By Lieut. J. W. Gunnison of the + Topographical Engineers. Philadelphia; 1852. 12^{o}. + + (_a_) pp. 62-63. + +~GÜNTHER~ (C.). + + Die anthropologische Untersuchung der Bella-Coola. In + Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, + Ethnologie und Urgeschichte. Sitzung vom 20. März 1886. Berlin; 1886. + + (_a_) pp. 208, 209. + + +~HAAST~ (_Dr._ JULIUS VON). + + Some Ancient Rock Paintings in New Zealand. Journal + Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. Vol. VIII. + 1878. + + (_a_) p. 50 et seq. + +~HABEL~ (_Dr._ S.). + + The Sculptures of Santa Lucia Cosumal-Whuapa in Guatemala. By + S. Habel. Washington; 1879. Constitutes No. 269 of Smithsonian + Contributions to Knowledge, 1878, Vol. XXII. + + (_a_) pp. 64-66. (_b_) p. 85. (_c_) p. 66. Sculp. No. 1, Pl. I. + (_d_) Sculp. No. 4. Pl. II, p. 68. (_e_) pp. 67-68. (_f_) p. 77. + +~HABERLANDT~ (M.). + + Ueber Schrifttafeln von der Osterinsel. In Mittheilungen der + anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien. XVI. Band (der neuen Folge + VI. Band), III. und IV. Heft. 1886. + +~HADDON~ (ALFRED C.). + + The Ethnography of the Western Tribe of Torres Straits. In + Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and + Ireland. Vol. XIX, No. 3. 1890. + + (_a_) p. 366. (_b_) p. 365. (_c_) ib. + +~HAKLUYT~ (RICHARD). + + Collection of the Early Voyages, Travels, and Discoveries of the + English Nation. A new edition, with additions. London; 1809[-1812]. + 5 vols. and supplement. 4^{o}. + + (_a_) III, 1810, p. 372. (_b_) ib., p. 276. (_c_) ib., p. 415. + (_d_) ib., p. 369. (_e_) ib., p. 40. (_f_) ib., p. 508. (_g_) ib., + p. 615. + +~HARIOT~ (THOMAS). + + A brief and true report of the new found land of Virginia, + of the commodities and of the nature and manners of the naturall + inhabitants. * * * By Thomas Hariot. Frankfurti ad Mœnvm. De Bry, + anno 1590. Reprinted in facs. by J. Sabin & Sons. New York; 1872. + 4^{o}. + + (_a_) Pl. XXIII. + +~HARTMAN~ (_Prof._ R.). + + (_a_) p. 6 of the session of May 26, 1877, of the Berliner + Gesellschaft für Anthropologie. + +~HAYWOOD~ (JOHN). + + The Natural and Aboriginal History of Tennessee up to the first + Settlements therein by the White People in the year 1768. By John + Haywood. Nashville; 1823. 8^{o}. + + (_a_) p. 113. (_b_) p. 160. (_c_) p. 169. (_d_) pp. 322-323. + (_e_) p. 228. + +~HEATH~ (_Dr._ E. R.). + + The Exploration of the River Benī. In Journal of the American + Geographical Society of New York, Vol. XIV. pp. 157-164. New York; + 1882. + + (_a_) p. 157. (_b_) p. 161. + +~HERNDON~ (_Lieut._ WM. LEWIS) AND GIBBON (_Lieut._ LARDNER). + + Exploration of the Valley of the Amazon, made under direction + of the Navy Department. By Wm. Lewis Herndon and Lardner Gibbon, + Lieutenants United States Navy. Washington; 1853. 2 vols. 8^{o}. + [Ex. Doc. 36, Senate, 32d Cong., 2d Sess.] + + (_a_) I, p. 319. (_b_) ibid., p. 201. + +~HERRERA~ (ANTONIO DE). + + The General History of the Vast Continent and Islands of America + Commonly call’d the West-Indies, from the First Discovery thereof; + with the best Account the People could give of their Antiquities. + Collected from the Original Relations sent to the Kings of Spain. + By Antonio de Herrera, Historiographer to his Catholic Majesty. + Translated into English by Capt. John Stevens. * * * Second edition, + London; 1740. 6 vols. 8^{o}. + + (_a_) Decade II, B. 10, Chap. 4. + +~HIND~ (HENRY YOULE). + + Explorations in the Interior of the Labrador Peninsula, etc. By + Henry Youle Hind. London; 1863; 2 vols. 8^{o}. + + (_a_) II, p. 105. (_b_) I, p. 270. + +~HOCHSTETTER~ (_Dr._ FERDINAND VON). + + New Zealand, its physical geography, geology and natural + history. By Dr. Ferdinand von Hochstetter, Professor at the + Polytechnic Inst. of Vienna, etc. Stuttgart; 1867. 8^{o}. + + (_a_) p. 437. (_b_) p. 423. + +~HOFFMAN~ (_Dr._ W. J.) + + (_a_) The Midewiwin or “Grand Medicine Society” of the Ojibwa. + In Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology; Washington; + 1891; pp. 143-300. + + (_b_) Pictography and Shamanistic Rites of the Ojibwa. In The + American Anthropologist; Washington; July, 1888; pp. 209-229. + +~HOLM~ (G.). + + Ethnologisk Skizze af Angmagsalikerne (Særtryk af Meddelelser om + Grønland. X.) Kjøbenhavn; 1887. 8^{o}. + + (_a_) p. 101. (_b_) p. 108. + +~HOLMES~ (WILLIAM HENRY). + + Report on the Ancient Ruins of Southwestern Colorado, examined + during the summers of 1875 and 1876. Washington; 1879. [Extract from + 10th Ann. Rep. of U. S. Geological Survey, 1879.] + + (_a_) pp. 401-405, Pls. XLII and XLIII. + + Ancient Art of the Province of Chiriqui, United States of + Colombia, by William H. Holmes. Washington; 1888. 8^{o}. In the + Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. + + (_b_) p. 21. (_e_) p. 181. + + Art in Shell of the Ancient Americans. In Second Ann. Report of + the Bureau of Ethnology. + + (_c_) p. 253 et seq. (_d_) Pl. LII. + +~HOLUB~ (_Dr._ EMIL). + + On the Central South African Tribes from the South Coast to + the Zambesi. In Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great + Britain and Ireland, Vol. X, No. 1. August, 1880. + + (_a_) p. 6. (_b_) p. 7. + +~HOUZÉ~ (_Dr._ E.) AND ~JACQUES~ (_Dr._ VICTOR). + + Étude d’anthropologie. Les Australiens du Musée du Nord. By Dr. + E. Houzé and Dr. Victor Jacques. Bruxelles; 1885. 8^{o}. + + (_a_) p. 92. + +~HOWITT~ (ALFRED W.). + + On Some Australian Ceremonies of Initiation. By A. W. Howitt, F. + G. S. London; 1884. 8^{o}. + + (_a_) p. 17. (_d_) p. 8. (_f_) p. 2. + + Notes on Songs and Song Makers of Some Australian Tribes. By A. + W. Howitt, F. G. S. London; 1887. 8^{o}. + + (_b_) p. 328. + + The Dieri and other kindred Tribes of Central Australia. In + Journal of the Anthrop. Inst. of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. XX, + No. 1. 1890. + + (_c_) p. 71. (_e_) p. 72. (_g_) ib. (_h_) ib. + +~HUMBOLDT~ (ALEXANDER _von_). + + Aspects of Nature. By Alexander von Humboldt. London; 1850. 2 + vols. 8^{o}. + + (_a_) I, pp. 196-201. + + +~IMPERIAL~ ACADEMY OF SCIENCES. + + Scientific papers of the Imperial Academy of Sciences, Vol. III, + pt. 5. St. Petersburg; 1855. + +~IM THURN~ (EVERARD F.). + + Among the Indians of Guiana; being Sketches chiefly + Anthropologic from the Interior of British Guiana. London; 1883. + 8^{o}. + + (_a_) p. 391 et seq. (_b_) p. 410. (_c_) p. 316. (_d_) p. 39. + (_e_) p. 319. (_f_) p. 195. (_g_) p. 219. (_h_) p. 196. (_i_) pp. + 392, 393, Figs. 25 and 26. (_k_) p. 405. + +~INDIAN AFFAIRS.~ + + Canada, Report of the Deputy Superintendent-General of. (See + _Canada_.) + +~IRVING~ (WASHINGTON). + + Astoria; or Anecdotes of an enterprise beyond the Rocky + Mountains. By Washington Irving. Philadelphia; 1836. 2 vols. 8^{o}. + + (_a_) I, p. 226. (_b_) ib., p. 227. (_c_) ib., p. 169. + +~JACQUES~ (V.) AND ~STORMS~ (É.) + + Notes sur l’Ethnologie de la Partie Orientale de l’Afrique + Équatoriale. By V. Jacques and É. Storms. In. Bull. Soc. d’Anthrop. + de Bruxelles. Tome V. Bruxelles; 1887. + +~JAGOR~ (F.). + + Die Badagas im Nilgiri-Gebirge. In Verhandlungen der Berliner + Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, etc. Jahrgang 1876. p. 195. + + Über die Hieroglyphen der Osterinsel und über Felseinritzungen + in Chile. In Verhandl. der Berliner Gesellsch. für Anthrop., etc. + Jahrgang 1876, pp. 16, 17, Figs. 2, 3. + + (_a_) Verhandl. der Berliner Gesellsch. für Anthrop., etc., + Jahrgang 1882, p. 170. + +~JAMES~ (_Dr._ EDWIN). + + See _Tanner_ (John). + +~JAMES’ LONG’S EXPEDITION.~ + + See _Long_ (_Major_ Stephen Harriman). + +~JAPAN.~ + + Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Yokohama. * * * Tōkyō. + 8^{o}. + +~JEMISON~ (MARY). + + See _Seaver_ (James E.). + +~JESUIT RELATIONS.~ + + Relations des Jésuites; contenant ce qui s’est passé de plus + remarquable dans les Missions des pères de la Compagnie de Jésus, + dans la Nouvelle France. Québec; 1858; 3 vols. 8^{o}. + + (_a_) II, 1646, p. 48. + +~JOHNSTON~ (H. H.). + + The River Congo, from its mouth to Bolobo; with a general + description of the natural history and anthropology of its western + basin. By H. H. Johnston, F. F. S., F. R. G. S. * * * Second ed. + London; 1884. 8^{o}. + + (_a_) p. 420. + +~JONES~ (A. D.). + + Illinois and the West. By A. D. Jones. Boston; 1838. 8^{o}. + + (_a_) p. 59. + +~JONES~ (CHARLES C., _jr._). + + Antiquities of the Southern Indians, particularly of the Georgia + Tribes. By Charles C. Jones, jr. New York, 1873. 8^{o}. + + (_a_) pp. 377-379. (_b_) ib. + +~JONES~ (_Rev._ PETER). + + History of the Ojebway Indians. By Rev. Peter Jones. London; + 1861. 12^{o}. + + (_a_) p. 121. (_b_) p. 94. + +~JONES~ (_Capt._ WILLIAM A.). + + Report upon the Reconnaissance of Northwestern Wyoming. By + William A. Jones, U. S. A. Washington; 1875. 8^{o}. + + (_a_) p. 268. (_b_) p. 269. (_c_) p. 207, fig. 33. + + +~KANE~ (PAUL). + + Wanderings of an artist among the Indians of North America. * * + * London; 1859. + + (_a_) p. 393. + +~KEATING’S LONG’S EXPEDITION.~ + + See _Long_ (_Major_ Stephen Harriman). + +~KELLER~ (FRANZ). + + The Amazon and Madeira Rivers. Sketches and descriptions + from the note-book of an explorer. By Franz Keller, engineer. + Philadelphia; 1875. Large 8^{o}. + + (_a_) p. 65 et seq. (_b_) p. 159 et seq. + +~KENDALL~ (EDWARD AUGUSTUS). + + Travels through the northern parts of the United States, in the + years 1807 and 1808. By Edward Augustus Kendall, Esq. New York; + 1809. 3 vols. 8^o. + +~KINGSBOROUGH~ (EDWARD KING, _Lord_). + + Antiquities of Mexico: Containing fac-similes of Ancient Mexican + Paintings and Hieroglyphics * * * together with the Monuments of New + Spain, by M. Dupaix. London; 1831-’48. 9 vols. Imp. folio. + + (_a_) Vol. VI, Codex Telleriano Remensis, p. 150 (vol. I, Codex + T. R., pt. 4, Pl. 33). (_b_) VI, Codex T. R., p. 135 (vol. I, Codex + T. R., pt. 4, Pl. 4). (_c_) VI, Codex T. R., p. 141 (I, Codex T. + R., pt. 4, Pl. 19). (_d_) VI, Codex T. R., p. 148 (I, Codex T. R., + pt. 4, Pl. 29). (_e_) VI, Codex T. R., p. 150 (I, Codex T. R., pt. + 4, Pl. 32). (_f_) VI, Coll. Mendoza, p. 74 (I, Coll. Mendoza, Pl. + 67). (_g_) VI, Codex T. R., p. 136 (I, Codex T. R., pt. 4, Pl. 7). + (_h_) VI, Codex T. R., p. 141 (I, Codex T. R., pt. 4, Pl. 20). (_i_) + VI, Coll. Mend., p. 86 (I, Coll. Mend., Pl. 71, Fig. 30). (_k_) VI, + Codex Vaticanus, p. 222 (II, Codex Vat., Pl. 75). (_l_) VI, Codex T. + R., p. 136 (I, Codex T. R., pt. 4, Pl. 7). (_m_) VI, Coll. Mend., + p. 69 (I, Coll. Mend., Pl. 64, Fig. 5). (_n_) (II, Codex Vat., Pl. + 100.) (_o_) VI, Codex T. R., p. 142 (I, Codex T. R., pt. 4, Pl. 22). + (_p_) VI, Coll. Mend., p. 71 (I, Coll. Mend., Pl. 75). + +In the above citations the double references, one in and one not in +parentheses, are necessary because the text and the copies of paintings +are in different volumes. The above references not in parentheses refer +to the text alone. The several parts of the volumes containing the +plates are mentioned because the pagination of those volumes is not +continuous. + +~KOHL~ (J. G.). + + Kitchi-Gami. Wanderings round Lake Superior. By J. G. Kohl. + London; 1860. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 18. + + +~LACOUPERIE~ (_Prof. Dr._ TERRIEN DE). + + Beginnings of Writing in and around Thibet. In Journ. Royal + Asiatic Society. New series, Vol. XVII, Pt. III. London; 1885. + + (_a_) p. 442 et seq. (_b_) ib. (_c_) p. 443. (_d_) p. 424. (_e_) + p. 428. (_f_) p. 459. + +~LAFITAU~ (_Père_ JOSEPH FRANÇOIS). + + Mœurs des Sauvages Amériquaines, Comparées aux Mœurs des + Premiers Temps. By le Père Lafitau. Paris; 1724. 2 vols. 4^o. + + (_a_) II, p. 261. (_b_) II, p. 43. (_c_) ib. (_d_) ib., p. 266. + +~LAHONTAN~ (_Baron_). + + New Voyages to North America. Containing an Account of the + Several Nations of that vast continent, etc. By the Baron Lahontan, + Lord Lieutenant of the French Colony at Placentia in Newfoundland. * + * * London; 1703. 2 vols. 8^o. + + (_a_) II, p. 82. (_b_) ib., p. 84. (_c_) ib., p. 246. (_d_) ib., + p. 225. + +LAMOTHE. See _Cadillac_. + +~LANDA~ (DIEGO _de_). + + Relation des Choses de Yucatan de Diego de Landa; Texte + Espagnol et Traduction Française en regard, comprenant les Signes + du Calendrier et de l’Alphabet Hiéroglyphique de la Langue Maya, + accompagné de documents divers historiques et chronologiques, avec + une Grammaire et un Vocabulaire Abrégés Français-Maya, précédés + d’un essai sur les sources de l’histoire primitive du Mexique et + de l’Amérique Centrale, etc., d’après les monuments Égyptiens + et de l’Histoire primitive de l’Égypte d’après les monuments + Américains. Par l’Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, Ancien Administrateur + ecclésiastique des Indians de Rabinal (Guatemala), Membre de la + Commission scientifique du Mexique, etc. Paris and Madrid; 1864. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 316. (_b_) ib. + +~LANDRIN~ (ARMAND). + + (_a_) Écriture figurative et Comptabilité en Bretagne; + par Armand Landrin, Conservateur du Musée d’Ethn. In Revue + d’Ethnographie. Tome premier, No. 5, Sept.-Oct. Paris; 1882. + +~LANGEN~ (A.). + + Key-Inseln und die dortigen Geistergrotten. In Verhandlungen + der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und + Urgeschichte. Sitzung vom 17. October 1885. 1885. + + (_a_) pp. 407-409. Taf. XI. + +~L’ANTHROPOLOGIE.~ + + L’Anthropologie. Paraissant tous les deux mois sous la direction + de MM. Cartailhac, Hamy, Topinard. * * * Paris; 1890. 8^o. [The + present journal is a consolidation of “Matériaux pour l’histoire de + l’homme,” “Revue d’Anthropologie,” and “Revue d’Ethnographie.”] + + (_a_) II, No. 6, p. 693. (_b_) I, No. 5, p. 566. (_c_) II. No. + 2, 1891, p. 150. (_d_) _II_, No. 2, Mar.-Avr. 1891, p. 148. + +~LA PLATA.~ See _Museo de la Plata_. + +~LAUDONNIÈRE~ (_Capt._ RÉNÉ). + + The Second voyage into Florida made and written by Captain + Laudonnière, which fortified and inhabited there two summers and one + whole winter. In Hakluyt’s Collection of the Early Voyages, Travels, + and Discoveries of the English nation, q. v. + + (_a_) III, pp. 384-419. + +~LAWSON~ (A. C.). + + Ancient Rock Inscriptions on the Lake of the Woods. In The + American Naturalist, Vol. XIX, Philadelphia, 1885. pp. 654-657. + + (_a_) Pl. XIX and Fig. 1. + +~LAWSON~ (JOHN). + + The History of Carolina, containing the exact Description and + Natural History of that country, together with the Present State + thereof and a Journal of a Thousand miles traveled through several + Nations of Indians. Giving a particular Account of their Customs, + Manners, etc. By John Lawson, Gent., Surveyor-General of North + Carolina. London; 1714. 12^o. + + (_a_) p. 190. + +~LE CLERCQ~ (_Père_ CHRÉTIEN). + + Nouvelle Relation de la Gaspesie, qui contient les Mœurs & la + Religion des Sauvages Gaspesiens Porte-Croix, adorateurs du Soleil, + & d’autres Peuples de l’Amérique Septentrionale, dite le Canada. + Dediée à Madame la Princesse d’Epinoy. Par le Père Chrétien Le + Clercq, Missionnaire Recollet de la Province de Saint Antoine de + Pade en Artois, & Guardian du Convent de Lens. Paris; 1691. 16^o. + + (_a_) p. 139. + +~LELAND~ (CHARLES G.). + + The Algonquin Legends of New England. * * * By Charles G. + Leland. Boston; 1884. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 40. (_b_) p. 44. + +~LEMLY~ (_Lieut._ H. R.). + + Who was El Dorado? By Lieut. H. R. Lemly, U. S. Army. In Century + Magazine for October, 1891. + + (_a_) p. 889. + +~LE PAGE DU PRATZ.~ + + Histoire de la Louisiane. Contenant la Découverte de ce vaste + Pays. Par M. Le Page du Pratz. Paris; 1758. 3 vols. 12^o. + + (_a_) II, p. 432. (_b_) III, p. 241. + +~LE PLONGEON~ (_Dr._ AUGUSTUS). + + Vestiges of the Mayas; or, Facts tending to prove that + communications and intimate relations must have existed in very + remote times between the inhabitants of Mayab and those of Asia and + Africa. By Augustus Le Plongeon, M. D. New York; 1881. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 29. + +~LEWIS~ (_Capt._ MERIWETHER) AND ~CLARKE~ (_Capt._). + + Travels to the source of the Missouri River, etc., and across + the American Continent to the Pacific Ocean, * * * in the years + 1804, 1805, and 1806. By Captains Lewis and Clarke. Published from + the Official Report. * * * London; 1814. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 66. (_b_) p. 375. (_c_) p. 379. + +~LEWIS~ (T. H.). + + Incised Bowlders in the upper Minnesota Valley. In The American + Naturalist for July, 1887. + + (_a_) p. 642. (_b_) p. 639 et seq. (_c_) ib. + + (_d_) Sculptured Rock at Trempeleau, Wisconsin. By T. H. Lewis. + In The American Naturalist for September, 1889, pp. 782, 783. + +~LONG~ (JOHN). + + Voyages and Travels of an Indian Interpreter and Trader, + Describing the Manners and Customs of the North American Indians; + with an Account of the Posts situated on the river St. Lawrence, + Lake Ontario, etc. To which is added, A Vocabulary of the Chippeway + Language. * * * By J. Long, London; 1791. 4^o. + + (_a_) p. 47. + +~LONG~ (_Maj._ STEPHEN HARRIMAN). + + Account of an expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains + in 1819 and 1829, under command of Major Stephen H. Long. Compiled + by Edwin James. Phila.; 1823. 2 vols. 8^o. [Commonly known as James’ + Long’s Expedition]. + + (_b_) I, p. 478. (_c_) ib., p. 287. (_d_) ib., p. 207. (_f_) + ib., p. 125. (_h_) ib., p. 296. (_i_) ib., p. 208. (_k_) ib., p. 240. + + Narrative of an expedition to the source of St. Peter’s River, + etc., performed in the year 1823 under the command of Stephen H. + Long, Major U. S. T. E. Compiled by William H. Keating. Phila.; + 1824. 2 vols. 8^o. [Commonly called Keating’s Long’s Expedition.] + + (_a_) I, p. 217. (_e_) ib., p. 334. (_g_) ib., p. 226. + +~LOSSING~ (BENSON J.). + + The American Revolution and the war of 1812; or, Illustrations + by pen and pencil of the History, Biography, Scenery, Relics, and + Traditions of our wars with Great Britain. By Benson J. Lossing. New + York Book Concern; 1875. 3 vols. Large 8^o. + + (_b_) III, p. 55. + + The Pictorial Field-Book of the War of 1812. * * * By Benson J. + Lossing. New York; 1868. + + (_a_) p. 191, footnote. + +~LUBBOCK~ (_Sir_ JOHN). + + Prehistoric Times as illustrated by ancient remains and the + manners and customs of modern savages. By Sir John Lubbock, Bart., + M. P., etc. London; 1878. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 11. + +~LYND~ (JAMES W.). + + The Religion of the Dakotas. In Collections of the Minnesota + Historical Society. St. Paul; 1860. 3 vols. 8^o. + + (_a_) II, pt. 2, pp. 79, 80. (_b_) ib., pp. 59, 60. (_c_) ib., + p. 68. (_d_) ib., p. 80. + +~MACKENZIE~ (_Sir_ ALEXANDER). + + Voyages from Montreal on the River St. Lawrence, through the + Continent of North America, to the Frozen and Pacific Oceans; in the + years 1789 and 1793. * * * By Sir Alexander Mackenzie. Philadelphia; + 1802. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 236. (_b_) p. 33. (_c_) p. 173. + +~MADISON~ (_Rt. Rev._ JAMES). + + On the supposed fortifications of the western country. In + Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, VI, pt. 1, 1804. + + (_a_) pp. 141. 142. + +~MAGNAT~ (CASIMIR). + + Traité du Langage Symbolique, emblématique et religieux des + Fleurs. Par Casimir Magnat. Paris; 1855. 8^o. + +~MAINE HISTORICAL SOCIETY.~ + + Collections of the Maine Historical Society. * * * Portland [and + Bath;] 1831[-1876]. 7 vols. 8^o. + + (_a_) VII, p. 393. + +~MALLERY~ (_Col._ GARRICK). + + See _Bureau of Ethnology_. + +~MARCANO~ (_Dr._ G.). + + Ethnographic Précolombienne du Vénézuéla. Région des Raudals de + l’Orénoque. In Mémoires de la Société d’Anthropologie de Paris; 2^e + Série, Tome Quatrième, Deuxième Fascicule. Paris; 1890. pp. 99-218. + + (_a_) p. 197. (_b_) p. 203. (_c_) p. 199. (_d_) p. 210. Pl. XXX, + Fig. 25. (_e_) p. 200. (_f_) p. 210. + +~MARCOY~ (PAUL). + + Travels in South America. By Paul Marcoy. New York; 1875. 2 + vols. 8^o. + + (_a_) II, p. 353. (_b_) _ib._ + +~MARGRY~ (PIERRE). + + Découvertes et établissements des Français dans l’ouest et + dans le sud de l’Amérique septentrionale (1614-1754). Mémoires et + documents originaux recuillis et publiés par Pierre Margry. Paris; + 1875-1886. 6 vols. 8^o. + + (_a_) VI, p. 518. (_b_) IV, p. 172. (_c_) III, p. 363. (_d_) I, + p. 159. (_e_) II, p. 325. (_f_) V, p. 454. (_g_) I, p. 264. + +~MARSHALL~ (FREDERIC). + + Curiosities of Ceremonies. By Frederic Marshall. London; 1880. + 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 190. (_b_) p. 65. + +~MARSHALL~ (_Lieut.-Col._ WILLIAM E.). + + Travels amongst the Todas, or the Study of a Primitive Tribe + in South India. By William E. Marshall, Lieutenant-Colonel of her + Majesty’s Bengal Staff Corps. London; 1873. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 109. (_b_) p. 65. + +~MARTYR~ (PETER). + + The History of the West Indies, * * * By Peter Martyr. Benzoni’s + trans. Basel; 1582. + + (_a_) Lib. I, Chap. XXVI. (_b_) II, p. CCCX. + + Histori von der Franzosen Zug in die Landschafft Floridam. + + (_c_) Cap. III, Die Neue Welt, Basel; 1583. + +~MASON~ (_Prof._ OTIS T.). + + Basket-work of the North American aborigines. In Report of the + Smithsonian Institution, for 1884. Washington; 1885. Pt. II, pp. + 291-306. + + (_a_) p. 296. + + ~MATÉRIAUX~ pour l’Histoire primitive et naturelle de l’Homme. + Revue Mensuelle Illustrée dirigée par M. Émile Castailhac. Toulouse + et Paris. 8^o. + +~MATTHEWS~ (_Dr._ WASHINGTON, U. S. A.). + + The Mountain Chant. A Navajo ceremony. By Dr. Washington + Matthews, U. S. A. In the Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of + Ethnology, pp. 379-467. + +~MAURAULT~ (_Abbé_ J. A.). + + Histoire des Abenaquis depuis 1605 jusqu’à nos jours. Par l’Abbé + J. A. Maurault. Quebec. Gazette de Sorel; 1866. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 138. + +~MAXIMILIAN~ (PRINCE OF WIED). + + See _Wied-Neuwied_ (Maximilian, Prince of). + +~McADAMS~ (WM.). + + Records of Ancient Races in the Mississippi Valley; being an + account of some of the pictographs, sculptured hieroglyphics, + symbolic devices, emblems, and traditions of the prehistoric races + of America, with some suggestions as to their origin. * * * By Wm. + McAdams. St. Louis; 1887. 8^o. + +~McGUIRE~ (JOSEPH D.). + + Materials, Apparatus, and Processes of the Aboriginal Lapidary. + By Joseph B. McGuire. In The American Anthropologist, April, 1892, + Vol. V, No. 2. + + (_a_) p. 165. + +~McKENNEY~ (THOMAS L.). + + Sketches of a Tour to the Lakes; of the Character and Customs + of the Chippeway Indians; and of the Incidents connected with + the Treaty of Fond du Lac. By Thomas L. McKenney, of the Indian + Department. * * * Baltimore; 1827. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 293. + +~McLEAN~ (_Rev._ JOHN). + + (_a_) The Blackfoot Sun Dance. By Rev. John McLean. Toronto; + 1889. 8^o. + +~MEMOIRES DE LA SOCIETE D’ANTHROPOLOGIE DE PARIS.~ + + See _Paris_ (Mémoires de la Société d’Anthropologie de). + +~MEXICO~ (ANALES DEL MUSEO NACIONAL DE). + + Anales del museo nacional de México. Mexico. Vol. I[-V] 1887 ? + 4^o. + +~MEXICO~ (DOCUMENTOS PARA LA HISTORIA DE). + + Memorias para la Historia Natural de California; escritas por + un religioso de la Provincia del Santo Evangelio de México. In + Documentos para la Hist. de México; Tomo V, p. 220. Mexico; 1857. + 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 254. + +~MEXIQUE~ (MISSION SCIENTIFIQUE AU.) + + Mission Scientifique au Mexique et dans l’Amérique Centrale. + Publiée par ordre du Ministre de l’Instruction Publique [France]. + Paris and Madrid; 1864. Folio. + +~MILNE~ (_Prof._ JOHN). + + Notes on stone implements from Utaru and Hakodate, with a few + general remarks on the prehistoric remains of Japan. In Trans. of + the Asiatic Society, Japan; VIII, Pt. I. + + (_a_) p. 64. + +~MINING AND SCIENTIFIC PRESS.~ San Francisco, Cal. + + (_a_) Nov. 29, 1880. p. 247. + +~MONTAGU~ (_Lady_ MARY WORTLEY). + + The Letters and Works of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu; edited by + Lord Wharncliffe. London; 1837. 3 vols. 8^o. + + (_a_) II, p. 31. + +~MORE~ (JAMES F.). + + The History of Queen’s County, N.S. By James F. More, Esq. + Halifax; 1873. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 213. + +~MORENO~ (F. P.). + + Esploracion Arqueologica de la Provincia de Catamarca. Estracto + del informe anual correspondiente, Museo de la Plata, á 1890-’91. q. + v. + + (_a_) p. 8. + +~MORSE~ (_Prof._ Edward S.). + + Some recent Publications on Japanese Archeology. In the American + Naturalist, September, 1880. + + (_a_) p. 658. + +~MORTILLET~ (GABRIEL _de_). + + Le Signe de la Croix avant le Christianisme. By Gabriel de + Mortillet. Paris; 1866. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 173. + +~MÜLLER~ (F. MAX). + + Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion. London and New + York; 1879. 8^o. Hibbert Lectures for 1878. + +~MURDOCH~ (JOHN). + + Ethnological Results of the Point Barrow Expedition. In Ninth + Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. + + (_a_) p. 390. (_b_) p. 138. + +~MUSEO DE LA PLATA.~ + + Revista del Museo de la Plata. Dirijida por Francisco P. Moreno, + Fundador y Director del Museo. Tomo I. La Plata. Talleres de + publicaciones del Museo. 1890-’91. Large 8^o. + + +~NATIONAL MUSEUM~ (PROCEEDINGS OF). + + Proceedings of the United States National Museum. Vols. 1[-13], + 1875[-1890]. Washington. 8^o. + +~NATIONAL MUSEUM~ (REPORTS OF). + + Report of the National Museum under the direction of the + Smithsonian Institution. With Ann. Reports Smithsonian Institution, + 1881, pub. 1883[-1889, pub. 1891]. Washington. 8^o. + +~NEBEL~ (_Don_ CARLOS). + + Viaje Pintoresco y Arqueolojico sobre la parte mas interesante + de la República Mejicana, en los años transcurridos desde 1829 hasta + 1834. Por el arquitecto Don Carlos Nebel. Paris y Mejico; 1840. Fol. + +~NETTO~ (_Dr._ LADISLÁU). + + Investigações sobre a Archeologia Brazileira. In Archives + do Museu Nacional do Rio de Janeiro; Vol. VI, 1º, 2º, 3º, e + 4º Trimestres, Correspondente a 1881, Consagrado a Exposição + Anthropologica Brazileira, realisada no Museu Nacional a 29 de Julho + de 1882. Rio de Janeiro; 1885. 4^o. + + (_a_) p. 551. (_b_) p. 552. Pl. XIII. (_c_) p. 551. (_d_) p. 306. + +~NEW YORK~ (THE DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF THE STATE OF). + + See _O’Callahan_ (E. B.). + +~NEW YORK~ (DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE COLONIAL HISTORY OF THE STATE OF). + + Albany; irregularly issued; 1853 to 1883. 14 vols. 8^o. + + (_a_) IX, pp. 46 and 385. (_b_) XII, p. 49, and XIII, p. 398. + +~NIBLACK~ (_Ensign_ ALBERT P., _U. S. N._). + + The Coast Indians of Southern Alaska and Northern British + Columbia. By Albert P. Niblack, Ensign, U. S. Navy. In Report of the + U. S. Nat. Museum, 1887-’88, pp. 225-386. Washington; 1890. Pll. + I-LXX. + + (_a_) p. 321. (_b_) p. 272. (_c_) p. 278. (_d_) p. 324. (_e_) + Pl. LV. + +~NORDENSKJÖLD~ (ADOLF ERICK). + + Vega-Expeditionens Vetenskapliga Iakttagelser. By A. E. + Nordenskjöld. Stockholm; 1882-87. 5 vols. 8^o. + + Contains: + + Nordqvist (Oscar). Bidrag till Kännedomen om Tschuktscherna. + +~NORDQVIST~ (OSCAR). + + Bidrag till Kännedomen om Tschuktscherna. In Nordenskjöld (Adolf + Erick). Vega-Expeditionens Vetenskapliga Iakttagelser. + + (_a_) II, p. 241. + +~NORTHWEST COAST OF AMERICA~ (THE). + + Being results of recent ethnological researches from the + Collections of the Royal Museums at Berlin; published by the + Directors of the Ethnological department. Translated from the + German. New York; 1884. Fol. + + (_a_) Pl. 7, Fig. 3. + + +~O’CALLAGHAN~ (_Dr._ E. B.). + + The Documentary History of the State of New York; arranged under + the direction of the Hon. Christopher Morgan, Secretary of State. By + E. B. O’Callaghan, M. D. Albany; 1849. 4 vols. 8^o. + + (_a_) I, 1849, pp. 4, 5. (_b_) ibid., p. 7. (_c_) ib., p. 5. + (_d_) ib., p. 78. + +~OHIO STATE BOARD OF CENTENNIAL MANAGERS.~ + + Final Report of the Ohio State Board of Centennial Managers to + the General Assembly of the State of Ohio. Columbus; 1877. 8^o. + + +~PACIFIC RAILROAD EXPEDITION.~ + +See _Whipple_ (Lieut. A. W.). + +~PARIS~ (MÉMOIRES DE LA SOCIÉTÉ D’ANTHROPOLOGIE DE). + + Paris; 1873-1892. Publié par la Société d’Anthropologie. 7 vols. + in two series. Large 8^o. + + Bulletins de la Société d’Anthropologie de Paris. Paris. 8^o. + Publiés par fascicules trimestriels. + +~PARKMAN~ (_Dr._ FRANCIS). + + The Conspiracy of Pontiac and the Indian war after the conquest + of Canada. By Francis Parkman. Boston; 1883. 2 vols. 8^o. + + (_a_) II, p. 265. + + La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West. By Francis + Parkman. Twelfth edition. Boston; 1883. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 59. + +~PATTIE~ (JAMES O.). + + The personal narrative of James O. Pattie, of Kentucky, during + an expedition from St. Louis through the vast regions between that + place and the Pacific Ocean, and thence back through the City of + Mexico to Vera Cruz, during journeyings of six years; in which he + and his father, who accompanied him, suffered unheard-of hardships + and dangers; had various conflicts with the Indians, and were made + captives, in which captivity his father died. * * * Cincinnati; + 1833. 12^o. + + (_a_) pp. 15 and 22. + +~PEET~ (_Rev._ S. D.). + + (_a_) The Emblematic Mounds of Wisconsin; Animal effigies, their + shapes and attitudes. [A paper read before the American Association + for the Adv. of Science.] In Am. Antiquarian. Chicago; 1884. 8^o. + +~PEIXOTO~ (ROCHA). + + A tatuagem em Portugal. Por Rocha Peixoto. In Revista de + Sciencias Naturales e Sociaes, Vol. II, No. 708. Porto; 1892. 8^o. + + +~PERROT~ (_Père_ NICOLAS). + + Mémoire sur les Mœurs, Coutumes et Religion des Sauvages de + l’Amérique Septentrionale. Par Nicolas Perrot; publié pour la + première fois par le R. P. J. Tailhau de la Compagnie de Jésus. + Leipsig and Paris; 1864. [Bibliotheca Americana, Collection + d’ouvrages inédits ou rares sur l’Amérique.] + + (_a_) p. 172. + +~PESCHEL~ (OSCAR). + + The Races of Man and their Geographical Distribution. Translated + from the German of Oscar Peschel. New York; 1876. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 175. + +~PHILLIPS~ (HENRY, _jr._). + + (_a_) History of the Mexicans as told by their Paintings. In + Proc. Amer. Philos. Soc., XXI, p. 616. + +~PIKE~ (_Maj._ Z. M.). + + An Account of Expeditions to the Sources of the Mississippi + and through the Western Parts of Louisiana to the Sources of the + Arkansaw, Kans., La Platte and Pierre Jaun Rivers. By Maj. Z. M. + Pike. Philadelphia; 1810. 8^o. + + (_a_) App. to Pt. I, p. 22. + +~PINART~ (ALPHONSE L.). + + Note sūr les Pétroglyphes et Antiquités des Grandes et Petites + Antilles. Par A. L. Pinart. Paris; 1890. Folio. Fac-simile of MS. + + (_a_) p. 3 et seq. + + Aperçu sur l’Ile d’Aruba, ses Habitants, ses Antiquités, ses + Pétroglyphes. Par A. L. Pinart. Paris; 1890. Folio. Fac-simile of MS. + + (_b_) p. 1 et seq. + +~PIPART~ (_Abbé_ JULES). + + Éléments Phonétiques dans les Écritures figuratives des Anciens + Mexicains. In Compte Rendu du Cong. Inter. des Américanistes, 2^{me} + Session; Paris; 1878. Vol. II. + + (_a_) p. 551. (_b_) p. 349. (_c_) p. 359. + +~PLENDERLEATH~ (_Rev._ W. C.). + + The White Horses of the West of England, with notices of some + other ancient Turf-monuments. By the Rev. W. C. Plenderleath, M. A., + Rector of Cherhill, Wilts. London; (no year). 12^o. + + (_a_) pp. 5-35. (_b_) pp. 7-17. (_c_) pp. 33-34. (_d_) pp. 35-36. + +~POPOFF~ (M. LAZAR). + + The origin of painting. In Popular Science Monthly, Vol. XL, No. + 1, Nov., 1891. [Translated for the Popular Science Monthly from the + Revue Scientifique.] + + (_a_) p. 103. + +~POPULAR SCIENCE MONTHLY~. + + The Popular Science Monthly. Edited by W. J. Youmans, Vols. 1 + [XLIII]. New York. 8^o. + +~PORTER~ (EDWARD G.). + + The Aborigines of Australia. In Proceedings of the American + Antiquarian Society. New series, Vol. VI, pt. 3. Worcester; 1890. + + (_a_) p. 320. + +~POTANIN~ (G. N.). + + Sketches of North Western Mongolia. In Ethnologic Material, No. + 4. St. Petersburg; 1883. 8^o. + + (_a_) Pl. I. (_b_) Pls. IV to XI. + +~POTHERIE~ (BACQUEVILLE DE LA). + + (_a_) Histoire de l’Amérique Septentrionale Divisée en Quatre + Tomes. Tome Premier, contenant le Voyage du Fort de Nelson, dans la + Baye d’Hudson, à l’Extrémité de l’Amérique. Par M. de Bacqueville de + la Potherie, né à la Guadeloupe, dans l’Amérique Méridionale, Aide + Major de la dite Isle. Paris; 1753. 4 vols. 16^o. + + (_b_) III, p. 43. (_c_) IV, p. 174. (_d_) I, p. 129. (_e_) ib., + p. 128. + +~POWELL~ (_Maj._ J. W.). + + (_a_) Outlines of the Philosophy of the North American Indians. + By J. W. Powell. N. Y. 1877. 8^o. + +~POWELL~ (_Dr._ J. W.). + + Report on British Columbia. In Rep. of the Deputy + Superintendent-General of Indian Affairs [Canada] for 1879. Ottawa. + 8^o. + +~POWERS~ (STEPHEN). + + Tribes of California. By Stephen Powers. In Contributions to + North American Ethnology, Vol. III. Washington; 1877. + + (_a_) p. 244. (_b_) p. 321. (_c_) p. 20. (_d_) p. 166. + + Northern Californian Indians. In Overland Monthly, San + Francisco. Vol. VIII, 1872, and Vol. XII, 1874. + +~PRATZ~ (LE PAGE DU). + + See _Le Page du Pratz_. + +~PUTNAM~ (A. W.). + + History of Middle Tennessee; or Life and Times of Gen. James + Robertson. By A. W. Putnam. Nashville; 1859. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 321. + +~PUTNAM~ (_Prof._ F. W.). + + The Serpent Mound of Ohio. In The Century Illus. Monthly + Magazine, April, 1890. New York. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 871. + + +~RAFN~ (CHARLES CHRISTIAN). + + Antiquitates Americanæ. Edidit Societas Regia Antiquariorum + Septentrionalium. Studio et opera Charles Christian Rafn. + Copenhagen; 1845. Folio. + + (_a_) p. 359. (_b_) p. 360. (_c_) p. 397. (_d_) p. 401. (_e_) p. + 357. + +~RAND~ (_Rev._ SILAS). + + A First Reading Book in the Micmac Language; comprising the + Micmac numerals and the names of the different kinds of beasts, + birds, fishes, trees, etc., of the maritime Provinces of Canada. + Also some of the Indian names of places and many familiar words and + phrases, translated literally into English. By Rev. Silas Rand. + Halifax; 1875. 12^o. + + (_a_) p. 91. + +~RAU~ (_Dr._ CHARLES). + + Observations on Cup-shaped and other Lapidarian Sculptures in + the Old World and in America. By Charles Rau. In Contributions to + North American Ethnology. Vol. V. Washington; 1882; pp. 1-112. Figs. + 1-161. 4^o. + + (_a_) p. 60. (_b_) p. 65. (_c_) p. 64. (_d_) p. 9. + +~REBER~ (_Dr._ FRANZ VON). + + History of Ancient Art. By Dr. FRANZ VON Reber. Translated and + augmented by Joseph Thacher Clarke. New York; 1882. 8^o. + +~RECLUS~ (ÉLISÉE). + + The Earth and its Inhabitants. By Élisée Reclus. Edited by A. H. + Keane, B.A. New York; 1890. Large 8^o. + + (_a_) Oceanica, p. 476. (_b_) ib. p. 134. (_c_) ib. p. 304. + +~REISS~ (W.) AND ~STUBEL~ (A.). + + Necropolis of Ancon in Peru. By W. Reiss and A. Stubel. London + and Berlin. 1880-1887. Large folio. + + (_a_) Pls. 33 and 33a. + +~RENAN~ (ERNEST). + + History of the People of Israel till the time of King David. By + Ernest Renan. Boston; 1889. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 19. + +~RENOUF~ (P. LE PAGE). + + An Elementary Grammar of the Ancient Egyptian Language, in + the hieroglyphic type. By P. Le Page Renouf, one of Her Majesty’s + Inspectors of Schools. London and Paris; date of dedication, 1875. + [No publication date.] + + (_a_) p. 2. + + ~REVISTA TRIMENSAL~ do Instituto Historico e Geographico + Braziliero. Fundado no Rio de Janeiro. Debaixo da immediata + protecção de S. M. I. O. Sr. D. Pedro II. Vols. I[-L]. Rio de + Janeiro. 8^o. + +~REVUE D’ETHNOGRAPHIE.~ + + Lately incorporated with two other serials and published under + the title of L’Anthropologie, q.v. + + (_a_) V, No. 2; 1886. + +~REVUE GÉOGRAPHIQUE INTERNATIONALE.~ + + Journal mensuel illustré des sciences géographiques. Paris; + 1884; 9^e année. Editorial notice of report made to the Société de + Géographie de Tours, by General Colonieu. + + (_a_) No. 110, p. 197. + +~RIVERO~ (MARIANO EDWARD) AND VON ~TSCHUDI~ (JOHN JAMES). + + Peruvian Antiquities. By Mariano Edward Rivero, * * * and John + James von Tschudi. Translated into English, from the original + Spanish, by Francis L. Hawkes, D. D. LL. D. New York and Cincinnati; + 1855. 8^o. + + (_a_) pp. 105-109. + +~RIVETT-CARNAC~ (J. H.). + + Archæological Notes on Ancient Sculpturings on Rocks in Kumaon, + India, similar to those found on monoliths and rocks in Europe. By + J. H. Rivett-Carnac, Esq., Bengal Civil Service. * * * Reprinted + from the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. Calcutta; 1883. + + (_a_) p. 1. (_b_) p. 15. + +~ROCK INSCRIPTIONS.~ + + See _Archaic Rock Inscriptions_. + +~ROEDIGER~ (FRITZ). + + Prehistoric Sign Stones, as boundary stones, milestones, finger + posts, and maps. In Verhandl. der Berlin. Gesellschaft für Anthrop.; + 1890. + + (_a_) p. 526. + +~ROGERS~ (_Rev._ CHARLES). + + Social Life in Scotland from early to recent times. By the Rev. + Charles Rogers. Edinburgh; 1884. 3 vols. 8^o. + + (_a_) I, p. 35. + +~ROSNY~ (LÉON DE). + + Archives Paléographiques, * * * Par Léon de Rosny. Paris; 1870. + 8^o. + + (_a_) Tom. I, 2^{me} liv. Avril-juin, p. 93. + +~ROYAL GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY.~ + + The Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London. Vols. + I[-L?] London. 8^o. + + (_a_) XXXII, 1862, p. 125. + +~RUTHERFORD~ (DAVID GREIG). + + (_a_) Notes on the People of Batanga, West Tropical Africa. In + Jour. of Anthrop. Inst. G. B. & I., X, 1881, p. 466. + +~SAGARD~ (GABRIEL). + + Histoire du Canada et Voyages que les frères Mineurs recollet + y ont faicts pour conversion des infidèles depuis l’an 1615. Par + Gabriel Sagard Theodat, avec un dictionnaire de la langue Huronne. + Nouvelle edition publiée par M. Edwin Tross. Paris; 1866. 4 vols. + 8^o. + + (_a_) III, p. 724. (_b_) II, p. 347. + +~SAYCE~ (_Prof._ A. H.). + + Address to the Anthropological Section of the British + Association at Manchester. By Prof. A. H. Sayce. In Journal of the + Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. + + (_a_) Nov., 1887, p. 169. + +~SCHOOLCRAFT~ (HENRY R.). + + Historical and Statistical Information respecting the History, + Condition, and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States. + Collected and prepared under the direction of the Bureau of Indian + Affairs, per act of Congress of March 3d, 1847. By Henry R. + Schoolcraft. Illustrated by S. Eastman, Capt. U. S. Army. Published + by authority of Congress. Philadelphia; 1851-1857. 6 vols. 4^o. + + (_a_) I, p. 351. (_b_) IV, 119. (_c_) III, 73 et seq. (_d_) I, + 409, Pl. 58, Fig. 67. (_e_) IV, 253, Pl. 32. (_f_) V, 649. (_g_) + III, p. 306. (_h_) I, 336, Pl. 47, Fig. c. (_i_) I, Pl. 58, op. p. + 408. (_k)_ ib. (_l_) I, Pl. 59, Figs. 79 and 103, text on pp. 409, + 410. (_m_) I, p. 356. (_n_) III, p. 306. (_o_) I, Pl. 54, Fig. 27. + (_p_) III, p. 85. (_q_) I, Pl. 18, Fig. 21. (_r_) I, Pl. 56, Fig. + 67. (_s_) I, Pls. 58, 59, Figs. 8, 9, and 98. (_t_) I, Pl. 58. (_u_) + ib. (_v_) I, Pl. 59, No. 91. (_w_) I, Pl. 64. (_x_) II, p. 58. (_y_) + I, p. 410, Pl. 59, Fig. 102. (_z_) VI, p. 610. + +~SCHWATKA’S SEARCH.~ + + (See _Gilder, Wm. H._) + +~SCHWEINFURTH~ (GEORG). + + The Heart of Africa. By Georg Schweinfurth. New York; 1874. 2 + vols. 8^o. + + (_a_) II, p. 23. + +~SEAVER~ (JAMES E.). + + A Narrative of the life of Mrs. Mary Jemison, who was taken + by the Indians in the year 1755, when only about twelve years of + age, and has continued to reside amongst them to the present time. + Carefully taken from her own words. Nov. 29, 1823. By James E. + Seaver. London; 1826. 24^o. + + (_a_) p. 70. + +~SHEA~ (_Dr._ JOHN GILMARY). + + First establishment of the Faith in New France. Now first + translated by John Gilmary Shea. New York; 1881. 2 vols. 8^o. (See + also _Le Clercq_ (_Père_ Chrétien). + + (_a_) I. p. 19. + +~SHRIFNER~ (ANTON). + + Ethnographic Importance of Property Marks. In Scientific + Treatises of the Imperial Academy of Sciences. St. Petersburg; 1855. + 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 601. (_b_) ib. + +~SHTUKIN~ (N. S.). + + An Explanation of Certain Picture-writings on the Cliffs of the + Yenesei River. In No. 4 of Quarterly Isvestia of the Imp. Geogr. + Soc., St. Petersburg; 1882. + +~SIMPSON~ (_Lieut._ JAMES H.). + + Journal of a Military Reconnaissance from Santa Fé, New Mexico, + to the Navajo Country in 1849. By Lt. James H. Simpson, U. S. T. + Engineers. Phila.; 1852. 8^o. + + (_a_) Pl. 72. + +~SIMPSON~ (_Sir_ JAMES Y.). + + On Ancient Sculpturings of Cups and Concentric Rings, * * * In + Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland. Appendix to + Volume VI. Edinburgh; 1867. pp. 1-147. Pls. I-XXXII. + +~SIMPSON~ (THOMAS). + + Narrative of the Discoveries of the North Coast of America; + effected by the officers of the Hudson’s Bay Company during the + years 1836-’39. By Thomas Simpson, Esq. London; 1843. 8^o. + +~SMET~ (_Père_ PETER DE). + + Missions de l’Orégon et Voyages aux Montagnes Rocheuses, aux + sources de la Colombie, de l’Athabasco et du Sascatschawin, en + 1845-’46. Par le Père P. de Smet de la Société de Jésus. English + translation, New York; 1847. 12^o. + + (_a_) p. 288. (_b_) p. 320. + +~SMITH~ (_Capt._ JOHN). + + The True Travels, Adventures and Observations of Captain John + Smith, in Europe, Asia, Africke and America; beginning about the + yeere 1593 and continued to this present 1629. From the London + edition of 1629. Richmond; 1819. 2 vols. 8^o. + + (_a_) I, p. 230. + +~SMITHSONIAN REPORTS.~ + + Annual Report of the Board of Regents of the Smithsonian + Institution. 1847[-1892]. Washington. 8^o. + +~SOCIÉTÉ D’ANTHROPOLOGIE DE BRUXELLES.~ + + Bulletin de la Société d’Anthropologie de Bruxelles. Bruxelles. + 8^o. + + (_a_) V, 1886-’87, p. 109. (_b_) ib., p. 108. + +~SOCIÉTÉ D’ANTHROPOLOGIE DE PARIS.~ + + (See _Paris_.) + +~SOUCHÉ~ (B.). + + Notes sur quelques découvertes d’archéologie préhistorique aux + environs de Pamproux. Niort; 1879. 8^o. Partly reported in Matériaux + pour l’Histoire Prim., etc. + + (_a_) 2^e série, xi. 1880, p. 147. + +~SOUTH CAROLINA, DOCUMENTS CONNECTED WITH THE HISTORY OF.~ + + Edited by P. C. J. Weston. London; 1856. + + (_a_) p. 220. + +~SPENCER~ (HERBERT). + + The Principles of Sociology. By Herbert Spencer. New York; 1884. + 2 vols. 12^o. + + (_a_) II, p. 72 et seq. + +~SPROAT~ (GILBERT MALCOMB). + + Scenes and Studies of Savage Life. By Gilbert Malcomb Sproat. + London; 1868. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 269. + +~STANLEY~ (HENRY M.). + + The Congo and the Founding of its Free State. A story of work + and exploration. By Henry M. Stanley. New York; 1885. 2 vols. 8^o. + + (_a_) I, p. 373. + +~STARCKE~ (_Dr._ C. N.). + + The Primitive Family in its origin and development. By Dr. C. N. + Starcke. New York; 1889. 8^o. [International Scientific Series.] + + (_a_) p. 42. + +~STARR~ (_Prof._ FREDERICK). + + Dress and Adornment. In Popular Science Monthly, Vol. XL, Nos. 1 + and 2; 1891. + + (_a_) p. 499. + +~STEARNS~ (_Prof._ ROBERT E. C.). + + Ethnoconchology; a Study of Primitive Money. In the Report of + the U. S. National Museum; 1886-’87. + + (_a_) p. 304. + +~STEPHENSON~ (_Dr._ M. F.). + + Geology and Mineralogy of Georgia. By Dr. M. F. Stephenson. + Atlanta; 1871. 16^o. + + (_a_) p. 199. + +~STEVENSON~ (JAMES). + + Ceremonial of Hasjelti Dailjis and Mythical Sand Painting of the + Navajo Indians. By James Stevenson. In the Eighth Annual Report of + the Bureau of Ethnology, for 1886-87, pp. 229-285. Washington; 1891. + +~STRAHLENBERG~ (PHILIP JOHN VON). + + (_a_) An Historico-Geographical Description of the north and + eastern parts of Europe and Asia, but more particularly of Russia, + Siberia, and Great Tartary. By Philip John von Strahlenberg. London; + 1738. 2 vols. 4^o. + +~SUMMERS~ (JAMES). + + A Handbook of the Chinese Language. By James Summers. Oxford; + 1863. 8^o. + + (_a_) Part I, p. 16. + + +~TANNER~ (JOHN). + + Narrative of the Captivity and Adventures of John Tanner * * * + during Thirty Years’ Residence among the Indians in the interior + of North America. Prepared for the press by Edwin James, M. D. New + York; 1830. 8^o. + + (_a_) pp. 341-344. (_b_) p. 193. (_c_) p. 176. (_d_) p. 174. + (_e_) pp. 176 and 314. (_f_) p. 367. (_g_) pp. 174 and 189. + +~TAYLOR~ (_Rev._ RICHARD). + + Te Ika a Maui; or New Zealand and its Inhabitants. By Rev. + Richard Taylor. M. A., F. G. S. London; 1870. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 379. (_b_) Ib. (_c_) p. 320. (_d_) p. 209. + +~TEN KATE~ (_Dr._ H. F. C.). + + Some Ethnographic Observations in the California Peninsula and + in Sonora. In Revue d’Ethnographie, Vol. II, 1888. + + (_a_) p. 321. (_b_) p. 324. + +~THOMAS~ (_Prof._ CYRUS). + + Aids to the Study of the Maya Codices. In Sixth Annual Report + of the Bureau of Ethnology. Washington; 1888. pp. 253-371. Figs. + 359-388. + + (_b_) p. 371. (_c_) p. 348. + + Burial Mounds of the Northern Section of the United States. In + Fifth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Washington; 1888. + pp. 3-119. Pll. I-VI, Figs. 1-49. + + (_a_) p. 100. + +~THOMAS~ (JULIAN). + + Cannibals and Convicts in the Western Pacific. By Julian Thomas. + London; 1886. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 37. + +~THOMSON~ (_Paymaster_ WILLIAM J., _U. S. N._). + + Te Pito Te Henua; or Easter Island. In Report U. S. National + Museum for 1888-’89; Washington; 1891. pp. 447-552. Pls. XII-LX, + Figs. 1-20. (_a_) p. 480. Pl. XXIII. + +~THURN~ (EVERARD F. IM). + + See _im Thurn_ (E. F.). + +~THRUSTON~ (GATES P.). + + The Antiquities of Tennessee and the adjacent States, and the + state of aboriginal society in the scale of civilization represented + by them. By Gates P. Thruston. Cincinnati; 1890. 8^o. + + (_a_) pp. 90-96. + +~TOKYO~ (~Anthropological Society of.~) + + The Bulletin of the Tōkyō Anthropological Society. Tōkyō + Anthrop. Society office, Hongo, Tōkyō. Vols. I-[VII]. 8^o. + + (_a_) VII. No. 67. Oct. 1891, p. 30. + +~TREICHEL~ (A.). + + Die Verbreitung des Schulzenstabes und verwandter Geräthe. + In Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschafft für Anthropologie, + Ethnologie und Urgeschichte. Sitzung vom 20. März 1886. Berlin; + 1886. 8^o. p. 251. + +~TRUMBULL~ (HENRY CLAY). + + The Blood Covenant a Primitive Rite and its Bearings on + Scripture. By H. Clay Trumbull. New York; 1885. 8^o. + + (_a_) pp. 236-7. (_b_) p. 342. + +~TSCHUDI~ (_Dr._ J. J. VON). + + Travels in Peru. By Dr. J. J. von Tschudi. New York; 1847. 8^o. + + (_a_) Pt. II, pp. 344, 345. (_b_) p. 284. + + See also _Rivero_ (Mariano Edward) and _von Tschudi_ (_Dr._ J. + J.). + +~TURNER~ (GEORGE). + + Samoa a hundred years ago and long before. By George Turner. + London; 1884. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 302. (_b_) p. 88. (_c_) p. 185. + +~TYLOR~ (_Prof._ EDWARD BURNETT). + + Researches into the Early History of Mankind. By Edward Burnett + Tylor. New York; 1878. 8^o. + + (_b_) p. 103. + + (_a_) Notes on Powhatan’s Mantle. In Internationales Archiv für + Ethnographie, I, 1888, p. 215. + +~TYOUT ET DE MOGHAR~ (LES DESSINS DES ROCHES DE). + + In Revue Géographique Internationale, 9^e année, Paris; décembre + 1884. No. 110, p. 197. Editorial. + + +~UNITED STATES NATIONAL MUSEUM.~ + + See _National Museum_. + + +~VETROMILE~ (_Rev._ EUGENE). + + A Dictionary of the Abnaki Language. English-Abnaki and + Abnaki-English. By the Rev. Eugene Vetromile. MS. in the Library of + the Bureau of Ethnology. 3 vols. Folio. + +~VICTORIA INSTITUTE.~ + + Journal of the Transactions of the Victoria Institute, or + Philosophical Society of Great Britain. London; published by the + Institute. Vols. I[-XXVI ?]. 8^o. + +~VINING~ (EDWARD P.). + + An Inglorious Columbus, or Evidence that Hwui Shan and a Party + of Buddhist Monks from Afghanistan discovered America in the Fifth + Century A. D. By Edward P. Vining. New York; 1885. 8^o. + +~WAKABAYASHIA~ (K.). + + (_a_) Pictures on Dotaku or so-called Bronze Bell. By Mr. K. + Wakabayashia. In Bulletin of the Tōkyō Anthropological Society, Vol. + VII, No. 67, Oct., 1891, with illustrations continued in No. 69. + Tōkyō. 8^o. + +~WAKEFIELD~ (EDWARD JERNINGHAM). + + Adventures in New Zealand from 1839 to 1844. By Edward + Jerningham Wakefield. London; 1845. 2 vols. 8^o. + + (_a_) I, p. 64. + +~WAKEMAN~ (W. F.). + + On the Earlier Forms of Inscribed Christian Crosses found in + Ireland. In Journal of the Proceedings of the Royal Society of + Antiquaries of Ireland. Vol. I, 5th ser. 1st quar. 1891. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 350. + +~WALLACE~ (_Prof._ ALFRED R.). + + A Narrative of Travels on the Amazon and Rio Negro. * * * By + Alfred R. Wallace. London; 1853. 8^o. + +~WARREN~ (WM. F.). + + Paradise Found; the Cradle of the Human Race at the North Pole; + a Study of the Prehistoric World. By Wm. F. Warren. Boston; 1885. + 8^o. + +~WARREN~ (W. W.). + + Memoir of W. W. Warren; a History of the Ojibwa. In Coll. of the + Minnesota Historical Society, Vol. V, St. Paul; 1885. 8^o. + + (_a_) pp. 89-90. + +~WESTON~ (P. C. J.). See _South Carolina_. + +~WEITZECKER~ (GIACOMO). + + Bushman Pictograph. In Bollet. della Società, Geografica Ital. + Ser. II, Vol. XII. Fasc. Apr., 1887. Roma; 1887. + + (_a_) pp. 297-301. + +~WHIPPLE~ (_Lieut._ A. W.). + + Report upon the Indian Tribes. By Lieut. A. W. Whipple, Thomas + Ewbank, Esq., and Prof. Wm. W. Turner. Washington; 1855. Forms Pt. + III of Reports of Explorations and Surveys to ascertain the most + practicable and economical route for a railroad from the Mississippi + River to the Pacific Ocean. Washington; 1856. Senate Ex. Doc. No. + 78. 33d Cong. 2d session. + + (_a_) p. 42. (_b_) ib., pl. 36. (_c_) pp. 36-37, pls. 28, 29, + 30. (_d_) p. 39, pl. 32. (_e_) pp. 9, 10. (_f_) p. 33. + +~WHITFIELD~ (J.). + + In Journ. of Anthrop. Inst. of Gt. Br. and I. + + (_a_) III, 1874, p. 114. + +~WHITTLESEY~ (_Col._ CHARLES). + + Antiquities of Ohio. Report of the Committee of the State + Archæological Society. In Final Report of the Ohio State Board of + Centennial Managers to the General Assembly of the State of Ohio. + Columbus; 1877. 8^o. + + Archæological Frauds. Western Reserve and Northern Ohio + Historical Society, Cleveland, Ohio. Tracts 1 to 36, 1870-1877. + Cleveland; 1877, 8^o. + + (_a_) No. 33, Nov., 1876, pp. 1-7; Ills. 1, 3, and 4. + +~WHYMPER~ (FREDERICK). + + Travels and Adventures in the Territory of Alaska, formerly + Russian American--now ceded to the United States--and in various + other parts of the North Pacific. New York; 1869. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 101. + +~WIED-NEUWIED~ (MAXIMILIAN ALEXANDER PHILLIP, _Prinz von_). + + Travels in the Interior of North America. By Maximilian, Prince + of Wied. London; 1843. Imp. folio. + + (_a_) p. 387. (_b_) p. 149, et seq. (_c_) pp. 339, 386. (_d_) p. + 153. (_e_) p. 255. (_f_) p. 340. (_g_) p. 341. (_h_) p. 352. + +~WIENER~ (CHARLES). + + Pérou et Bolivie, récit de voyage, suivi d’études archéologiques + et ethnographiques et de notes sur l’écriture et les langues des + populations indiennes. Par Charles Wiener. Paris; 1880. 8^o. + + (_a_) p. 759. (_b_) p. 763. (_c_) p. 167. (_d_) p. 705. (_e_) p. + 770. (_f_) p. 763. (_g_) p. 77. (_h_) p. 706. (_i_) p. 669. Ill. on + pp. 772 and 773. + +~WILKES~ (_Commodore_ CHARLES, _U. S. N._). + + Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition during the + years 1838, 1839, 1840, 1841, 1842. By Charles Wilkes, U. S. N. + Philadelphia; 1850. 5 vols. 4^o. + + (_a_) V, p. 128. (_b_) ib., p. 185. + +~WILKINSON~ (_Sir_ J. GARDNER). + + The Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians. By Sir Gardner + Wilkinson, D. C. L., F. R. S., F. R. G. S. A new edition, revised + and corrected by Samuel Birch, LL. D., D. C. L. Boston; 1883. 3 + vols. 8^o. + + (_a_) II, Ch. X. + +~WILLIAMS~ (_Dr._ S. WELLS). + + The Middle Kingdom. A Survey of the Geography, Government, + Literature, Social Life, Arts and History of the Chinese Empire and + its Inhabitants. By S. Wells Williams, LL. D. New York; 1883. 2 + vols. 8^o. + + (_a_) II, p. 248. + +~WILSON~ (_Sir_ DANIEL). + + Prehistoric Man. Researches into the Origin of Civilization in + the Old and the New World. By Daniel Wilson, LL. D. Cambridge and + London; 1862. 2 vols. 8^o. + + (_a_) II, p. 185. + + The Huron-Iroquois of Canada; a Typical Race of American + Aborigines. In Proceedings of the Royal Society of Canada. + + (_a_) II., 1884, p. 82. + +~WINCHELL~ (_Prof._ N. H.). + + The Geology of Minnesota. Vol. I of the final report. By N. H. + Winchell. Minneapolis, Minn.; 1884. Imp. 8^o. + + (_a_) pp. 555-561, Pls. I, J, K, and L. + +~WISCONSIN~ (Annual Reports and Collections of the State Historical +Society of). + + Madison, Wis. Vols. I, 1854 [-XI]. 12^o. + +~WORSNOP~ (Thomas). + + The Pre-Historic Arts of the Aborigines of Australia. By Thos. + Worsnop. Adelaide; 1887. + + (_a_) pp. 7-9. (_b_) p. 22. + + +~YARROW~ (_Dr._ H. C.). + + See _Bureau of Ethnology_. + + +~ZAMACOIS~ (_D._ NICETO DE). + + Historia de México. Barcelona and Mexico; 1877-’80. 11 vols. 8^o. + + (_a_) I, p. 238. + +~ZEITSCHRIFT FÜR ETHNOLOGIE.~ + + Organ der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie + und Urgeschichte. Unter Mitwirkung des Vertreters desselben R. + Virchow herausgegeben von A. Bastian und R. Hartmann. Berlin. + I[-XXV]. 1869-92. + + (_a_) VIII, 1876, p. 195. + + + + +INDEX. + +[The names of authors and works which appear in the List of Works and +Authors cited (pp. 777-808) are not included in this index.] + + + A. + + Abacus, a mnemonic device of Chinese and Greeks, 226 + + Abiqui, New Mexico, petroglyphs near, 97 + + Abnaki Indians, study of pictographs of, XII + petroglyphs of, 32 + gods of, presiding over petroglyphs, 32 + birch-bark pictographs of, 201, 213-214, 468-469 + wikhegan, or birch-bark letter of, 330-331 + notices of direction and time used by, 334 + notice of condition used by, 347 + masks worn as insignia of authority by women of, 425 + designation of Queen Victoria by, 443 + + Absaroka or Crow Indians, tribal designations of, 380 + sign for medicine man of, 466 + war color of, 631 + headdress of, 753-755 + + Abstract ideas expressed pictorially, 584-607 + After, 585; + age, 585-586; + bad, 586; + before, 586; + big, 586-587; + center, 587; + deaf, 587; + direction, 588; + disease, 588-590; + fast, 590; + fear, 590-591; + freshet, 591-592; + good, 592; + high, 592-593; + lean, 593-594; + little, 594-595; + lone, 595-596; + many, much, 596; + obscure, 597; + opposition, 597-598; + possession, 598; + prisoner, 598-600; + short, 600; + sight, 600-601; + slow, 601; + tall, 601-602; + trade, 602; + union, 602-603; + whirlwind, 603-604; + winter, cold, snow, 603-606. + + Accounting, pictographic methods of, 259-264 + + Africa, petroglyphs in, 178-185 + message of peace used in, 361 + aroko or symbolic letters used in, 371-374 + cowries of, 374-375 + message of complaint for debt used in, 374-375 + tattooing in, 415-416 + scarification in, 417 + property marks in, 442 + mourning ceremony in, 630 + war colors in, 633 + + After, pictographs for, 585 + + Age, pictographs for, 585-586 + + Ahuitzotzin, Mexican emperor, pictograph for, 134-135 + + Ainos, tattooing among, 412-413 + inscriptions probably made by, 185-186 + + Alaskan Indians, petroglyphs of, 47 + notices of hunt by, 332-333 + notices of direction by, 333-334 + notices of condition by, 350-353 + tattoo of, 402-405 + mythic drawings on ivory by, 476-477 + shamanism of, 497-500 + shaman’s lodge of, 507-508 + votive offering to the dead by, 519 + grave-posts of, 520-521 + pictographic records of customs of, 541-542 + biographic records of, 581-582 + signal of discovery by, 645 + + Alfara, Anastasio, gold ornaments from Costa Rica donated by, XXII + + Algeria, petroglyphs in, at Tyout and Moghar, 178-179 + + Algonquian bibliography, work on, XX-XXI + + Algonquian Indians, petroglyphs by, 106, 109-110, 111, 112 + wampum belts of, 228-229 + military drill of, 258 + insignia of military rank of, 258 + pictographic notice of departure and return by, 330 + declaration of war by, 358 + invitation sticks of, 364-365 + emblems of, 377 + tribal designation of, 378-379 + grave-posts of, 517-518 + record of battle by, 554-555 + record of victory by, 557-558 + mourning color of, 629 + colors of war and peace of, 631 + petroglyphs of, 676-680 + hair dressing of, 755 + + Alton, Illinois, petroglyphs near, 80 + + Amalecite Indians, birch-bark notice of trip by, 334-336 + tribal emblem of, 379 + + Amazon, decorative body painting by Indians on the, 620 + + America, North, petroglyphs in, 37-140 + + American horse, winter count of, 269 + + Andaman islanders, head decoration of, 222 + tattoo of, 418 + decoration of head by, 621 + + Annamite tradition concerning tattoo, 413 + + Anthropological Institute of New York, pictographs published by, 106 + + Apache Indians, izze-cloth or medicine cord of, 225 + time records of, 258-259 + charms and amulets of, 502-503 + hair dressing of women of, 755 + drawings of, compared with German sketches, 740 + + Appointment, records of, 257-258 + + Appun, C. F., sculptured rock described by, 147-148 + + Arabs, tattooing among, 414 + + Arapaho Indians, tribal designation of, 381 + gesture signs of, 643 + + Arch Spring, near Zuñi, New Mexico, petroglyphs at, 96 + + Arequipa, Peru, petroglyphs near, 157-159 + + Argentine republic, petroglyphs in, 157 + + Arikara or Ree Indians, pictographs on wood by, 214 + decorating and coloring of skins by, 220 + tribal designations of, 381-385 + sign of achievement by, 436 + property marks of, 441 + hunting and other pictographs of, 537, 538 + conventional device of, for dead man, 660 + + Arison, William, pictographs copied by, 111 + + Arizona, work in, XVII + petroglyphs in, 48-51, 476, 512, 682-683 + + Armenia, inscriptions on tombstones in, 524 + colors used for mourning in, 630 + + Aroko, or symbolic letters of West Africa, 371-374 + + Artificial objects, pictographs on, 215-217 + + Aruba island, West Indies, petroglyphs in, 139-140 + + Asheville, North Carolina, petroglyphs near, 99 + + Asia, petroglyphs in, 185-188 + + Assiniboin, Montana, rock pictures in, 33 + + Assiniboin tribal designation, 381 + + Athapascan dialects of Oregon, linguistic study of, XIX + + Athapascan Indians, chart-making by, 341 + practice of tattoo by, 395 + emblem of, 612 + + Atosis, Abnaki myth of, 471 + + Australia, petroglyphs in, 161-165 + + Australian natives, decoration of body with feathers by, 207 + pictographs on skins by, 219 + songs and song writers of, 250 + messengers and mode of invitation of, 368, 369 + message sticks of, 369-371 + scarification of, 416-417 + messengers of vengeance (pinya) of, 433 + mythic personages of, 489-490 + charm of fetich of, 504 + + Australian natives, magic and initiation ceremonies of, 513-514 + messenger of death of, 525 + ceremonial use of color by, 628 + mourning ceremony of, 630 + war colors of, 633 + conventional representations by, 652-653 + wommeras and clubs of, 753 + + Authors and works cited, list of, 777-808 + + Ava, Illinois, petroglyphs near, 77 + + Aztec inscription, Mexico, 133-134 + + Azuza Canyon, California, rock paintings in, 69, 354-356 + + + B. + + Babylonians, significance of color among, 622 + + Bad, pictographs for, 586 + + Bahama islands, petroglyphs in, 137-139 + + Bailey, Vernon, petroglyphs reported by, 117 + + Bald Friar rock, Maryland, petroglyphs on, 83-86 + + Bandelier, A., petroglyphs reported and sketched by, 98, 131 + + Bantry bay, Australia, petroglyphs at, 164-165 + + Bark, pictographs on, 213 + + Barnes, Mr., petroglyphs reported by, 64 + + Barnesville Track rock, Ohio, 102-104 + + Barre, Wisconsin, petroglyphs at, 126 + + Barrés Indians of Brazil, dyes used by, 222 + + Barton, W. E., petroglyphs described by, 81 + + Battiste Good, Winter Count of, 268-269, 287-328 + revelation of, 289-290 + + Baskets, pictographs on, 217 + + Basutoland, South Africa, petroglyphs in, 182-183 + + Battle records, 554-566 + Iroquois and Algonkin, 554-555, 556 + Ojibwa, 556-557 + Algonkin, 557-558 + French, from Indian account, 558 + from Winter Counts, 561-563 + of Little Bighorn, 563-566 + + Before, pictographs for, 589 + + Bella Coola Indians, ceremonial dress of, 431 + + Bendire, Capt. Charles, petroglyphs reported by, 122 + + Bengal, account sticks or strings used by natives of, 264 + + Benton, Owens Valley, Cal., petroglyphs near, 58 + + Big, pictographs for, 586-587 + + Big Indian Rock, Pennsylvania, 106-107 + + Big Road, Oglala chief, 420 + + Bilqula Indians, tattoo of, 407 + + Biography, pictographic forms of, 571-582 + classification of, 571 + continuous record, 571-575 + particular events, 575-582 + + Birchbark pictographs, Abnaki, 201, 213-214, 468-469 + Amalecite, 334-336 + + Blackfeet Indians, figures sketched by, 130 + + Black Rock spring, near Milford, Utah, petroglyphs at, 117 + + Blake, Lady Edith, petroglyphs described and sketched by, 137-139 + + Boas, Franz, work of, XXIII + + Bone, pictographs on, 206 + + Book cliff canyon, Utah, petroglyphs in, 117 + + Borneo, mourning color used in, 630 + + Borrinqueños, ancient inhabitants of Puerto Rico, 137 + + Brazil, petroglyphs in, 150-157, 689, 691, 692 + cup sculptures in, 195-196 + tattoo in, 407 + + Brazilian petroglyphs, compared with Spanish petroglyphs, 690 + + British Columbia, petroglyphs in, 44-48 + + British Guiana, dyes used by Indians of, 222 + petroglyphs in, 686-687 + + British islands, cup sculptures in, 189 + + Brittany, France, petroglyphs in, 176-177 + methods of account-keeping in, 264 + + Broken leg, pictographic representation of, 716-717 + + Brown, C. Barrington, rock paintings mentioned by, 144 + + Brown, L. W., petroglyphs reported by, 111, 112 + + Brown, Mrs. Wallace myths related by, 468 + + Browns cave, La Crosse valley, Wisconsin, petroglyphs in, 126 + + Browns valley, Minnesota, petroglyphs in, 90 + + Browns valley, South Dakota, petroglyphs near, 114 + + Brulé Dakota, tribal designation of, 382 + origin of, as pictographically recorded, 567 + + Burmah, tattooing in, 413 + + Bushmen, inscriptions by, 180-183 + + + C. + + Cachoeira do Riberão, Brazil, petroglyphs on, 150-151 + + Caïcara, Venezuela, sculptured rock near, 148 + + California, linguistic work in, XIV-XV, XVI-XVII + petroglyphs in, 52-72 + gesture signs in petroglyphs of, 637-639 + + California Indians, pictographs by, on feather blankets, 207 + coloring matter used by, 221 + method of keeping accounts of, 262-263 + mode of challenge of, 362 + mode of collecting debts by, 374 + tattoo of, 406 + face painting by, 619 + emblems of royalty, of 633 + + Canada, linguistic work in, XVII + petroglyphs in, 37-45 + + Canadian Indians, quill pictographs of, 207 + + Canary islands, pictographs of, compared with California petroglyphs, + 58, 59 + petroglyphs in, 183-185 + + Canyon de Chelly, New Mexico, petroglyphs in, 96 + + Canyon Segy, Arizona, petroglyphs in, 50 + + Cara Pintada, Mexico, 131 + + Cardinal points, colors attributed to, 623-626 + + Carisa plain, California, petroglyphs in, 68 + Carson river, petroglyphs on, 92 + + Catlin, George, cited, 741 + + Cayuga Indians, tree-carvings by, 213 + + Cayuga lake, pictographs on, 213 + + Cayuse vocabulary obtained, XIV + + Ceará, Brazil, petroglyphs in, 155-157 + + Center, pictographs for, 587 + + Central America, petroglyphs in, 141-142 + + Chaleur Bay, face decoration of Indian + women of, 220 + + Challenge, pictographic form of, 362 + + Chalk grade, Owens valley, California, petroglyphs at, 58, 59 + + Chandeswar, India, cup sculptures at, 196 + + Charencey, Count de, cited on Mexican symbolic colors, 625 + + Charms and amulets, 501-505 + + Chasm island, Australia, petroglyphs at, 161 + + Chelan lake, Washington, petroglyphs at 33, 122-123 + + Cherokee Indians, linguistic work among, XV-XVI + work on language of, XIX + battle of, with Shawnees, 122 + map made by, 341 + symbolic use of colors by, 624-634 + war color of, 631 + alphabet of, 665 + + Cheyenne Indians, letter-writing by, 363-364 + tribal designations of, 382-383 + + Chibcha Indians, symbols used by, 615-616 + + Chicagua rapids, Venezuela, petroglyphs at, 148-150 + + Chihuahua, Mexico, petroglyphs in, 131 + + Chikasa Indians, tattoo of, 394 + + Child, gesture signs for, 643-644 + + Chile, petroglyphs in, 159-160 + + Chilkat Indians, pictographs by, 217 + cedar bark blankets made by, 217 + ceremonial garments of, 429-430 + + China, petroglyphs in, 185 + + Chinese, mnemonic devices of 226, 227 + topographic representations by, 344 + ideographs by, for sickness, 590 + ideographs for prisoners by, 600 + symbolic writing of, 618 + conventional characters of, 649-650 + mourning colors of, 631 + ideographs and gesture signs of, 637, 642, 643, 644, 645 + + Chinook Indians, medicine bag of, 504 + burial vaults of, 523-524 + + Chippewa Indians, practice of tattoo by, 406-407 + mourning color of, 630 + + Chiriqui, cup sculptures in, 193-194 + + Chiulee creek, Arizona, petroglyphs on, 51 + + Choctaw Indians, ancient notices of, 347 + mode of divination of, 494-495 + + Christian art, significance of color in, 622-623 + + Chronology, pictographic, 265-328 + + Chukchis of Siberia, tattooing of, 414 + + Chumanas Indians of Brazil, dyes used by, 222 + + Ciguaner Indians, war colors of, 632-633 + + Claim or demand, mode of presenting, 374-375 + + Clarke, W. M., petroglyphs reported by, 115 + + Clarksville, Tennessee, petroglyphs near, 114 + + Clouds, signs and symbols for, 700-701 + + Cloud-Shield, Winter Count of, 269-523 + + Cold, pictographs for, 605-606 + + Color, significance of, 618-637 + decorative use of, 619-622 + ideocrasy of, 622-623 + ceremonial use of, 623-629 + relative to death and mourning, 629-631 + for war and peace, 631-633 + designating social status, 633-635 + symbolic use of, in general, 635-636 + + Coloring matter and its application in pictography, 219-222 + + Colorado, petroglyphs in, 72-75 + + Colorado river, Utah, petroglyphs on, 118, 119, 120 + + Columbia River, Washington, petroglyphs on, 123 + + Comanche Indians, drawings on bone by, 206 + gesture signs of, 645 + + Connecticut, petroglyphs in, 75-76 + + Controverted pictographs, 759-767 + + Conventional pictographic devices, 650-664 + Peace, 650-651; + war, 651-652; + chief, 652-653; + council, 653-654; + plenty of food, 654-655; + famine, 655-656; + starvation, 656 + + Conventionalizing in pictography, 649-675 + development of, 649-650 + + Copper, pictographs on, 212-213 + + Corados, pictured notices by, 357 + + Corbusier, William, petroglyphs reported by, 129-130 + account of Dakota customs by, 265 + religious ceremonies described by, 505-507 + + Coronel, A. F., ethnologic collection of, 71 + cited, 72 + + Costa Rica, Anastasia Alfaro donates gold ornaments from, XXII + + Costumes, weapons, and ornaments (distinctive), pictographs of, + 749-756 + + Cree Indians, exploit marks of, 440 + notice of death given by, 518 + + Criley, John, petroglyphs reported by, 77 + + Cross, pictographs, symbols, and significations of the, 724-735 + + Crow Indians, tribal designation of, 380 + + Cueva Pintada, petroglyph at, 98 + + Cult societies, pictographic devices of, 528-530 + + Cunningham, Charles W., petroglyphs reported by, 356-357 + + Cunninghams island, Lake Erie, petroglyphs on, 678 + + Cup sculptures, 189-200 + classification of, 189-192 + + Curtin, Jeremiah, work of, XVI-XVII, XIX + + Cushing, Frank Hamilton, Zuñi sand painting described by, 210-211 + + Customs, illustrated in pictographs, 528-550 + + + D. + + Dakota or Sioux Indians, gods of, 32-33 + dye stuffs used by, 220 + + Dakota or Sioux Indians, notched sticks used by, for recording time, + 227 + system of chronology of, 265 + Ojibwa name for, 272 + tribal names of, 272 + mythic records of, 290-293 + Battiste Good’s record of, 293-328 + topographic representation by, 344-345 + tribal designations of, 383 + gentile designations of, 389-390 + superstition of, regarding tattoo, 395 + devices of, for personal names, 442-443, 459-460 + god Haokah of, 479-480 + thunder birds of, 483-485 + pictographs of, connected with thunder-bird myth, 486 + shamanism or medicine-making of, 493-495 + fetiches of, 501, 503 + ceremonial colors of, 512 + burial scaffolds of, 518-519 + commemoration of dead by, 523 + pictographs of, relating to customs, hunting, war, etc., 534-537, + 539-540 + games of, 547 + records of expeditions by, 552-554 + records of notable events by, 567-570 + records in general by, 576, 578-581 + ideographic records by, 585-605 + mourning ceremony of, 629 + war color of, 631 + significant use of color by various tribes of, 633-634 + pictographs for gesture signs of, 639-641 + conventional devices of, for peace, war, chief, counsel, plenty of + food, famine, starvation, horses, horse-stealing, kill and + death, shot, 650-661 + composite forms in pictographs of, 735-736 + painted robes of, 747 + distinctive dress, ornaments, and weapons of, 751-753 + drawings of, 756 + + Dakota language, translation made from Teton dialect of, XIX + work on, XIX + + Davenport tablets, the, 764-765 + + Davidson, William C., vases donated by, XXI + + Dayaks, tattooing among, 413 + + Dead mountain, Nevada, petroglyphs at, 95 + + Deaf, pictographs for, 587 + + Death valley, California, petroglyphs in, 60-61 + + Declaration of war pictographically represented, 358-359 + + Denison, James S., communication from, 105 + + Dellenbaugh, F. S., drawings by, 51 + + Departure and return, Algonquian pictographic notice of, 330 + + Depuch island, Australia, petroglyphs on, 162-163 + + Desgodins, Pere, Mo-so manuscript copied by, 673-674 + + Dighton rock, Massachusetts, descriptions of, 86-87, 762-764 + + Direction, pictographic notices of, 334 + + Direction indicated by drawing topographic features, 341-347 + + Director, report of, III-XXX + + Disease, pictographic representation of, 588-590 + + Dorsey, J. Owen, work of, XVIII-XIX + cited concerning Omaha names, 92 + report by, on use of colors by Osage Indians, 221 + explanation of Osage records by, 251 + notes on Indian personal names by, 446 + + Douglas, Prof., remarks by, on cup sculptures, 198 + + Downing, Alfred, petroglyphs described by, 123 + + Drawing, instruments for, 219 + + Drums, magic, 514-517 + + Duck river, Tennessee, petroglyphs on, 114 + + Dutch, of Brazil, petroglyphs attributed to, 150 + + Dwellings, pictographs of, 719-722 + + + E. + + Eakins, D. W., customs of Muskoki Indians described by, 258 + + Earth, pictographs on, 210-212 + + Easter island, Oceanica, petroglyphs in, 169-171 + + Eclipse of the sun, pictographs of, 722 + + Effigy mounds, 212 + + Egypt, petroglyphs in, 179-180 + + Egyptians (ancient), symbols of deities of, 466 + mourning ceremonies of, 631 + symbolic color of, 634 + symbolic characters of, 642, 643, 645 + + El Paso county, Texas, Indian map on rock in, 344 + + El Paso del Norte, Texas, petroglyphs near, 115 + + Emblems, use of, in early and modern times, 376-373 + signification of, 610-611 + + Emmert, John W., work of, XI, XII + + Enchanted mountain, Georgia, petroglyphs in, 76 + + England, turf monuments in, 172-173 + + Épone, France, petroglyphs in, 175-176 + + Escamela, Mexico, stone of the giants at, 133 + + Escondido, California, petroglyphs near, 62-63 + + Esopus, New York, petroglyphs at, 98 + + Espanola, New Mexico, petroglyphs near, 97 + + Esquimau tattooing, 392-396 + + Esselen vocabulary obtained, XV + + Europe, petroglyphs in, 171-178 + + Expenditures during the year, XXX + + Extra-limital petroglyphs, 161-188 + + + F. + + Face decoration by Indian women of Bay of Chaleur, 220 + + Fairy rocks, Kejimkoojik lake, Nova Scotia, inscriptions on, 38-42 + + Fancher, G. L., pottery donated by, XXI-XXII + + Fast, pictograph for, 590 + + Fayette county, Pennsylvania, glyphs from Indian grave in, 112 + + Fear, pictograph for, 590-591 + + Feathers and quills, pictographs on, 207-208 + + Featherstonhaugh, Thomas, Indian relics donated by, XXII + + Feet and tracks, human and animal, pictographs of, 715-716 + + Fictile fabrics, pictographs on, 215 + + Field work, X-XVII + + Financial statement, XXX + + Finke river, Australia, petroglyphs on, 162 + + Florida chief, Satouriona, tattoo of, 393 + + Florida Indians, declaration of war by, 359 + decorative painting by, 619 + + Flower messages of Turks and Persians, 368 + + Fauna, delineation of, 749 + + Fool creek canyon, Utah, pictographs at, 117 + + Forsyth county, Georgia, petroglyphs in, 76 + + Fort Washakie, Wyoming, petroglyphs near, 129-130 + + Fort Wrangell, Alaska, petroglyphs near, 47 + + Fowke, Gerard, work of, XI + + France, petroglyphs in, 175-177 + emblems on tombstones in, 524 + gambling pebbles from, 549-550 + + Fremont, Samuel, aid by, XVIII-XIX + + French Acadians, story of, told by Louis Labrador, 42 + defeat of, at Port Royal, 42 + + Freshet, pictograph for, 591-592 + + Frost, L. L., pictographs reported by, 69 + + Fulton, R. L., petroglyphs described by, 92-95 + + + G. + + Galibis, natives of South America, appointment notices of, 257 + + Games pictured, 547-550 + + Garden rock, Asheville, North Carolina, 99 + + Gaston, Oregon, petroglyphs, near, 105 + + Gatschet, Albert S., work of, XVII, XIX + petroglyphs reported by, 105 + report by, on coloring matter used by Klamath Indians, 221 + on use of colors by Pueblos, 624 + + Geneva Picture rock, Pennsylvania, 111 + + Gentile and clan designations, 388-391 + + Georgia, petroglyphs in, 76 + + German swordmaker’s marks, 446 + + German sketches (mediaeval) compared with Apache drawings, 740 + + Gesture and posture signs depicted, 637-642 + + Giant bird Kaloo, myth of, 472-473 + + Giant petroglyph, England, 173 + + Gibbs, George, petroglyphs described by, 123 + + Gila river, Arizona, pictographs on, 49 + + Gila river valley, Arizona, petroglyphs in, 51 + + Gilbert, G. K., communication by, 48 + petroglyphs described by, 50 + drawings by, 77 + inscriptions copied and described by, 116, 117 + petroglyphs described by, 329 + + Gill, De Lancey W., aid by, XXI + acknowledgment to, 30 + + Glooscap, hero-god of Abnaki, 469-470, 473 + + Gods of Abnaki presiding over petroglyphs, 32 + + Good, pictograph for, 592 + + Gourds, pictographs on, 208-209 + + Grand Medicine Society of the Ojibwa investigated, XIII + + Grave Creek stone, the, 761-762 + + Grave posts, Algonquian, 517-518 + + Great Britain and Ireland, petroglyphs in, 171-173 + + Greek mnemonic device, 226 + + Greenland Innuit tattoo, 392 + + Greenland native map, 346 + + Guadeloupe, petroglyphs in, 139 + + Guatemala, petroglyphs in, 142 + + Guatemalan Indians, symbols used by, 614-615 + mourning color of, 630 + colors for social distinction of, 633 + priest of, 431 + gesture signs of, 647-648 + + Guiana, petroglyphs in, 144-147 + + Guiana Indians, superstition of, 146 + appointment notices of, 257-258 + name-system of, 444-445 + painting of body by, 620 + + Gypsy notice of direction, 340 + + + H. + + Haida Indians, demon of, 47 + basket work of, 217 + pictographs by, 217 + tattoo of, 396-405 + myths of, 477-478, 479 + thunder-birds of, 485 + gambling sticks of, 547-548 + totem post of, 684-685 + composite forms in pictographs, 737 + + Haiti, religious and ceremonial use of color in, 628 + + Hamats, custom of biting among, 407 + + Handkerchief rock, Tazewell county, Virginia, 122 + + Hallock, Charles, cited, 33 + pictographs reported by, 90 + pictographs described by, 42, 43 + petroglyphs reported by, 116 + + Harpeth river, Tennessee, petroglyphs on, 114, 115 + + Hawaii, account books used by natives of, 226-227 + + Healdsburg, California, petroglyphs near, 69 + + Henshaw, H. W., work of, XIV-XV, XVIII, XXI + + Hewitt, J. N. B., work of, XVII, XX + on etymology of Iroquoian word for war mattress, 555 + + Hidatsa Indians, instruments for pictography used by, 218, 219 + paintings by, on robes or skins, 219 + use of notched sticks by, for recording time, 227 + tribal designation of, 384 + pictographic notices by, 336-337 + map made by, 342 + individual designations of, 424 + + Hidatsa Indians, exploit marks of, 437-440 + pictographs of hunting and fruit-gathering by, 533-534 + record of chief of, 581 + + High, pictograph for, 592-593 + + Hill, Edwin A., petroglyphs reported by, 97 + + Hillers, J. K., work of, XXIII + pictograph copied by, 353 + + Hindoo and Egyptian symbol, lotus flower, 618 + + Hindu women, superstition of, 196 + + Hindu pictographs in rice flour, 211 + + Hindustan, cup sculptures in, 196 + + Hinman, S. D., classification of pictography by, 204 + pictorial roster obtained by, 420 + + History, pictographic methods of recording, 551-570 + + Hittite emblems of sound, 662-664 + + Hoddentin used by Zuñi Indians, 221 + + Hoffman, W. J., work of, XIII, XIV, XVIII + acknowledgments to, 30 + rock paintings reported and described by, 52-53, 56, 60, 64, 71-72, + 99-100 + petroglyphs described and copied by, 106, 109, 121, 127 + report by, on Hualpai Indians, 221 + report by, on Indian mnemonic devices, 223 + information furnished by, 358 + report by, on Ojibwa Grand Medicine Society, 626-627 + + Hog island, Maine, petroglyphs on, 83 + + Holman, Paul, report by, concerning pictographs, 49 + + Holmes, William H., work of, X, XXI + petroglyphs copied and described by, 88-89 + paper by, mentioned, 209, 211 + rock sculptures described by, 475 + + Holston river, Tennessee, petroglyphs on, 115 + + Hopi Indians, game of, 548-549 + + Howitt, A. W., pictographs described by, 219 + + Hualpai Indians, decoration of body by, 226 + + Huaytara, Peru, petroglyphs in, 156 + + Hubbell collection of ancient Indian pottery examined and photographed, + XVII + + Hudson Bay Indians, significant use of color by, 634 + + Human body, pictographs on, 205 + + Human form, pictographs of, 703-716 + Head and face, 707-711; + hand, 711-715; + feet, 715, 716. + + Humboldt county, Nevada, petroglyphs in, 95 + + Huron Indians, wampum messages of, 229 + method of recording used by, 257 + declaration of war by, 358 + tattooing of, 393-394 + conventional war tokens of, 652 + + + I. + + Idaho, petroglyphs in, 77, 680 + + Ideography, 583-648 + preliminary remarks on, 583-584 + progressive stages of, 584 + + Illinois, petroglyphs in, 77-80 + + Illinois river, petroglyphs on, 79-80 + + Imitations and forced interpretations of pictographs, 764-767 + + Independence stone, Ohio, 102 + + India, petroglyphs in, 186 + cup sculptures in, 196-198 + declaration of war by natives of, 361 + tattooing in, 413 + + Indian god rock, Pennsylvania, 109-110 + + Indian personal names, work on, XIX + + Indian physiognomy, work on, XXIII + + Individual designation, 419-460 + + Individual achievements, signs of, 433-441 + + Innuit Indians, instruments used by, for carving on bone, 218 + method of keeping accounts of, 264 + pictograph of whale hunting by, 531 + + Inscription rock, El Moro, New Mexico, 96 + + Insignia or tokens of authority, 419-433 + + Interpretation, means of, 745-758 + + Invitation sticks, 364-366 + + Iowa, petroglyphs in, 80 + + Iroquoian bibliography, work on, XX + + Iroquois Indians, war post of, 227 + use of wampum beads by, 228-230 + tribal designations of, 377-378 + tattoo designs of, 394 + insignia of chiefs of, 419 + record of battles by, 554-555 + military terms of, 555 + record of events by, 575-576 + illustration of prisoner by, 600 + conventional devices of, for dead men and death, 660-661 + + Instruments by which pictographs are made, 218-222 + + Ireland, petroglyphs in, 171 + cup sculptures in, 194 + + Italy, petroglyphs in, 178 + + Itamaraca, rock of, Brazil, 151-152 + + + J. + + Japan, petroglyphs in, 185-186 + + Japanese, mnemonic devices of, 226 + letter-writing of, 368 + mourning colors of, 631 + + Java, symbolic colors of the cardinal points in, 625 + + Jebu messages of complaint, 374-375 + + Jĕssakkī'd curing disease, 254 + + Johnson, G. K., pottery donated by, XXI + + Johnson, Willard D., pictographs reported by, 77 + + Jones, C. C., vessels donated by, XXI + + + K. + + Kaibab (Arizona) Indians, personal names of, 444 + + Kaiowa Indians, tribal designations of, 384 + gourd pictograph by, 208-209 + emblem of, 613 + + Kalosh (Alaska) Indians, graves of, 524 + + Kanawha, West Virginia, petroglyphs at, 34 + + Kanawha river, West Virginia, petroglyphs on, 125 + + Kansas, petroglyphs in, 80-81 + + Karánkawa vocabulary obtained, XVII + + Kauder, Christian, works of, in Micmac language, 667-670 + + Keam, Thomas V., rock drawings reported by, 50 + on ceremonial use of colors by Moki Indians, 623 + + Keam’s Canyon, Arizona, rock drawings in, 50 + ideographic petroglyphs in, 604, 605 + + Kei (or Arue) islands, Oceanica, petroglyphs in, 167-168 + + Kekeewin and kekeenowin, definition of, 35 + + Kentucky, petroglyphs in, 81 + + Kejimkoojik lake, Nova Scotia, work on pictographs at, XII + inscribed rocks at, 38-42 + mythic petroglyphs at, 468-487 + drawings at, 740-749 + + Kickapoo Indians, mnemonic songs of, 250 + + Kickapoo (Shawnee) prophet, 508-509 + + Kinahan, G. H., cup sculptures described by, 194 + + Kítshi Man'idō, Ojibwa mythic personage, 255 + + Kiwach, myth of, 473 + + Klamath language, work on, XIX + + Klamath Indians, coloring matter used by, 221 + tattoo of, 406 + + Knotted cords and objects tied, 223-227 + + Ktá-i Tupákshi (Standing Rock), Oregon, 106 + + Kwakiutl Indians, British Columbia, totemic carvings of, 391 + tattoo of, 407 + myth of, 479 + + + L. + + Labrador, ethnologic work in, XXIV + + La Crosse, Wisconsin, copies made of pictographs near, XIV + + La Flesche, Francis, petroglyphs described by, 91-92 + + Lake of the Woods, Manitoba, petroglyphs on, 43 + + Lake Superior, Wisconsin, petroglyphs on, 126 + painting of body by Indians on, 620 + + Lake Tyrrell, Australia, pictograph on bark from, 222 + + Las Flechas, Mexico, petroglyph at, 181 + + Layton, Pennsylvania, petroglyphs at, 111 + + Lean, pictograph for, 593-594 + + Lean Wolf, a Hidatsa chief, drawings by, 342, 424 + + Leland, Charles G., communication from, 346 + + Lightning, gesture signs and symbols for, 701-702 + + Lisières, France, petroglyph in, 177 + + Little, pictograph for, 594-595 + + Little Bighorn, battle of, 563-566 + + Little Coal river, West Virginia, petroglyphs on, 125 + + Little Indian rock, Pennsylvania, 106, 107 + + Little Standing Buffalo, aid by, XIX + + Lolos of China, written characters of, 674 + + Lone, pictograph for, 595-596 + + Lone Dog, Winter Count of, 266, 273-287 + + Lone Butte, Nevada, petroglyphs on, 92 + + Los Angeles, California, mnemonic devices of Indians of, 223 + + Los Letreros, Canary islands, petroglyphs of, 183-185 + + Lower California, rock paintings in, 131 + petroglyphs in, 683 + + + M. + + MacDonnell, Australia, petroglyphs in, 161 + + Machias bay, Maine, rock inscriptions at, 34 + + Machiasport, Maine, petroglyphs in, 81-83 + + Madeira and Mamoré rivers, Brazil, petroglyphs on, 152-155 + + Magiguadavic river, Maine, rock carvings on, 32 + + Mahadeo, Hindu god, worship of, 196-198 + + Maine, work on pictographs in, XII + petroglyphs in, 81-83 + + Malay natives, tattooing of, 412 + + Malecite Indians, birch-bark pictographs of, XII-XIII + + Mallery, Garrick, work of, XII-XIII, XVIII + notice and summary of paper on picture writing by, XXVI-XXX + paper on picture writing of the American Indians by, 1-807 + + Mandan Indians, oracle stone of, 32 + tribal designations of, 385 + signs of exploit worn by warriors of, 436 + decorative painting of body by, 619-620 + + Mangaia, tattooing in, 413 + + Manitoba, petroglyphs in, 43-44 + + Manti, Utah, petroglyphs at, 117-118 + + Maori Indians, genealogical board of, 228 + + Maryland, petroglyphs in, 83-86 + + Maco manuscript, 673-674 + + Many, pictograph for, 596 + + Mason, Charles S., drawings furnished by, 77 + + Massachusetts, petroglyphs in, 86-87 + + Materials by which pictographs are made, 218-222 + + Mato-Sapa (Black Bear), chart made by, 268 + + Matthews, Washington, cited, 210 + on ceremonial use of colors by Navajo, 623 + + Maya Indians, gesture signs of, 645-647 + symbolic characters of, 645 + written characters of, 756 + + McCall’s Ferry, Pennsylvania, petroglyphs at, 108 + + McChesney, Charles E., account of battle of Little Bighorn by, 563 + + McWhorter, L. V., petroglyphs reported by, 126 + + Meath county, Ireland, cairn in, 171-172 + + Medicine-arrow, pictographs of, 503 + + Medicine-man, pictographs of, 463, 464, 466 + + Megaque’s last battle, 560-561 + + Menomoni Indians, myth of, 481 + grave posts of, 521-522 + + Merriam, C. Hart, petroglyph photographed by, 61 + + Merriam, Col. Henry C., petroglyphs described by, 122-123 + + Message sticks, 369-371 + + Meteors, pictographs of, 722-724 + + Mexican Emperor Ahuitzotzin, pictograph for, 134-135 + + Mexican Indians, method of preparing accounts by, 264 + military insignia of, 431-432 + personal names of, 460 + mythic figure of (Ahuitzotl), 488 + superstition of, 500 + customs of, pictographically illustrated, 542-547 + hieroglyphic record of, 567 + ideographic illustration of small-pox by, 589 + ideographic illustration of snow by, 606 + symbols of, 613-614, 644 + symbolic colors for cardinal points, 625 + color in the codices of, 636 + conventional pictograph of, 656 + + Mexican and Central American pictorial writing, 665 + + Mexico, petroglyphs in, 131-136 + Aztec inscription from, 133-134 + + Micmac Indians, work on pictographs of, XII + birch-bark pictographs by, 201 + rock scratchings of, imitated, 218 + notice of direction by, 341 + pictographs of fishing by, 530-531 + tribal emblems of, 379 + insignia dress and masks of, 424-429 + medicine lodges of, 509-511 + mourning colors of, 629 + hieroglyphics of, 666-671 + catechism of, 667-668 + Lord’s prayer, as written by, 669 + various printed words of, 670 + + Middleton, James D., work of, XI + petroglyphs reported by, 80, 81 + + Midé lodges, ceremonies of, 508 + + Mide rites, birch-bark roll of, 202-203 + + Midē'wiwin, or Grand Medicine Society of the Ojibwa, investigated, + XIII + ceremonial chant of, 232-246 + migration record of, 566, 567 + + Millsboro, Pennsylvania, petroglyphs at, 110 + + Minabozho, tradition of, 252 + + Mindeleff, Cosmos, work of, XXII-XXIII + + Mindeleff, Victor, work of, XVII, XXI, XXII + description of Pueblo prayer ceremonies by, 511 + on ceremonial use of colors by Pueblo Indians, 622 + + Minitari, Gros Ventre, or Hidatsa tribal designations, 384 + + Minneconjou myth, 482 + + Minnesota, petroglyphs in, 87-90 + + Minnesota valley, traditions concerning rock inscriptions in, 34 + + Mississippi river, signals of peace by Indians on, 361 + + Mnemonic picture writing, 223-264 + + Moghar, Algeria, petroglyphs at, 178-180 + + Modoc women, tattoo of, 406 + + Modoc war color, 631 + + Mojave desert, California, petroglyph in, 61 + + Mohave Indians, inscriptions by, 95 + pigments used by, 221 + tattoo of women of, 406 + painting of body by, 620 + + Moki Indians, notices on rocks by, 329-330 + mythic drawings by, 488, 506 + ceremonial by priests of, 512 + ceremonial use of colors by, 623-624, 628 + conventional device of, for rain and symbol of Aloseka, 662 + gesture signs of, 643 + devices of, 746 748 + + Mongols, magic drums of, 514-517 + + Montana, pictured rocks in, 90 + + Mooney, James, work of, XV-XVI, XIX, XXI + petroglyphs reported by, 99 + pictograph described by, 208 + on use of colors by Cherokees, 624, 634 + + Morgantown, West Virginia, petroglyphs near, 124-125 + + Mormons, petroglyph near Manti, Utah, as interpreted by, 118 + + Mortuary practices, 517-527 + + Mosher, Lieut., petroglyphs reported by, 51 + + Mosman, Mrs. A. T., clay articles loaned by, XXII + + Mound canyon, Arizona, petroglyphs in, 51 + + Mound explorations, work in, X-XI, XXII + + Much, pictograph for, 596 + + Muskhogean bibliography, work on, XX + + Muskoki Indians, numeration marks of, 258 + + Myths and mythic animals pictured, 468-490 + + + N. + + Naqómqilis (Wakashan) Indians, pictographs by, 213 + + Najowe valley, California, petroglyphs in, 65-68 + + Nambé, New Mexico, petroglyph at, 98 + + Names, Indian personal, work on, XIX + + Nasquapees of Labrador, notices of direction, etc. by, 340 + birch bark, letter by, 341 + + Natchez Indians, method of recording appointment by, 257 + declaration of war by, 358 + ceremonial use of color by, 628 + + Navajo Indians, work among, XVIII + sand paintings of, 210-211 + ceremonial use of colors by, 623-624 + + Nebraska, petroglyphs in, 90-92 + + Negation, gesture sign for, 644 + + Nelson, E. W., petroglyphs described by, 60-61 + + Nevada, petroglyphs in, 92-96 + + Newark, Ohio, fraudulent inscribed stones from, 760 + + Newark Track rock, Ohio, 101-102 + + New Brunswick, work in, XII-XIII + + New Caledonia, drawings from, 743 + + Newcombe, Cyrus F., petroglyphs reported by, 72 + + New Guinea, tattooing of Papuans in, 411-412 + scarification in, 417 + mourning colors used in, 630 + + New Hebrides, tattooing in, 418 + + New Mexico, petroglyphs in, 96-98, 353, 682 + + New York, petroglyphs in, 98-99 + + New Zealand, petroglyphs in, 165-167 + tattooing in, 409-410 + grave effigies in, 525-526 + religious and ceremonial use of color in, 627-628 + wood carvings in, 685-686 + + Nez Percé vocabulary obtained, XIV + + Nicaragua, petroglyphs in, 141, 686 + + Nicobarese mortuary tablet, 527 + + Night, signs and symbols for, 699-700 + + Nikari-Karu Indians of Guiana, mnemonic device of, 226 + + Nipigon bay, Ontario, pictograph on, 42-43 + + Nootka or Aht Indians, at Vancouver island, British Columbia, 44 + legend of, 44 + tattoo of, 407 + + Normocs, tattoo of, 407 + + Norris, P. W., petroglyphs reported by, 87, 125 + pictographs obtained by, 459 + + North America, petroglyphs in, 37-140 + tattoo in, 392-407 + + North Carolina, linguistic work in, XV-XVI + petroglyphs in, 99-101 + war color of Indians in, 632 + + Notched or marked sticks, 227-228 + + Notices, pictographic forms of, 329-357 + + Nova Scotia, work on pictographs in, XII + petroglyphs in, 37-42 + + Numeration, 258-259 + + Nye county, Nevada, inscribed rock in, 94 + + + O. + + Oakley spring, Arizona, petroglyphs at, 329-330 + + Obscure, pictograph for, 597 + + Oceanica, petroglyphs in, 165-171 + + Odanah, Ojibwa village, Wisconsin, 126 + + Oglala, Dakota, individual designation of, 424 + + Oglala roster, 420-424 + description and history of, 420-421 + pictographs from, 641, 642, 652 + + Ohio, petroglyphs in, 101-104 + + Ojibwa Indians, work among, XIII + concentric circles used as symbols by, 199-200 + hieroglyphic writing of, 202 + pictographs on copper by, 212-213 + birch-bark pictographs of, 213 + instruments for birch-bark pictographs used by, 218 + instruments for drawing on wood used by, 219 + wampum belt of, 230 + ceremonial songs of, 232-250 + songs of Midēwiwin, 232-246 + song for Metai or medicine hunting, 246-250 + musical notation of, 250 + Midē records of, 252-255 + tradition of, concerning origin of Indians, 255-256 + birch-bark record of treaty by, 256-257 + notice of direction used by, 337-338 + illustration of battlefield by, 342 + topographic signs employed by, 345 + notice of condition by, 347 + notice of warning by, 353 + declaration of peace by, 360 + letter-writing by, 362-363 + invitation sticks of, and ceremony of invitation and acceptance, + 365-366 + summons to Midē ceremony of, 367 + tribal designation of, 385 + tattooing of women of, 395 + shamanism of, 466-467, 474, 475, 495-496 + manidos, or spirits, illustrated by, 480 + mythic wild cats illustrated by, 481-482 + thunder-birds represented by, 487 + hunting records of, 532, 538 + records of battle by, 556-557, 559-660 + record of migration of, 566-567 + biographical record of, 577-578 + ideographic illustrations by, 586-605 + Bad, 586; + sickness, 590; + fear, 591; + great, 596; + see, 601; + cold, snow, 605. + ceremonial use of colors by, 626-627 + conventional devices of, 653 + devices of, for life and death, 660 + tribal and national emblems of, 747 + weapons of, 753 + drawings of, 757-758 + + Ojo de Benado, New Mexico, petroglyphs at, 97-98 + + Ojo Pescado, New Mexico, petroglyphs near, 97 + + Oliver, Alice M., aid by, XVII + + Omaha Indians, personal names of, list obtained, XIX + tribal designations of, 385 + tattoo designs of, 395 + insignia worn by police of, 420 + record of war expeditions by, 552 + ceremonial colors used by, 625, 628 + + Onas, Mohawk name for William Penn, 443 + + Oneida, Idaho, petroglyphs in, 77 + + Onontio, Iroquois name for governor of Canada, 443 + + Ontario, petroglyphs in, 42-43 + + Opposition, pictograph for, 597-598 + + Oregon, petroglyphs in, 104-106 + + Origin of Indians, tradition of, 255-256 + + Orongo Indians of Easter island, houses of, 169 + + Osage Indians, coloring matter used by, 221 + mythic tradition and chart of, 251-252 + practice of tattoo by, 394 + mourning custom of, 519 + war color of, 632 + colors used by, for social or military distinction, 633 + + Ottawa Indians, instruments used by, for birch-bark pictographs, 218 + pictograph by, 529-530 + + Ottawa and Pottawatomie Indians, pictographic notices by, 350 + + Owens valley, California, petroglyphs in, 56-60 + + + P. + + Pacific coast, tattoo on, 396-407 + + Passamaquoddy Indians, pictographs of, examined, XII + shop accounts of, 259-262 + pictographic notice of direction by, 339-340 + pictographic notice of condition, or wikhegan by, 347-350 + wikhegan, or message to the President from, 367 + tribal emblem of, 378-379 + birch-bark drawing by, 474 + record of battle by, 560-561 + conventional device of, 652 + + Painted caves, Crocket county, Texas, 116 + + Painted rock, Indian personal name, 35 + + Painting upon robes or skins, 219 + + Painting on the human body, 618-619 + + Paint rock, North Carolina, petroglyphs on, 99-101 + + Pai Ute Indians, in Owens valley, California, 60 + topographic illustration by, 342, 343 + + Palestine, cup sculptures in, 198 + + Papuans, notice of warning by, 357 + mourning colors of, 630 + + Parsons, F. H., aid by, XXI + + Partridge creek, Arizona, petroglyphs on, 50 + + Passés Indians of Brazil, dyes used by, 222 + + Pawnee Indians, pictographs on wood by, 214 + tribal designations of, 386 + medicine arrow of, pictographically represented, 503 + + Pawnee Loup Indians, notice of war party by, 336 + + Peach Springs, Arizona, petroglyphs near, 50 + + Pedra Lavrada, Brazil, 157 + + Peace and friendship, profession of, pictographically represented, + 359-362 + + Peale, A. C., aid by, XXI + + Penn wampum belt, history of, 231 + + Pennsylvania, petroglyphs in, 106-113, 678 + + Penobscot Indians, pictographs by, examined, XII + vocabulary of, obtained, XVII + notice of direction by, 338-339 + tribal emblem of, 379 + + Piasa rock, near Alton, Illinois, description of, 77-79 + definition of name, 78 + + Pictorial tribal designations, 377-388 + + Pictographs of Abnaki and Micmac Indians examined, XII, XIII + + Pictographs on stone, imitated, 218 + + Pictographs in alphabets, 674-675 + + Pictured cave near La Crosse, Wisconsin, copies made of pictographs + at, XIV + + Picture writing of the American Indians, notice and summary of paper + on, XXVI-XXX + paper by Garrick Mallery on, 1-807 + + Piedra Pintada (Painted rock) creek canyon, Colorado, petroglyphs + in, 72 + + Piegan Indians, notice by, 356 + + Pilling, James C., work of, X, XX + + Pinart, Alphonse, pictographs reported by, 62 + + Pipestone, Minnesota, petroglyphs copied at, XIII, 87-88 + + Piute Creek, California, pictographs at, 62 + + Piute map of Colorado river, 342 + + Plains tribes, notices by, 340 + + Plancarte, F., Indian relics donated by, XXII + + Playsanos Indians of California, gravestones of, 519 + + Pokinsquss, myth of, 469-470 + + Polynesia, tattooing in, 408 + + Ponka Indians, personal names of, XIX + tribal designations of, 386-387 + + Pontiac, wampum belt of, 230 + + Pope, George, petroglyphs described by, 117 + + Portsmouth, Rhode Island, petroglyphs at, 113 + + Possession, pictographic signs for, 598 + + Potomac river valley, work on pottery of, XXI + + Pottawatomie Indians, mnemonic songs of, 250 + + Pottery of the Potomac valley, work on, XXI + + Powell, J. W., work of, XVIII + cited, concerning Indian personal names, 444 + + Powhatan tribes of Virginia, work on, XX + + Powhatan, deerskin mantle of, 209 + + Prairie du Rocher, Illinois, petroglyphs near, 80 + + Prayer sticks, 508-509 + + Praying beads of Buddhists, 226 + + Prisoners, Indian treatment of, 552 + ideographically represented, 598-600 + + Provo river, Utah, petroglyphs on, 117 + + Profession of peace and friendship, 359-362 + + Property, division of, among North American Indians, 441 + + Property marks, 441-442 + + Proudfit, S. V., pottery from the Potomac valley loaned by, XXII + + Publications issued and distributed during the year, X + + Pueblo architecture, work on, XXII + models of, prepared, XXII-XXIII + + Pueblo Indians of New Mexico map made by, 341 + cosmology of, 467-468 + prayer ceremonies of, 511 + ceremonial use of colors by, 624 + colors for war and peace used by, 631 + + Pueblo pottery, coloring of, 220 + + Puerto Cabello, Venezuela, sculptured rock near, 147-148 + + Puerto Rico, petroglyphs in, 136-137 + + Puget Sound, Washington, pictographs found on, 214 + + Pyramid lake, Nevada, petroglyphs at, 92 + + + Q. + + Quick, J. H., petroglyphs described by, 90-91 + + Quipu, a mnemonic device of Indians of Peru and Guiana, 224-226 + + + R. + + Rain, gesture signs and symbols for, 701 + + Rattlesnake rock, Mojave desert, California, 61 + + Record of expedition, battle, migration, and other notable events, + 552-570 + + Red Cloud’s census, description and history of, 445-447 + pictographs from, 390-391, 421-423, 463-465, 486, 494, 534-535, + 585-598, 639-641, 652, 653, 657 + + Red Horse petroglyph, England, 173 + + Red lake, Minnesota, birch-bark record obtained at, XIII, 252 + + Religion, pictographs concerning, 461-527 + general discussion and classification, 461-527 + + Religious ceremonies, 505-517 + + Reno, Nevada, petroglyphs in, 95 + + Reveillé, Nye county, Nevada, inscribed rocks in, 94 + + Reynolds, Henry L., work of, XI, XXII + pottery from Potomac valley, loaned by, XXII + + Rhode Island, petroglyphs in, 113 + + Riggs, S. R., editorial work on manuscript left by, XIX + + Rio Mancos, Colorado, petroglyphs on, 73-74 + + Rio Negro, Brazil, petroglyphs on, 152 + + Roche Percé, Souris river, Manitoba, 43 + + Rock creek, Colorado, petroglyphs on, 72 + + Rock-paintings, Indian superstition concerning, 466-467 + + Rockhill, W. W., notice of Paul Vial’s work by, 674 + + Rocky Dell creek, New Mexico, rock paintings at, 96 + + Rock hill, California, petroglyphs on, 52 + + Rogers, Charles, remarks by, on cup sculptures, 200 + + Romans, custom of tattooing among, 408 + emblems of, 525, 618 + ceremonial use of color by, 628-629 + + Rowe canyon, Arizona, petroglyphs in, 356-357 + + Running Antelope, Dakota chief, biography by, 571-575 + + Russell, I. C., pictographs sketched by, 117 + + + S. + + Sac Indians, mourning ceremonies of, 518-629 + conventional devices of, 658 + + Sacred rock paintings, 466-467 + + Salish Indians, work on language of, XXIII + tattoo among, 407 + funeral customs of, 524 + mourning colors of, 630 + + Samoa, tattooing in, 410-411 + + Samoyed message of demand, 375 + + Sand, pictographs on, 210-212 + + San Antonio springs, New Mexico, petroglyphs at, 97 + + San Bernardino, California, pictographs reported near, 62 + + San Diego county, California, petroglyphs in, 63 + + San Francisco mountain, Arizona, petroglyphs near, 48-49 + + San Marcos pass, California, petroglyphs near, 64 + + San Juan river, Colorado, petroglyphs near, 73 + petroglyphs on, 74-75 + + Santa Barbara, California, coloring matter of pictographs in, 221 + + Santa Lucia Cosumalhuapa, Guatemala, sculptures of, 226 + + Sapiel Selmo, Passamaquoddy chief, 338 + + Satsika (Blackfeet) Indians, insignia of Tail Bearer of, 429 + societies of, 528-529 + + Sawyer, Wells M., acknowledgments to, 30 + + Scandinavian colors for war and peace, 635 + + Scarification, 416-418 + + Schoolcraft, Henry R., exaggerated accounts of Ojibwa pictographs by, 202 + + Scotland, cup sculptures in, 193 + + Scythian declaration of war, 362 + + Seeman, Berthold, remarks by, on cup sculptures, 193-194 + + Serpent, pictographs of, 476-477 + emblematic use of, 617 + + Serrano Indians of California, property marks of, 441 + face mark of, 621 + + Shafer, P. W., pictographs published by, 106-10 + + Shaman, definition of term, 490-499 + + Shamanism, 490-500 + + Shastika Indian women, face decoration of, 220 + + Shawnees, battle of, with Cherokees, 122 + + Shells, pictographs on, 209-210 + + Shinumo canyon, Arizona, petroglyphs in, 51-121 + + Short, pictographs for, 600 + + Shoshoni Indians, petroglyphs interpreted by, 128, 129 + use of notched sticks by, for recording time, 227 + pictographic notice of hunt by, 331 + pictographic notice of guidance by, 353-354 + tribal designations of, 387-388 + biographical record of, 578 + gesture signs of, for cold, 606 + petroglyphs by, 680-682 + + Shuswap Indians of British Columbia, notices by, 340 + + Siberia, use of knotted cords for mnemenic purposes in, 226 + petroglyphs in, 186-188 + tattooing in, 414 + + Siberian and Tartar inscriptions, 188 + + Sicasica, Peru, writings found at, 672 + + Sierra Leone, scarification in, 417 + + Sight, pictographs for, 600-601 + + Signs, symbols, and emblems, 607-618 + classification of, 607-609 + + Simons, A. B., clay articles loaned by, XXII + + Siouan dialects, work in, XIX + + Siouan family, divisions of, 272 + + Sioux or Dakota Indians, paper prepared on camping circles of, XIX + tribal designations of, 379-388 + origin of name of, 272 + message of, to Ojibwa, 360 + exploit marks of, 433-435 + sign of mourning of, 519 + cult societies of, 528 + record of battle by, 563-566 + mourning color, 629-630 + colors for victory used by, 632 + + Six Nations, deed from, to King of Great Britain, 378 + + Skins, pictographs on, 206-207 + + Slow, pictographs for, 601 + + Snanaimuq Indians, war paint of, 632 + + Snow, pictographs for, 605-606 + + Social and religious missives, 362-374 + + Songs, order of, 231-250 + explanation of, 231-232 + + Sonora, Mexico, petroglyphs in, 131, 749 + + South Africa, petroglyphs in, 180-183 + + South America petroglyphs in, 142-160 + tattoo in, 407 + + South Carolina, war color of Indians in, 632 + + South Dakota, petroglyphs in, 114 + + South Sea Islanders, mnemonic devices of, 224 + + Spain, petroglyphs in, 177-178 + + Spaniards, ceremonial use of color by, 629 + + Spanish and Brazilian petroglyphs, 690 + + Special comparisons, 676-744 + + Stephen. A. M., work of, XVII-XVIII + + Stevenson, James notice of death and biographic sketch of, XXIV-XXV + on ceremonial use of colors by Zuñi, 623 + paper by, mentioned, 210 + + Stone of the Giants, Mexico, 138 + + Stone, pictographs on, 205-206 + + Strings used for mnemonic purposes, 223 + + Substances on which pictographs are made, 205-217 + + Supernatural, symbols of the, 462-468 + + Susanville, California, pictographs near, 69 + + Swan, James G., contribution by, on tattoo, 402 + + Sweden, petroglyphs in, 173-175 + + Symbolism, development of, 609-610 + + Symbols of the supernatural, 462-468 + + Syllabaries and alphabets, 664-675 + development of, 664-665 + + Syrian symbols, 616-618 + + + T. + + Taboo, 504-505 + + Tall, pictograph for, 601-602 + + Tallies or notched sticks, in Great Britain, 228 + + Tamanaques Indians, legend of, 33 + + Tartars, use of notched sticks as records by, 228 + notice of warning by, 357 + magic drums of, 514-517 + + Tassin, A. G., drawing and explanation of petroglyphs by, 95 + + Tattoo, significance of, 391-419 + use of, by ancient monarchs, 407-408 + in ancient Rome, 408 + among Arabs, 414 + summary of studies on, 418-419 + + Taylor, H. R., sketch furnished and information communicated by, 82-83 + + Tazewell County Virginia, petroglyphs in, 121-122 + + Temple Creek canyon Utah, petroglyphs in, 116-117 + + Tennessee, petroglyphs in, 114-115 + + Tepumereme, Venezuela, sculptured rock of, 148 + + Teocuauhxicalli, Mexican sculptured stone, 135-136 + + Teton Dakota, translations made from dialect of, XIX + insignia of police of, 419-420 + shield device of, 436 + + Texas, petroglyphs in, 215-217 + + Textile fabrics, pictographs on, 215-217 + + The-Flame, winter count of, 268 + + The-Swan, winter count of, 268 + + Thlinkit (Tlinkit) Indians, shamanistic emblem of, 612-613 + war colors of, 632 + + Thomas, Cyrus work of, X, XXI, XXII + cited, 209 + on Mexican and Maya symbolic colors, 625 + + Thompson, Gilbert, petroglyphs reported by, 92 + + Thunder bird, pictographs of, 58, 479, 483-487 + Ojibwa, 58, 487; + Kwakiutl, 479; + Dakota, 483-485; + Haida 485; + Twana, 485; + Micmac, 487; + Venezuelan, 487; + Haida, 399. + + Tibeto-China, mode of declaring war in, 359 + + Time records of Apache Indians, 258-259 + + Tiverton, Rhode Island, petroglyphs in, 113 + + Tlalmanalco, Mexico, inscribed rock near, 132-133 + + Topography represented in pictographs, 341-347 + + Torres straits islanders, scarification of, 417 + + Totemic system, explanation of, 388-389 + + Totems, titles and names, 376-391 + + Trade, pictographs for, 602 + + Treaties, mnemonically recorded, 256-257 + + Trees, pictographs on, 213 + + Trempealeau, Wisconsin, petroglyphs at, 127, 128 + + Truckee river, Nevada, petroglyphs on, 93 + + Tsimshian Indians, pictograph by, 217 + tattoo of, 407 + secret societies and ceremonies of, 512 + + Tuálati Indians, tradition of, 105 + + Tule River agency, California, petroglyphs at, 52-56 + + Turf monuments in England, 172-173, 212 + + Turkish love letter, 368 + + Turner, Lucien M., work of, XXIV + + Turner, H. W., petroglyphs described by, 52 + + Tusayan pueblos, work among, XVII-XVIII + + Tuscarora Indians, legends obtained, XVII + linguistic work among, XX + + Twana Indians, thunder bird of, 485 + war paint of, 632 + + Tyout, Algeria, petroglyphs at, 178, 179 + + + U. + + Umatilla vocabulary obtained, XIV + + Unalaska, relics of art found in, 220 + + Uncpapa Dakota, personal name, 445 + + Union, pictographic signs for, 602, 603 + + Utah, petroglyphs in, 116-121, 681 + + Ute Indians, declaration of peace by, 360 + + United States, petroglyphs in, 45-130 + + United States of Colombia, petroglyphs in, 143, 144 + + + V. + + Vancouver island, British Columbia, petroglyphs on, 44-45 + + Venezuela, petroglyphs in, 147-150 + cup-sculptures in, 195 + mythic pictographs in, 487 + color stamps used by Piaroas of, 621 + petroglyphs in, compared with Ojibwa and Shoshonean types, 688 + + Voice and speech, pictographically illustrated, 717-719 + + Victory, pictographic record of, 557-558 + + Virginia, petroglyphs in, 121-122 + tattooed figures on Indians of, 393 + + + W. + + Wakashan Indians, pictographs by, 215 + + Walker Lake, Nevada, petroglyphs near, 93 + + Wall, J. Sutton pictographs described by, 110, 111 + pictographs copied by, 111 + + Wampum used in treaty, 231 + forms and uses of, 228-231 + significance of colors in, 229, 230 + + War, pictographic form of declaration of, 358, 359 + + Warning and guidance, pictographic notices of, 353-357 + + Washington, petroglyphs in, 122, 123 + + Washington, Pennsylvania, petroglyph near, 109 + + Washoe Indians in Nevada, 93 + + Water, gesture signs for, 642-643 + + Watterson’s ranch, Owens valley, Cal., petroglyphs at, 59 + + Weasel girls, myth of, 471-472 + + Webster, North Carolina, petroglyphs at, 99 + + Wellsville, Ohio, petroglyphs near, 104 + + West Indies, petroglyphs in, 136-140 + + West Virginia, petroglyphs in, 124-126, 475, 676-678 + + Whipple, Lieut., pictographs reported by, 61-62 + + Whirlwind, pictographs for, 603-604 + + White Earth reservation, Minnesota, work at, XIII + Ojibwa Midē' ceremony at, 254 + + White Horse petroglyphs, England, 172 + + Whitney, Willard J., petroglyphs reported by, 62 + + Wichita Indians, practice of tattoo by, 375 + + Wikhegan, definition of, 35, 330 + + Wilkesboro, North Carolina, petroglyphs at, 99 + + Wind River valley, Wyoming, petroglyphs in, 128-129 + + Winnebago personal names, list obtained, XIX + + Winnebago Indians, coloring matter used by, 221 + pictographic notice by, 334 + signs of exploit by, 440 + mythic animal of, 482 + record of battle by, 558-559 + mourning color of, 630 + + Winslow, E., relation by, concerning Indian records, 250 + + Winter, pictographs for, 605-606 + + Winter counts of the Dakota Indians, 266-328 + history and explanation of, 266-273 + comparison of, 270 + pictographs from, 273-328, 380-387, 447-465, 494-495, 503, 523, + 535-538, 540, 547, 553-554, 561-562, 567-570, 578-581, 585-598, + 600-605, 634-642, 650-661, 716-717, 721, 751 + + Wisconsin, petroglyphs in, 126-128 + + Wood, pictographs on, 213-214 + + Woodthorpe, Lieut.-Col., account of tribes in India by, 361 + + Wright, Charles D., petroglyphs described by, 72-73 + + Writing and drawing, original identity of, 664-665 + + Wyoming, petroglyphs in, 128-130, 678-680 + + + Y. + + Yampais spring, Arizona, petroglyphs at, 50 + + Yenesei river, Siberia, petroglyphs on, 186 + + Yokut Indians, pictographs on baskets by, 217 + + Young, William, cited, 378 + + Yuma Indians, map of Colorado river by, 342 + religious ceremonies of, 505-507 + + Yuris Indians of Brazil, dyes used by, 222 + + + Z. + + Zulu tattoo marks, 415-416 + + Zuñi Indians, study of architecture of, XVII + tally sticks of, 259 + sand paintings of, 210-211 + coloring materials used by, 221 + symbols used by, 612 + ceremonial use of color by, 623-624 + + + + +Transcriber’s note + + +Illustrations have been moved next to the text to which they refer. Page +numbers in the list of Illustrations may not match their locations in +the eBook. + +Plate headings have been standardised in the format: "BUREAU OF +ETHNOLOGY TENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. X" + + +The printed text used non-standard typography which could not be +replicated entirely in the eBook. In particular: + +on p. 171, "∩" represents an inverted U symbol printed in the text; + +on p. 172, the capital S in "S-shaped curve" was rotated 90 degrees; + +on p. 185, the text beginning "“The inscriptions are cut" was printed on +a new line, but not indented; + +on p. 252, the letter s in "Waↄiñʞa-ↄüʇse" and "uta¢a^nʇsi" was inverted; + +on p. 417, "Λ" represents an inverted V symbol printed in the text; + +on p. 708, the capital H in "The central H" was rotated 90 degrees. + + +The "remarks in smaller type" referred to on p. 232 are indented in the +eBook. + +"e.g." has been regularised to "e. g." + + +The following printing errors have been corrected: + +p. xviii "corret spondence" changed to "correspondence" + +p. xxi "earthern" changed to "earthen" + +p. xxiv "Congress of the United State." changed to "Congress of the +United States" + +p. 6 "Petroglypps in Australia" changed to "Petroglyphs in Australia" + +p. 11 "West Virgina" changed to "West Virginia" + +p. 11 "dancers, bearing" changed to "dancers bearing" + +p. 12 "San Marcos pass, California 62-67" changed to "San Marcos pass, California 62" + +p. 12 "Washington, Pednsylvania" changed to "Washington, Pennsylvania" + +p. 18 "Ah-ton-we-tuck" changed to "Ah-tón-we-tuck" + +p. 18 "On-saw-kie" changed to "On-sáw-kie" + +p. 18 "753. Scalped h ead. D akota" changed to "753. Scalped head. +Dakota" + +p. 21 "1071. Life and death. Obijwa" changed to "1071. Life and death. +Ojibwa" + +p. 27 "anthroplologic" changed to "anthropologic" + +p. 39 "sharpely" changed to "sharply" + +p. 42 "Mr Charles Hallock" changed to "Mr. Charles Hallock" + +p. 55 "Fig. 14," changed to "Fig. 14." + +p. 59 "Pls. VIII to IX" changed to "Pls. VIII to XI" + +Plate VII "OWENS VALLEY CALIFORNIA." changed to "OWENS VALLEY, +CALIFORNIA." + +pp. 69-70 "sand stone" changed to "sandstone" + +p. 86 "inscriptian" changed to "inscription" + +p. 90 "t e shape" changed to "the shape" + +p. 95 "in the library of the of the" changed to "in the library of the" + +p. 98 "Nambe" changed to "Nambé" + +p. 101 "Fig 63 is" changed to "Fig. 63 is" + +p. 101 "Fig. 63.--Newark" changed to "FIG. 63.--Newark" + +p. 107 "excellant" changed to "excellent" + +p. 111 "as Fig. 75" changed to "as Fig. 75." + +p. 118 "Colorado river, only only" changed to "Colorado river, only" + +p. 122 "stangely painted" changed to "strangely painted" + +p. 123 "history of a a" changed to "history of a" + +p. 123 "more less distinctly" changed to "more or less distinctly" + +p. 139 "numbers in Oruba" changed to "numbers in Aruba" + +p. 142 "that the beginning" changed to "than the beginning" + +p. 143 "Mr A. L Pinart" changed to "Mr. A. L. Pinart" + +p. 145 "Fig 1104" changed to "Fig. 1104" + +p. 147 "religous" changed to "religious" + +p. 147 (Illustration) "Fig. 107.--Sculptured" changed to "FIG. +107.--Sculptured" + +p. 148 "insignificent" changed to "insignificant" + +p. 156 "Cracara" changed to "Cracará" + +p. 157 (Illustration) "Fig. 123.--Petroglyphs" changed to "FIG. +123.--Petroglyphs" + +p. 159 (Illustration) "Fig. 126.--Petroglyphs" changed to "FIG. +126.--Petroglyphs" + +p. 165 "peculiarty" changed to "peculiarity" + +p. 166 "FIG 133." changed to "FIG. 133." + +p. 168 (Illustration) "Fig. 124.--Petroglyphs" changed to "FIG. +124.--Petroglyphs" + +p. 168 (Illustration) "Fig. 125.--Inscribed" changed to "FIG. +125.--Inscribed" + +p. 172 "to cairn" changed to "to a cairn" + +p. 176 "crypt of the of the" changed to "crypt of the" + +p. 186 "the Yenisei river" changed to "the Yenesei river" + +p. 187 "Chandeshwar, India" changed to "Chandeshwar, India." + +p. 188 "733" changed to "723" + +p. 195 "serves at its pendant" changed to "serves as its pendant" + +p. 208 "Fig. 683" changed to "Fig. 685" + +p. 209 "Ashmoleon" changed to "Ashmolean" + +p. 219 "suppleness," changed to "suppleness." + +p. 220 "corsair aspect”" changed to "corsair aspect.”" + +p. 235 "Midē friends" changed to "Midē friends" + +p. 236 "When he went" changed to "when he went" + +p. 236 "Still represented" changed to "still represented" + +p. 237 "Manidō, the Thunderer" changed to "Manidō, the Thunderer" + +p. 241 "symbol of the Mīdē" changed to "symbol of the Midē" + +p. 247 (Illustration) "FIG. 165--Song" changed to "FIG. 165.--Song" + +p. 254 (Illustration) "FIG. 170--Minabozho." changed to "FIG. +170.--Minabozho." + +p. 256 "FIG. 174 is copy" changed to "Fig. 174 is copy" + +p. 257 "the drum used used" changed to "the drum used" + +p. 257 "Chap. x, Sec. 2." changed to "Chap. x, Sec. 2)." + +p. 260 "X cr 10" changed to "X or 10" + +p. 262 (Illustration) "FIG. 180.--Bookaccount." changed to "FIG. +180.--Book account." + +p. 265 "life time. one old man." changed to "life time, one old man." + +p. 271 "1811-’02." changed to "1801-’02." + +p. 274 "distingushed" changed to "distinguished" + +p. 276 "Crow Feather was their" changed to "Crow-Feather was their" + +p. 276 "bird portruding" changed to "bird protruding" + +p. 281 "Th Sans Arcs" changed to "The Sans Arcs" + +p. 283 "1851-52." changed to "1851-’52." + +Plate XXI "A 901-930" changed to "A 901-930." + +p. 290 "shall live." changed to "shall live.”" + +p. 295 "Fig. 267,1710-’11." changed to "Fig. 267, 1710-’11." + +p. 296 "who-was eagle-hunting" changed to "who-was-eagle-hunting" + +p. 299 "each others movements." changed to "each other’s movements." + +p. 301 "lodge and said." changed to "lodge and said," + +p. 302 "Omaha-horses winter." changed to "Omaha-horses winter.”" + +p. 302 "Ventre winter." changed to "Ventre winter.”" + +p. 302 "reverance" changed to "reverence" + +p. 302 "Killed-two-Assiniboines" changed to "Killed-two-Assiniboins" + +p. 304 "Assiniboins-came" changed to "“Assiniboins-came" + +p. 305 "beef winter." changed to "beef winter.”" + +p. 309 "Fig.339" changed to "Fig. 339" + +p. 309 "Fig.340" changed to "Fig. 340" + +p. 309 (Illustration) "Fig. 342" changed to "Fig. 342." + +p. 310 (Illustration) "Fig. 343" changed to "Fig. 343." + +p. 313 "name Don’t Eat-Buffalo-Heart" changed to "name +Don’t-Eat-Buffalo-Heart" + +p. 317 "again-winter.”" changed to "again winter.”" + +p. 317 "rotton-wood" changed to "rotten-wood" + +p. 324 "the Blue-creek" changed to "the-Blue-creek" + +p. 336 "topograpyh" changed to "topography" + +p. 341 "winter quarters It" changed to "winter quarters. It" + +p. 344 "topograpic features" changed to "topographic features" + +p. 357 "Parauapanama" changed to "Paranapanama" + +p. 359 "were supended" changed to "were suspended" + +p. 359 "delare war" changed to "declare war" + +p. 374 "Egyptain" changed to "Egyptian" + +p. 374 "decribes" changed to "describes" + +p. 377 "Ottowa" changed to "Ottawa" + +p. 379 "familarly" changed to "familiarly" + +p. 400 (Illustration) "Haida tattoo, dogfish" changed to "Haida tattoo, +dogfish." + +p. 404 "kahatta" changed to "kahátta" + +p. 412 (Illustration) "Tattooed Paupan" changed to "Tattooed Papuan" + +p. 418 "14 to inspire" changed to "14, to inspire" + +p. 420 "Big Road and his" changed to "Big-Road and his" + +p. 425 "549.--Micmac" changed to "FIG. 549.--Micmac" + +p. 427 two lines "The designs show some marks suggesting the artistic +devices used in / the Roman Catholic Church, though the figuration of +the cross is by no" were printed in reverse order. + +p. 433 "know-ng" changed to "knowing" + +p. 435 "considered as Objibwas" changed to "considered as Ojibwas" + +p. 442 (Illustration) "Fig. 579.--African" changed to "FIG. +579.--African" + +p. 467 "misshappen" changed to "misshapen" + +p. 476 "it seems, probable" changed to "it seems probable" + +p. 478 "missionary." changed to "missionary.”" + +p. 496 "medicines are used" changed to "medicines are used." + +p. 496 "Sometimes the muzzin ne-neence" changed to "Sometimes the +muzzin-ne-neence" + +p. 502 "bags whieh are considered" changed to "bags which are considered" + +p. 513 "Caramūlŭn is said" changed to "Daramūlŭn is said" + +p. 513 "~(1)~ A piece" changed to "(1) A piece" + +p. 515 "and a seive" changed to "and a sieve" + +p. 519 "chaplet." changed to "chaplet.”" + +p. 535 "the pole. American-Horses’" changed to "the pole. +American-Horse’s" + +p. 551 "Eugéne" changed to "Eugène" + +p. 554 "and a a ditch" changed to "and a ditch" + +p. 555 "an individul was distinguished" changed to "an individual was +distinguished" + +Illustration: "Plate XLV" changed to "Plate XLV." + +p. 578 "Blackfeet Dakota indian" changed to "Blackfeet Dakota Indian" + +p. 579 "the heroic indian" changed to "the heroic Indian" + +Illustration: "PL. XLVII" changed to "PL. XLVII." + +p. 582 "Kiatexamut" changed to "Kiatéxamut" + +p. 588 "third figure show" changed to "third figure shows" + +p. 590 "Objiwa." changed to "Ojibwa." + +p. 592 "from the the mouth" changed to "from the mouth" + +p. 592 (Illustration) "FIG. 892" changed to "FIG. 892." + +p. 593 "The first,which" changed to "The first, which" + +p. 593 "Fig.896" changed to "Fig. 896" + +p. 593 "unaplatable" changed to "unpalatable" + +p. 595 (Illustration) "Little-Moon," changed to "Little-Moon." + +p. 596 (Illustration) "FIG. 918" changed to "FIG. 918." + +p. 600 (Illustration) "FIG. 940" changed to "FIG. 940." + +p. 601 (Illustration) "FIG. 946" changed to "FIG. 946." + +p. 604 "Cloud Shield’s Winter Count" changed to "Cloud-Shield’s Winter +Count" + +p. 604 "given in Red Cloud’s" changed to "given in Red-Cloud’s" + +pp. 604-5 "the Ho-be-bo" changed to "the Ho-bo-bo" + +p. 614 "12 feet long" changed to "12 feet long." + +Illustration: "Tenth Annual Report. Plate XLIX" changed to "Tenth Annual +Report Plate XLIX." + +p. 628 "chief annointed" changed to "chief anointed" + +p. 640 "Fig. 988. The first" changed to "Fig. 988.--The first" + +p. 640 "by the Minneonjou" changed to "by the Minneconjou" + +p. 647 "sculpture in Guamatela" changed to "sculpture in Guatemala" + +p. 647 "Apparrently" changed to "Apparently" + +p. 647 "eplacing our letters" changed to "replacing our letters" + +p. 652 "This isexplained" changed to "This is explained" + +p. 652 "the human figureis" changed to "the human figure is" + +p. 653 "this symbols" changed to "this symbol" + +p. 665 "A.D. 1820" changed to "A. D. 1820" + +p. 678 "Figs. 106" changed to "Figs. 70" + +p. 681 "F. A Kimball" changed to "F. A. Kimball" + +p. 682 "forms of thsee" changed to "forms of these" + +p. 685 "grostesque wood" changed to "grotesque wood" + +p. 687 "which is larger" changed to "which is larger." + +p. 689 "indellible" changed to "indelible" + +p. 698 "Coyotero" changed to "Coyotèro" + +p. 704 "Bildebuch" changed to "Bilderbuch" + +p. 708 "at Rio Janeiro" changed to "at Rio de Janeiro" + +p. 712 "longtitude" changed to "longitude" + +p. 715 "Hindu hands." changed to "Hindu hands.”" + +p. 722 "Pedro de las Rios" changed to "Pedro de los Rios" + +p. 729 "FIG. 1233. Crosses." changed to "FIG. 1233.--Crosses." + +p. 723 "presented in Fig. 1223" changed to "presented in Fig. 1223." + +p. 732 "the +.”" changed to "the +.””" + +p. 738 "for drawing." changed to "for drawing.”" + +p. 740 "psuedo-science" changed to "pseudo-science" + +p. 742 "thenorthern Algonquian" changed to "the northern Algonquian" + +p. 747 "purely arbirary" changed to "purely arbitrary" + +p. 755 "marying some one" changed to "marrying some one" + +p. 757 "carniverous" changed to "carnivorous" + +p. 766 "Ojibway Nation." changed to "Ojibway Nation," + +p. 772 "among the petroglpyhs" changed to "among the petroglyphs" + +p. 773 "by the aborignes" changed to "by the aborigines" + +p. 779 "~AUSLAND~, _Das_" changed to "~AUSLAND~, _Das_." + +p. 781 "and in Proc. Am. Philos. Soc. 8^o" changed to "and in Proc. Am. +Philos. Soc. 8^o." + +p. 785 "(Sept. and Oct)" changed to "(Sept. and Oct.)" + +p. 787 "(_Commodore_ Charles." changed to "(_Commodore_ Charles)." + +p. 791 "Emil" changed to "EMIL" + +p. 792 "(I Coll. Mend., Pl. 75)" changed to "(I, Coll. Mend., Pl. 75)" + +p. 795 "591-306" changed to "291-306" + +p. 795 "Toulouse et Paris. 8^o" changed to "Toulouse et Paris. 8^o." + +p. 796 the entry beginning "~McGUIRE~ (JOSEPH D.)" was printed as one +paragraph; the format has been regularised. + +p. 796 "1857.80" changed to "1857. 8^o" + +p. 799 "Kans, La Platte" changed to "Kans., La Platte" + +p. 801 "Pedro II. Vols. 1" changed to "Pedro II. Vols. I" + +p. 802 "59, Figs," changed to "59, Figs." + +p. 809 "Abacu" changed to "Abacus" + +p. 810 "near Zuni" changed to "near Zuñi" + +p. 810 "color among" changed to "color among, 622" + +p. 810 "213-214 468-469" changed to "213-214, 468-469" + +p. 811 "Caicara" changed to "Caïcara" + +p. 811 "Ceara" changed to "Ceará" + +p. 811 "643, 644, 645." changed to "643, 644, 645" + +p. 812 "118 119, 120" changed to "118, 119, 120" + +p. 812 "starvation, 656." changed to "starvation, 656" + +p. 812 the entries for "Corbusier" and "Corados" were printed out of +order. + +p. 812 "etc 534-537" changed to "etc., 534-537" + +p. 813 "Easterisland" changed to "Easter island" + +p. 813 "mediaevel" changed to "mediaeval" + +p. 813 "Oregon, petrogyphs" changed to "Oregon, petroglyphs" + +p. 814 "on Hualpa Indians" changed to "on Hualpai Indians" + +p. 815 "Karankawa" changed to "Karánkawa" + +p. 815 "Iroquois Indians." changed to "Iroquois Indians," + +p. 815 "Jessakkid" changed to "Jĕssakkīd" + +p. 815 "Kitshi Manido" changed to "Kítshi Manidō" + +p. 815 "Kta-i Tupakshi" changed to "Ktá-i Tupákshi" + +p. 815 "Lisieres" changed to "Lisières" + +p. 815 "707-702" changed to "701-702" + +p. 816 "Mamore" changed to "Mamoré" + +p. 816 "Mide" changed to "Midé" + +p. 816 "Midewiwin" changed to "Midēwiwin" + +p. 816 The sub-entry for "Migration record of" was printed as a separate +entry. + +p. 816 "178-176" changed to "178-180" + +p. 817 "Naqomqilis" changed to "Naqómqilis" + +p. 817 "New Mexico, petroplyphs" changed to "New Mexico, petroglyphs" + +p. 818 "351-252" changed to "251-252" + +p. 820 "colors by Zuni" changed to "colors by Zuñi" + +p. 821 "work among, XVII-XVII" changed to "work among, XVII-XVIII" + +p. 821 "Mide cermony" changed to "Midē ceremony" + +p. 821 "Tualati" changed to "Tuálati" + + +The letters identifying the elements in Fig. 653, Fig. 719 and +Fig. 936 were not clearly printed. + + +The following are used inconsistently in the text: + +Ânishinabēg and Ânishinabég + +archæologist and archeologists (and related words) + +Arikara and Arickara + +armpit and arm-pit + +At-o-sis and Atosis + +Baholikonga, Baho-li-kong-ya and Baho li-kong-ya + +birchbark and birch-bark + +boulder and bowlder + +breechcloth and breech-cloth + +Clément and Clement + +crosspiece and cross-piece + +débris and debris + +demigods and demi-gods + +dogfish and dog-fish + +Easter island and Easter Island + +extralimital and extra-limital + +facsimile and fac-simile + +folklore and folk-lore + +footpath and foot-path + +Góngora and Gongora + +Good-Weasel and Good weasel + +headdress and head-dress + +Hindoo and Hindu + +Hoofprints and Hoof-prints + +Hopitu and Ho-pi-tu + +horsetracks and horse-tracks + +inclosures and enclosures + +Lenâpé and Lenape + +Makwa Manidō and Makwá Manidō + +Mañaus and Manaus + +Midē' and Midē + +northeastern and north-eastern + +Oglalas and Oglálas + +Ojibway and Ojibwa + +pipeclay and pipe-clay + +pipestem and pipe-stem + +Révue and Revue + +right hand and right-hand + +rockwriting and rock-writing + +smallpox and small-pox + +snowshoe and snow-shoe + +SOCIÉTÉ and SOCIETE + +subclan and sub-clan + +subchief and sub-chief + +Susbeca and Sus-be-ca + +synecdoche and synechdoche + +tatoo, tatto and tattoo (and derived forms) + +thunder bird, thunder-bird and thunderbird + +today and to-day + +Wakan-Tanka and Wakan Tanka + +warpath and war-path + +wildcats and wild-cats + + +On p. 127 the text refers to two characters _k_; only one is shown in +the illustration. + + +The following possible errors have not been changed: + +On p. 206, several of the figures listed as "Alaskan and Eskimo +carvings" appear unrelated. + +p. 271 "having been selected" + +p. 496 "figures of a man or women" + +p. 558 "City of Monreal" + +p. 727 incorrectly refers to Fig. 429 as representing petroglyphs at +Oakley Springs, Arizona. + +Inconsistent use of small capitals for volume numbers in the List of +Works and Authors Cited has not been regularised. + + +The following were hyphenated at the end of lines: + +p. 381 magpi-yato + +p. 388 Kong-rat + +p. 484 U-mi-ne + +p. 567 Neta-wa-ya-sink + +p. 567 Wikup'bi^n-mi^ns + +p. 567 Shage'skike'-dawan'ga + +p. 567 Ta'pakwe'-ĭkak + + + + + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Picture-Writing of the American Indians, by +Garrick Mallery + +*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 54653 *** |