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If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Russian Memories - -Author: Olga Novikoff - -Release Date: April 8, 2017 [EBook #54507] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK RUSSIAN MEMORIES *** - - - - -Produced by Al Haines - - - - - - - - - -[Frontispiece: The Empress of Russia and Queen Alexandra] - - - - -RUSSIAN MEMORIES - -BY - -MADAME OLGA NOVIKOFF "O.K." - - -WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY STEPHEN GRAHAM - - -AND FIFTEEN ILLUSTRATIONS - - -HERBERT JENKINS LIMITED 12 ARUNDEL PLACE HAYMARKET LONDON S.W. MCMXVII - - - - -WILLIAM BRENDON AND SON, LTD., PRINTERS, PLYMOUTH, ENGLAND - - - - -{1} - -INTRODUCTION - -BY STEPHEN GRAHAM - -It is perhaps a little superfluous for one of my years to write an -introduction for one so well known and so much esteemed and admired as -Madame Novikoff. And yet it may seem just, if it does not seem vain, -that a full-hearted tribute should come to her from this generation -which profits by the result of her life and her work--the great new -friendship between England and Russia. - -She is one of the most interesting women in European diplomatic -circles. She is a picturesque personality, but more than that she is -one who has really done a great deal in her life. You cannot say of -her, as of so many brilliant women, "She was born, she was admired, she -passed!" Destiny used her to accomplish great ends. - -For many in our society life, she stood for Russia, was Russia. For -the poor people of England Russia was represented by the filth of the -Ghetto and the crimes of the so-called "political" refugees; for the -middle classes who read Seton Merriman, Russia was a fantastic country -of revolutionaries and bloodthirsty police; but fortunately the ruling -and upper classes always have had some better vision, they have had the -means of travel, they have seen real representative Russians in their -midst. {2} "They are barbarians, these Russians!" says someone to his -friend. But the friend turns a deaf ear. "I happen to know one of -them," says he. - -A beautiful and clever woman always charms, whatever her nationality -may be, and it is possible for her to make conquests that predicate -nothing of the nation to which she belongs. That is true, and therein -lay the true grace and genius of Madame Novikoff. She was not merely a -clever and charming woman, she was Russia herself. Russia lent her -charm. Thus her friends were drawn from serious and vital England. - -Gladstone learned from her what Russia was. The great Liberal, the man -who, whatever his virtues, and despite his high religious fervour, yet -committed Liberalism to anti-clericalism and secularism, learned from -her to pronounce the phrase, "Holy Russia." He esteemed her. With his -whole spiritual nature he exalted her. She was his Beatrice, and to -her more than to anyone in his life he brought flowers. Morley has -somehow omitted this in his biography of Gladstone. Like so many -intellectual Radicals he is afraid of idealism. But in truth the key -to the more beautiful side of Gladstone's character might have been -found in his relationship to Madame Novikoff. And possibly that -friendship laid the real foundation of the understanding between the -two nations. - -Incidentally let me remark the growing friendliness towards Russia -which is noticeable in the work of Carlyle at that time. A tendency -towards friendship came thus into the air far back in the Victorian era. - -{3} - -Another most intimate friendship was that of Kinglake and Madame -Novikoff, where again was real appreciation of a fine woman. Anthony -Froude worshipped at the same shrine, and W. T. Stead with many another -in whose heart and hand was the making of modern England. - -A marvellously generous and unselfish nature, incapacity to be dull or -feel dull or think that life is dull--a delicious sense of the -humorous, an ingenious mind, a courtliness, and with all this something -of the goddess. She had a presence into which people came. And then -she had a visible Russian soul. There was in her features that -unfamiliar gleam which we are all pursuing now, through opera, -literature and art--the Russian genius. - -Madame Novikoff was useful to Russia, it has been reproachfully said. -Yes, she was useful in promoting peace between the two Empires, she was -worth an army in the field to Russia. Yes, and now it may be said she -has been worth an army in the field to us. - -When Stead went down on the _Titanic_ one of the last of the great men -who worshipped at her shrine had died. Be it remarked how great was -Stead's faith in Russia, and especially in the Russia of the Tsar and -the Church. And it is well to remember that Madame Novikoff belongs to -orthodox Russia and has never had any sympathy whatever with -revolutionary Russia. This has obtained for her not a few enemies. -There are many Russians with strong political views, estimable but -misguided men, who have issued in the past such harmful rubbish as -_Darkest Russia_, journals and pamphlets wherein {4} systematically -everything to the discredit of the Tsar and his Government, every ugly -scandal or enigmatical happening in Russian contemporary life was -written up and then sent post free to our clergy, etc. To them Madame -Novikoff is naturally distasteful. But as English people we ask, who -has helped us to understand "Brightest Russia"--the Russia in arms -to-day? And the praise and the thanks are to her. - -STEPHEN GRAHAM. - - Moscow, - 27_th August_, 1916. - - - - -{5} - -EDITOR'S PREFACE - -The late W. T. Stead in saying to Madame Novikoff, "When you die, what -an obituary I will write of you," was paying her a great compliment; -just as was Disraeli, although unconsciously, in referring to her as -"the M.P. for Russia in England." With that consummate tact which -never fails her, Madame Novikoff has evaded the compliment and -justified the sarcasm. Disraeli might with justice have added that she -was also "M.P. for England in Russia"; for if she has appeared -pro-Russian in England, she has many times been reproached in Russia as -pro-English. - -Of few women have such contradictory things been said and written, -things that clearly show the gradual change in the political barometer; -but her most severe critics indirectly paid tribute to her remarkable -personality by fearing the influence she possessed. In the dark days -when Great Britain and Russia were thinking of each other only as -potential antagonists, she was regarded in this country as a Russian -agent, whose every action was a subject for suspicious speculation, a -national danger, a syren whose object it was to entice British {6} -politicians from their allegiance. Wherever she went it was, according -to public opinion, with some fell purpose in view. If she came to -London for the simple purpose of improving her English, it meant to a -certain section of the Press Russian "diplomatic activity." The Tsar -was told by an English journalist that he ought to "be very proud of -her," as she succeeded where "Russian papers, Ambassadors and Envoys -failed"; another said that she was "worth an army of 100,000 men to her -country"; a third that she was a "stormy petrel." She was, in fact, -everything from a Russian agent to a national danger, everything in -short but the one thing she professed to be, a Russian woman anxious -for her country's peace and progress. - -In Serbia there is a little village whose name commemorates the death -of a Russian hero, Nicolas Kiréef, Madame Novikoff's brother. In his -death lay the seed of the Anglo-Russian Alliance. Distraught with -grief, Madame Novikoff blamed Great Britain for her loss. She argued -that, had this country refused to countenance the unspeakableness of -the Turk in 1876, there would have been no atrocities, no Russian -Volunteers, and no war. From that date she determined to do everything -that lay in her power to bring about a better understanding between -Great Britain and Russia. For years she has never relaxed her efforts, -and she has lived to see what is perhaps the greatest monument ever -erected by a sister to a brother's memory--the Anglo-Russian Alliance. - -{7} - -Nothing discouraged her, and at times, when war seemed inevitable, she -redoubled her efforts. In all her work, she had chiefly to depend on -her own ardour and sincerity. It was this sincerity, and a deep -conviction as to the rightness of her object, that caused Gladstone to -become her fearless ally. Politically he compromised himself by his -frank support of her pleadings for peace and understanding. - -For many years feeling ran too high in this country for a reasoned -consideration of Madame Novikoff's appeals. "Peace with honour" talk -became a meaningless catch phrase, otherwise it would have been seen -that it was "peace with honour" that she advocated, and has never -ceased to advocate, peace with honour, not to one, but to two great -peoples. - -Slowly the eyes of empire shifted from one continent to another, and -gradually Madame Novikoff found her voice commanding more and more -attention, until at last the Anglo-Russian Agreement paved the way for -the present Alliance. - -Her success is largely due to the methods she adopted. She gave and -received hard knocks, and she never fell back upon her sex as an -argument or a defence. She was fighting with men, and she fought with -men's weapons, and this gained for her respect as an honourable and -worthy antagonist. Even at the time when feeling was most strongly -against her work, there appeared in the newspapers many spontaneous -tributes to her ability and personality. {8} The very suspicion with -which she was regarded was in itself a tribute. - -Later when Russia and Great Britain had drawn closer together, there -appeared in the Press some of the most remarkable tributes ever paid to -a woman, from which in justice to her and the Press I venture to quote -a few of the many that appeared. - -"If we were writing at a date which we hope is a good many years -distant of the career of Madame Olga Novikoff, we should begin by -saying that she was one of the most remarkable women of her -time."--_Daily Graphic_. - -"Whatever the reader's political predilections may be, he is unlikely -to dispute the claim of Madame Novikoff to rank as one of the most -remarkable women of her generation."--_Daily Telegraph_. - -"No one will deny the right of Madame Novikoff to a record in history: -... For nearly ten years her influence was probably greater than any -other woman's upon the course of national politics."--_Daily News_. - -Madame Novikoff, "who for so many years held a social and political -position in London which few women, and no ambassador, have ever -equalled."--_Observer_. - -"From beginning to end Madame Novikoff's record is clear and -honourable. There is not the slightest evidence of any intrigue on her -part, of any effort to use the statesman she influenced for underhand -purposes, or to work for or against any {9} particular individual in -her own country."--_Westminster Gazette_. - -"It is seldom that anyone sees such a fruition of his labours as does -this marvellous lady, who has worked all her life for one thing and -almost one thing only--an Anglo-Russian understanding."--_Daily Mail_. - - -And now in the autumn of her life (it is impossible to associate the -word winter with so vital a personality) Madame Novikoff has seen her -years of work crowned with success. To-day she is as keen in regard to -public affairs, especially where her beloved Russia is concerned, as -she was in the days when her life was one continuous fight with the -war-spirit. In the preparation of these Memories I have seen something -of her application, her industry and her personality. In the past I -have often asked myself what was the secret of Madame Novikoff's -remarkable success. But now I know. Time after time when we have seen -things from a different angle, I have found myself accepting her point -of view before I was even conscious of weakening. - -Of all the compliments ever paid to Madame Novikoff, the one that -probably pleases her most is that which recently appeared in a London -daily written by a famous writer upon Russian life, who described her -as "a true Russian." - -This is not an autobiography; for Madame Novikoff has always refused to -undertake such a responsibility. In the first place she thinks it {10} -would be too long, and in the second too personal. "I have been talked -about quite enough," she will say, "without starting to talk about -myself." In 1909 there appeared _The M.P. for Russia_, edited by the -late W. T. Stead, which told much of her association with her -distinguished friends, Gladstone, Kinglake, Villiers, Clarendon, -Carlyle, Tyndall, Froude and others. "These have been taken," she -says, "and I am left." But she has continued her work, and many of her -friends have told her that at this time, above all others, she should -tell personally something of her Russian memories. As she phrases it, -"For forty years I have been wandering in the Wilderness, and now I -have been permitted the happiness of entering the Promised Land. At -last the gates have been opened. We are now brothers-in-arms." - -THE EDITOR. - - - - -{11} - -CONTENTS - - -EDITOR'S PREFACE - - -CHAPTER I - -THE RUSSIAN SPIRIT - -July 1914--Enthusiasm at Moscow--My Ambition Realised--England and -Russia Allies--A War of Right--Wounded Heroes--Russia's Faith in -Victory--Our Emperor's Call--England's Greatness--I am Introduced to -Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Disraeli--"The M.P. for Russia in England"--Mr. -Gladstone's Championship--An Unpopular Cause - - -CHAPTER II - -THE AWAKENING OF RUSSIA - -A New Era--My Brother Nicholas--Hadji Ghiray: Hero--Terrible News--A -Heroic Advance--My Brother's Death--Aksakoff's Famous Speech--Russia -Aflame--A Nation's Sacrifice--My Heart-broken Letters--Mr. Gladstone's -Response--Mutual Suspicion--My Visits to England - - -CHAPTER III - -MR. GLADSTONE AND I STRIVE FOR PEACE - -The Real England--The St. James's Hall Meeting--Remarkable -Enthusiasm--Mr. Gladstone's Speech--He Escorts Me Home--Newspaper -Comment--Lord Salisbury and General Ignatieff--Mutual Regard--The Turks -Displeased--An Embarrassing Tribute--The End of the Constantinople -Conference--Mr. Gladstone Compromised--War Declared--"What Will England -Do?"--Bismarck's Policy--Prince Gortschakoff's Opinion - - -CHAPTER IV - -MR. GLADSTONE - -His Last Utterance.--His Fearlessness---His Opinion of _Russia and -England_--A Christian Revolution--Cardinal Manning's Tribute--Gladstone -and the Old Catholics--The Question of Immortality--Mr. Gladstone's -Remarkable Letter--A Delightful Listener--His Power of -Concentration--Hayward and Gladstone--Their Discussion--Miss Helen -Gladstone--We Talk Gladstone--The Old Lady's Delight--I Miss my Train - - -{12} - -CHAPTER V - -SOME SOCIAL MEMORIES - -My Thursdays in Russia--Khalil Pasha's Death--Lord Napier and the -Lady-in-Waiting--Madame Volnys--My Parents-in-law's _ménage_--An -Exceptional Type--Prince Vladimir Dolgorouki's Embarrassment--The Grand -Duchess Helen--A Brilliant Woman--The Emperor's Enjoyment--The -Campbell-Bannermans--A Royal Diplomatist--Mark Twain on Couriers--In -Serious Vein--Verestchagin--"The Retreat from Moscow"--The Kaiser's -Remarkable Utterance - - -CHAPTER VI - -THE EMPEROR NICHOLAS I - -A Pacific Emperor--An Imperial Fault--The Pauper's Funeral--The -Emperor's Visit to my Mother--My Dilemma--The Emperor's Kindness--He is -Snubbed by an _Ingénue_--The Emperor's Desire for an Alliance with -England--Prince Gortschakoff's Rejoinder--The Slav Ideal--Russia and -Constantinople--Bismarck's Admiration--He Discomfits a Member of the -Reichstag - - -CHAPTER VII - -"AS OTHERS SEE US" - -"A Russian Agent"--"To Lure British Statesmen"--A Charming Tribute--The -Press at Sea--Wild Stories--A Musical Political Agitator--"An -Unofficial Ambassador"--Baron de Staal's Indifference--Prince -Lobanoff's Kindness--Count Shouvaloft's Dislike of my Work--Prince -Gortschakoff and the Slavs--Baron Brunow and the French -Ambassador--English Sportsmanship--A Shakespeare Banquet - - -CHAPTER VIII - -JEWISH RUSSOPHOBIA - -The Jews and the War--Their Attitude in 1876--Their Hatred of -Slavism--The Problems of Other Countries--English Sympathy--The -Guildhall Meeting--The Russian Government Blamed--Tolstoy and the -Jews--My Jewish Friends--A Curious Tradition--Self-protection - - -CHAPTER IX - -ENGLAND AND THE GREAT FAMINE IN RUSSIA - -My Russian Home--The Horrors of Famine--The Peasants' Heroism--Starving -yet Patient--The Society of Friends--I am Invited to -Meeting--Magnificent Munificence--Among the Starving--Terrible -Hardships--Some Illustrations--Living in Dug-outs--The Stoical -Russian--Cinder Bread - - -{13} - -CHAPTER X - -MUSICAL MEMORIES - -My Mother--Her Musical Friends--I Study with Masset--His Generous -Offer--Litolff's Visit--My Mother's Musicales Develop into a -Conservatoire--Rubinstein's Anger--His Refusal to Play for the Grand -Duchess Helen--The Idols of the Musical World--A Friendly Jealousy--My -Stratagem with Liszt--Glasounoff's Kindness--the Musicless - - -CHAPTER XI - -THE ARMENIAN QUESTION - -A Fatal Treaty--Gladstone's Opinion--The Concert of Europe--The -Unspeakable Turk and His Methods--England's Responsibility--Mr. -Gladstone's Energetic Action--Lord Rosebery Resigns--Gladstone's -Astounding Letter--"I Shall Keep Myself to Myself"--"Abdul the -Damned"--"A Man whose Every Impulse is Good"--The Convention of -Cyprus--Russia and England - - -CHAPTER XII - -THE SOBERING OF RUSSIA - -Russian Dreamers--Fighting a Curse--First Steps--An Interesting -Encounter--A Great Reform--Its Acceptance by the Peasants--The Cabman's -Interrogative--He Begs me to Intercede with the Tsar--The Temptation of -Drink--My Peasant Teas--The Drink Habit--Our Courageous Emperor - - -CHAPTER XIII - -MISCELLANEOUS MEMORIES - -My Embarrassment--A Spy--I Am Easily Taken In--A Demand for Fifty -Pounds--A Threat--I Defy the Blackmailer--A Warning--Gladstone's -Refusal to meet Gambetta--My Husband's Dilemma--Russian Views on -Duelling--Kinglake Challenges Prince Louis Napoleon--My Brother's -Views--Kinglake's Charm--The Value of an Englishman--The Dogger Bank -Incident - - -CHAPTER XIV - -THE PHANTOM OF NIHILISM - -England's Sympathy with the Nihilists--Cabinet Ministers' -Indiscretion--Mr. Gladstone's Incredulity--I Prove my Words--Mr. -Gladstone's Action--A Strange Confusion--A Reformed Nihilist--His -Significant Admission--The Nihilist's Regret--The Death of -Revolutionary Russia--The Greatness of the Future--The Reckless, -Impulsive Russian--The Russian Refugees at Buenos Ayres--They Crave for -a Priest - - -{14} - -CHAPTER XV - -RUSSIAN PRISONS AND PRISONERS - -Our Convict System--Misunderstood in England--Siberia, an Emigration -Field--A Lax Discipline--Capt. Wiggins' Opinion--A Land of Stoicism--My -Experiences as a Prison Visitor--Divine Literature--Helen Voronoff's -Work--A Russian Heroine--Her Descriptions of Prison Life - - -CHAPTER XVI - -POLITICAL PRISONERS - -Dostoyevsky's Call--His Retort to a Dandy--Russia and the -Revolution--The Court of Imperial Mercy--How Political Prisoners May -Solicit Pardon--The Coach-driver's Letter--The People's Belief in the -Emperor--A Typical Russian Appeal--Military Offenders--How They Have -Justified the Emperor's Clemency--Political Prisoners and the War - - -CHAPTER XVII - -THE GRAND DUKE CONSTANTINE AND PRINCE OLEG - -A Remarkable Personality--The Grand Duke's Graciousness--His Tact and -Sympathy--The Wounded Soldier--A Censored Book--Prince Oleg and my -Brother Alexander--A Talented Child--A Strange Premonition--The -Prince's Interest in Public Affairs--His Studious Nature--The Prince -Wounded--His Joy on Receiving the Cross of St. George--He Becomes -Worse--The End - - -CHAPTER XVIII - -BULGARIA'S DEFECTION AND PRISONERS OF WAR - -Russia Blamed for the Balkan Muddle--Bulgaria's Treachery--Gen. Grant -on the Russians and Constantinople--Bulgaria's Dissatisfaction--The -Reign of the Fox--The Treatment of Prisoners of War--The German -Method--The Allies' Failure--Lack of Organisation--Insidious German -Propagandism--Britain and Her Prisoners in Germany - - -CHAPTER XIX - -THE RUSSIAN PARISH - -The Revival of Parish Life--The Ancient Russian Parish--A Peaceful -Community--Slavophils and the Parish--The Metropolitan and the Emperor -Nicholas I--The Independence of the Church--Father John of Kronstadt--A -Blessing to Russia - - -CHAPTER XX - -RUSSIA AND ENGLAND - -A New Era--The Russian Ideal--The Trick of Double Nationality--Lord -Kitchener's Legacy--The Armenian Inventor--The Kaiser and Double -Nationality--The Future of Prussia--Russia's Hope of Victory--Germany's -Influence on Anglo-Russian Friendship--Days of Suspicion--Lord -Clarendon's Opinion--An ex-Cabinet Minister's Boast--Russian Memories -of England--A Glorious Future - - - - -{15} - -ILLUSTRATIONS - -The Empress of Russia and Queen Alexandra . . . Frontispiece - -W. E. Gladstone (April 5, 1892) - -Nicolas Kiréeff - -Myself in 1876 - -Seminary for 125 School Teachers built by Alexander Novikoff at -Novo-Alexandrofka - -Sr. Olga's School for Girl Teachers at Novo-Alexandrofka - -My Son, Alexander Novikoff - -Nicolas Rubinstein, Anton Rubinstein - -The Clergy and Choir of Novo-Alexandrofka, 1900, on the Day of the -Consecration of the Church - -Alexander Kiréeff - -Church built by Alexander Novikoff on his Father's Grave at -Novo-Alexandrofka - -Miss Helen Voronoff - -The Grand Duke Constantine Nicolaévitch - -St. Olga's School for Girl Teachers at Nova-Alexandrofka - -Myself with my Faithful Max at Brunswick Place, N.W. - - - - -{17} - -RUSSIAN MEMORIES - - - -CHAPTER I - -THE RUSSIAN SPIRIT - -July 1914--Enthusiasm at Moscow--My Ambition Realised--England and -Russia Allies--A War of Right--Wounded Heroes--Russia's Faith in -Victory--Our Emperor's Call--England's Greatness--I am Introduced to -Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Disraeli--"The M.P. for Russia in England"--Mr. -Gladstone's Championship--An Unpopular Cause - - -I was in Moscow when our Monarch's mighty voice sounded in defence of -little Serbia. I was driving near the Tverskoi Boulevard, when a -shouting crowd rushed past me, and burst into a neighbouring restaurant. - -"What does it all mean?" I exclaimed. "Is it a riot? do they want -drink?" - -"Oh no," said the bystanders. "They only want to call out the -orchestra and make them play the national hymn." - -I stopped my carriage. - -The orchestra appeared, and played our God save the Tzar, while the -whole crowd, wild with enthusiasm, joined in. - -Delighted and touched, I followed them. Most were singing and shouting -"Hurrah," some praying and making the sign of the cross, while the -throng continually increased. - -{18} - -Similar scenes occurred daily in various quarters of the town. One -evening, an idle crowd had assembled near St. Saviour's Church. A -priest appeared with a cross. The whole crowd fell on their knees and -prayed. Such moments one cannot forget--indeed one can only thank God -for them. - -People say that in Petrograd the demonstrations were still grander. It -may be so--but whenever the Emperor visits Moscow, and speaks there -with his powerful, animating voice, the old capital rises to -unapproachable heights of enthusiasm and to resolutions of unbounded -self-sacrifice. - -A few days later I realised that the great ambition of my life was -about to be realised, not only by an _entente_, but by an alliance -between Russia and the country that has given me so many friends and -shown me such splendid hospitality. Yet how differently everything had -happened from what I had anticipated after the signing of the -Anglo-Russian Agreement. It was not the gradual drawing together of -the two countries that each might enjoy the peaceful friendship of the -other: but the sudden discovery that they had a common foe to fight, a -common ideal to preserve, a common civilisation to save. - -Years ago I wrote, "I want to be a harbinger of peace, of hope, of -prosperity to come," and yet here was my great ambition being realised -to the sound of the drum and midst the thunder of the destroying guns. - -History was repeating itself. As in 1875, a Slav nation was being -oppressed, threatened with annihilation, and the great heart of Russia -was moved. {19} I remember so well those days forty years ago when our -Foreign Office tried all it could to stop the reckless chivalry of the -Russian people--determined as all classes were to sacrifice everything, -life itself even, for the sake of their oppressed co-religionists, the -Bulgarians. - -In that August thirty-eight years before (1876), Petrograd itself -(always more cautious and reserved than Moscow) showed an enthusiasm -for the cause of the Christian Slavs that daily gathered strength. It -pervaded all classes from prince to peasant. - -The sympathy of the masses had been evoked by the atrocities, committed -in the usual unspeakable Turkish fashion, in Bulgaria. That sympathy, -however, bore chiefly a religious, not a political character, and as in -almost all great national movements our Emperor identified himself with -his people. Public collections were being made for the sick and -wounded. - -Officers of the Red Cross and ladies of the Court and society went from -house to house requesting subscriptions. - -At railway stations, on the steam-boats, even on the tramways, the "Red -Cross" was present everywhere, with a sealed box for donations. Every -effort was made to animate feelings of compassion for the suffering -Christians, and to swell the funds for providing ambulances for the -sick and wounded. - -And now in 1914 another great national emotion had swept over three -hundred millions of people. This was not a war of greed or gain; it -was not concerned with some insult levelled at Russia or the violation -of her frontiers; it was the result of a {20} deep religious sense of -justice in the hearts of the people. It was what in England would be -called "the sporting instinct" which forbids a big man to hit another -smaller than himself. - -No power could have held back the chivalrous Russians from going to the -aid of threatened Serbia. All recognised that a terrible and fateful -day had dawned, and throughout the dark days of the autumn of 1915, the -people never flinched from the task they had undertaken. They were -pledged to save Serbia. - -Russians believed, still believe and will always believe, in the -sacredness of an oath given in the name of God. Certain words indeed -are not meaningless sounds! To such sacred promises naturally belongs -also the oath of allegiance. - -For centuries confidence and harmony reigned between all the Russian -subjects. Now, the blasphemous Kaiser was trying to abolish every -moral and religious tie. Could anything be more cruel and mischievous? - -Everywhere it was the same. When I visited the wounded in my Tamboff -country place, our poor soldiers, in answer to my queries as to their -wants and desires, answered quite simply, not in the least realising -the nobleness of their feeling: - -"If God would only make us strong enough to go and punish the infamous -enemy. You do not know the harm done to our fields, our churches, our -brothers." - -The tone of this and similar remarks was very striking. One of the -wounded was a Mohammedan. I do not know whether it is wise or not, but -the {21} Mohammedans in Russia are treated exactly like other Russian -subjects, and they know that in serving Russia they may attain the -highest military positions, as did, for instance, General Ali Khanoff, -and others of the same creed. - -Russia, as a whole, has an unlimited faith in victory. The Russian -Emperor's New Year's address echoed far and wide, like a clarion call, -through the ranks of the Imperial army and fleet. All doubts vanished -beyond recall, for the utterance of the Sovereign was more decided, -definite and determined than any that had gone before. Here are words -that must ring like a knell in the ears of exhausted Germany, trembling -under the strain of her last efforts. - -"A half-victory--an unfinished war"--this was the hideous phantom -before which the hearts of our brave soldiers sank, and which, like a -ceaseless nightmare, disturbed the rest, even of our most illiterate -peasants. Far and wide, indeed, Russian hearts to-day thrill and -respond to their beloved Emperor's call: - -"Remember that without complete victory our dear Russia cannot ensure -for herself and her people the independence that is her pride and her -birthright, cannot enjoy and develop to the full the fruits of her -labour and her natural wealth. Let your hearts be permeated with the -consciousness that there can be no peace without victory. However -great may be the sacrifice required of us, we must march onward -unflinchingly, onward to triumph for our country and our cause." - -The air vibrated with the echoes of these splendid {22} words--and the -bereaved mothers, sisters, wives, weeping in the loneliness and despair -of their broken hearts, look up and smile again, because Russia's blood -has not been shed in vain. The news travelled on the wings of the -wind, and over countless distant, unknown graves, it brought its -message to our fallen heroes: "You shall be revenged, brave warriors; -your souls shall celebrate the moment of triumph, together with your -living brothers!" - -It is good also to know that we are not alone in our determination, -that our Allies are with us, and share our views. - -Therefore, if we assume that Germany's entire population numbers about -seventy millions, the outside limit for the numerical strength of her -army can in no circumstance exceed ten millions, this being already 14 -per cent of the whole nation, and a completely unprecedented percentage -of the nation's manhood. Such figures, indeed, represent an entire -people in arms--a people, however, that has taken upon itself the -impossible task of measuring its strength against that of three other -mighty peoples, armed, also, to the teeth. In this uneven struggle, -Germany must ultimately, in spite of Austrian, Bulgarian and Turkish -help, meet her ruin, and bleed to death. - -We, in Russia, look forward to the future without fear. We stand -united as one man. All political strifes and disagreements are -forgotten; there is no division of parties, no discussion of any -affairs of State except those connected with the war. "War war, war, -till victory, till triumph. There lies our future, and so shall it -be." With these words our {23} Home Secretary, Monsieur Khvostoff, -concluded his recent speech to the members of the Press Bureau. The -same sentiments are echoed everywhere. We are determined and hopeful, -and ready for every sacrifice, because, to quote our Empress Alexandra -in her New Year's telegram to the Secretary of State, "A war that has -been forced on us by our enemies, and that has attained dimensions -unprecedented in history, naturally calls for immense sacrifices. But -I know that the Russian people will not hesitate before these -sacrifices, and will fight on nobly until the moment when God's -blessing will bring to the glorious warriors who are shedding their -blood for their fatherland and their Emperor, the peace that shall be -bought by complete victory over our foes." - -By these words may English people discern the spirit of their Russian -friends, their faith in victory. - -The difference between 1876 and 1914 is our attitude towards Great -Britain. Whereas forty years ago we suspected, even hated, her, now we -see her in her true colours. She is doing for Belgium what we once did -for Bulgaria, and from a sense of right and political honour. She -could have remained neutral, safe in her sea defences, devoting her -time to capturing the trade of the combatants. Instead of which she -chose to risk all in honouring her pledge. This fact brought Russia -very near to Great Britain, and I hope the years that are coming will -see a better understanding in Great Britain of the Russian Spirit. - -And now something about myself. In 1873 Baron Brunow, the Russian -Ambassador in London, introduced me to Mr. Gladstone and {24} Mr. -Disraeli in the same evening. The one was to become a dear friend who -was to give powerful support to my efforts to bring Russia and England -closer together, whilst the other a few years later was to confer upon -me the honorary title of which I have always been so proud. "Madame -Novikoff," he said, during the Bulgarian agitation, when Mr. Gladstone -and I were doing our utmost to negative his pro-Turkish activities, "I -call Madame Novikoff the M.P. for Russia in England." - -This remark was not intended to give me pleasure, although, now that my -years of work have ended successfully, it may appear, as Mr. W. T. -Stead said, "a flattering compliment." - -At that time, however, Lord Beaconsfield was not feeling so cordial -towards me as to frame graceful compliments, and he probably knew that, -expert as he was in the art of flattery, nothing he could say would -divert me from the path of antagonism towards his policy that I had -chosen for myself. - -"Ambassadors represent Governments, M.P.'s represent the people," Mr. -Stead wrote, apropos Beaconsfield's remark, and I have always striven, -however unworthily, to represent Russia, the most peace-loving nation -in the world. - -[Illustration: W. E. Gladstone (April 5, 1892)] - -It was to the enjoyment of peace to my country that I first undertook -my self-imposed work, the bringing of Great Britain and Russia to a -better understanding that would result in their working together -towards a common end--peace. It is a strange trick of fate that the -two countries should eventually be brought together, not by peace but -{25} by war; but the workings of Providence are inscrutable, and out of -this great evil perhaps a still greater good may come. - -By the Anglo-Russian Agreement of 1908 the two countries became good -friends, now they are allies. Britons are fighting in Russia under the -Russian High Command, and it is no secret that British sailors are -fighting ship by ship with Russian sailors in the Baltic; and with -those who have fought together for a common cause, friendship and -understanding are inevitable. - -It is strange to look back upon what have come to be known as the -"jingo days," when in the streets and music-halls was sung a ditty in -which Britons told each other--I quote from memory: - - We don't want to fight; but, by jingo, if we do, - We've got the men, we've got the ships, we've got the money too. - -and all this was levelled at Russia, because she chose to do what Great -Britain to her everlasting honour is doing to-day, avenging a -downtrodden, but uncrushed people. - -There was one man who saw clearly and stood up fearlessly against the -popular clamour, and that was Mr. Gladstone. For twenty years he -worked with me loyally towards the end I had in view. He never -faltered in his denunciations of the unspeakable Turk and all his ways. -From 1876 to 1880 the crisis was acute, and at any time war between -Great Britain and Russia was possible. - -During the whole of this time Mr. Gladstone was doing his utmost to -counteract the evils of the Disraeli policy, and he was always in close -touch {26} and constant communication with me. His support and -unflinching championship of what he thought to be the cause of right -was to me a great comfort. I was a woman in a foreign land, fighting -against the prejudices that I saw everywhere about me. - -In the early part of 1876 ugly rumours were afloat as to wholesale -massacres of Bulgarians by the Turks. On June the 23rd there appeared -in _The Daily News_ a letter from its Constantinople correspondent -(Mr., now Sir, Edwin Pears), and the attention of the House of Commons -was directed to the appalling allegations it contained. Mr. Disraeli, -then Prime Minister, treated the whole matter with airy unconcern, but -the members on both sides of the House were irritated rather than -soothed by his manner. - -With a caution that was infinitely to his credit, for I know from our -talks how deeply he felt, Mr. Gladstone waited the report of Mr. Walter -Baring, the British Commissioner, which confirmed in all their -revolting detail the rumours of the slaughter of harmless Bulgarians, -men, women and children. Convinced that the evidence was -uncontrovertible, Mr. Gladstone plunged into the fray, first by -publishing his pamphlet, _The Bulgarian Horrors and the Question of the -East_, and later by urging an understanding with Russia that would -render this wholesale slaughter of a Christian people impossible in -future. - -In Russia there was only one thought in the people's minds--war, which -no human power could have prevented. The nation insisted that they -{27} should be allowed to stand beside their co-religionists and fight -in defence of their freedom. - -As for myself, those were busy days. I saw around me nothing but -suspicion of Russia, perhaps even of myself: but I had a noble example -set me, if one were needed, by Mr. Gladstone. Ours was a fight for -Christianity and civilisation. Every hour of my day and sometimes far -into the night was occupied. I rushed fearlessly into print, as I have -done for the last forty years when I felt that my pen might serve the -purpose I had in mind. In those days editors were less hospitable -towards me than they have since become. Mine was an unpopular cause, I -wrote as a Russian patriot, which meant that I sometimes showed a -tendency to injure British susceptibilities. "But what matter that?" I -asked myself with Jesuitical satisfaction. "The end is good, and it is -the end that matters." I think there are very few of my friends in -England to-day who will not echo my words. - -The day on which I write these words is the Russian Flag Day, the -second since the war broke out. In the streets are English and Russian -girls and women selling small flags, for the most exorbitant sum they -can extract from the purchasers, "to help Russia." - -When I look back upon those days of gloom, when Mr. Gladstone used to -come and see "the Russian agent," "the M.P. for Russia in England," and -talk anxiously about the near future, and whether the storm would pass -or break, it is with gratitude and expressions of heartfelt thanks to -the people who have so often shown me hospitality and {28} in time -began to listen to my words. They must have found some difficulty in -avoiding the words I showered upon them; for I frankly confess I lost -no opportunity of "rushing into print." - - - - -{29} - -CHAPTER II - -THE AWAKENING OF RUSSIA - -A New Era--My Brother Nicholas--Hadji Ghiray: Hero--Terrible News--A -Heroic Advance--My Brother's Death--Aksakoff's Famous Speech--Russia -Aflame--A Nation's Sacrifice--My Heart-broken Letters--Mr. Gladstone's -Response--Mutual Suspicion--My Visits to England - - -It is not only easy, but delightful at this moment to write in dear -England about Russia and Russians, about our institutions and customs, -confessing even our drawbacks when they have to be explained. But, -alas! some thirty or forty years ago such was not the case. - -I wonder if it will interest English people to follow the life of a -Russian, who, like myself, has felt the effect of these different -currents. - -We must remember, that, if at this moment, everything English is not -only appreciated in Russia, but even enthusiastically admired, things -were quite different at the time when I began writing pro-Russian -articles in England. - -Yes, indeed: the Russian feelings in the years '76, '77 and '78 were -permeated with severe bitterness against Disraeli's English policy so -hostile to Russia. - -Find and study the Russian papers of these years. They will show you -how all the Russian Press, and {30} in fact the whole country, was -convinced that Turkey would never have refused to introduce the reforms -asked by Russia in favour of the tortured Slavs if it had not been for -England's cruel support and advice. - -The whole of Russia at that time was seething with indignation and -resentment. - -In the year 1876 in all our papers, and in every mouth, were variations -on the same theme: - -"England is the principal cause of all our sacrifices and losses. -England's obedient slave, Turkey, refuses all our most legitimate -demands in favour of our co-religionists, our brethren by race. -Turkey's insolent opposition is England's doing. Besides, the Russian -Government hesitated to present her Ultimatum to the Sultan--not being -prepared for war." - -And so it really was. Russia then was as pacific and unprepared for -fighting as she was at the beginning of the present gigantic -Armageddon. Russia imagined that everybody understood that she was not -coveting new acquisitions, and was quite unprepared for war, which was -true enough--indeed she seemed as if she never cared to be prepared. -She lived in a fool's Paradise, insisting on universal peace as at The -Hague Conference, and as if the whole world were composed of "the -friends" (better known as "Quakers"). - -The present diabolical war has taught us many good lessons, including -the necessity for prudence in the future. It will also teach us to -develop our own endless resources without depending on foreign help, -which is always paid for not only at usual, {31} but at monstrous -prices, such as those which now exist at Petrograd and Moscow. - -But hostile as Russia was in 1876 to any kind of war, yet, when the -Balkan troubles commenced, crowds of poor Russians, preferring death to -peace at any price, rushed to that country, concealing even from their -relatives and friends their determination to support the Slavs, -notwithstanding the complete unpreparedness of the latter. That was -perhaps pure folly on the part of our volunteers, but a sublime and -heroic folly, of which we are now proud. At that time, however, I, at -all events (in spite of all) only felt the bitterness of indignation -and despair with our Government and with England's policy. - -My brother, Nicholas, as a member of the Slavonic Benevolent Society, -went to Belgrade, Sofia and Cettingje. But he went armed only with -money collected for ambulances and for the establishment of medical -depôts, where medical aid could be obtained. The insurrection in -Bosnia and Herzegovina was already spreading, and no preparations had -been made. The helplessness of the wretched Balkan Slavs was simply -appalling. As Nicholas had distributed all the money entrusted to him, -and had sent in all his accounts to the Benevolent S. Society to the -last copeck, our brother Alexander and I expected his speedy return to -Russia. - -In fact, I had Alexander's letter in my pocket, where he spoke of -Nicholas' splendid business-like arrangement, when I read in all the -papers a short but terrible telegram: "Hadji Ghiray is killed at -Zaitcher"--it was Nicholas Kiréeff. He had joined {32} the Serbians -under an assumed name, as we later discovered. - -My horror at this news was indescribable. I could not believe it. But -it was soon followed by a wire from Alexander which said: "The Emperor -has sent for me and informed me of our brother's death. He allows me -to go to you at once, and we will go to see Mother in Italy. She must -be now at Lucca, and probably knows nothing as yet of our misfortune." - -I shall hope to be forgiven for quoting Kinglake's account of my -brother's sacrifice. It was characteristically Russian in its -Quixotism: - -"The young Nichol ... Kiréeff was a noble, and being by nature a man of -an enthusiastic disposition, with the romantic example before him in -the life of his father, he had accustomed himself to the idea of -self-sacrifice. Upon the outbreak of Prince Milan's insurrection, he -went off to Servia with the design of acting simply under the banner of -the Red Cross, and had already entered upon his humane task, when he -found himself called upon by General Tchernaieff to accept the command -of what we may call a brigade--a force of some five thousand infantry, -consisting of volunteers and militiamen, supported, it seems, by five -guns; and before long, he not only had to take his brigade into action, -but to use it as the means of assailing an entrenched position at -Rakovitz. Young Kiréeff very well understood that the irregular force -entrusted to him was far from being one that could be commanded in the -hour of battle by taking a look with a field-glass and uttering a few -words to an aide-de-camp; so {33} he determined to carry forward his -men by the simple and primitive expedient of personally advancing in -front of them. He was a man of great stature, with extraordinary -beauty of features, and, whether owing to the midsummer heat, or from -any wild, martyr-like, or dare-devil impulse, he chose, as he had done -from the first, to be clothed altogether in white. Whilst advancing in -front of his troops against the Turkish battery he was struck--first by -a shot passing through his left arm, then presently by another one -which struck him in the neck, and then again by yet another one which -shattered his right hand and forced him to drop his sword; but, despite -all these wounds, he was still continuing his resolute advance, when a -fourth shot passed through his lungs, and brought him, at length, to -the ground, yet did not prevent him from uttering--although with great -effort--the cry of 'Forward! Forward!' A fifth shot, however, fired -low, passed through the fallen chief's heart and quenched his gallant -spirit. The brigade he had commanded fell back, and his body--vainly -asked for soon afterwards by General Tchernaieff--remained in the hands -of the Turks."[1] - - -[1] _The Invasion of the Crimea_. Sixth edition. - - -[Illustration: NICOLAS KIRÉEFF] - -I saw it stated in the newspapers a short time back that a German -officer and some hundred and fifty men had surrendered to the British, -stating that he and his men would probably be of more use to Germany -alive than dead. When I think of the tragedy surrounding the death of -my brother, Nicholas Kiréeff, I can now see that he served Russia -better by his death than he could by living for her. - -The news of his heroic fall passed from one end {34} of Russia to the -other like the notes of a bugle calling an army into being. But for -his death my own humble efforts to bring about a better understanding -between two great nations might possibly never have been attempted. -There is probably no evil out of which good cannot be formed. - -The effect of my brother's death was instantaneous and electrical. He -was the first Russian volunteer to fall in the cause of freedom, the -cause that people in Great Britain could not or would not understand. -Officers and men of the Russian army clamoured to go to the front. By -giving his life freely for the sake of his conscience, my brother was -the instrument of Russia doing one of the finest things that any nation -has ever done. - -Kinglake has written: - -"It may be that the grandeur of the young colonel's form and stature, -and the sight of the blood, showing vividly on his white attire, added -something extraneous and weird to the sentiment which might well be -inspired by witnessing his personal heroism ... but, be that as it may, -the actual result was that accounts of the incident--accounts growing -every day more and more marvellous--flew so swiftly from city to city, -from village to village, that before seven days had passed, the -smouldering fire of Russian enthusiasm leapt up into a dangerous flame. -Under countless green domes, big and small, priests fiercely chanting -the 'Requiem' for a young hero's soul, and setting forth the glory of -dying in defence of 'syn-orthodox' brethren, drew warlike responses -from men who--whilst still in cathedral or church--cried aloud that -they, too, would go where the young {35} Kiréeff had gone; and so many -of them hastened to keep their word, that before long a flood of -volunteers from many parts of Russia was pouring fast into Belgrade. -To sustain the once kindled enthusiasm apt means were taken. The -simple photograph, representing the young Kiréeff's noble features, -soon expanded to large-sized portraits; and Fable then springing -forward in the Path of Truth, but transcending it with the swiftness of -our modern appliances, there was constituted in a strangely short time -one of those stirring legends which used to be the growth of long -years--a legend half warlike, half superstitious, which exalted its -really tall hero to the dimensions of a giant, and showed him piling up -hecatombs by a mighty slaughter of Turks."[2] - - -[2] _The Invasion of the Crimea_. Sixth edition. - - -The death of Nicholas Kiréeff was a kind of spark falling on a train of -gunpowder. In a month's time the whole of Russia was roused. - -"The news of the death of Nicholas Kiréeff," said Aksakoff, in one of -his most famous speeches, "at once stimulated hundreds to become -volunteers--an event that repeated itself when the news was received of -the deaths of further Russian volunteers. Death did not frighten, but, -as it were, attracted them. At the beginning of the movement the -volunteers were men who had belonged to the army, and chiefly from -among the nobles. I remember the feeling of real emotion which I -experienced when the first sergeant came requesting me to send him to -Servia--so new to me was the existence of such a feeling in the ranks -of the people. This feeling soon grew in intensity when, not only old -soldiers, {36} but even peasants, came to me with the same request. -And how humbly did they persevere in their petition, as if begging -alms! With tears they begged me, on their knees, to send them to the -field of battle. Such petitions of the peasants were mostly granted, -and you should have seen their joy at the announcement of the decision! -However, those scenes became so frequent, and business increased to -such an extent, that it was quite impossible to watch the expression of -popular feeling, or to inquire into particulars from the volunteers as -to their motives. 'I have resolved to die for my Faith.' 'My heart -burns.' 'I want to help our brethren.' 'Our people are being killed.' -Such were the brief answers which were given with great sincerity. I -repeat there was not, and could not be, any mercenary motive on the -part of the volunteers. I, at least, conscientiously warned every one -of the hard lot awaiting him. Privations, wounds, and death were all -that these volunteers could expect for themselves, but they rightly -guessed that sooner or later the official Russian army would take up -their cause." - -In less than a month after my brother's death 75 officers of the -Imperial Guards at Petrograd resigned their commission in the army, and -hurried to Serbia; 120 officers at Moscow and Southern Russia did the -same. - -The impartial British Ambassador, Lord Augustus Loftus, informed his -Government that according to private information 20,000 Cossacks were -going to the Balkans in disguise. He also communicated the following -characteristic letter: - -{37} - -"Even women, old men, and children speak of nothing but the Slavonic -war. The warlike spirit of the Cossacks is on fire, and from small to -great they all await permission to fall on the Turks like a whirlwind. -At many of the settlements the Cossacks are getting their arms ready, -with a full conviction that in a few days the order will be given to -fall on the enemies of the Holy Faith and of their Slav brethren. -There is at the same time a general murmuring against diplomacy for its -dilatoriness in coming to the rescue. Deputies have arrived from many -of the Cossack settlements to represent to the Ataman that the Cossacks -are no longer able to stand the extermination of the Christians." - -Lord Augustus Loftus reluctantly admitted that "neither the Emperor nor -Prince Gortschakoff are now able to resist the unanimous appeal of the -nation for intervention to protect and save their co-religionists." At -that time Russia knew perfectly well that nobody outside her realms -cared to share her sacrifices and her work, and that the greatest part -of England even threatened her with war--an eventuality which certainly -could not be contemplated with indifference. - -The tragedy at Zaitschar had lighted a flame that spread throughout the -length of Russia. Enormous sums of money were offered with reckless -generosity. Foreigners who witnessed the enthusiasm of the movement -were astonished. They did not understand the romantic chivalry of the -Russian nature. Ivan Aksakoff, the President of the Benevolent Slav -Society in Moscow, alone collected more than a million roubles, and -everywhere Red Cross Societies {38} sprang up with a suddenness that -was amazing. I belonged to the Moscow Red Cross Committee. It was one -of our duties to collect money and material for ambulance work. I -recollect vividly, although forty years have since passed, how people -of all sorts and conditions came to us with their offerings. Women of -fashion tendered their jewels, paupers their copper coins. Everybody -gave what he could. - -I could write volumes about what occurred in those glorious yet tragic -days. Everywhere I encountered examples of a deep religious enthusiasm -that seemed to animate the whole country, irrespective of class; yet -the foreign Press saw in this spontaneous movement only a sham -engineered for political purposes. - -The years '76 and '77 formed a grand page of Russian history--years of -real crusade in our prosaic, materialistic nineteenth century. The -crowds of Russians who rushed to meet almost certain death in heroic -defence of their oppressed and unarmed Christian brethren in the East, -the vast sums of money, offered with spontaneous and reckless -generosity, astonished all those foreigners who witnessed the -marvellous enthusiasm of that movement. - -This enthusiasm in Russia was the first direct result of my dear -brother's death; but there was another. I was prostrated with grief by -the shock. To my distraught mind England was responsible for the -tragedy. Had she not encouraged the Turk there would have been no war -and my brother would have been alive. If Mr. Gladstone had been in -power, my brother would not have been sacrificed. How bitterly I -upbraided England in my own mind. {39} As soon as I was well enough -and influenced by all that I had read in our Press about England's -interference with Russia's humane policy, and also by my personal -passionate grief, I simply lost my head. Can it be believed that I -wrote to my English friends in these very words: "It is England who has -killed my brother. It is England who prevents our Government from -helping our brethren in the Balkans. Russia was in duty bound to -remonstrate with the Sultan, even to the extent of threatening him with -war, the moment his massacres began. Impulsively Russian volunteers -rushed to the rescue, and my poor brother Nicholas happened to be the -first amongst them. He would not have been the first hero to be killed -at the head of the unarmed Serbian troops, if those had been enrolled -as official soldiers, well-armed and ready for battle." - -Such letters can be written only, as this was, in moments of real -despair. But I must gratefully add that my English correspondents -understood my grief, and that people like Lord Napier, Froude, -Kinglake, Freeman, Charles Villiers, Sir William Harcourt and -others--then known to me rather as clever and pleasant -conversationalists--all answered me with extreme kindness and sympathy. -They assured me that Disraeli's policy in Turkey was wrong, that -Parliament intended to question it, that _The Daily News_ and other -papers had already started the campaign, etc., etc. Yes, I felt their -kindness, but the only person who left my letter unanswered was Mr. -Gladstone, and this rather grieved me. In fact, I expected that he -would have been the first to respond, as we had {40} understood each -other so well on the old Catholic movement. - -Two or three weeks later, however, I received a communication from Mrs. -Gladstone, which read: - - -DEAR MADAME NOVIKOFF, - -My husband, overwhelmed at this moment with business, wishes me to -write and express to you our sincere sympathy with you in your great -loss; indeed we know what it is to lose a precious brother, and we also -know as you do how to rejoice in a beautiful unselfish life being -crowned with joy eternal. You will ere this have read the answer to -your question as to Bulgaria in my husband's pamphlet in the -newspapers. England is at length roused from her lethargy; indeed it -is terrible what has been going on. Once more assuring you of our -heartfelt sympathy in your sorrow, believe me, yours very sincerely, - -CATHERINE GLADSTONE. - - -I could not at the moment understand what she meant, but I was soon -enlightened by the appearance of the celebrated pamphlet on the -Bulgarian horrors. - -[Illustration: MYSELF IN 1876] - -Although all the letters I received were deeply sympathetic, I could -see that the sympathy expressed was with me personally rather than with -the cause I had so much at heart; for how can anyone sympathise with -what they do not understand? - -Great Britain suspected Russia as if it were the most natural thing in -the world to do so, whilst Russia reciprocated by suspecting Great -Britain. Each put the worst possible construction upon the {41} acts -of the other. Seeing this, I decided to do all I could in my humble -and unpretentious way to further a better understanding between the two -nations. I remembered the fable of the mouse and the lion, and that -was the beginning of forty years' work, during which I have never once -wandered from the path I had chosen. - -There is in the little kingdom of Serbia a village situated near the -place where Nicholas Kiréeff fell, named Kireevo in his honour. My -brother Alexander, who was present at the ceremony of naming the -village, was deeply impressed by its fervour and the gratitude shown to -a Russian hero. Whatever good I have been able to do I always regard -as an offering upon the grave of my brother Nicholas. - -An intense craving came over me to explain to all my friends the -Russian public opinion's ground for accusing England of responsibility -for our mishaps in the Balkans and for the tardy declaration of war by -our Government. (All the telegrams and letters referring to these -terrible years have been duly collected by me and given to the -Roumiantzoff Museum in Moscow. Certain documents and letters belong to -history and must not perish with our death.) Let me give some further -details about what I (unsupported, unprotected, ignorant as I felt -myself to be) returned to face on my arrival in England. Those visits -to England, by the by, did not extend at first over a couple of months, -my family duties naturally taking me always back to Russia. I never -like to speak too much of myself, but I think I am in honour bound to -explain to all those who showed me their sympathetic {42} support that, -after all, my only object was to do my very best and in that way, to a -certain extent, deserve their support and sympathy. - -My plan was a very simple one: to let England know real Russians and -Russian views, and to let Russia know England and English views. - - - - -{43} - -CHAPTER III - -MR. GLADSTONE AND I STRIVE FOR PEACE - -The Real England--The St. James's Hall Meeting--Remarkable -Enthusiasm--Mr. Gladstone's Speech--He Escorts me Home--Newspaper -Comment--Lord Salisbury and General Ignatieff--Mutual Regard--The Turks -Displeased--An Embarrassing Tribute--The End of the Constantinople -Conference--Mr. Gladstone Compromised--War Declared--"What Will England -Do?"--Bismarck's Policy--Prince Gortschakoff's Opinion - - -England's attitude towards Russia had been frankly hostile: but a -revulsion of feeling soon set in. I had always maintained that the -real England was represented by Mr. Gladstone and not Mr. Disraeli. -The first sign came from the north, and meetings of protest were held -in different large towns, the upshot of which was the calling of a -National Conference on non-party terms. Many of the most distinguished -men in the country heartily supported the idea, and a great meeting was -arranged to be held in the old St. James's Hall on November 27, 1876. - -I was present during the whole conference, to which I received ten -separate invitations. The enthusiasm was tremendous throughout the -proceedings: but when Mr. Gladstone rose to speak he received an -ovation, and it was some minutes before the uproar subsided -sufficiently to allow of his being heard. I was thrilled as I had -never been thrilled {44} before. The speech was a magnificent effort -and I need not describe it here. I had never before heard Mr. -Gladstone speak in public, and I was glad that it should be on the -subject of the downtrodden Slavs. - -He spoke for upwards of an hour and a half, and when he finished there -was another outburst from the audience. It was nearly eight o'clock -when I rose to leave the hall. As I was slowly making my way down the -staircase, pushed and buffeted by the vast throng that was pouring out -of the hall, I heard my name called and I recognised Mr. Gladstone's -voice. He had seen me as he, too, was making his way out, and, -offering me his arm, he conducted me into the street. In spite of his -having delivered a long speech and that he was due at a dinner party, -he insisted on accompanying me to Claridge's, where I was staying, -talking with interest and animation as we walked. - -Leaving me at my door, where I strove to thank him for what he had done -for Russia in striking a blow at Turkish prestige in England, he strode -off to keep his appointment to dine with the Corps Diplomatique. - -When he arrived it was to find himself an hour late, and half the -Ambassadors to the Court of St. James's hungry and diplomatically -impatient. He tendered his apologies, also for the fact that he had -not had time to dress, adding, "I have just been taking Madame Novikoff -home to her hotel, which caused me to be a little late." - -This explanation was regarded by the diplomatists rather as adding -insult to injury. To them it seemed {45} an indiscretion for a British -politician to see to her hotel the "agent" of a foreign Power with whom -relations were somewhat strained. The jingo and Turkish newspapers -seized upon the incident as an admirable means of prejudicing Mr. -Gladstone in the eyes of their countrymen. Thus was a simple act of -courtesy on the part of an English gentleman, who happened also to be a -politician, magnified into something of an international incident. - -Mr. Gladstone, however, was fearless. He never did anything that he -was not convinced was right, and then he faced the world with that -lion-like courage that seemed to say "Come on--if you dare." - -Of that memorable day I wrote soon after Mr. Gladstone's death, and -although what I said has already been partly printed, it so clearly -shows the fearlessness of Mr. Gladstone that I venture to quote it here. - -"On more than one occasion it has happened that he has acquainted me of -his intentions, the daring of which both charmed and affrighted me. -But hesitation before a goal firmly resolved upon he never knew. 'God -indeed he feared, and other fear had none!' So, after the famous -Conference at St. James's Hall, organised under his superintendence in -favour of the Orthodox Slavs in Turkey, I remarked that, in opposing -thus the policy of Disraeli and the Queen, he was waging a revolution. -He interrupted me: 'Quite so, that is just the word for it. But my -conscience has nothing to upbraid me with, for it is pre-eminently a -Christian revolution. Besides,' he went on more slowly, 'I am not {46} -the only one who is doing so. The four thousand people who were -present in the hall were almost unanimous in their adherence, and did -not hesitate to express their sympathy with the noble part played by -Russia in the Balkans. 'Did you not notice,' he asked quickly, with a -slight smile, 'that the only speaker hissed by the public merited this -disgrace only because he sought to prove his impartiality by declaring -that he was not specially a friend of Russia? The funny thing about -it,' he added, 'is that the poor orator is by no means a Russophobe. I -know him personally.' I shall never forget that incident as long as I -live!" - -Following the Conference was the Conference of the Powers in -Constantinople. When Lord Salisbury went as the British -Plenipotentiary it was with a heart full of suspicion of General -Ignatieff, the Russian Ambassador at Constantinople. Poor Ignatieff -had been the text for many journalistic sermons upon the duplicity of -Russians in general, and the Russian Ambassador to Turkey in -particular. He was a veritable Machiavelli, Lord Salisbury was told, -who must be carefully watched. - -Lord Salisbury was, however, a man given to judging for himself, and -much to the chagrin of the Turks, he soon threw his suspicions aside -and entered into cordial personal relations with the man whom he had -been sent to circumvent. - -Lord Salisbury soon discovered that underneath a bluntness that was -sometimes a little disconcerting, there was a man of honour and -conviction. The British plenipotentiary was a just man who {47} -recognised that he had to deal with one who was too fearless to be -diplomatically suave. - -Soon the two men came to appreciate each other's qualities. Ignatieff -told Lord Salisbury not to believe anything he told him until he had -first assured himself of its truth. There is one quality in an -Englishman that no one appeals to in vain, and that is his -sportsmanship. Whether by accident or design, Ignatieff had struck the -right note, and henceforth Lord Salisbury and he worked loyally -together for peace. - -The Turks were far from pleased with the course events were taking, and -Lord Salisbury became extremely unpopular. Sir Edwin Pears in his -fascinating book, _Forty Years in Constantinople_, has written that -"Lord Salisbury may even be said to have been hooted out of the city." - -He could not, however, succeed in the face of Disraeli's policy of -antagonism, and the sending of a plenipotentiary to Constantinople was -little more than a farce,--a sop to British public opinion. - -After he left Constantinople, General (or to give him his full title -Count Nicholas) Ignatieff, became Minister of the Interior, and at one -time President of the Slavonic Society. - -On the day of the Slavonic Saints, Cyril and Methodius, this Society -generally holds its Annual Meeting, attended by from 1000 to 2000 -members. On one such occasion the Ignatieffs invited me to dine at -their house and to go to the meeting with them. The Countess, by the -way, was as good a Slavophil as her husband. At the conclusion of the -meeting, the Count made a very enthusiastic and {48} eloquent speech, -to which we both listened attentively. Suddenly, to my great dismay -and annoyance, I heard him say in a loud voice: "And here is a Russian -lady who is serving our patriotic cause abroad," etc. etc. - -Taken aback by this unexpected demonstration, I heartily wished myself -at the Antipodes, and this wish increased when almost the entire -audience surrounded me to express their effusive gratitude. It really -was a terrible moment, though of course it was kindly meant.... - -But to return to 1876. The Conference at Constantinople had broken up, -I was then in Russia, and Lord Salisbury had left the city conscious of -his own unpopularity. He had endeavoured to impress upon the Turks -that against Russia they stood alone, that is as far as Great Britain -was concerned. Abdul Hamid knew Great Britain's suspicions of Russia, -and upon this he relied. The awakening came on April 24 (1877) when -Russia declared war against Turkey and Great Britain remained neutral, -holding a watching brief. - -The public attitude towards myself at this period was one of very -obvious hostility. The frank and open friendship existing between Mr. -Gladstone and the "notorious agent of the Russian Embassy in London," -did not pass without comment, and certain busybodies became very -active. Mr. Gladstone was said to have "compromised" himself -politically by writing letters to the "agent" of a foreign Power which -was at the very time being threatened with war by Great Britain. It -all seems very absurd now, but in those days, when public {49} opinion -was at boiling point, it was not a matter to be treated lightly. We -were accused by the Press of conspiracy. - -We in Russia were constantly asking each other what would be the -attitude of England. On the eve of war our newspapers ascribed to -England the following plans: (1) To occupy Athens and Crete, preventing -Greece by all means from rising and helping us; (2) refusal to permit -Russian vessels to pass Gibraltar; (3) and occupy Constantinople if -Turkey gets too great a thrashing. I confess that I was at a loss as -all these suggestions were tantamount to a declaration of war against -Russia. Those were days of terrible anxiety. - -News of the declaration of war was received in Petrograd on April -24/12, at 2 p.m. At 5 p.m. the Moscow Douma assembled in the Hotel de -Ville. There was immense enthusiasm. The Douma at once offered a -million roubles and 1000 beds for the wounded. Cries were heard from -different directions. "It was too little, far too little." Then it -was decided to consider the sum as a simple beginning. The merchants -also met together and the same thing was repeated; also a voluntary -donation of a million; 160 ladies offered their services as Sisters of -Charity; 100 of them having already passed their examinations. Russia -seemed quite revived. "What will England do?" I wrote on that day to -Mr. Gladstone. "I know what she would do if you were at the head of -the Government. But as it is now--well, we'll do our duty and let -happen what may." - -England's decision was to do nothing--for the {50} present. In the -meantime a great wave of feeling was passing over Russia; yet in -England it appeared impossible for people to see that this was not a -piece of political jobbery. When I went to Russia at the end of 1876 I -despaired of peace; but hoped that the courageous stand made by Mr. -Gladstone might after all prevent war. - -Those were very dark and gloomy days. We in Russia were victims of all -sorts of rumours as to what England intended to do, whilst in England -there seemed to be a conviction that whatever Russia might do it would -constitute an unfriendly act. - -I have been proudly described by my brother Alexander as maintaining a -splendid, although a forlorn, struggle in the interests of peace. It -may have been splendid, I do not know, but it was certainly forlorn. -For a woman to endeavour to keep apart two nations who seemed -determined to misunderstand each other, was a folly which, had I been -more versed in the ways of the political world, I might have never -attempted. Out of my ignorance came my strength; for I dared to hope -things at a period when hope was not 'quoted' on the political exchange. - -One of the curious anomalies of the situation was that, although -Bismarck's policy of getting England embroiled with Russia was not -overlooked in Britain, yet everyone seemed to be doing their utmost to -assist the Iron Chancellor in his designs. - -It was said that Queen Victoria herself was quite aware that Germany -was doing all she could to get the British Army to the East so that her -hands {51} might be freed in the West, and the very newspapers that -called most loudly for war frankly admitted their conviction that -Germany had designs on Belgium. - -All this puzzled me excessively. With a woman's impatience I felt that -I wanted to shake the silly men who would not understand that they were -being used as catspaws of the master-mind of Europe. - -Bismarck was playing his game as only Bismarck could. How he must have -smiled to himself! No words of mine can give the slightest idea of -what I suffered in those days. I could not sleep and I could not -think. My mind was in a whirl. I felt again the torture which came -over me when I heard of Nicholas' death. - -In February I wrote from Moscow as one almost distraught: "I would -willingly give my life, a very poor gift indeed, for peace." - -Soon after the St. James's Hall Conference, as I was passing through -Petrograd, I made a point of seeing Prince Gortschakoff: to urge him as -well as I could, to do justice to the better part of England. - -I gave him as vivid a description as I could of the magnificent -Conference, and of the sympathies of the real representatives of -well-thinking Englishmen. That same evening, as I afterwards heard, he -related to the Czar our conversation in every detail. - -I remember Prince Gortschakoff observing that the British people were -powerless and that Beaconsfield would hoodwink them at a moment's -notice. I could only reply that I hoped not. But I insisted on -rendering justice to a people who, after {52} meeting, had convinced me -were as noble, as generous and true as we were ourselves. - -"You are partial," the Prince said to me. - -"No," I replied, "I am true." - -I felt that in all Russia I was the only one who was never tired of -showing the difference between these two Englands, the official England -and the popular England. Thus many of my countrymen and countrywomen -who favoured a rupture with "Perfidious England" were angry with me. -They thought that I showed them only one side of the question, and that -the whole country would yield to Disraeli. - - - - -{53} - -CHAPTER IV - -MR. GLADSTONE - -His Last Utterance--His Fearlessness--His Opinion of Russia and -England--Cardinal Manning's Tribute--Gladstone and the Old -Catholics--The Question of Immortality--Mr. Gladstone's Remarkable -Letter--A Delightful Listener--His Power of Concentration--Hayward and -Gladstone--Their Discussion--Miss Helen Gladstone--We Talk -Gladstone--The Old Lady's Delight--I Miss My Train - - -Somebody once compared life to an education that can never be -completed--and indeed, the more deeply one studies events and people, -the more emphatically one realises how much must always remain that it -is hopeless to try to understand. Nevertheless, the very contact with -certain characters, even if we cannot always fathom their depths, is -ennobling and edifying, and however much time may have passed since -they left us to go to a better sphere, it is always good to linger over -memories of great men whom we have had the privilege to meet. I hope, -therefore, that I may be allowed to add in this book a few words about -my friendship with Mr. Gladstone. - -I have been told that the last word to fall from the lips of the great -statesman several moments before his death, was "Amen." What a fitting -and characteristic ending! The whole life and activity of this grand -old man, indeed, reminds one of nothing {54} so much as of some nobly -worded prayer or confession of faith. All his existence was based upon -his religious ideals and convictions, which he put into practice simply -and naturally in every word and action of his everyday life. Christian -love and charity permeated his activities in a way that is rare indeed -among public men, surrounded as they are by intrigues and rivalries and -difficulties. He was generous, as only so great and noble a character -can be, to the many enemies that surrounded him, supported even by -Queen Victoria herself, whose sympathies were all in favour of -Gladstone's opponent Beaconsfield. - -Another trait in Mr. Gladstone's character, that always aroused my -admiration, was the firm, unhesitating manner in which he would -demolish all obstacles and, without looking to right or to left, make -straight for his goal, in the face of opposition, animosity, even -danger, once he had decided that the goal in question was the right -one, the one pointed out by his conscience and his principles. He was -entirely fearless in his opinions and convictions--he knew indeed only -one fear: the fear of God. It seems to me that his courage could only -be compared to his kindness, and I should like, in this connection, to -mention an incident that comes to my mind, and that can surely be no -secret now after so many years. It happened in the year 1884, during -the great political crisis, when one heard on all sides the query: -'Will he return to power?' Everyone knew very well who was meant by -the word "_he_." Just at that time I published my _Russia and -England_, which cost me four years of {55} work and fatigue, and also -some hesitation. Mr. Gladstone called with his wife to express his -sympathetic approval, which he did in the most encouraging terms. - -"I will write a review of your book," he said,--to which generous offer -I replied protestingly, to Mrs. Gladstone's surprise and almost -indignation: "No, no!" I exclaimed. "On no account! Not at this -critical moment. Such a step may do you much harm. Besides, in these -emotional times, English people will never read my book at all!" - -In answer, Mr. Gladstone struck his hand angrily on the table, "I will -compel them to read it," he said in a determined voice. "Every -Englishman should not only read but _study_ it!" - -And truly enough, in spite of my remonstrances, the review was -published in _The Nineteenth Century_, and contained the above -recommendation to Mr. Gladstone's countrymen. - -Could anyone be kinder or show greater political courage? - -How the events and incidents of those exciting days linger in one's -memory! It is indeed certain that I shall never forget them! - -A few days after that glorious St. James's Hall meeting, there was a -great reaction in public opinion. A large section of the Press began -to ridicule Mr. Gladstone, calling him Gladstonoff (English people at -that time, having the scantiest knowledge of things Russian, imagined -that all Russian names ended in _off!_), and even insinuating that he -was an agent in the Russian pay! But although one must admit that his -responsibilities weighed heavily upon {56} him, nothing shook the -courage and the determination of this dauntless English Slavophil to -continue along the path he considered the right one. - -Afterwards, when, at the summit of his greatness, he was for the second -time re-elected Prime Minister, he wrote in his diary: - - Oh, 'tis a burden, Cromwell, 'tis a burden! - Too heavy for a man that hopes for Heaven! - - -And yet, how nobly and unflinchingly did he bear that burden all -through his life! - -Mr. Gladstone has been discussed and appraised and honoured all the -world over as a great statesman. To me, however, his supreme claim to -greatness lay even beyond his genius, in his rare and irreproachable -moral qualities. Cardinal Manning once remarked that Mr. Gladstone was -a more fitting person to receive Holy Orders than himself. "In fact," -added the Cardinal frankly, "he is as perfectly suited for the Church -as I am _unsuited_ for it!" - -Already in his childhood, Gladstone seems to have exercised a -beneficial influence over his companions. Bishop Hamilton, famed for -his many virtues, and treated by his contemporaries almost as a saint, -has admitted that little Willie Gladstone saved him from many an -escapade at Eton! - -Much later, in 1838, Gladstone wrote his famous work, _The State in its -Relations to the Church_; in 1845 he gave up his position as chief of -the Ministry in order to remain true to his religious convictions, and -still later, in 1857, he opposed, with all his energy, the "Divorce -Bill," on the ground of his {57} belief that a union consecrated by the -Church cannot be broken by human law. - -I will not dwell upon a fact so well known as the sensation produced by -the great English statesman's pamphlet on _The Vatican_. I will only -say that it was the general public, and not Mr. Gladstone's personal -friends, who were so astonished at the views expounded in that -pamphlet. In his own intimate circle, I constantly heard him repeat -his opinion that "Roman Catholicism is the systematic tyranny of the -priest over the layman, the Bishop over the priest, and the Pope over -the Bishop." - -Feeling in his soul, on the one hand, almost a horror of Rome, and on -the other a deep religious inspiration, Mr. Gladstone's sympathy with -and admiration for the great cause of the Old Catholics were almost a -foregone conclusion. He first came in contact with this movement -through his friend Döllinger, and he never ceased to express his -confidence in its ultimate success. Whenever he spoke of the Old -Catholics, and he did so very frequently, it was always to express -himself about them in terms of deep sympathy and approval, as of true -Christians who strive, with such inspired faith and steadfast purpose, -to propagate the doctrines of the original Christian Church, robbed of -all the human errors that have crept into it and are represented by the -ambitious and tyrannical Papacy of the Vatican. Mr. Gladstone was one -of the first subscribers to the _Revue internationale de Théologie_, -which always occupied a place of honour in his library, and which, in -January, 1895, published his long letter to me on the subject of Old -Catholicism {58} and Döllinger. This letter is reproduced in my -pamphlet: "_Christ or Moses? Which?_" For Döllinger, Mr. Gladstone -had the warmest admiration and friendship, looking upon him as one of -the most remarkable men in the contemporary Christian Church. - -The following letter from Mr. Gladstone will, I think, have some -interest for my readers:-- - - - HAWARDEN CASTLE, CHESTER, - Oct. 6, 1894. - -MY DEAR MADAME NOVIKOFF, - -I can hardly ever write anything upon suggestion, what is more, is that -I have before me continuous operations, long ago planned, and must -refrain from those that are fragmentary. So I can undertake nothing -new. - -My interest in the Old Catholics is cordial. A sister of mine died in -virtual union with them after having been Roman for over 30 years. - -I remember suggesting to Dr. Döllinger that their future would probably -depend in great measure upon their being able to enter into some kind -of solid relations with the Eastern Church. And I earnestly hope this -may go forward. Dr. Döllinger agreed in this opinion. They may do -great good, and prevent the Latin Church by moral force from further -Extravagances. All this you will think disheartening with reference to -the object of your Letter. But I have a little more to say. - -I have been drawn into writing a Preface to a Pictorial Edition of the -Bible, which will probably {59} have a very wide circulation in -America, but will be confined to English-speakers. My Preface will -have no reference to that Edition, but to the Authority and Value of -the Scriptures. I think there will be nothing to which you or Old -Catholics would object.... - -Believe me, sincerely yours, - W. E. GLADSTONE. - - -One of the most interesting letters I ever received from Mr. Gladstone, -and one which showed his extreme kindness to me when I was in some -theological difficulties, involves a story. - -A very eminent and scientific friend, discussing with me some years ago -the weighty question of Immortality according to the Old Testament, -emphatically said: - -"The Old Testament knows no Immortality! This is a fact which almost -every student of theology understands perfectly well, and which, at the -same time, nobody outside that class appears to have the least inkling -of. The Old and New Testaments are commonly spoken and thought of as -one book--one inspired work--instead of as two volumes, based on -opposite and irreconcilable principles. The doctrine of the first is -principally materialistic. The doctrine of the second is purely -idealistic. The Old Testament represents God as Jehovah, quite -otherwise than He is pictured by Jesus Christ. God, as pictured by the -Jews, manifested Himself in the terrible '_Lex Talionis_,' described in -Exodus xxi. 24, 25: 'Eye for eye, burning for burning, wound for -wound.' Whilst we are ordered by Jesus {60} Christ to 'do good to them -that hate you, and pray for them which despitefully use you.'" - -I was greatly impressed by that conversation. It is obvious that once -we deny immortality, we, at the same time, reject the existence of the -soul. An ardent desire seized me to discuss that most important -question from different points of view. I pressed my friend to sum up -all his arguments and publish them to the world. After much hesitation -he consented to do so, provided I took upon myself the responsibility -of the publication and the distribution of his pamphlet amongst -well-known professors of different European Universities. - -Beyond this, a _condítío sine qua non_ was my promise not to reveal his -name during his lifetime. Of these stipulations the latter was, of -course, the easiest; but I carefully carried out all of them. But now -that he is dead I am at liberty to disclose his name. It was Count -Alexander Keyserling, to whom Bismarck offered the post of Minister of -Public Instruction in Germany, but which Keyserling refused. - -I published, for private circulation, the German pamphlet -_Unsterblichkeítslehre nach der Bibel_, and sent it to one hundred -professors, including Frohschammer, Albert Réville, Treitschke, -Blunschli, Aloïs Riehl, etc., etc., asking their opinion. In the great -majority of cases they returned answer that the facts set forth were -already well known to them, and, in fact, were generally admitted. One -of the fraternity, a Roman Catholic priest, abused me roundly for -dragging such a subject into public discussion. - -{61} - -But I bore this censure with equanimity. "_Du choc des opíníons -jaillit la vérité_," and the more we study and investigate questions -which guide our life the better. - -Since then my desire to have the question more deeply investigated has -been increased greatly by the assertion of a talented and outspoken -Jewish writer that Judaism, or rather its teaching, is spreading. In -the August number of the _Fortnightly Review_, 1884, he says: "This -virtual assumption that the limits of human knowledge can extend no -farther than those of the visible world, appears to me to be the -central idea of Judaism." And he further asserts: "Judaism, _the -materialistic teaching_, is then found to have resulted in Judaism the -physical force." The author finishes thus: "History will show that ... -it has been silently engaged in that further Judaisation of mankind, -which is the sole ideal of its singularly practical teaching." Be it -noted that the above is quoted from a panegyric of the Jewish doctrine! - -Amongst those who wrote to me was Professor E. Michaud, one of the most -distinguished representatives of the Old Catholic movement, and the -editor of the _La Revue internationale de Théologie_ (Berne, Suisse) -who wrote as follows: "From a habit of detesting the Jews, people are -sometimes brought to depreciate Judaism and ascribe to it almost -materialistic doctrines. Judaism is certainly not Christianity; but -neither is it Materialism." - -Somewhat bewildered by these unexpected, and, as I think, exaggerated -protests, I appealed to Mr. Gladstone, whose kindness in these matters -had for {62} years been unfailing to me. My letter appears to have -given him the mistaken impression that I was venturing on my own -account into the polemical arena. Hence his reply, cautioning me -against an undertaking so obviously beyond my powers. - -His letter is most important, and I am glad to be able to publish so -weighty a judgment on the most serious of all subjects, by the greatest -Englishman of his century. Here it is:-- - - -HOTEL CAP MARTIN, MENTONE, - -Feb. 13th, 1895. - -MY DEAR MADAME NOVIKOFF, - -I am sorry you have not a better adviser, but I will discharge as -fairly and frankly as I can the part which you desire me to undertake. - -I do not see why the word "_heresy_" should be flung at you. Heresy is -a very grave matter, and should not be charged except in cases where -not only the subject matter is grave, but also the whole authority of -the Church or Christian community has been brought to bear. I -conceive, however, that the question of Jewish opinion on a future -state, as opened in the Old Testament, is a question quite open to -discussion. - -I have myself been a good deal engaged latterly in examining the -question of a future state, and have had occasion to touch more or less -upon Jewish opinion. The subject is very interesting, but is also -large and complex, and I would advise you as strongly as I may against -publishing anything upon it without a previous examination proportioned -in some degree to the character of the {63} subject. How can you -safely enter upon it without some attention to the researches and the -opinions of the writers who have examined it? - -My own state of information is by no means so advanced as to warrant -the expression of confident and final conclusions. But I think there -are some things that are clearly enough to be borne in mind. We cannot -but notice the wise reserve with which the Creeds treat the subject of -the future state. After the period when they were framed, Christian -opinion came gradually, I believe, to found itself upon an assumption -due to the Greek philosophy, and especially to Plato, namely, that of -the natural immortality of the human soul. And this opinion (which I -am not much inclined to accept) supplies us, so to speak, with -spectacles through which we look back upon the Hebrew ideas conveyed in -the Old Testament. - -Another view of the matter is, that man was not naturally immortal, but -_immortalíable_. That had he not sinned, he would have attained -regularly to immortality; but after his eating from the tree of -knowledge he was prevented, as the text informs us, from feeding on the -tree of life, and the subject of his immortality was thus thrown into -vague and obscure distance. - -I suppose it to be a reasonable opinion that there was a primitive -communication of divine knowledge to man, but of this revelation we -have no knowledge beyond the outline, so to call it, conveyed in the -Book of Genesis. That outline, however, appears to show in the case of -Enoch that one righteous man was specially saved from death; and the -words of {64} our Saviour in the Gospel give us to understand that -there were at any rate glimpses of the future state underlying Jewish -opinion. We must not, I think, forget the respect with which our -Saviour treats that opinion. - -Nor can we forget that the Mosaic dispensation, coming as it were upon -the back of the old patriarchal religion, being essentially national, -was also predominantly temporal, and tended very powerfully to throw -the idea of the future state into the shade. - -Nevertheless, it is, I think, generally admitted that, while in certain -passages the Psalmist speaks of it either despairingly or doubtfully, -in some Psalms the subject is approached with a vivid and glowing -belief; as when, for example, it is said: "When I awake up after Thy -likeness I shall be satisfied with it." - -You know how much upon some occasions I have both sympathised with and -admired your authorship. I do not dissuade you from following up the -task to which you are now drawn. But I do not think you have as yet -quite reached the point at which publication would do honour to -yourself or justice to your theme. And I am sure this very imperfect -reply will serve to show that I do not treat your letter with levity -nor try wantonly to throw obstacles in your path. - -I shall be interested to know what you decide about writing--with or -without further study. - -W. E. GLADSTONE. - -P.S.--Your letter, dated 6th, reached me yesterday. - - -{65} - -Mr. Gladstone's letter may be regarded as the first and most -interesting of those authoritative opinions which it is my sole object -to elicit. - -People who met Gladstone at my house always found in him not only an -excellent and charming listener, but also a man who was ever ready to -hear new suggestions, and who delighted in original opinions or ideas -that seemed worthy of closer investigation. On some occasions, he was -eloquent and talkative; at other times, quite the contrary. One -afternoon, for instance, he was in the midst of arguing an interesting -point with me, when he suddenly perceived on my table a catalogue of -recent works on Shakespeare. It happened that he had never seen this -particular catalogue before, and being an ardent Shakespeare -enthusiast, the title attracted his attention. He picked up the book, -approached a lamp, and began interestedly turning over the pages. -Presently he sank into a chair, and having clearly quite forgotten his -surroundings, was soon lost in study of his favourite literary subject. - -Among my other visitors on that particular afternoon was Hayward, a -well-known critic, also a dabbler in poetry and a would-be man of the -world. Hayward had a great weakness for people with sounding names and -assured positions, and was, of course, always more than pleased to be -seen in conversation with the great Prime Minister of England. I was -quite aware of this, and inwardly somewhat amused, for indeed, though -myself belonging to the class patronised by Hayward, I often invited to -my house people whose _present_ was perhaps humble, {66} but whose -_future_ seemed to me promising. I have every sympathy and admiration -for family traditions, and aristocratic manners and associations--but I -have always felt that if one never comes in contact with self-made, -energetic, persevering people with ideas and ideals, one is inclined to -grow narrow and prejudiced. This has always particularly struck me -during my visits to Vienna. The Viennese aristocracy, in spite of loud -voices and a bad habit of shouting as though one were deaf, is -distinguished for its graceful and charming manners. However, beyond -references to ballets and to sport, punctuated by gossip about mutual -friends, conversation is practically non-existent. There is only a -perpetual buzz of small talk, tedious to the highest degree, and to me -at least, acceptable only in homoeopathic doses! - -Self-made men, as I have found, always have something more interesting -to say; their characters are often worth studying, give one food for -reflection, and, being a new element in society, introduce new ideas to -broaden our minds. This has always been my view, and I have followed -it out, often in the face of protests from my friends who urged me to -be more exclusive, and who failed to understand that ideas are better -than empty grandeur. - -Gladstone, Froude, Kinglake, Tyndall and many others, however, -fortunately shared my peculiar tastes in this matter, and perhaps this -was one of the reasons why my association with them was always, as I -think, pleasant for us all. - -But I have made a long digression, and must return to my party. - -{67} - -Hayward, as I have said, was always greatly attracted by the presence -of Gladstone, and made every effort to draw him into conversation. -Alas, however, nothing could divert him from his book (the Shakespeare -Catalogue). His answers to all Hayward's remarks were vague and -monosyllabic, and only after some time did he look up and reply quite -irrelevantly to some question on current events. "Strange, I have -never seen this catalogue before," observed Gladstone. Hayward was -indignant. "There is nothing to see," he grumbled testily, "it is only -a list of reprints, and an incomplete list at that." - -"No, no," remonstrated Gladstone enthusiastically, "that is just the -charm of it--there really seems to be nothing missing." - -"Oh, yes," objected Hayward angrily, "there are many things missing. I -know all the Shakespearean literature as well as anyone. I can show -you at once." - -"Oh, but show me, show me," exclaimed Gladstone, highly interested. - -Hayward took the volume somewhat resentfully, and it was now his turn -to lose himself in its pages, while Gladstone waited in silence, and my -remaining visitors looked at me almost in distress! The incident ended -as unexpectedly as it began. After having almost quarrelled with -Hayward about some published or unpublished works, Gladstone suddenly -remembered that he had promised Mrs. Gladstone to be back at a certain -hour, rose hurriedly, and took his leave. I was exceedingly amused; -not so, however, my remaining guests. - -{68} - -"You can hardly say that these manners are good!" remarked someone to -me. "Well," I answered, "I never find fault with my friends. Besides, -is it not natural that an Englishman should be carried away with -enthusiasm for your great English genius Shakespeare, who is honoured -all the world over?" - -This was not the only occasion on which I remarked that Gladstone had -an almost morbid love of books. In Russia, we had only one man who was -a match for the great English Premier in this respect: this was the -head of our Holy Synod, Pobyedonostzeff. I used to send new books that -I came across to both these friends, but I confess that I seldom had -the satisfaction to find that my gifts were not already known to them. - -Pobyedonostzeff being, of course, incessantly busy and in demand, and -rarely having a moment to himself, would on receiving a new book that -interested him, take a train from Petrograd to Moscow, and back in -order to enjoy some hours of solitude and the possibility of reading -his book undisturbed during this improvised journey! - -Another of my book-lover friends who has left so warm an impression in -my remembrance, and whose name comes to my mind as I write, is Tyndall. -How good and kind-hearted he always was, and how responsive and eager -to do good and to help others! - -As I have said, Mr. Gladstone was greatly interested in the Old -Catholics. On one occasion when we were both dining with Dr. -Döllinger, one of the leaders of the Old Catholic movement, at {69} -Munich, we were discussing the Old Catholicism and Mr. Gladstone -repeated how greatly interested he was in the movement. I remember the -way in which he spoke to me afterwards of his sister in connection with -the Old Catholic question. I thought it only natural to tell him that, -as I should pass Cologne on my way to Russia, I would like to call on -her. Mr. Gladstone's face brightened at my suggestion. - -When I called on Miss Helen Gladstone I found that she already expected -my visit, and had heard a great deal not only about me, but about the -Old Catholic question. - -"Yes," she said, "my brother is quite a superior man. But if you knew -what an original he is! For instance, once when he was travelling -abroad already in his capacity of Prime Minister, his wife desired him -to take a drive and off they went. But what vehicle do you think they -took? A little one-horsed cart, just as if they were two paupers sent -on some business!" - -"Don't you think it is natural," said I, "for a man like Mr. Gladstone, -who has so many grand ideas and splendid schemes, to pay no attention -to the trivialities of this conventional world? Let me tell you what -happened to us once, when the Gladstones and myself met at Munich. We -went to a Museum, the President of which was very anxious to make the -'honneurs' of some very rare specimens. He showed us a certain dish, -and seemed particularly proud of it. Your brother took it in his hand, -examined it very carefully, and then said: 'But you know, Professor, -this is not genuine. In {70} a genuine dish there would be here a -special little mark that is not to be found here,' The President -actually turned pale--would you believe it?" - -Dear Miss Gladstone seemed quite charmed with this story. "Oh, how -like him!" she exclaimed. "He knows everything. But you promised to -tell me something more about him," she pressed. - -"Well," I said, "my second recollection refers to our meeting in Paris. -When I arrived there the celebrated politician and journalist, Emile de -Girardin, asked me to a large dinner party that he was giving. A few -days before this event, I heard of the Gladstones' arrival in Paris and -mentioned it to Monsieur de Girardin, with the suggestion how nice it -would be if he were to invite them also. My old Frenchman was -delighted. 'Oh, do try to arrange that!' he exclaimed; 'I do not know -them personally, but have always longed to make their acquaintance. I -shall send you the list of all my guests, and hope you will try to -ascertain whom they would like to meet, and whom to avoid.' This was -an easy task, and I fulfilled it. Mr. Gladstone said: 'I would very -much like to meet your brother, General Kiréeff (who had already been -invited), and the Contributor of the _Revue des Deux Mondes_, -Scherer'--(Scherer was a celebrated senator, politician and literary -critic). It so happened that by chance I knew some of his work, and -was delighted at the prospect of this meeting. But Mr. Gladstone -frankly admitted that he would not like to meet Gambetta. This desire -was also observed at the end of the dinner; one of the guests addressed -a long speech of welcome to Mr. Gladstone, of course in {71} French. -But just fancy my surprise, when Mr. Gladstone rose and answered, also -in French, to the delight of the whole assembly. No one had suspected -that he possessed such a mastery of the French language. As to my -brother, who took Miss Helen Gladstone in to dinner, they turned out to -be both great admirers of Botticelli and well agreed on their favourite -subject." - -Dear old Miss Gladstone seemed delighted with all these details about -her relations, and pressed me to prolong my visit, which I did to the -point of losing my train! - - - - -{72} - -CHAPTER V - -SOME SOCIAL MEMORIES - -My Thursdays in Russia--Khalil Pasha's Death--Lord Napier and the -Lady-in-Waiting--Madame Volnys--My Parents-in-law's _ménage_--An -Exceptional Type--Prince Vladimir Dolgorouki's Embarrassment--The Grand -Duchess Helen--A Brilliant Woman--The Emperor's Enjoyment--The -Campbell-Bannermans--A Royal Diplomatist--Mark Twain on Couriers--In -Serious Vein--Verestchagin--"The Retreat from Moscow"--The Kaiser's -Remarkable Utterance - - -I must say I was very fortunate with my Thursday receptions in Russia. -In the first place, my husband, who was not particularly fond of -singing or playing, never opposed either. Diplomatists like Lord -Napier, the English Ambassador at Petrograd, and the Turk, Khalil -Pasha, Turkish Ambassador (but brought up in France and devoted to -French theatres), also used to come and be as silent as mice if music -was already going on. That poor Khalil had a very dramatic end. He -returned to Constantinople, as he thought for a short time, but fell -ill. His European doctors insisted on an immediate cure at Carlsbad, -but his Sultan, for some reason unknown to me, opposed his leaving -Turkey. The poor man died mysteriously, and his enormous wealth as -mysteriously disappeared. - -At one of my little receptions there happened a {73} very disagreeable -duel between Lord Napier and a lady-in-waiting belonging to the Court -of the Grand Duchess Helen. She was the sister of an ambassador, with -whom, however, she was not on very affectionate terms. Undoubtedly -pretty, she was occasionally rude and almost ill-bred. On seeing him, -Mademoiselle de ---- exclaimed: "Lord Napier, I spent last evening at -the Winter Palace with old Countess Bludoff. We talked of you and -laughed very much." - -I felt simply horrified at that speech, but Napier remained quite -self-possessed. - -"I know," said he, "you were asked there to be shown to my new -secretary, Mitford." Here, fortunately, the dialogue was interrupted -by Rubinstein, who started a sonata. A fortunate interruption! - -Soon after that in came Madame Volnys, the celebrated French actress, -who promised to give us some scenes of Molière's _Tartuffe_, which she -did to perfection. - -Madame Volnys was a remarkable woman, not only possessing great -histrionic talent, but also very superior character. She lost her only -child, whom she adored. This brought her into contact with our Empress -Marie Alexandrovna (very particular in her choice of associates), the -consort of our "Emperor Liberatas," who used to invite her to the -Palace as her lecturer fairly often. - -In the same year something quite unexpected happened to me. My -husband's parents, very old people, but who had never been abroad, -suddenly decided to go to Paris, and I was asked to join them {74} -later on. Off they went, after having paid us in Petrograd a visit of -two or three weeks. They travelled in quite exceptional comfort. They -had a lady travelling-companion, my mother-in-law had her maid, my -father-in-law his valet, and to crown all there was a Russian cook, -whom my mother-in-law declared to be far superior to any foreigner, -including even the French. Whatever my mother-in-law declared was law -to the whole family, not only to her docile husband and her two sons, -but to her two daughters-in-law, and anybody coming to her house. - -I remember one day my brother-in-law, who was already Ambassador at -Vienna, and my husband, who at that time was a lieutenant-general -attached to the Grand Duke Nicolas, father of the present head of our -troops, were sitting and talking together. Their mother entered the -room and they both got up and stood until she told them to sit down -again. - -My mother-in-law was an exceptional type. She was the daughter of -Prince Vladimir Dolgorouki, the poet, and tremendously proud of her -origin, but in Russia all the princes Dolgorouki descended from Rurick, -who came to Russia in the ninth century, and having all the same origin -are surely fairly equal. But such was not my mother-in-law's idea, and -she once upbraided the governor-general of Moscow, having the same name -as her own, for belonging to the younger branch. The poor man looked -very much embarrassed. - -Another pleasant memory is that of the Grand Duchess Helen. A woman -who loses her youth, {75} beauty and gaiety, and remains in possession -only of her immortal soul, may naturally expect to be forgotten by her -so-called "friends." But a Russian Grand Duchess enjoying an -exceptionally high position, with palaces and a numerous court at her -disposal, is a privileged person. No need for her to "request the -favour" of So-and-so's company to tea, dinner or reception. She -dictates her list, including the names of wits, artists or ministers, -whose attendance she desires. The courier transmits her orders, and -the guests arrive. _Voilà tout!_ - -Permission to attend service in Palace private chapels is generally -received through a lady-in-waiting or the "Grande Maitresse"--as, at -least, I know from personal experience. - -The dear Grand Duchess Helen remained to the last day of her life, to -me, always brilliant and clever, and I was sincerely attached to her. - -I shall never forget, however, the difficulty I had to execute one of -her orders. She was giving a ball to their Majesties, at which, -punctually at midnight, dominoes were to appear in a prearranged set. -I was asked to secure these mysterious apparitions. But this proved a -far from easy task. For not only had I to find ladies who were witty, -amusing and sprightly, but also those who would be willing to deprive -themselves of being seen as invited guests, in order to pass through -the rooms as apparitions--carefully masked. - -Now one of my candidates had the misfortune to possess very ugly -prominent egg-like eyes, "but"--thought I--"there is the mask, it will -conceal all sorts of imperfections." Nevertheless, I thought {76} it -prudent to warn her. "Remember," said I, "the orders are that identity -must be _strictly_ concealed." - -"Oh, that is quite impossible in my case," she proudly replied, "for my -bright and almost oriental eyes are well known and would certainly be -recognised by everyone." - -So I dropped the oriental-eyed creature and secured a substitute. - -The Emperor assured his aunt afterwards that he had greatly enjoyed her -party. - -The Grand Duchess, as well as her other nephew--the Grand Duke -Constantine Nicolaevitch--was devoted to the Emperor's reforms, -especially to his scheme concerning the abolition of Serfdom in Russia. -That plan, no doubt, was of tremendous magnitude. It not only granted -personal freedom to forty-eight millions of serfs, but half the number -of them had to become freeholders. - -That reform, by the by, was carried out in two years' time. Was it not -a miraculous rapidity? - -There was another detail of this measure, which was really a very noble -and grand one; we, the nobility of all the country, have lost, through -that measure, nearly half of all we possessed. An important fact, no -doubt, but I never heard any indignation, protest or murmur evoked by -that change. Everybody felt its urgency, and a feeling of justice -prevailed with all the others. - -Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman was very much interested in that question, -and plied me with many questions. Not being able to satisfy his -curiosity during our meetings at Carlsbad, I promised to {77} procure -from Russia the desired information, and did so eventually on my -arrival at London. - -It was at the Grand Duchess Helen's villa at Carlsbad, where we were -invited every evening during her stay, that I met the -Campbell-Bannermans for the first time. Those were immensely -interesting evenings, when one met only people worth knowing. - -One of the charming characteristics of these gatherings was their -unpretentiousness and simplicity. Many of the guests were invalids, -melancholy slaves to all sorts of hygienic regulations. Fortunately, I -was not one of these, and could enjoy my moral food as well as the -beautiful fruit that the rest of the world could only contemplate. My -friend, Count Alexander Keyserling, was attached to the Grand Duchess -Helen's court during her foreign trip of that year, and he alone could -make any gathering most interesting. - -Before leaving Carlsbad, the Campbell-Bannermans insisted upon my -promising to see them often in London, and they soon became a new -attraction for me during my stays in England. - -The first years of my travels, my winter visits to London were of very -short duration--but dear England grows upon one, and little by little -my sojourns extended themselves from October till May. - -Few people have left me such dear memories as Sir Henry -Campbell-Bannerman and his wife. I visited them in their English -country house, but never in Scotland, as I was always afraid of being -too much carried away from my work, which required unremitting -perseverance and study. - -{78} - -Contrary to what often happened to me, I liked them both almost -equally, though dear Lady C.-B.'s moral qualities prevailed over her -physical charms. She had excellent qualities, greatly appreciated by -her husband and her friends. Thus, for instance, she knew her Blue -Books almost better than did her husband, and when the conversation -turned on some particular events with dates and detail she could -surpass everybody with her memory. I must add that both husband and -wife were very hospitable, and I was allowed, no, even pressed, to -lunch with them whenever I liked. I did so fairly often on Sundays, as -I frequently wanted Sir Henry's advice on different subjects, and this -he never failed to give. More than once I said to him: "I recognise -your wisdom and your prudence in all you say and do, I feel sure the -day will come when you will be Prime Minister." - -Though I am neither a clairvoyante nor a prophetess--still, my prophecy -turned out to be true. He always (was it simply out of modesty?) -denied the possibility of such a happening. But I was right after all, -and he was wrong. - -To be with Sir Henry was always a particular pleasure to me. It was -such a delight to see a man so staunch to his principles, so firm with -people about him, and so kind to those depending on him. - -He certainly, _pace_ Sydney Smith, appreciated a joke. We were talking -one day about the head of a Royal House. I related how I, along with -some diplomatists, was presented to the Court in question. - -"I think I am right," said the Royal Hostess, to {79} one of the -latter, smiling graciously, "you are the successor of your -predecessor?" He bowed very deeply, and seemed quite pleased with that -platitude. I was somewhat taken aback and rather amused, but when the -reception was over, a lady-in-waiting said to me: "Is not Her Highness -admirably clever and gracious? How well she talks!" Court people are -sometimes very easily pleased. I did not commit myself to much -admiration! - -Sir Henry was greatly amused at the story. The last time I saw Sir -Henry and had a long talk with him, was when he dined with me after his -return from France. He came to meet the Russian Ambassador on the 23rd -of January. - -"Do you know," I said, "people assure me that you are going to the -House of Lords. I am rather surprised to hear it," I added frankly. -But he simply ridiculed the idea of such a step. - -"You are quite right in being sceptical," he said. "I love my work, -and I am not going to lay it down." That was the last time he dined -out. He made a further brief appearance in the House of Commons, but -it speedily became evident that his days were numbered. Still, he -clung to the hope that he would regain strength. His colleagues, Mr. -Asquith in particular, did everything a man could to ease his burden. - -Doctors declared that dropsy had set in as the result of heart -weakness. But his courage was unabated, and his faith undimmed. My -impression is that his wife's death undoubtedly accelerated his own -end. Strange reports have been spread about his last days. People who -were allowed to watch {80} around his bed heard the dying man speak -from time to time, as of old, to the life-long companion of all his -joys and sorrows, his beloved wife, as if she were present before him, -and that he would soon rejoin her in the land of another life. - -Tennyson had the same experience with his son Lionel. If these visions -are actually granted, would it not be a great consolation and a reward -for deep affection? - -In those days I had many friends who possessed very little in common -with each other. Carlyle and Froude would sometimes call on me, but -generally when I was likely to be alone. To me Carlyle showed only the -lovable and affectionate side of his nature. He was a dear old man, -and I loved nothing better than to see opposite me his rugged old face, -and hear his broad Scots accent. - -When the publication in book form of my articles was under discussion, -he said, "You must publish all your articles." - -"But who will write a preface?" I enquired. "Will you do so?" The -dear old man shook his head dolefully, and, looking at his trembling -hand, said: - -"I could not, I am too old, but here is a young man"--and he looked at -Froude who was with him. "He can do it." - -Froude protested very gallantly that my articles did not require a -preface, but nevertheless he most kindly wrote one which, no doubt, -induced a large number of people to make themselves acquainted with my -views. - -[Illustration: SEMINARY FOR 125 SCHOOL TEACHERS BUILT BY ALEXANDER -NOVIKOFF AT NOVO-ALEXANDROFKA] - -Carlyle and I had one great thing in common: {81} our distrust of -Disraeli and our sympathy with the oppressed Slavs. In 1878, when the -jingoes were shouting their loudest over the Russian Mission to -Afghanistan, which had precipitated the Afghan War, Carlyle referred to -politics as "a sore subject nowadays with our damnable premier," as he -called him. - -He was always generous with regard to the humble efforts of the -"Rooshian Leddy" as he called me. He knew that whatever my literary -shortcomings I was sincere, and that was the one golden key to dear old -Carlyle's heart. - -When death came within sight, almost within touch, he regarded it not -as an enemy but rather as a magician who was to open to him a new world -of wonder. It might almost be said that he went part of the way to -meet it. We, his friends, were always being thrilled by false alarms. -One day, two and a half years before his death, he solemnly warned -those about him of his approaching death. - -I recall on another occasion I was told the end was very near; the next -I heard was that he was as devoted as ever to his omnibus rides. In -those days one never knew whether Carlyle were dying or riding in an -omnibus. - -When two years later the end was slowly approaching, I refrained from -going to see him, thinking it a greater act of friendship to remain -away rather than to make any claim upon his fast-ebbing vitality. I -was deeply touched when he enquired of those about him: "Why does not -Madame Novikoff come to see me?" - -I went and found him very weak, but genuinely {82} glad to see me. He -talked slowly and carefully, showing that the breaking-up of the body -had in no way affected his magnificent mind. I remember his -complaining to me that Froude wanted him to correct proofs on his -death-bed; but that he had refused! - -I am not what would be described as emotional, having perhaps more than -the average amount of control over myself; but I felt at the bedside of -that dear old man that I could not keep my self-possession. - -His last words to me were: - -"Ay, ay, when you come back here (from Russia) you will not find me -alive." - -As to my other old friends, like Kinglake, Froude, Charles Villiers and -Count Béust--who were, in fact, my daily visitors--I need not more than -mention their names, having written of them so fully elsewhere. - -Among the many interesting personalities whom I have at various times -met, there comes to my mind the remembrance of Mark Twain. The society -of the great American humorist was always greatly sought after--a very -natural circumstance--for, unlike many famous wits who keep all their -brilliancy exclusively at the points of their pens, Mark Twain was -sociable and talkative and seemed to have an inexhaustible supply of -delightful anecdotes, ever ready and at the disposition of his friends. -He called on me one day, and, speaking of his approaching departure on -some pleasure trip with his wife and two daughters, remarked with a -humorous twinkle in his eye: - -{83} - -"It is fortunate that we have no courier to make a muddle with our -tickets----" - -"Why should couriers make muddles?" I asked. "Have you had tragic -experiences of that kind?" - -"Not personally," he answered; "but there was a millionaire who -travelled with all his huge family, the kind of family that is -described in the Old Testament. They gave themselves great airs, and -of course arrived at the station one minute before the departure of the -train, having left everything to their courier. The latter, however, -had evidently been otherwise occupied, and was late too, arriving -almost at the same moment as the family. - -"'How late you are!' shouted the irate millionaire. 'Give me the -tickets--quick!' The courier, in great haste, fumbled nervously among -a confusion of papers in his pocket-book, and thrust into his -employer's hand a packet of tickets. The engine was already getting up -steam, and there was not a moment to be lost. My poor friend passed -the packet on to a guard and asked excitedly for his reserved carriage, -only to receive in reply a questioning stare. Alas! The tickets -turned out to be of little use on the railway, for they were--concert -tickets! The courier, you see, was a singer, and had been thinking too -much about his own affairs!" - -Mark Twain often amused his hearers by describing in the most humorous -manner his own past jokes. - -"Some time ago," he told me on one occasion, "everyone went mad about -table turning! I wrote a long article on the subject, but in spite of -the remonstrances of my publisher, refused to sign it. - -"Don't you see?" he added, "I wanted to be {84} taken seriously--had I -disclosed my identity, everyone would have taken all I said for a joke!" - -So there is something in a name after all, in spite of Shakespeare! - -I have, indeed, seen Mark Twain very much in earnest. That was on the -Negro question. What seemed to me a great prejudice, represented, in -his eyes, a regular danger to the civilised world. Not long ago, a -very cultivated woman, just arrived from America, spoke to me with -dread about the impudence and self-conceit of the negroes. How -different her pictures were from those of Mrs. Beecher-Stowe in _Uncle -Tom's Cabin_! - -Another great personality was Verestchagin, the Russian painter, a very -dear friend of mine. I have elsewhere described him as the Count -Tolstoy of painters. He had the same genius, the same fearlessness and -the same craving for what he conceived to be the truth, and possibly -occasionally the same exaggerated touch of realism. We Russians have a -way of regarding our great artists as artists, and if they -injudiciously dabble in politics, we forgive it when considering their -genius. - -Verestchagin took part in many wars, and it is not strange that he -should say, as he once did to me, that men were everywhere the same, -"all animals, combatant, pugnacious, murderous animals." - -His remarks upon war are peculiarly interesting at the present time, -for he was not an arm-chair philosopher, but, like Francisco Goya, had -seen the real horrors of war. He pointed out that the actual killing -of the enemy was only a very small part of war, which means hunger and -thirst and great {85} hardship, sleepless nights, marches beneath -blazing suns, or drenched by rain. - -Verestchagin was a great friend of Skobeleff, and this drew us closely -together. The two had been through the same war together; and I -remember that but for the wisdom of certain Russian officials that war -might have been prolonged. - -It is well known that Skobeleff was a man of very independent -character. On the eve of the Russo-Turkish War some difficulty arose -between him and the authorities, and he determined to resign his -commission and enlist as a private, as he was determined to fight, no -matter in what capacity. He was saved from this by a prudent act on -the part of the officials known in England as "climbing down." Who -knows what would have happened had the brave and glorious Skobeleff -been one of the led instead of the idolised leader? - -Skobeleff was indeed one of the most charming, captivating men I ever -met. I was acquainted with his mother at a time when the son was only -known to me by his brilliant reputation. Madame Skobeleff, passing -through Moscow, once invited me to accompany her on a journey to the -Balkans, which tempting invitation, however, I did not accept, owing to -the fact that my husband was at the time ill, and I did not venture to -leave him. My matrimonial scruples probably saved my life, as Madame -Skobeleff met her death during that journey, and had I been with her I -should probably have shared her fate. To be more precise, she was -assassinated by her Montenegrin guide, Uzatis, who immediately -committed suicide, so that the motives {86} of the murder remained an -inscrutable mystery, as he did not touch her jewellery or her money. - -One day I received a letter from Skobeleff, asking permission to call -on me. He came and talked, which he did to perfection. And -I--listened: the only thing _I_ do to perfection! My heart was -throbbing all the time, to a point that made me wonder whether it would -not burst, as he kept on talking of his determination to go to Egypt, -or anywhere, for some fighting, no matter in what capacity, be it even -as a humble private. - -"Are you not ashamed of yourself," I exclaimed, "to risk a life so -precious to Russia? Stay at home, exercise your influence on our -foreign policy--that is also a noble work." - -"Oh," he answered, "as to that I am convinced that death will find me, -not on the battlefield, but at home, in Russia. Every day I receive -scores of anonymous letters, predicting the nearness of my end." - -On leaving me, he asked if I would accept his photograph, which he -afterwards sent me, with charmingly encouraging inscription: "To Mme. -Olga Novikoff from an enthusiastic admirer of her patriotic work." I -may add that this fine portrait is now in Moscow in the Roumiantzoff -Museum. - -Two weeks later he was no more. - -Verestchagin described to me some of the horrors of the Bulgarian war. -I would willingly have closed my ears to them, but there is a strange -and grim fascination in horror, especially when described by a man of -Verestchagin's personality. - -He saw the Turkish prisoners being driven northward {87} to Russia and -the agonies they suffered. To add to the frightfulness an early frost -set in and the poor fellows, worn out through the long siege, dropped -by the wayside and were frozen to death. - -These scenes enabled him to paint Napoleon's "Retreat from Moscow." It -is of peculiar interest now to recall the Kaiser's comments when he saw -Verestchagin's picture exhibited at Berlin. He looked long and -earnestly at the canvas, in particular at the figure of Napoleon -tramping through the snow. He is said to have remarked that such -pictures were our safest guarantees against war. "Yet," he added, "in -spite of that there will still be men who want to govern the world, but -they will all end the same." - -Was this a prophecy, or merely a remark uttered with the object of -blinding his contemporaries to his real purpose? It is certainly very -interesting to note that the Kaiser would not allow the students of the -military schools to see the "Retreat from Moscow." People must draw -from that their own conclusions. - -Verestchagin came to London on the occasion of his Exhibition, when I -saw a good deal of him. Suddenly he was called back to Russia, and he -came to me and announced his intention of returning immediately. - -"But," I said, "you cannot leave your pictures." - -"There are my two servants," he replied. "They will look after them." - -"But," expostulated I, "they can speak only Russian, and that will not -be of much assistance to them in London. How can they look after your -{88} affairs when they cannot speak either English or French?" - -"Oh, that will be all right," he replied. "They will manage." - -That was Verestchagin all over. The upshot of it was that I -volunteered to look after his interests, and every morning I would go -down to the gallery to see if there was anything demanding attention, -and the people at the gallery, apparently marvelling at such devotion -in a friend, insisted upon addressing me as Madame Verestchagin. - -Verestchagin was one of the first victims of the Russo-Japanese war. - - - - -{89} - -CHAPTER VI - -THE EMPEROR NICHOLAS I - -A Pacific Emperor--An Imperial Fault--The Pauper's Funeral--The -Emperor's Visit to my Mother--My Dilemma--The Emperor's Kindness--He is -Snubbed by an Ingenue--The Emperor's Desire for an Alliance with -England--Prince Gortschakoff's Rejoinder--The Slav Ideal--Russia and -Constantinople--Bismarck's Admiration--He Discomfits a Member of the -Reichstag - - -A noteworthy example of a _rapprochement_ between England, France, and -Russia, long before the Triple Entente in politics became an -established fact, was the researches undertaken three-quarters of a -century ago, by three leading scientific authorities, into the -geological features of the Russian Empire. Sir Roderick Murchison, M. -de Verneuil and Count Alexander Keyserling were appointed by their -respective Governments to make a joint expedition and, as a result of -their labours, wrote a book entitled _The Geology of Russia in Europe -and the Urals_, which was published by the British Museum in 1845, in -two volumes. This was indeed a promising beginning, and may be said to -have been the precursor for much co-operation between these nations -long before an Entente was within the sphere of practical politics. At -any rate, it serves to prove that there is a natural bond of sympathy -between the great Allies, and that it is in no sense a question of -political expediency. - -{90} - -This took place under the Emperor Nicholas I, who was always for peace, -and in particular for an understanding with England. The whole -situation in Europe has changed since those days, or rather seems to -have changed. In reality it is not so. A few persons have made an -effort to open their eyes, and have discovered a well-established fact. -That is all. It is an important discovery, no doubt, so important that -nervous politicians conjure up imaginary difficulties, and appeal to -all sorts of magic utterances: "Balance of power," cries one; -"Immediate danger," shouts the other; "Traditional policy," exclaims -the third. But all these appeals might as well not have been made. -The "newly-discovered fact" has been known to Russians for years, -although clever Westerns have only just found it out. It is indeed -only natural that we should know it first, for it relates to our -Emperor. Europe has learned to feel that there is once more an Emperor -Nicholas on the Russian throne, and that in Alexander III even the most -imperious of Chancellors found a Sovereign whom no intimidation could -dismay, and no menace could deter from the path of duty. Some -Englishmen, I regret to say, did not like the memory of the Emperor, -whose noble and generous qualities are more and more appreciated in -History. The Emperor Nicholas I was undoubtedly a superior man in many -respects. Imperious he was, no doubt--it is an Imperial fault!--but he -was not only disinterested, he was generous and noble in the highest -degree. Books could be written about his kind actions. - -He was once driving on a cold winter's day, when {91} he perceived a -poor hearse, and a still poorer coffin. There were no followers, but -the young driver, almost a child, was sobbing bitterly, and evidently -overwhelmed with his grief. The Emperor stopped his horse and asked -who the departed was. - -"It was my father," answered the boy, through a new torrent of tears. -"He was a blind beggar, and I had him under my care." - -The Emperor left his sledge and followed the humble coffin to the -burial ground. Naturally, many people followed His Majesty's example, -and the procession became a strange sight. Strange, but -fine--paternal, showing once more the link between the great autocrat -and his people--a link based on devotion and trust. As a very young -child I have myself experienced the kindness of his smile, and felt the -protection of his powerful hand. - -If I may tell the story again, I remember, when my father died, the -Emperor Nicholas I paid a visit of condolence to my mother, and desired -to see his god-children. My two brothers and I appeared. I, as the -only girl, received from my governess stringent orders before entering -the drawing-room to "look well and to make a deep Court _reverence_." -Penetrated with my new role, and full of zeal, I did my best--which, -alas! turned out to be my very worst--I bowed so deeply that suddenly -all became confused and I fell over backwards against a pillar. A -horrified glance from mother--the roof with its painted flowers and -Cupids--misery and bewilderment! But all this lasted only a second. -The dear Emperor rushed to me, seized my trembling hands, and began -praising me as if I had really covered {92} myself, not with ridicule, -but with glory. Thus he cheered me and made me happy. People who knew -him intimately speak of him with unqualified devotion. But the -fascination he exercised did not render less commanding the conscious -power which dwelt within him. For he was a power--perhaps the greatest -power of his day. - -The great and unexpected steps taken by his grandson allowed us to hope -to find the same resolute devotion to his country in our present ruler, -Nicholas II, and we did not hope in vain. - -The Emperor Nicholas I was charmingly courteous and kind to young -people. Thus, one day, the Court arrived in Moscow, and the Moscow -nobility arranged a brilliant ball to greet Their Majesties. Naturally -the young girls all longed to be presented on this occasion. One -amongst them was exceedingly beautiful and attractive. The Emperor -addressed a few words to her, expressing his pleasure at making her -acquaintance. She looked at him somewhat severely, without answering a -word. - -"Do you not hear what I say?" enquired the Emperor in some surprise. - -"Yes," replied the young lady curtly, "I hear, but I do not listen!" -(J'enténds mais je n'écoute pas!) - -The Emperor, extremely amused by this tone of self-defence, when he -never dreamt of attacking or offending, went to the Empress. "There is -a charming child here," he said, "most amusing and innocent. Make her -your Maid of Honour." This was done. By her position she was quite -entitled to this distinction, but still, people were very much amused. -Later on she received other honours, {93} occupied a high position at -our Court, and died only a short time ago. - -One of the great desires of the Emperor Nicholas I was to establish -such a close and cordial alliance between Russia and England as even -then would form a solid guarantee of peace to the world. It was his -desire to cement the alliance that led him to make those overtures to -Sir Henry Seymour, which were so basely misrepresented and so -perfidiously utilised to destroy the good understanding they were -intended to promote. - -"'You know my feelings?' so Mr. Kinglake begins the story, in his -vivacious and charming but slightly unjust _The Invasion of the -Crimea_, 'you know my feelings,' said the Emperor to Sir Henry Seymour, -'with regard to England. What I have told you before, I say again; it -was intended that the two countries should be upon terms of close -amity; and I feel sure that this will continue to be the case; and I -repeat that it is very essential that the two Governments should be on -the best of terms, and the necessity was never greater than at present. -When we are agreed, I am quite without anxiety as to the rest of -Europe. It is immaterial what the others may think or do.'" - -This is what the Emperor Nicholas always said, and it was with him a -fixed idea. "I desire to speak to you," he said on another occasion, -"as a friend and as a gentleman. [The Emperor little knew how the -confidence he placed in the "gentleman" would be requited.] If England -and I arrive at an understanding in this matter it is indifferent what -others do or think." - -{94} - -In 1846, during his visit to London, the Emperor expressed a wish that, -while he would do all in his power to keep the "Sick Man" (Turkey) -alive, we should keep the possible and eventual case of a collapse -honestly and reasonably before our eyes. This is not the only reason -why the memory of the Emperor Nicholas I is ever grateful to those who -labour for the Anglo-Russian Alliance. Nor is it the only one why I -recall these suggestive passages just now. Some people invoke the -prejudice of the past to poison the friendship of the future. Let me -take a more grateful course of recalling the repeated attempts of -Russia to arrive at a good understanding with England. There is a -continuity about Russian policy, and the principles laid down by the -grandfather are followed by the grandson. - -It is important to remember that in the last century, Austria and -England, the friends of the Porte, have taken more Turkish territory -for themselves than we, her hereditary foes. - -Let us remember the following facts: The Emperor Nicholas I decided to -concede to England all she wanted concerning Egypt; and in return, so -far from stipulating for the possession, at that time, of -Constantinople, he offered to make an engagement not to establish -himself there as possessor, not even if circumstances compelled him to -undertake a temporary occupation of the city. What then was the -Emperor's proposal? It was that of a friendly understanding, "as -between gentlemen," that certain things should not be done in case of a -sudden collapse of the Ottoman Empire. - -Such were the earnest wishes of Russia, but {95} England remained deaf -and prejudiced, suspicious and hostile. She preferred a bloody -struggle to a hearty alliance, and a tremendous war was -fought--thousands of innocent people killed, millions of money spent on -both sides--and with no actual result. Does anything remain of the -famous Treaty of Paris? I remember having once asked Prince -Gortschakoff whether it was he or Count Nesselrode who signed that -treaty. The Chancellor was ill, and thought he could not leave his -chair, but my question electrified him. - -"No," he exclaimed, forgetting his illness and jumping to his feet, "I -did not put my name to that document, but I spent a good part of my -life in tearing it to pieces. And it is torn to pieces," he repeated, -with a vivid, delighted look. - -In order to be on good terms with Russia, England has merely not to -interfere in Russia's dealings with the Slavs, her co-religionists; not -demoralise the latter, not to support elements opposed to our Church -and our nationality. In fact, it is an easy, negative part she has to -play. Instead of this, in Beaconsfield's days, she quarrelled like a -nervous woman, and we acted, perhaps, like another nervous woman. Now, -however, is the day of strong men, both English and Russian. - -Nicholas I saw that it is of vital importance for the Slavs, who are no -traitors to their country, to cling to Russia, because she is the only -Power that cares for their Church and their nationality. The Slavs -incorporated with Germany have been thoroughly Germanised. Austria is -not so clever as her master, but she successfully introduces the {96} -Roman Catholic propaganda among the Slavs; imprisons men like Father -Naoumovitch for his devotion to the Eastern Church, and morally does -almost more harm to the poor young nationalities than does Turkey. - -I remember when I was quite a child, a young Southern Slav came to my -mother and began complaining of their position. My mother interrupted -him by asking, "Would you prefer to belong to Austria?" Though a -child, I was horrified to see the despair of his face. "Oh," cried he, -"Austria is even worse than Turkey. Turkey kills the body--Austria -kills the soul." This is an opinion which, it may be said, is -generally held amongst the Southern Slavs--and terribly verified in -Bulgaria at the present moment (1916). - -It is difficult for outsiders to judge Slavonic troubles and Slavonic -needs. It is a private family affair, which ought to be left to us to -settle. The Slavs awoke England's sympathies only when it was thought -they were the enemies of Russia. Alas! They had their pet name in -England, and it was not complimentary. - -Is it rational, I ventured to ask in the year 1886, to awaken general -indignation in a country like Russia, which could be so useful as an -ally? We have common enemies in Asia. Fancy the power represented by -two great Christian countries like Russia and England, when they are -united and friendly! Is it really not worth having? Time has given me -my answer. - -People have been so kind as to say that I have been mainly responsible -for the bringing together {97} of England and Russia, but whatever I -have done I have merely been carrying on the ideal of the Emperor -Nicholas I. - -Kinglake wrote: "The Emperor Nicholas had laid down for himself a rule -which was always to guide his conduct upon the Eastern Question; and it -seems to be certain that at this time (the eve of the Turkish war of -1853), even in his most angry moments, he intended to cling to his -resolve. What he had determined was that no temptation should draw him -into hostile conflict with England."[1] - - -[1] _The Invasion of the Crimea_. Sixth edition. - - -It must be borne in mind that this is the testimony of an Englishman, -and one who cannot be accused of being pro-Russian. - -It is interesting to recall the words addressed by the Emperor Nicholas -I to the English Ambassador at Petrograd in 1853. The Emperor then -said: - -"The affairs of Turkey are in a very disorganised condition; the -country itself seems to be falling to pieces; the fall will be a great -misfortune, and it is very important that England and Russia should -come to a perfectly good understanding upon these affairs. We have on -our hands a Sick Man, a very Sick Man. It will be, I tell you frankly, -a great misfortune if one of these days he should slip away from us, -especially before all necessary arrangements are made. If the Turkish -Empire falls, it falls to rise no more; and I put it you, therefore, -whether it is not better to be provided beforehand for a contingency, -than to incur the chaos, confusion, and the certainty of an European -war, all of which must attend the {98} catastrophe if it should occur -unexpectedly and before some ulterior system has been sketched." - -The Sick Man certainly has taken longer in dying than the Emperor -thought, but he certainly seems to be well on the way now. - -Nicholas I was a statesman, one who has been described as bearing "the -stamp of a generous and chivalrous nature." - -Bismarck himself, in 1849, expressed his admiration of the Emperor's -conduct in regard to Hungary. He was always essentially upright and -straightforward, and was in every sense of the term a strong man. - -Writing of Bismarck reminds me of a story I have heard which I do not -remember to have seen in print. - -One of Bismarck's most violent opponents thought to damage the -Chancellor's position by re-reading one of his own speeches made some -years previously. In a loud determined voice the deputy read -Bismarck's words before the Reichstag, no one listening to him with -more attention than Bismarck himself. When at last the deputy -concluded, confident of his own triumph, Bismarck exclaimed: "I should -hardly have expected to hear such a prudent, useful speech, and some -twenty years ago nothing could have been more appropriate. At this -moment, of course, it is quite out of date and could not be acted upon." - - - - -{99} - -CHAPTER VII - -"AS OTHERS SEE US" - -"A Russian Agent"--"To Lure British Statesmen"--A Charming Tribute--The -Press at Sea--Wild Stories--A Musical Political Agitator--"An -Unofficial Ambassador"--Baron de Staal's Indifference--Prince -Lobanoff's Kindness--Count Shouvaloff's Dislike of My Work--Prince -Gortschakoff and the Slavs--Baron Brunow and the French -Ambassador--English Sportsmanship--A Shakespeare Banquet - - -How people talked about me in those days! asking each other who and -what I was, what I was doing, or intended doing. "Oh! Madame -Novikoff," said some, "she is a Russian agent," and their significant -nods and glances conveyed all sorts of terrible things. I had come to -England, some thought, to lure British statesmen to betray their -country into Russian hands. In short, quite a number of amiable things -were said about poor, simple me, who tried so hard to say exactly the -truth about what I well knew. - -In later years, Sir Ellis Ashmead-Bartlett at a public meeting paid a -tribute to my work which I quote, not from vanity, but as an unexpected -exaggeration. Sir Ellis said, "As for Madame Novikoff, it is simply -impossible to estimate the services she has rendered her country. Not -all the diplomatic corps of the Empire and all the Grand Dukes have -done as much for Russia as that lady, {100} who since 1877 has directed -the Russian campaign in England with consummate ability. She has been -worth more to Russia than an army of 100,000 men. Nothing that the -Tsar could bestow upon her could adequately repay her peerless -services." - -But there was the other side of the picture. The London correspondent -of a provincial paper described me as "one of the most masculine and -accomplished women of her time--she has come to be looked upon as the -Czar's agent, as a sort of unofficial Ambassador." Imagine my being -described as "masculine," a thing I execrate in women. I became too -accustomed to the term "unofficial ambassador" to take any notice of -it, but "masculine!" Ugh! - -Then, said another paper, "Think of the women who have achieved a -reputation in diplomacy--such women as Madame de Novikoff, Princess -Lise Troubetskoi, Madame Nubar Pasha, Princess Metternich, and the late -Princess Leopold Croy. What other characteristic is common to them -all? Only this, that one and all they have been inveterate consumers -of cigarettes, and each has availed herself with signal advantage of -the opportunity afforded by toying with a fragrant papiletto to reflect -before speaking, which women, as a rule, are said not always to do." - -[Illustration: ST. OLGA'S SCHOOL FOR GIRL TEACHERS AT NOVO-ALEXANDROFKA] - -Alas for the common characteristic! I have never smoked in my life. -But then I may be one of the women who do not "reflect before -speaking." Smoking is not so common a habit of Russian ladies as is -generally supposed. Indeed, Petrograd society was a little surprised -some years ago when a British Ambassadress, with kind intent, arranged -at the {101} Embassy a smoking-room for ladies. Even amongst men, -smoking was not universal. My husband was not a smoker, nor was either -of my two brothers. Several Russian gentlemen whom I know in London do -not smoke. - -On another occasion the Press informed me that I had selected America -as my future home. "Her mission," one paper grandly announced, "on -behalf of Russia has not of course been very popular.... What she has -to do for Russia in America the Yankees will doubtless find out; at any -rate she is backed by the Russian fleet, which will soon be, if it is -not already, in American waters." I need not say that this was pure -imagination. The idea of a "secret agent" being "backed" by a fleet -is, I think, new in international methods. - -I detest the word "mission" as applied to my work, which was as much in -the interests of England as of Russia, as can easily be seen to-day. -Where would Europe be now if it were not for the Russian armies, and -where would the Russian armies be but for the English Navy? A woman -with a mission is as objectionable as a man with a grievance. - -One provincial newspaper, in a burst of confidence, assured its readers -that Madame Novikoff "does not suggest the political agitator, she is -very fond of music, and some distinguished artist is generally to be -found at her piano." I have often wondered what "a political agitator" -would appear like to the writer of this paragraph, and why should he -not be musical? - -Was anything ever so bewildering? When I look over my press-cutting -books I cannot do so {102} without a smile. Now it is all so amusing; -but then it had in it an element of tragedy, for my work was nearer to -my heart than anything else. _The Pall Mall Gazette_, for instance, -remarked that "Mr. Gladstone praises Madame Novikoff for her remarkable -ability in handling political controversy. Some of us think it would -be more correct to do homage to her remarkable ability in handling -political men." This was a tribute to me, in a way, at poor Mr. -Gladstone's expense. - -Another industrious young man wrote in 1889, apropos my return to -London, that my "Thursdays" would be "again the rendezvous of the -light, learning, and wit of London society. At least, this is how the -friends of the Russian lady describe her parties. But her detractors -and enemies say they are merely a clever trap for attracting people -from whom she may obtain information to dispatch to Russia. A curious -thing is that Baron and Baroness de Staal, the Russian Ambassador and -his wife, are often to be seen there, so that the legitimate and the -illegitimate purveyors of news to Russia meet on common ground." - -It is quite easy to see which view of my poor "Thursdays" was taken by -the writer of the above. - -Neither Baron nor Baroness de Staal were ever afraid to show me -publicly their sympathy and support. Monsieur de Staal even went so -far as to tell an English Cabinet Minister, who wished to verify one of -my statements, that if Madame Novikoff said so, it was probably true, -for she was often better informed than he of what the Russian -Government was thinking of doing. "Indeed," said the old {103} -Ambassador, "they never tell me anything until they have definitely -decided on doing it." - -I heard this from Mr. Stead, who had just returned from the Foreign -Office, and looked somewhat bewildered by the compliment paid to me. -We were both amused, since few ambassadors make such admissions. - -Not less welcome than the frank admission of the Russian Ambassador was -the approval of my efforts by our Minister for Foreign Affairs himself, -who, unlike Count Shouvaloff, about whom I still have a word to say, -recognised the usefulness of my endeavours to foster friendly feelings -between Russia and England. - -It was with profound satisfaction indeed that I received the following -letter from Prince Lobanoff-Rostovsky: - - -ST. PETERSBURG, - 21 _Feb._/14 _March_, 1896. - -MADAME, - -I admire your courageous perseverance in dealing with messieurs les -Anglais, and I am very grateful for the assistance that you render us. -Accept my profound respects, - -LOBANOFF. - - -It is such kindnesses which, in supporting and encouraging my efforts, -have bribed me hitherto, and shall not fail to bribe me in the future. - -Sometimes my own people showed themselves anything but understanding -and sympathetic. As my thoughts wander through the pages of memory, -many shadows from the past arise before me, and I {104} think of how -much good, and also how much harm, can be done by a man in a great -public position. There are indeed many things in life that one must -try to forget and forgive. - -I confess that, unfortunately, my ardent aspirations did not, in every -case, meet with sympathy, even amongst my own relatives. - -I fully appreciated, for instance, the talents and honourable qualities -of my brother-in-law, E. Novikoff, and much admired his excellent and -exhaustive work on John Huss, the Czech reformer and writer, who -preceded Luther by a whole century. This book, by the way, is now -unfortunately out of print. But while I always remained a staunch -Slavophil, E. Novikoff, after his appointment as Ambassador to Vienna, -was obliged in his official capacity to obey the orders of the Foreign -Office, and in so doing yielded so far to Austrian views as to become -indifferent, not to say hostile, to the Slavonic cause. To me, -personally, he invariably showed friendship, and invited me for a whole -year to the Russian Embassy at Vienna, a visit which I greatly enjoyed. -But I always avoided all reference to the subjects that henceforth -divided us. - -This was also the case in my relations with Count Shouvaloff, at one -time our Russian Ambassador in London, who instead of helping me, -constantly did me harm. He was polite and ceremonious in paying me -visits, but he hated my work. I am surprised indeed that he did not -succeed in paralysing my efforts altogether. It is useful sometimes to -be tough and obstinate! - -In the light of this fact there was something {105} almost comical in -the comment of one journal which said: - -"Madame Novikoff is a Russian agent in close relations with Count -Shouvaloff, and she is the sister of General Kiréeff and sister-in-law -of the Russian Ambassador at Vienna. This is the person with whom our -ex-premier was admittedly in close alliance, public and private, during -the recent atrocity agitation. But when the climax of the pro-Russian -agitation was reached, and its managers believed the overthrow of Lord -Beaconsfield to be imminent, Mr. Gladstone, at the close of the St. -James's Hall 'Conference,' left his seat, went up to Madame Novikoff, -offered her his arm, and led her triumphantly through the bewildered -crowd, in order to give them an earnest of the anti-Turkish alliance at -last concluded between England and Russia, and thereby publicly -acknowledged that his relations with that lady belong to the province -of public life, and ought to be treated as matters of public concern. -That also, we have no doubt, will be the opinion of the country when -the nature of these relations has been more explicitly revealed." - -There was one man who occupied a powerful position in Russia and, as I -have said, was well known in the world, and who boasted that though he -never signed the Paris Treaty, he did all in his power to abolish the -consequences of that detestable document. I mean the Chancellor of -Russia, the Prince Gortschakoff. - -My last interview with him was not altogether pleasant: with one hand -he gave "his praise," with the other "his blame." (His right hand -really did {106} not know what his left was doing!) But here are a few -facts, now known in Russia, but unknown in England. - -I think I have said that for several years I carefully concealed my -literary identity. In Russia it was known to Katkoff, the editor of -the _Moscow Gazette_, in England chiefly to Stead, my English editor, -and to Mr. Gladstone, who was my energetic political confidant. For -that purpose I used my maiden initials "O.K." (Olga Kiréeff). - -On my return home from England I received a note from the Chancellor -asking me to call on him "as he was too ill to make calls." - -By the by, I must say that in Russia it is quite customary, even for a -very young woman, to call on business, either at a Cabinet Minister's -Office or on an Ambassador at his Embassy. - -In both cases the Office and the Embassy take the place of the absent -wives, and such visits are fully understood. Still, people make some -jokes about wives being thus replaced. But let me return to my -unpleasant interview. The Prince received me, as usual, very -cordially, flattering and complimenting me, but after which he said: -"But, dear Madame Novikoff, I must insist upon one point and draw your -serious attention to something very important. You really must not -mention the word 'Slav.' Europe hates that word, and Russia must -ignore it." - -"But Russians are Slavs, every schoolboy must know that," I exclaimed. - -"Of course, of course," admitted the old Chancellor, "but Europe hates -that word. It is the red rag thrown to an infuriated bull," etc. etc. - -{107} - -If I indulged in fainting fits I really think that such friendly advice -would have made me sink to the floor, but that is not in my line. -Still, I protested. - -"But, Prince," said I, "you forget that my brother died for the Slavs, -that I, in memory of that death, am working for that Cause, that Mr. -Gladstone, in his review of my book, _Russia and England_, distinctly -recommended every Englishman to read it, and that he himself wrote a -pamphlet on the Bulgarian horrors. Your advice to a Russian, who -naturally is a Slav, means--give up your nationality, forget it. No, -that I cannot do, for that would be suicide." - -I think my vehement indignation amused the old Chancellor, and he said: -"Well, well, but do you know that people actually think that you are my -agent?" - -"It only shows," I said, "how important people's opinions sometimes -are. Let them know that I am my own agent and nobody else's." He -smiled, I smiled, and we parted--never to meet again. - -Of course, we must remember that officials come and go and have to -execute orders, which sometimes vary and contradict each other. But -you can obstinately, perseveringly, year after year and day after -day--work, in accordance with your patriotic duty, only when you are -guided by your own deep, independent conviction and ideal! - -Why did the Emperor Nicholas save Austria in 1849; alienating himself -from the brave Hungarian people, who during a whole century heroically -fought to liberate themselves from Austrian despotism? - -{108} - -There is a story about another of our diplomatists, Baron Brunow, which -although it has been told before, is so characteristic of Brunow that -it will, I think, bear re-telling. - -On arriving in London for the first time I was pleased to receive an -invitation to the Russian Embassy, because Baron Brunow knew my mother -personally, and also because I had heard the following anecdote about -him which had greatly amused me: Queen Victoria, deeply grieved by the -death of the Duke of Wellington, had expressed her wish that the -funeral of the "Iron Duke," as he was called, should be as splendid as -possible. The whole of the Corps Diplomatique was requested to attend -the ceremony. All the diplomatists unhesitatingly accepted the royal -invitation--with one exception, that of the French Ambassador. The -latter, in a state of great perplexity and indecision, hurried to the -Doyen of "the diplomatic" world, Baron Brunow. - -"I am in a very disagreeable position," he said, "I am indeed quite at -a loss what to do. How shall I escape from my dilemma? Of course, one -does not like to disobey Her Majesty's wishes--almost her orders; but -one must nevertheless consider before all else one's duty to one's -country, one's national dignity!" - -Unlike a Frenchman, the visitor seemed particularly agitated and -nervous. - -"But what is the matter?" exclaimed the Baron. "I have received no -communication about your difficulty. None of my secretaries has -informed me of anything unusual. What is the matter?" repeated the old -Baron somewhat impatiently. - -{109} - -"Don't you understand?" exclaimed the other. "The Queen desires every -diplomatist to attend Wellington's funeral. From her point of view she -is quite right. But I, as a Frenchman, can never forget the terrible -harm done by the Duke to the country I represent." - -"Oh!" exclaimed the Russian in smiling surprise. "You dislike the idea -of attending the State funeral? I confess that I also hardly like the -idea of the fatigue it involves. But then, you are much younger and -stronger than I. Of course, if you were asked to attend Wellington's -resurrection, perhaps I should say 'don't go'--but his funeral, which -represents the end of all possible mischief to your country, I can only -say, 'Go and attend it by all means with great satisfaction!'" - -I have never been able to find out from the various books I have -consulted relating to those times, whether or not the Frenchman -followed Brunow's advice! - -Although I have never hesitated to speak my mind, English -people--individually that is--have always seemed to understand me, and -my sincerity has never been allowed either to interfere with my -personal friendships, or hinder societies and committees paying the -compliment of asking me to their gatherings. In England they love a -fighter, provided he fight fair, and I think I have always done that. -Imagine Germany, for instance, paying tributes to the commander of an -English _Emden_, which had [done enormous damage to her shipping! Yet -in England almost as much praise was bestowed upon this German naval -officer as in the Fatherland. {110} Why was this? Because he had -played the game! - -I have received many and unexpected invitations to be present at public -dinners and banquets. When I received a "card" from the Committee of -the Shakespeare Society for their banquet, I could not help wondering -how anyone could find something new to say on a subject so well-worn -during the last 300 years! Imagine, then, my astonishment, my horror, -when I found on the programme my own name with the announcement that I -was responding to the toast addressed to foreign guests. My first -impulse was to fly; but such cowardice not being in my nature, I took -my courage in my hands, and at the given moment pronounced these few -words, as if it were quite a natural thing for me to make speeches: - -"Kind audience,--I am flattered by your amiable invitation, to which, -as a foreigner, I have hardly any right. But let me tell you that I -have a little friend who renders me invaluable services. I mean my -little watch bracelet, that makes me think of time and space. I shall -not trouble you for more than five or six minutes; for though I feel -myself to be a veritable Demosthenes, I resemble him only as he was -before his famous pebble cure! You know that at the time he hesitated, -stammered, and stuttered. Therefore, five minutes of eloquence on -these conditions is all I dare inflict on your patience. - -"I will begin by saying that one of the best translations of your great -writer was made by the Grand Duke Constantine, who died a few months -ago. This charming Grand Duke had, in addition, {111} a considerable -histrionic talent, and his 'Hamlet' represented by himself at the -Palace of Their Majesties in Petrograd, achieved an immense success. - -"But there is still something else that I shall take the liberty to say -about Shakespeare. In our day there is much talk of enemies, -alliances, friendly treaties, etc. Nothing can be more apropos at this -moment. But Shakespeare has done something that surpasses all -ententes, alliances, and treaties between countries large and small. -Shakespeare has become the eternal link by which all parts of the -civilised, thinking, reading world are indissolubly united. This is a -unique part created by an Englishman. - -"As a last word. I can only say, ladies and gentlemen, you have every -reason to be proud of this acknowledged fact." - -Upon this I bowed and resumed my place. My little speech was received -most kindly. There could not have been a better reward for my laconism. - - - - -{112} - -CHAPTER VIII - -JEWISH RUSSOPHOBIA - -The Jews and the War--Their Attitude in 1876--Their Hatred of -Slavism--The Problems of Other Countries--English Sympathy--The -Guildhall Meeting--The Russian Government Blamed--Tolstoy and the -Jews--My Jewish Friends--A Curious Tradition--Self-Protection - - -In many respects the Jewish Question in Russia has now become an -anachronism. I am happy to say that a new argument in favour of the -Jews is the part played by many of them in our ranks during the present -struggle against the Central Empires. Their present attitude has -effaced the great hatred they used to manifest against everything -Russian. But a survey of my work for Anglo-Russian friendship would be -incomplete and would not be honest if it passed over my attitude on -this question, and especially as the attacks made upon me have been -very vigorous and have forced me to retort in what was, for me, an -almost single-handed struggle. - -My first public expression of views upon the Jewish Question was in -1882, when I addressed two letters to _The Times_ in which I protested -against the accusations levelled against the Russian Government that it -encouraged the social war against the Jews in the southern provinces. -I pointed out that {113} the origin of the disturbances was economic -rather than religious. I said then, as I shall always say, that the -worst charges brought against the Jews could not by any form of special -pleading be held to justify outrage and murder. I reminded the Jews -that when thousands of harmless peasants, men, women and children, were -being ruthlessly slaughtered in Bulgaria, they ranged themselves beside -those responsible for the massacres, the Turks. The next worst thing -to committing a murder is to look calmly on and sympathise with another -who is taking life. That is what the Hebrews did in 1876. At least -they should be logical, and if they do not like the application of "the -Law," which demands "an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth," they -should have acted differently in 1876. - -When Mr. Gladstone and his friends were fighting what seemed to be a -losing battle, the Jews were against them. It was a Jew, Disraeli, who -was the arch-plotter against the freeing of Bulgaria, and with a few -exceptions his race was with him. The Jews hated Slavism, and the -Slavs could not be expected to retort with soft words of brotherly -love. In spite of this, I repeat that the peasant riots against the -Jews in some provinces deserved blame; but the actions of mobs are -never based upon religious principles or religious teaching. - -In England, Russia's Jewish problem is not understood. I wrote in -1882, and the same applies now: "It may be wrong to dislike the Jews, -but if two and a half million Chinese were monopolising all the best -things in Southern England, and were multiplying even more rapidly than -the natives of {114} the soil, perhaps the cry 'England for the -English' would not be so unpopular as some of our censors seem to -think." - -The feeling against the Japanese in certain parts of America is, I -believe, every whit as bitter as the feeling against the Jews in -Russia. I have always been puzzled why the Englishman cannot see this. -The Jew is the Cuckoo of Russia; he is forcing the aborigines out of -their own nest, and Russians not unnaturally say: "Our own Government -helps him to do it, therefore it is time we helped ourselves." - -People are prone to hasty judgment. - -In _The Times_, on the occasion to which I have referred above, I wrote: - -"The Landlordism of which your Irish farmers complain is but a pale -shadow of the cruel servitude enforced on our peasants by the Jews. -The disorders both in Ukraine and in Ireland are social and agrarian." - -Eight years later the Jewish Question in Russia once more seemed to -catch hold of the English imagination, and with increased violence. - -A flaming up of Russian violence against the Jews in the south-western -provinces of Russia was the cause. In London Christian sympathy was -invoked, and the heads of the Church, nobility and members of -Parliament besought the Lord Mayor to convene a meeting of protest with -the object of preparing a Memorial to be sent to the Tsar "to give -public expression of opinion respecting the renewed persecutions to -which millions of the Jewish race are subjected in Russia, under the -yoke of severe and exceptional edicts and disabilities." - -{115} - -I immediately wrote to _The Times_ pointing out that before Englishmen -began to look abroad for things to reform, they might well put their -own house in order. I called attention to General Booth's recently -published book, _In Darkest England_, which I had read with something -akin to horror. I wonder what would have been said in England if -meetings of protest against the Horrors of London had been held in -Petrograd! - -In my indignation I even ventured to assume the mantle of prophecy. -"While your meeting," I wrote, "will have no effect whatever upon -Russians, it will have a great effect upon the Jews of Russia. It will -proclaim aloud, in the hearing of these millions, that England and its -great Lord Mayor, with all the wealth of London at their back, have -undertaken the cause of the Russian Jews. And these poor people will -believe it, and thousands and tens of thousands will sell all they have -and come over to experience the first fruits of the generosity which -promises them a new land of Canaan--in the City of London. - -"I adjourn the further discussion of the Jewish question until you have -had, let us say, ten per cent of the immigration which these meetings -will invite." - -In a little more than the ten years I mentioned the Aliens Act had -become law! - -The Guildhall meeting was held on December 10th, 1890, and the Memorial -to the Russian Emperor was carried without a dissentient voice and duly -sent to Petrograd. In February the Russian Ambassador handed the -Memorial to Lord Salisbury {116} with a request that he would have the -kindness to return it to the Lord Mayor unanswered; as a matter of fact -it had not even been read in Russia. - -I need scarcely add that I was assailed by Jews from every quarter as -"one whom the whole Jewish race recognised as their bitterest enemy," -and yet all I said in effect was that if the Montagues hate the -Capulets, and the Capulets the Montagues, then all the Acts of -Parliament will not ensure peace. And yet we women are called -unreasonable. - -I will quote again from one of my letters to _The Times_, for although -written thirty-four years ago, I see no reason to change so much as a -word. - -"The Jewish question is not entirely religious, but social. Englishmen -ought to understand it, for they have to deal very often with the same -difficulties. An Anglo-Indian member of Parliament, of great eminence -as an administrator in Bengal, was kind enough to lend me the other day -an interesting Blue Book on the riots in the Deccan, from which I learn -that the most innocent agriculturists in India have repeatedly attacked -the Hindoo money-lenders, exactly as our peasants attacked the Jews, -and for the same reason. And how did you deal with this difficulty? -Not by increasing the licence, but by restricting the opportunities of -the Hindoo money-lenders; and as you do it with some success, your -example can be useful indeed. In short, you do as General Ignatieff -proposed to do in his famous rescript which you abuse so much. Seek to -remove the cause of the disorder by protecting the peasants against the -extortionate practices of the village usurers." - -{117} - -In those days I was not lazy and wrote as well as I could; but how -difficult people were to convince. They seemed unable to distinguish -between a Yiddish-speaking Jew, who had been domiciled in Russia, and a -true Russian, and nothing can be more insulting to a Russian than this. -The Yiddish jargon is not used by men of the Russian race, who have at -their command so rich, so musical, so melodious a language as that -which Pouschkin, Tourguenieff, and Tolstoy found an adequate instrument -for the expression of their genius. - -A Yiddish-speaking man may be a Russian subject, but he is no more a -real Russian on that account than a Hottentot, being a British subject, -is a real Englishman. Although we Russians may be as bad as some -people describe us, we have at least one virtue which is not always -recognised: we do our utmost to prevent murderers, thieves, and -burglars, and other criminals crossing the frontier. No Russian -subject is allowed to leave Russia without a passport, which is never -granted to any known criminal. If any such criminals evade our -vigilance, our police are only too anxious to inform your police and -solicit their co-operation in the arrest of the fugitive. But such -offenders have only to allege that they are political refugees, to be -welcomed in England and protected by the authorities. In England -murder used to be regarded as no murder when the victim was a Russian -policeman. But when the same criminals kill an English policeman, as -they did in the Sydney Street affair, the matter is not seen in quite -the same light. - -Try to put yourself in our place. What would you {118} think if "Peter -the Painter" had been welcomed in Petrograd, and if our Government had -refused to give him up because he had only killed an English policeman, -and was therefore entitled to the right of asylum as a political -refugee? Of course, such a crime against civilisation is unthinkable -on the part of the Russian Government, but it would represent only too -faithfully the position which England has been proud to maintain before -the world. - -At the time of the Sydney Street outrage I asked: - -"What I want to know is whether, now that you are suffering a very, -very small part of the misery which these murderers have inflicted on -us, you are willing to co-operate with the police of the world in -extirpating this gang of ruthless murderers? If you are, you will find -ready co-operation on our side; if you are not, then, I fear, the world -will say that you care nothing for murder so long as it is only Russian -police, generals, or ministers who are murdered, and you will remain in -the future, as in the past, the refuge and the shelter of the assassins -of the world." - -Truth compels me to admit that there are blindfolded people in Russia -as well as abroad, and it is not only amongst the foreigners that the -real nature of the Russian nation has been sometimes misunderstood. -Unfortunately there are prejudiced people amongst ourselves who insist -upon being blind and unable to see obvious facts, and the meaning of -the war of 1876 has been entirely misunderstood. Let us, for instance, -quote Count Leon Tolstoy, who had very peculiar ideas about war. Can -anybody, not only in Russia but even abroad, doubt his {119} talent? -But nevertheless he proved how easy it is to err in politics even in -spite of literary gifts. - -I must quote a letter published abroad under the pompous title, _A -Protest_, signed by Count Leon Tolstoy and Russian "celebrities." This -document had to be presented to the Emperor--for his enlightenment. -This document, however, never went so far. - -This event should never have been taken _au sérieux_ anywhere, though -stated by a talented author. - -Nothing amuses Russians more than to see how gravely "Tolstoy's -philosophy and theology" is taken abroad. Amongst us he is only great -as a novelist. You may, no doubt, find among the Russians, as well as -abroad, enthusiasts ready to embrace any craze. Fortunately they have -no lasting moral weight. - -The Jewish question in Russia is a very difficult problem indeed. We -have in Russia millions of Jews belonging to an anti-Christian creed, -and those who imagine it is sufficient for our Emperor "to write a few -lines ordering the country at large to love the Talmudist Jew," and who -fail to see the difference between the latter and the Greek Orthodox -Russian, forget that even Jesus Christ's law to love our enemy is often -neglected by those who pride themselves on being His followers. I -insist upon the term "Talmudist Jews." The Karaite Jews having joined -Russia in the greater part of her national aims and duties, deservedly -obtained the same privileges and rights as the rest of the people. The -Talmudists, unfortunately, take a different ground, and sometimes have -to suffer for it. - -{120} - -At the time of the Guildhall Meeting _The Daily News_, with perfect -fair play, allowed a correspondent to state the facts "within their own -knowledge." One of them had shortly before visited the Russian -southern provinces. Here are his very words: - -"The Jewish population of Odessa alone numbers about 100,000 souls. -Nearly the whole of the vast commerce is in the hands of the Jews. -They own a large share of the _immovable_ property in the city. Of the -very few and unimportant industries over which they do not command an -absolute monopoly, there is scarcely one which is not virtually -controlled by the ramifications exercised _by their secret commercial -syndicates_." - -N.B.--The Municipal Council of 72 members always includes 24 Jews, or -one-third of that civil and constituent body, and in material power the -Jewish section of the Council outweighs the rest. The author also -admits that "if there were no limitations at all, the Jewish elements -at the university would exclude all the Russians." - -The same paper, allowing also another witness to be truthful and -accurate, admits the following account from Petrograd itself. After -complaining bitterly of the difficulty of getting from the Jews -themselves any instance of oppression, he expressed his surprise that: -"In the English community, chiefly interested in commerce, sympathy -with the Jews has been difficult to find. Amongst the Germans and -French," he goes on to say, "the same dislike of the Jews is found." - -The Anglo-Saxon race has shown to the world how careful it can be in -defending its interests on {121} the least appearance of danger from -without. The innocent children of the Celestial Empire have been -simply hunted out of America and Australia, although these poor timid -creatures never dreamed of establishing an _imperium in imperio_ which -can be dangerous to the State, nor even asked for any political rights -at all, their only ambition being to live in peace and to work for -their rice and their rats. - -The Russian Government, though not hampered by the ignorant prejudices -of the masses, is obliged nevertheless to acquaint itself with public -feeling, and to do its best to paralyse mischievous outbursts from -whatever source. Thus in protecting the Russians from the Jews, our -Government is, in fact, in accord with the parliamentary spirit of the -age in its support of the protesting majority against an aggressive -minority. England, of all the world, should be the last to blame those -efforts. - -It must not be thought that I am anti-Jewish as far as individuals are -concerned. I have had very friendly relations with many Jews, -including Auerbach, Mr. George Montofiore and Dr. Max Nordau, to quote -only a few names. The last-named dedicated to me his play _The Right -to Love_, after the Guildhall fiasco. Perhaps the most curious thing -was that whereas I was attacked by Jews and vilified without mercy, my -friends in Russia were angry with my "judophilism." - -Just before last leaving for Russia, I was startled by the contents of -a letter which appeared in London. The Jewish author of that curious -document is fortunately personally unknown to me. He actually has the -impudence to say that "in Russia a foreigner of {122} the Hebrew -persuasion can easily find means and ways--_generally for the sum of -fifty roubles_--to be transformed _ad hoc_ into a true believer, into a -Christian of any denomination of his own choice." To me that phrase is -a regular riddle. Thank God! I do not know people who for fifty -roubles, or no matter for how many roubles, may change their political -or even religious creed. Being a convinced Christian myself, I can -only be glad when I hear of somebody who has appreciated the Greek -orthodox views enough to adopt them. Our Church prays daily for such -unions, and I cannot understand why I should doubt the good faith of -such proselytes. Has not Jesus Christ Himself ordered to propagate His -teaching, and counselled us to love our enemies? I do not see why we -should wound their feelings by doubting their good faith. A Hebrew or -a Mohammedan, after the establishment of a new moral link with us -Christians, ought to be treated as a brother and an ally. - -Even without that Christian union a very great gulf exists in Russia -between the "Talmudist Jews" and the "Karaims" (in England called -"Karaites"). The latter are treated with confidence and respect, and -their dealings are characterised by integrity and love for Russia--two -qualities which are not by any means the predominant characteristics of -the Talmudists. All this can be easily proved. A curious tradition -seems, in the eyes of some Russians, to account for that great -difference between people of the same race. The ancestors of the -"Karaims" are said to have left the Holy Land much before the beginning -of our era, escaping thus the blame of {123} having taken any part in -the crucifixion of Jesus Christ--hence their moral superiority! - -In protecting our country from obnoxious proselytism--be it religious -or political--we defend in reality that great unity; which naturally -has to be in accordance with our Church. But our Church, as such, does -not interfere with the temporal power. Her only weapon is the -exclusion from her bosom of those who depart from her teaching and her -practice. - - - - -{124} - -CHAPTER IX - -ENGLAND AND THE GREAT FAMINE IN RUSSIA - -My Russian Home--The Horrors of Famine--The Peasants' Heroism--Starving -yet Patient--The Society of Friends--I am Invited to -Meeting--Magnificent Munificence--Among the Starving--Terrible -Hardships--Some Illustrations--The Stoical Russian--Cinder Bread - - -The Tamboff Steppes have a great fascination for me. I was always very -happy at Novo Alexandrofka, our country home. It possesses the -beautiful church built by my son. Then I have there my two other -attractions, the two splendid schools, each capable of accommodating -over one hundred pupils, that for boys being called St. John's, after -my husband's patron saint; and the girls' school, of which I am -directress, is called St. Olga's. My son and I were always ardent -believers in the importance of education, for in it lies the whole of -the world. Good teachers are necessary above all, and bad schools do -more harm by their existence than no schools at all, and there is -nothing more wonderful or beautiful in Russia than to see the -passionate eagerness of the peasants to have their children educated. -I am happy to say that, thanks to our excellent teachers and the -principal director, a very superior priest of our church, all our -examinations have resulted in very fruitful success. - -{125} - -At Novo Alexandrofka, my husband, my mother, my brother, Alexander -Kiréeff, my son (the founder of the church) Alexander Novikoff--are -already in the family vault. The last addition will be myself, and -then the vault shall be definitely closed. - -Some ten years ago when I was present at the final examination of the -girls, no less than nineteen fulfilled the requirements of the Tamboff -Education Committee, and were all qualified to become school-teachers. -Since then we have had only excellent results of our schools. - -The most unhappy time I ever spent at my home was during the terrible -famine in Russia in 1892. I could not remain in England while my -country was suffering so. I felt that my place was at Tamboff, and I -accordingly left a land of plenty for poor, desolate Russia. I -remember only too vividly those terrible days of famine. At one time -my son Alexander had under his charge no less than 33,000 men, women -and children, all depending upon him to find them food. - -I call to mind one terrible day that brought from Alexander this tragic -telegram: "Funds exhausted, send me something, position indescribable." -It was terrible, tragic. - -All the work done by the Relief Committees was voluntary. The Grand -Duchess Constantine fed 2000 people a day. - -Even in those days we strove to guard against reckless charitable -effort, which can only have a demoralising influence. I call to mind -one person who insisted on his name being unknown, offered my son 1000 -roubles to be spent in providing food {126} for the inhabitants of a -certain village on the condition that the amount were regarded only as -a loan, which should be repaid and subsequently spent on that same -village for educational purposes. This donor was doubly a donor by the -proviso he made. - -It was a tragedy to see splendid men in the prime of their lives, -walking about with stony faces and hollow eyes. With them were women -clothed only in wretched rags, and little children shivering in the -cold wind. They would crowd round the relief parties, which drove -about in sledges, holding out their hands saying: - -"We have sold our last horses, cows and sheep, we have pawned all our -winter clothing; we have nothing left to sell. We eat but once a day, -stewed cabbage and stewed pumpkin, and many of us have not eaten that." - -This was true. There were some among them who had not tasted food for -days. It was agonising to hear these poor people pleading to us for -mercy lest they die of starvation. As they spoke in dull voices, tears -would spring up into the eyes of strong men and course slowly down -their cheeks into their rough beards; but there were no complaints, no -cries, just the slow, monotonous chant, broken by the sobs of worn-out -mothers and the cries of hungry children. - -We had neither wood nor coal, only straw and the refuse of stables, for -fuel. The Volga was frozen, and in some provinces corn was absolutely -unprocurable. - -[Illustration: MY SON. ALEXANDER NOVIKOFF] - -In that great calamity the help given by the English Society of Friends -was very remarkable. {127} After some preliminary enquiry, I was -invited to attend a Committee Meeting. There were, I think, between -twenty and thirty present, and I was the only woman. A series of -questions was addressed to me about the state of things in Russia. I -exaggerated nothing. I concealed nothing. I told them that an -unforeseen blow had befallen sixteen of our provinces and found us -unprepared to combat its effects. My son, Alexander Novikoff, was just -organising a committee in the district of Kazloff (Tamboff province), -and, thanks to him, I knew the question fairly well. "The Friends" -listened attentively, but said very little. Mr. Braithwaite, the -chairman, only expressed a hope that "God will help our efforts." -Nothing more: but without losing a day they went to work, and worked -splendidly. They not only collected about £40,000, but sent their -delegates--Mr. Edmond Brookes and Mr. William Fox--to distribute their -help on the spot amongst the famine-stricken peasantry. - -Do you know one of the results of such practical application of -sympathy? - -It is now generally admitted in my country that unofficial Englishmen -are "kind and generous," and, when left to their own true nature, are -capable of being friends deserving trust and confidence. - -I also received, quite unsolicited, liberal subscriptions from friends -in the City, which enabled me to send without delay much needed relief -to the starving peasants in my district of Tamboff. The "English -bread," as they called it, is remembered and spoken of even now. - -Perhaps the best description of that terrible {128} famine, and of the -efforts to relieve it, is that recorded in an interview with me by the -representative of _The Week's News_, which I therefore transcribe, the -more so because that enterprising journal sent out a special Commission -to our famine districts to report upon the situation there. Here is -the interview: - - - "NOVO ALEXANDROFKA, - "12_th February_, 1892. - -"A beautiful night drive across the snow from Bogojawlensky brought me -to Madame Olga Novikoff's estate during Wednesday night. The -thermometer stood at 36 degs. Fahrenheit below freezing point, yet the -air was so calm that the cold was scarcely noticeable. A heavy hoar -frost covered the trees, and the slight mist gave a weird aspect to the -desert of snow that stretched away on every side. Without a house on -the horizon to direct him, the _jamschick_ drove out into the night, -and the sledge glided along over the crackling snow. - -"Mr. Alexander Novikoff, the son of Madame Olga Novikoff, was at Novo -Alexandrofka to welcome me, and put me in a position to judge of the -state of things in his district of the Tambov Government. He is Zemski -Natchalnick, and very popular amongst the peasants whose little -differences he has to judge. - -"In the early morning we started off to visit the hospital in the -village of Tooriévo. After all that has been said of the condition of -Russian hospitals at this moment I was agreeably surprised, both at the -cleanliness and the absence of patients whose {129} illnesses might be -directly attributed to the famine. I, however, found there the first -case of hunger typhus that I have seen, and learned from the surgeon, -Dr. Malof, that in one village close at hand there were no fewer than -150 similar cases. - -"This is one of the strongest proofs of the hardships through which the -people are now passing. It is the disease that always follows in the -wake of war and famine, and although the mortality amongst those seized -is relatively small, the fact that numerous cases are occurring is -significant. They arise from stomach disorders, brought on by -insufficient and bad food, and the disease then takes the course of -ordinary typhus. - -"Tooriévo is a long straggling village, and contains about 1000 huts. -The harvest in the neighbourhood was fairly good, and the population -will probably weather the storm. Another large village in the -district, Céslavino, with its 7000 inhabitants, is suffering intensely, -the majority of the inhabitants being in receipt of relief. I found a -particularly bad state of things in the village of Spasskoe. Amongst -the 1500 inhabitants there were but three huts in which there was -sufficient corn to keep the occupants till the next harvest. Most of -the families are already receiving help from the Government, and the -private committee presided over by M. Novikoff. - -"I will mention but few cases in this village where the monotony of -misery is so apparent in the deserted street and the dilapidated huts. -This is the only village I have visited in this neighbourhood where the -uniformity of distress compares {130} with the village in the south of -Tambov that I described last week. - -"Paul Axenoff is the head of a family of nine, comprised of two old -people, Axenoff and his wife, and five children. They were receiving -aid from both the authorities and the committee, but they had run -through everything except three pounds of bread that was to last them -for some weeks to come. The same thing happened to them last month, -and in spite of all their efforts to secure food they ate nothing for -three days prior to the last delivery of the month's flour. - -"The horse and cow have both been sold, and the outhouses pulled down -and used for fuel. Straw is usually employed in Russia for heating, -but this year there is none, so the peasants are glad to find anything -to burn. There is very little wood in this part of the country, and -what there is is young, and has evidently been planted by the -landowners. With the exception of a sheepskin cloak worn by one of the -boys who came in from school while I was in the hut, the members of -Axenoff's family had nothing to wear but the rags in which they stood. - -"In this hut I discovered a fresh article of food--a soup made of hot -water and weeds. They didn't eat it for the good it might do them, but -simply for the sake of having something hot. At another hut in this -village I found a similar concoction made with boiling water and -chopped-up hay. - -"All the bread I found in the next hovel was broken, and had been -begged from house to house. The occupants had burnt the wood, straw, -and outhouses they had at the beginning of the winter, and {131} were -now pulling the straw from the roof over their heads to keep the hut -warm. - -"Although this was a new-fashioned hut, that is, one with a chimney, -the occupants had stopped this up to prevent the fire burning too -quickly, and to keep the heat in. This caused the suffocating smoke -and tar-like odour that is found in the chimneyless huts. - -"On leaving this place we struggled through the snow to visit another -house from which the roof had been torn, and which was almost embedded -in the quantity of snow that the gale of the previous night had whirled -round it. The mayor of the village, who accompanied me, told me that -the family of five persons included a dying woman, and two children -down with scarlatina. - -"With some difficulty we struggled through the four or five feet of -snow that barricaded the door, and on getting it open we found the -outer part of the hut half filled with snow that had been driven -through the unthatched roof. We had some trouble to open the door -leading to the inner room, and when this was done the mayor seemed -surprised to find that the place was tenantless. - -"He enquired amongst the neighbours what had become of Nicolas Semine -and his dying wife. Nobody knew, and all were lost in surmise as to -what might have happened had they been driven forth by the storm of the -previous night. We continued the tour, and half an hour later I came -upon a scene the like of which I hope never to see again. - -"Eight or ten persons were crowded into a hovel {132} not more than ten -feet square. An unconscious woman had been leaned against the brick -stove to keep her warm in the stifling atmosphere. On the ground -several dirty and ragged children were playing around two suffering -creatures, whose arms and faces were masses of sores. I had already -taken in these details when my guide told me this was Semine's dying -wife and scarlatina-stricken children, that a man he pointed out was -Semine himself, and that the ten-year-old boy lying on the stove was -his eldest child. - -"I was not able to understand how the father and this boy brought the -dying, and now unconscious, woman and the two children through the -storm of the previous night. I had myself had an experience of the -blinding violence of clouds of snow blown across the plains by a -hurricane. - -"The story of the refugees is a very sad one; I will tell it just as it -was told me. Between the time the harvest failed and the time the -authorities commenced to aid the family, they had been obliged to sell -everything they possessed to get food, and to pull down the -outbuildings for firing purposes. The wife had been ill since autumn, -and to keep the place warm they had been obliged to burn first the -table, then the benches, then the old clothes, and last of all, to pull -the straw from the roof and burn it. - -"Yesterday they had nothing. No food, no firing, and the wind drove -the snow through the unthatched house. To have stayed was certain -death, so they wandered out into the night and were taken into the -house where I saw them on condition that they consented to the four -walls of their hut being {133} pulled down and used to heat the hovel -in which they had taken refuge. They brought no food with them, and -the family of four persons which has taken them in had just five pounds -of bread to last till the end of February. - -"In the hut occupied by Timothy Metchariakof I was shown some _lebeda_ -flour which the peasants often mix with rye or maize flour thinking -that it gives nourishment to the bread. The fact that there are -quantities of _lebeda_ this winter is another sign of famine. Whenever -the crops fail the weed from which the grains of _lebeda_ are thrashed -is found in abundance. - -"In spite of what the peasants say about the satisfying properties of -these seeds, the doctors consider the flour made from them most -injurious to the health. All sorts of stomach complaints can be traced -to the consumption of bread of which it is an ingredient. - -"The bread was very black everywhere, but as long as this blackness -resulted from the use of rye flour it was not unhealthy, and the bread -although rather bitter was not uneatable. In many houses, however, the -people had mixed anything that came to hand with the flour served out -to them, and the bread consequently suffered. - -"I tasted some this morning in which cinders or grit was undoubtedly -one of the ingredients. It is also generally very badly baked, and if -the authorities can improve on the official bakers I have seen, there -should certainly be a public bakery in each village, as many of the -sufferers have not sufficient fire in their stoves properly to cook -anything. {134} Disease will go on increasing even more rapidly than -famine if this unhealthy food is eaten by the peasants. - -"I visited a great many of the families in this village so as to be -satisfied that I was not basing my judgment of the distress on -exceptional cases. The misery I found was very widespread, and actual -starvation is only avoided by the aid of the Zemstvo and M. Novikoff's -committee. If these aids were stopped for a week, nine-tenths of the -village would be starving. - -"From Spasskoe I drove across to the little village of Dolguinko, where -I found a part of the population living in holes dug in the earth. -Towards the end of last autumn, one half of the village was burned to -the ground. The work of rebuilding had scarcely commenced when winter -set in, and those peasants who were not able to lay beams and branches -over their partially-built huts and thus make a roof, dug holes in the -ground in which they are now living with their families. - -"To reach these burrows it was necessary to follow a long passage cut -in the snow, at the end of which was a hole through which the visitor -was supposed to let himself, legs first, and then steady his descent by -catching at the snow till he felt the ground beneath his feet. I did -all this, and am not certain whether I was not more astonished at my -safe arrival than the occupants of the hole were to see me. - -"Beyond the difficulties of entrance and exit the hole is no darker -than an ordinary hut. But a more horribly insanitary place of abode -for human {135} beings it would be hard to find. As could only be -expected, it was very damp, and the occupants were condemned to stand -and sit in several inches of mud, and to support the drippings of the -snow melted by the heat of their fire. However they manage to live -with insufficient nutriment amid such surroundings I cannot imagine. -The man in one of these burrows that I visited was making wooden boots, -for which he could earn a penny a pair. If he worked very hard he -could make two pairs a day. - -"On returning to Novo Alexandrofka, I looked over the books of the -district of which these villages form part. It comprises twenty-five -villages, with a total of 60,000 inhabitants. How many of these are -relieved by the authorities cannot be said, but M. Novikoff's Committee -has supplemented the efforts of the Government by feeding 10,436 -persons during the month of January. Each one of these 10,436 persons -was the recipient of twenty-five pounds of flour. - -"According to the inventories made of the possessions of every -inhabitant of the district, the number of destitute, unprovided for by -Government relief, will increase by more than 1000 a month, and will -reach 18,000 by June. The committee has already distributed 650,000 -pounds of flour since its institution. As many Britons have aided this -work by funds sent to Madame Olga Novikoff, it will interest them to -know what is doing. - -"In the village of Novo Alexandrofka no one is in receipt of relief. -Thanks to M. Novikoff, who has endowed it with elementary, secondary, -and adult {136} schools, it is a particularly happy village, and counts -800 teetotalers in a population of 900 persons. - -"Before leaving the Tambov Government, I may say that although in -certain villages the want is appalling, and is rendered more palpable -by the condition in which the inhabitants live, I do not anticipate an -overwhelming disaster in this province. It is well served by railway -lines, though the companies have little rolling stock, and grain can be -easily conveyed to these central Governments if it is in the country, -and has been brought to some available spot before the thaw." - - -On a second occasion, when the present War Charities began to press for -support, the same kind friends in the City and elsewhere, who had -helped during the Russian famine, again came forward and collected for -me a handsome sum. Part of this money I had the satisfaction of -distributing to Russian, British and Serbian Red Cross funds. A part -also (2000 roubles) was sent as a Christmas present to the wounded -soldiers in H.I.M.'s Hospital at Petrograd, in gracious acknowledgment -of which I received the following telegram from the Empress Marie: - -"Am greatly touched by your letter and your generous gift, for which I -wish you to express to all those who have contributed my warmest -thanks. MARIE." - - -From the Princess Helène (daughter of the King of Serbia), to whom I -had also sent a small sum, came the following telegram: - -{137} - -"Best thanks for your generous gift--profoundly touched--affectionate -greeting." - - -And from Monseigneur Cyril, Bishop of Tamboff, came his acknowledgment -of my remittance: - -"Generous gift received--great joy--many thanks and blessings." - - -The Grand Duchess Elizabeth, who is at the head of so many charitable -institutions in Moscow, and takes such an active interest in good work -there, also very kindly acknowledged the small sum sent to her. All -these remittances were kindly telegraphed for me by Monsieur de -Helpert, the obliging Director of the Russian Bank for Foreign Trade. - -Amongst other remittances to Petrograd was one of £50 to Lady Sybil -Grey, who was at the head of a Red Cross branch there, and respecting -the safe transmission of which I had consulted her father, Earl Grey, -who replied to me with the necessary advice, and concluded his letter -with very warm acknowledgments of the kind and hearty reception his -daughter had met with in Petrograd. - -Later on I had the additional satisfaction of raising a further sum for -War Charities by the raffle of a Diamond Ornament, for which purpose my -friend, Lady Primrose, lent me her house as well as her valuable -personal aid. - -The above are a few illustrations, among others that might be added, of -the British warm-heartedness and generosity that never fails in time of -need. - - - - -{138} - -CHAPTER X - -MUSICAL MEMORIES - -My Mother--Her Musical Friends--I Study with Masset--His Generous -Offer--Litolff's Visit--My Mother's Musicales Develop into a -Conservatoire--Rubinstein's Anger--His Refusal to Play for the Grand -Duchess Helen--The Idols of the Musical World--A Friendly Jealousy--My -Stratagem with Liszt--Glazounoff's Kindness--The Musicless - - -Our great poets Pouschkin and Lermontoff admired my mother's beauty; -Yazikoff also wrote a lovely poem in which he says that - - The ancient Greeks would have delighted - To kneel and worship at your feet, - To build you shrines of snowy marble, - Where clouds of fragrant incense sweet, - From golden altars night and morning, - Would rise your image fair to greet. - - -But my mother was not merely beautiful, she was also exceedingly kind -and very artistic. The great musician and pianist Thalberg dedicated -to her one of his lovely nocturnes, and I afterwards inherited Liszt's -kindness for her memory. In the year 1860 my mother used to invite to -our house every Thursday first-rate musicians like Nicolas Rubinstein -(as fine a pianist as his brother Anton), eminent violinists like Laub -and Wieniawski, the 'cellist Cossman, and other celebrated -instrumentalists, {139} from whom we heard, with greatest enjoyment, -examples of the finest classical music, which lasted from eight to ten. -At ten the young people were allowed to dance, and I am ashamed to say -that my young friends much preferred the second part of the evening to -the first! - -[Illustration: NICOLAS RUBINSTEIN, ANTON RUBINSTEIN] - -A year or two after my marriage, having (as mentioned in a previous -chapter) been ordered by my parents-in-law to accompany them to Paris, -I duly obeyed, and I think I may say that my life there was unique. -From ten in the morning till ten in the evening, I almost invariably -stayed with the old people, sitting with them in the Bois, or laying a -"Patience" (the only one I know) at home. I gained, however, one great -benefit. I managed to take daily singing lessons at the Conservatoire -at half-past eight in the morning, from the celebrated Masset, who took -great interest in my progress. - -But at last my time was over, for I had to rejoin my husband and my boy -in Petrograd. When I told Professor Masset that I was taking my last -lesson, he seemed greatly surprised. - -"Oh!" he said, "I guess why you are stopping your lessons. But you are -wrong. I will give you lessons gratis for two years, on condition that -you make your debut in Grand Opera. One reason why I ask high fees is -in order not to be besieged by too many pupils." - -"Well," said I, "of course twenty-five francs per lesson is a large sum -for daily lessons, but that is not my reason. I am unfortunately -obliged to interrupt my studies for another reason, my husband wants me -to return home." - -{140} - -The Professor looked perfectly horrified. "Your husband! Are you then -married?" he exclaimed. - -"Yes, I am," I answered, "and I have a son." - -"_Voilà une surprise!_" he cried. "And does your husband sing well?" - -"Oh no, he does not sing at all." - -"Then what does he do?" - -I had to explain as well as I could my husband's position, to which -Masset impatiently retorted, "Well, I only wish I had not taken such -pains with your lessons!" which I thought more frank than polite, but -the poor Professor was disappointed to find that he had been wasting -his time on a mere amateur. - -In order to practise singing without disturbing my old people, I took a -little mansarde in the same house, and, when hidden there, the -concierge had my order to say I was out. One afternoon, I went to my -piano and was studying hard Gluck's "Orpheus," when suddenly, there was -a violent knock at my door. - -"Won't you let me in?" cried a voice. "Your stupid concierge insisted -that you were out, but I heard your voice, which I recognised. Let me -come in, I am Henri Litolff." - -I opened the door, but I said, "You see that I have only a piano and -one chair. I cannot receive visitors." - -"I will take the chair, and will accompany you," was the answer. And -then we had a charming improvised concert. - -My mother's musical parties led to an important result. Struck by -their success, Nicolas Rubinstein {141} and his friend the millionaire -Tretiakoff, conceived the idea of founding a Conservatorium in Moscow. -My dear native town is very enthusiastic and generous when she realises -the importance of a great idea. A foundation for a Moscow -Conservatorium was immediately arranged, whilst Nicolas Rubinstein's -elder brother, Anton, submitted the same idea to the Grand Duchess -Helen, who at once identified herself with a similar project for -Petrograd. Thus we came to possess two Conservatoriums, with the two -brothers Rubinstein as their Principals, Anton in Petrograd, Nicolas in -Moscow, to the great adornment of both capitals. - -In that enterprise the Grand Duchess Helen showed her true grandeur. -And here again, as in the question of the emancipation of the serfs, -she found a great supporter in her nephew the Grand Duke Constantine -Nicolaievitch. I should like any English travellers who visit Moscow -and Petrograd to make a point of seeing these two Conservatoriums, of -which we certainly may be proud. - -I continued to be on good terms with both the Rubinsteins, and the -Grand Duchess Helen often invited Anton to her parties. But one -evening something happened which was far from pleasant. Whilst -Rubinstein was playing one of his lovely compositions, a young fellow -very "well born," but very badly brought up, began turning on his heels -muttering in an audible tone something about "Rubin, Rubin, Rubin" -(inflamed, I was told, by jealousy in connection with a young girl who -was extremely enthusiastic about the artist). Rubinstein stopped -playing and left the palace. The next {142} day he called on Baroness -Rhaden, lady-in-waiting to the Grand Duchess, and said, "The Grand -Duchess is kind enough to offer me 2000 roubles for my performances; I -must decline that payment, as also the honour of playing again at the -palace. I am quite ready to play to the Grand Duchess when she is -alone, but not otherwise." - -A few days later the Grand Duchess sent for me. "Is it true," she -said, "that the bear is playing at your house every Thursday?" - -"The bear! Madame, do you by chance mean Rubinstein? If so, yes, he -plays for me every Thursday." - -"Well but, how do you manage to tame him? Do you know that he actually -refuses to play at my palace on any terms?" - -"The only thing I can suppose, Madame, is that, although I have no -grandees to lend attraction to my receptions, my artist friends, like -Rubinstein, Wieniawski, Litolff, etc., always meet with an attentive -hearing--they are always accorded complete silence." - -"Yes, but Rubinstein should understand that what occurred at the palace -the other night was quite an unfortunate and exceptional mischance." - -The Grand Duchess, as she looked at me, was evidently very angry, nor -did she hasten to invite Rubinstein again. But very much later the -storm subsided, and peace was restored. - -The brothers Rubinstein were, naturally, the idols of the Russian -musical world. In Petrograd it was Anton whose reputation was highest. -In Moscow Nicolas was considered the superior. A {143} friendly -jealousy on behalf of the two great musicians existed between the two -cities. Anton in his later years had a charming villa at Peterhof -where I have met also his wife and family. I remember that, at the -conclusion of a discussion on Wagner's magnificent, but lengthy, Music -Dramas, Rubinstein said he doubted whether anyone could listen to music -with real attention and enjoyment for more than two hours at a time. A -frank admission! But was he not right? He also endorsed Paganini's -dictum about the necessity of daily study. "If I do not practise one -day I notice it. If I do not practise two days, the public notice it." -One of his friends and collaborateurs was Leopold Auer, who was for so -long principal Violin Professor at the St. Petersburg Conservatoire, -and to whose eminent talent the world owes so much. - -Amongst other well-known musicians whom I have known in my earlier -years, were Litolff (already mentioned, who, like Thalberg, dedicated a -composition to my mother), Ferdinand Hiller, Halevy, Stockhausen, Ole -Bull, Madame Pauline Viardot, Liszt, Tchaikovsky and others. - -I knew Liszt well in Weimar, where I spent a few weeks. Once when he -called on me at the Hotel de Russie, I happened to be changing my dress -after a long walk. As I began to hurry my toilette, I heard enchanting -sounds from my piano below. Judge of my delight to be listening to -Liszt's improvisations. Instead, therefore, of hurrying, I prolonged -my change of dress to what I considered would be the extremity of my -visitor's patience. But I found him friendly and smiling, not in the -least annoyed, when {144} I at last entered the room. Indeed, he -evidently guessed why I had delayed so long, and was even amused at my -little stratagem. - -Here is a letter from him: - - -MADAME, - -Le charme et l'émotion de votre chant m'a fait complètement oublier -hier que je n'étais pas libre de mes heures aujourd'hui. Veuillez bien -m'accorder indulgence et me permettre de venir un autre jour pour vous -renouveler mes très respectueux hommages? - -FR. LISZT. - - -It was Liszt also who introduced to me Lassen, who came every morning -to teach me his lovely songs. In Weimar, Lassen was quite an artistic -personage. - -But I might ramble on for ever with such reminiscences. A few words -only about later acquaintances in London. Amongst these I think I -ought specially to mention my distinguished compatriots, Glazounoff and -Safonoff. - -Tchaikovsky was also here and had fully intended to return to London, -where his glorious music had become so popular, and had indeed accepted -the invitation of an English friend to be his guest during the -forthcoming visit. His death in Petrograd occurred shortly afterwards, -to our great loss. - -On one of Glazounoff's visits I had a small musical gathering, at which -the young Russian 'cellist, Varia Irmanoff, was to play her composition -"Volga" (Air Russe pour Violoncelle), which she had dedicated to me. -Unfortunately her accompanist never turned {145} up. Glazounoff, -seeing the poor girl's embarrassment, then went very quietly to the -piano and said, "I will accompany you." Very Russian in kindness and -simplicity! I was proud of him. - -A few minutes later, when my other pianist, the talented Miss Vera -Margolies, came, Glazounoff seemed delighted to meet his favourite -Russian artist-friend, just returned from new successes in Paris, and -about to achieve another success at the Queen's Hall under the -direction of our great Safonoff. - -I must add a few words on Mrs. Rosa Newmarch. She has rendered great -service to the artistic world in publishing her two big volumes on our -great Tchaikovsky, and her works on _The Russian Opera_ and _The -Russian Arts_, and we Russians must always think of Mrs. Rosa -Newmarch's efforts to bring about an artistic entente between Russia -and England. - -Safonoff, that grand artist so well known to London orchestras and -audiences, used, in his lighter moments, to amuse us with his -inimitable six-line caricatures on the back of menu cards, or on any -handy scraps of paper. - -In these later years I used frequently to meet that grand violinist -August Wilhelmj, and shall never forget the rather rare examples he -gave us of his extraordinary gift of tone, in that respect reminding me -somewhat of Laub. - -I used also to meet Auer on his occasional visits here, during which he -introduced to me his celebrated pupils, Kathleen Parlow and Mischa -Elman, who have since won world-wide fame. - -Ernest De Munck, the eminent Belgian {146} violoncellist, formerly -married to Carlotta Patti, I knew very well during his last residence -in Londen, and often heard him perform on his beautiful "Strad." He -had made his reputation throughout the world, and after the death in -Paris of his celebrated wife, he spent his last years in London. We -had many mutual friends in the musical world of former days. - -The above are some of the _dii majori_ of the musical profession past -and present. But there is also much excellent amateur talent in -English Society, to which I have often listened with real enjoyment. -On the other hand, I must confess that some of my best friends have -shown a conspicuous absence of "music in the soul," though far from -being on that account "fit for treason's stratagems and spoils!" I -need hardly repeat my well-known story of dear Kinglake, who used to be -unutterably bored by music, and frankly admitted that, of all -instruments, he preferred the drum! His attitude was, I suppose, -somewhat like that of your celebrated Dr. Johnson, whose attention was -called at a musical party (at which no doubt he unwillingly found -himself) to a _tour de force_ of an eminent performer on the violin. -"Is it not wonderful?" said an ardent listener. "I wish, sir, it were -impossible," replied the grim Doctor. - - - - -{147} - -CHAPTER XI - -THE ARMENIAN QUESTION - -A Fatal Treaty--Gladstone's Opinion--The Concert of Europe--The -Unspeakable Turk and His Methods--England's Responsibility--Mr. -Gladstone's Energetic Action--Lord Rosebery Resigns--Gladstone's -Astounding Letter--"I Shall Keep Myself to Myself"--"Abdul the -Damned"--"A Man whose every Impulse is Good"--The Convention of -Cyprus--Russia and England - - -There is an old and cynical saying that no lawyer draws up an agreement -or contract without an eye to the future. If ever a document left -trouble for the future it was the Berlin Treaty. The clause referring -to Armenia was tantamount to handing over the wretched Armenians to the -Turks; for the Concert of Europe, that misbegotten child of the Treaty -of Paris, has failed consistently in its futile endeavours. - -The contention of Russia has never been better expressed than by -Gladstone in a letter to me dated January 2, 1877, in which he wrote: -"A guarantee dependent on the Turk for its execution becomes thereby no -guarantee at all." Again, on February 6, he wrote: "The real issue, so -far as I can see, will arise when the question shall assume this form: -Is Russia to be left alone to execute the will and work of Europe?" -This is exactly what Russia did in 1876, unless it be contended that -the "will of Europe" sanctioned the wholesale massacre of {148} -harmless citizens by the very power ordained to protect them--the -Ruling Power. - -The Sublime Porte has been as consistent as the Concert of Europe in -evading its responsibilities, and it is needless to say that it as -carefully refrained from carrying out its undertaking with regard to -Armenia as the Powers on their part did from insisting on the reforms. -Possibly the argument of the Concert was that, as there were no -"ameliorations and reforms" on the part of the Sublime Porte, there was -no opportunity for them to "superintend their application." - -None of us who knew the Turk had any doubts as to the truth of the -atrocities at Sassoun. These things were too common. The scale -differed, the crime was always the same. And what was it? - -The crime was the establishment--or the re-establishment--of Turkish -Mussulman authority over a Christian race. If that were the crime, who -were the criminals? On that point I should like to be allowed to say -some plain truths, hoping that my English friends will tolerate the -candour in others which they never hesitate to practise themselves. -The real criminals who were responsible for the atrocities which -horrified the civilised world were not the Kurds--who at first got all -the blame. The criminals who perpetrated the massacre were Turkish -regular troops, commanded by Turkish officers acting in direct -obedience to explicit orders from the Turkish Government. - -But although the direct complicity of the "Sublime" Porte in these -hideous crimes was not disputed even by the Pashas of Stamboul, it was -{149} not with them that the responsibility of these horrors originally -lay. - -The crime at Sassoun lay primarily at the door of Disraeli. It was one -of the many disastrous results of that "peace with honour" which Mr. -Gladstone had the courage to describe as a peace that was no peace, -with the honour that prevailed among thieves. - -That may seem to be a hard saying to those who do not know the facts. -To those who do it will be a mere truism. - -Why was it that the Armenians at Sassoun were left as sheep before the -butcher? Why was it that the Sultan and his Pashas felt themselves -perfectly free to issue what order they pleased for the massacre of the -poor Armenians? The answer is, unfortunately, only too simple. It was -because England at the Berlin Congress, and _England alone_--for none -of the other Powers took any interest in the matter--destroyed the -security which Russia had extorted from the Turkish Government at San -Stéfano, and substituted for the sterling guarantee of Russia the -worthless paper-money of Ottoman promises. Was it not, then, England's -doing that these poor wretches were outraged and murdered by the -rulers, to whose tender mercies England insisted upon consigning them? - -Let me prove my case: In the treaty of San Stéfano, the Turkish -Government entered into a direct and explicit obligation to Russia to -guarantee the security of the Armenians. - -Article 16 of the Treaty of San Stéfano runs thus: - -{150} - -"As the evacuation by the Russian troops of the territory which they -occupy in Armenia, and which is to be restored to Turkey, might give -rise to conflicts and complications detrimental to the maintenance of -good relations between the two countries, the Sublime Porte engages to -carry into effect without further delay the improvements and reforms -demanded by local requirements in the provinces inhabited by Armenians, -and to guarantee their security from Kurds and Circassians." - -Now, it is obvious that this clause imposed clear and precise -obligations not only upon Turkey, but also upon Russia. If the reforms -were not carried out, if the security of the Armenians were not -guaranteed, Russia would have been bound to interfere, and _would have -interfered_, to compel the Turks to carry out their treaty obligations. - -This article seemed to the British plenipotentiaries to give Russia a -virtual protectorate over Armenia, and therefore they insisted upon -striking it out. The poor Armenians were forbidden to look for their -protection to the strong arm of the Tsar. The Turks were delivered -from their express obligation to guarantee the security of their -Armenian subjects, and it was calmly decreed that the Armenians should -be content with Article 61 of the Berlin Treaty. That clause ran as -follows: - -"The Sublime Porte engages to realise without delay those ameliorations -and reforms which local needs require in the provinces inhabited by the -Armenians, and to guarantee their security against the Circassians and -the Kurds. It undertakes to make known, from time to time, the -measures taken {151} with this object to the Powers, who will watch -over their application." - -Mark the difference. In place of a positive obligation entered into -with the only Power near enough and strong enough to enforce the -fulfilment of treaty engagements, there was substituted this -engagement, over the execution of which the Powers, in their -beneficence, promised to watch: as the execution has never begun, the -Powers were not overburdened with much "watching." "Waiting" rather -expresses what they did--waiting for the Turks to begin the fulfilment -of the promises which they made to collective Europe years and years -ago. They are waiting still. Meanwhile the Armenians were massacred, -as, for example, at Sassoun, and not there only. But even this did not -exhaust the criminal responsibility of Lord Beaconsfield. He had taken -Cyprus as a material pledge for the execution of reforms in Asiatic -Turkey. But there were no reforms in Asiatic Turkey. The only effect -of the Anglo-Turkish Convention was to increase the confidence of the -Sultan that he could do as he pleased in Armenia, Article 61 of the -Berlin Treaty notwithstanding. - -England, therefore, was responsible in three ways. She destroyed the -Russian guarantee exacted by the Treaty of San Stéfano. She framed the -worthless "watching" clause of the Berlin Treaty, and then, to preclude -all possibility of effective pressure upon the Turk, she concluded the -Cyprus Convention, which established an illegal British protectorate -over the Asiatic dominions of the Sultan. - -{152} - -At Sassoun was seen the result of that policy. No amount of -dispatch-writing, friendly advice, or admonition would improve the -condition of the Armenians. Remonstrances were idle. What was wanted -was action. But who could act? No Power could occupy and administer -Armenia but Russia. Unfortunately, she had no wish and no obligation -now to undertake so arduous and so thankless a task. But who else was -to do it? - -No one did it; for Russia had once played St. George and Europe had -thrown back the maiden to the dragon. - -When I heard of the Armenian massacres in 1894, I was more horrified -than surprised. When the full confirmation of the horrible news -arrived, it made my heart sick. What was even worse, if that were -possible, was the fact that the relations between England and Russia -were strained. All Mr. Gladstone's energies were concentrated upon -urging on Lord Salisbury's Ministry the coercion of the Sultan, -single-handed if need be. The result was Lord Rosebery's resignation -as Leader of the Liberal Party in the Lords, as a protest against a -policy that in his opinion could not fail to plunge Europe into war. - -Prince Lobanoff, who was responsible for Russia's policy of opposition -to armed intervention against Turkey, aroused Mr. Gladstone's -indignation, and I came in for a share of his wrath by virtue of my -defence of Prince Lobanoff. At that time Mr. Gladstone wrote to me: - -{153} - - HAWARDEN CASTLE, - _October_ 18_th_, 1895. - -It is most kind of you to waste powder on an outcast like me; an -outcast first from active life; secondly I feel--from your scheme of -opinion I cannot read your articles--not because I deal so little with -newspaper print, but because I am afraid of disagreeing with you, and -in this case I prefer ignorance to strife. I am, you see, possessed -with an idea as to the truer mode of dealing with the Sultan and his -accursed system, founded upon my experience in the year 1880--when we -received most valuable and effective aid from your good and great -Emperor Alexander II. - -Now I have no power and little knowledge--and my imagined knowledge may -be all wrong. It is to this effect: - - -(1) That Lord Salisbury is not up to the mark in all points, but that -he is the best of those who have the matter in their hands. The best -there is at the moment to do the work. - -(2) That he is held back by others--not to act, say, according to -rumour, most by Russia. - - -If this is so it is most painful, for this Armenian case is the very -worst of all that has yet happened, and if the Powers are beaten by the -Sultan, whom every one of them can crush with the little finger, they -will be deservedly covered with indelible disgrace. - -There is plain speaking for you. - - -{154} - -It was; but I replied soothingly, trying to put to him Russia's case. -His reply electrified Europe. It ran: - - -_October_ 22_nd_, 1895. - -MY DEAR MADAME NOVIKOFF, - -In these sad circumstances I am so far comforted as to believe that -there is no occasion for controversy between you and me. We have in -some critical circumstances heartily co-operated, and I think we have -the same sentiments as to Armenia. - -I shall carefully and for many reasons keep myself to myself. - -I see in _The Times_ that the wretched Sultan, whom God has given as a -curse to mankind, waving his flag of triumph, and the adversaries at -his feet are Russia, France and England. - -As to the division of the shame amongst them, I care little. Except -that I hope that my own country, and for its good, be made conscious -and be exhibited to the world for its own full share--whatever that may -be. - -May God in His mercy send a speedy end to the grinning Turk and all his -doings. So I said when I could say, and could even sometimes do, so I -say in my political decrepitude and even death. - - Always yours sincerely, - W. E. GLADSTONE. - - -This letter was the sensation of the hour. Here are some of the -English press comments upon it: "An extraordinary letter," "the -sensation of the hour," "startling vehemence," "now famous letter," -{155} "essentially Gladstonian," "silly and wicked balderdash," "ring -of life and strength," "shameful letter," "Tory papers are terribly -shocked," "has startled the civilised world." - -When I returned from Russia to England in 1896, one of the first things -I saw on reaching London was "Plain words to the Assassin," in large -letters on the newspaper posters, staring down upon me from the -hoardings, and I found people still telling each other what a dreadful -fellow the Turk really was! - -Plain words, strong words, fierce words was the diet presented to the -Sultan in varied diplomatic sauces; but the dish was always the same, -and his response was quite as monotonous. To empty words, plain or -flavoured, he replied by massacres, and this seemed likely to go on for -ever. For us this _passe-temps_ was monotony. To the poor Armenian, -alas, it is death! - -I rejoiced to see that the English nation was weary of the -vaticinations of diplomatists, and was urgently demanding not words, -but deeds. It reminded me of 1876, that great year when so many brave -attempts were made to change its traditional policy--attempts which, -unfortunately, met with but partial success. And above all I rejoiced -to hear once more sounding deep and loud, like the great bell of our -grand Kremlin, above the general hubbub, the commanding note of Mr. -Gladstone's voice--that voice through which the heart and conscience of -nations has so often found utterance. - -But although in some respects like 1876, there was this difference, -which, as a Russian, I felt more keenly than any one. In 1876 Russia -led, and {156} though no other Power followed, we fought, we suffered, -we triumphed! In the Armenian question the initiative of chivalrous -action was no longer ours, and bitterly I regretted it. It did not -seem, however, to have passed into any other hands. But that made -things worse. Why was it that Russia was not as in 1876? The answer -was easy. Because of the Treaty of 1878. - -Mr. Gladstone lamented and condemned the policy of Prince Lobanoff. -With the lament I concurred. From the condemnation I dissented. -Prince Lobanoff's policy in Turkey was inevitable. The responsibility -for that departure from our traditional policy rested with England, and -it was for England to say how long it should continue. - -The vividness with which England's Armenian agitation brought 1876 back -to my mind also recalled not less vividly, the hideous disillusionment -of 1878; and I had reason. For through these years of trial and of -triumph I did my utmost to persuade my countrymen that England was Mr. -Gladstone and not Lord Beaconsfield. The generous enthusiasm of St. -James's Hall made me wrongly suppose that it was equivalent to a -resolute reversal of England's traditional policy. But when we had -made our sacrifices and settling day came, we found, alas! to our cost, -that England was Lord Beaconsfield after all, and not Mr. Gladstone. -Imagine the reproaches that were addressed to me! No one can ever -realise the reproaches I addressed to myself. - -We were not likely to make that mistake again. We were no more to be -deluded with words than the {157} Sultan was to be coerced with -adjectives. We looked at facts--hard, disagreeable, ugly though they -were--and adjusted our policy accordingly. - -The first fact was the Sultan. In 1896 England called him "the -Assassin" and the "accursed." Mr. William Watson even went to the -length of referring to him as "Abdul the Damned." But England, alas! -saved him in 1878, and she gloried in the deed. When Lord Salisbury -reported from Berlin the net result of English diplomacy at the -Congress, he boasted that it had "restored, with due security for good -government (!), a very large territory to the Government of the -Sultan," and that the alterations made in our Treaty of San Stéfano -tended "powerfully to secure from external assault the stability and -independence of his Empire." - -It is difficult to repress a bitter smile when recalling the positive -assurances which were given to Europe by Lord Beaconsfield as to the -"angelic" character of Abdul Hamid, who was then England's _protégé_, -England's ally, England's favourite. - -Russia maintained that no Sultan could be trusted to protect Christian -subjects, and Mr. Gladstone concurred. Everywhere there must be a -guarantee. Either the populations must be freed entirely from his rule -or an outside Power must superintend and enforce the execution of -reforms. England met this with a flat refusal. She made it the first -object of her policy to restore the direct uncontrolled authority of -the Sultan over as wide a territory as possible, and Lord Beaconsfield -exulted in the fatal success of that policy for many reasons, but -especially for one, which most of my English {158} friends seem to have -forgotten, but which Russians, being the sufferers, do not forget so -easily. - -Lord Beaconsfield was sure he had done right because the Sultan was -such "a good man." On his return from Berlin, in his speech at the -Mansion House (July 27, 1898) he gave the following testimonial to -Abdul Hamid--the hero of to-day: - -"I look to the individual character of that human being as of vast -importance. He is a man whose every impulse is good. However great -may be the difficulties he has to encounter, however various may be the -influences that may ultimately control him, his impulses are always -good. He is not a tyrant, he is not dissolute. He is not a bigot. He -is not corrupt." - -The comments of the Young Turks on this pronouncement would be -interesting. - -England had her way. Abdul Hamid, "whose every impulse was good," -reigned by virtue of his action in 1878 over regions from which Russia -had driven him out. But that was not all. England deliberately -spoiled, as may be seen by reference to the protocols of the Congress, -every stipulation made to compel the Sultan to keep his word. His -"impulses were so good" it would be cruel to make provision for the -proper execution of his treaty obligations! He must be left unhampered -and uncontrolled. England rejected Russian proposals to impose upon -all contracting parties the mutual duty of controlling the stipulations -of the treaty because the Porte objected to allow within its own limits -the control of other States. That was not to be thought of. The -Sultan must be left free and {159} uncontrolled to obey those "good -impulses" of which Lord Beaconsfield was so well assured. Thus it is -that Europe was paralysed over the Armenian massacres. - -In face of such a situation which had thus been created, and in the -midst of an impotence which was prepared in advance at the Berlin -Congress, Russia was overwhelmed with denunciations because she did not -remain true to the crusading policy of 1876. This hardly seemed to me -to be what in England you call "fair play." - -But that was not all. If we had merely to do with the Berlin Treaty, -we might have endeavoured to make the best use of the worthless weapons -which it contains. Unfortunately, the responsibility of England for -the inaction of Russia was far more direct, far more deadly, than this. - -For Lord Beaconsfield, and the English people applauded him, with the -evil prescience of hatred, foresaw the Armenian massacres, and provided -in advance for the paralysing of Russia's generous initiative. He even -fixed a date when events would compel Russia to face the necessity of -resorting to force to coerce the Sultan, and, as he publicly explained -in the heart of the City of London, he regarded it as the crowning -achievement of his policy to prevent such action on our part by the -solemn public pledge of immediate war by England in that case. - -Lord Beaconsfield said: - -"Suppose the settlement of Europe had been limited to the mere Treaty -of Berlin. What are the probable consequences which would then have -{160} occurred? In ten, fifteen, it might be twenty years [it has been -exactly eighteen!] the power of Russia being revived, her resources -having again resumed their general strength, some quarrel would again -have occurred, Bulgarian or otherwise [Armenian this time], between -Turkey and Russia, and in all probability the armies of Russia would -have assaulted the Ottoman dominions both in Europe and Asia, -enveloping with her armies the city of Constantinople and the powerful -position which it occupies. Well, what would have been the probable -conduct under these circumstances of the Government of this country?" - -This was the vital question for Prince Lobanoff, and the answer to it -has shaped the whole policy of Russia. - -Lord Beaconsfield continued: - -"Whoever might have been the Minister and whatever the party in power, -the position of the Government would have been this. There must have -been hesitation for a time, there must have been a want of decision and -firmness, but no one could doubt that ultimately England would have -said: 'This will never do; we must prevent the conquest of Asia Minor -and must interfere in this matter to assist because of Russia.' No -one, I am sure, in this country who merely considers this question can -for a moment doubt that that must have been the ultimate policy of this -country." - -Therefore, he went on to explain (I summarise the points of a long -speech), in order to remove any possible doubt on the subject, the -voice of England should be clearly, firmly, and decidedly expressed -{161} in advance, and this he claimed he had effected by the conclusion -of the Cyprus Convention. There has to be no more hesitating, doubting -and considering "contingencies." England was, once for all, definitely -committed to defend the Asiatic frontier of the Ottoman Empire against -any advances of the Russian army in any quarrel, "Bulgarian or -otherwise." - -This, he declared, was "the ultimate policy" of England, and he -embodied it for all men to see in the Cyprus Convention. Lord -Salisbury had previously described that convention as an undertaking -given "fully and unreservedly" to prevent any further encroachments by -Russia upon Turkish territory in Asia. - -That was plain speaking. The Convention of Cyprus, therefore, was a -document prepared to prevent our taking any action for the protection -of the Armenians. It meant war--war by England, by sea and land all -round the world, against Russia if she advanced a single company of -armed police into the valleys of Armenia. With this Convention still -in force, who could blame Russia for not joining in operations against -Abdul? - -Of course I was told--even by Mr. Gladstone himself--that the Cyprus -Treaty contained no obligation to protect the Assassin in Armenia -except on condition of reforms, and that the Sultan had been informed -long ago that the covenant fell to the ground by his breach of faith in -not giving the reforms. - -This, I confess, was news to me, and in Russia we knew nothing of any -such abandonment of the Convention by the English Government. - -{162} - -In those years the Russian people did not move, although they -undoubtedly followed with intense interest all the eloquent speeches -delivered in England on behalf of the unhappy Armenians, for Russia -certainly can never be indifferent to the Christian cause in Turkey. -All her policy in the East had that permanent basis. But this time the -lead was taken by Great Britain, who was credited with some definite -plan of her own. Russia's help was never asked in the _only_ way which -could be fruitful, and her Minister of Foreign Affairs, Prince -Lobanoff, unhesitatingly expressed his dissent from the half-measures -which were proposed, and which would only irritate the Sultan and -further injure the cause of the unhappy Armenians--bad enough already. - -Thank God, their losses did not amount to the 250,000 lives stated in -the English Press; but even the tenth part is a terrible, terrible -slaughter. The poor Armenians would never have risen in rebellion had -they not expected from Great Britain the help that the Slavs received -from Russia. I suppose our crime is that we did not do Great Britain's -work. But really this cannot constitute Russia's duty! - -It was at the beginning of 1878, when the long agony of the War of -Emancipation in the Balkans and in Armenia was drawing to a close, that -I published _Is Russia Wrong?_ It was a protest and an appeal against -the fatal superstition that our two countries were natural enemies. -The appeal was for the re-establishment of the Russo-English alliance, -which seemed to me essential for the best interests of both countries. -It was venturesome, {163} perhaps even audacious, to issue such an -appeal when all your arsenals were ringing with preparations for war -with Russia, and when Lord Beaconsfield was even completing his -arrangements for forcing your fleet up to the gates of Constantinople. - -In those days there were few who listened to Russian protests; among -these few, however, were the flower of English intellect. My great -friend, Mr. J. A. Froude, in an eloquent preface, commended my appeal -to the attention of his countrymen. Mr. Carlyle honoured it with his -emphatic assurances of support. In fact, it was he who was the first -in urging me to republish in book form all my letters on the -Anglo-Russian relations. Four years later, when I re-issued the appeal -with other matter in my _Russia and England_, M. Emile de Laveleye -reviewed it in the _Fortnightly_, but so great was the popular -prejudice against Russians, that Mr. Morley would not allow him even to -name the author of the book whose proposals were under review. I shall -never forget De Laveleye's indignation at having been so roughly -treated by the editor. "It is pure despotism," exclaimed he. "People -talk of freedom of opinion, and they will not allow you, at the same -time, to express that which you most strongly hold! It is despotism -and deceit combined. Of all kinds of despotism--the worst," concluded -he. I did not contradict my friend, as he was expressing exactly my -own views. - -Fortunately for me, Mr. Gladstone was not handcuffed in the same way by -the editor of the _Nineteenth Century_. He reviewed the book not only -at length, but warmly supported my humble plea for {164} a cordial and -good understanding between the two great Empires which dominate Asia. -"Every Englishman," said he, with his wonderful outspokenness, "must -read this book." His advice may have been followed by some of his -party, but I certainly ignominiously failed to convince the Jingoes. - -But all this is very long ago and a new era has since opened for Russia -and England. I have written this chapter to show what apparently -insurmountable obstacles have been overcome to allow Russia and England -to join forces in 1914 with the common object of freeing Europe from an -intolerable tyranny. In the meantime, poor Armenia suffers as even she -has not suffered before, and once more Russia is carrying hope to the -hearts of unfortunate Christians ground beneath the Turkish heel. - - - - -{165} - -CHAPTER XII - -THE SOBERING OF RUSSIA - -Russian Dreamers--Fighting a Curse--First Steps--An Interesting -Encounter--A Great Reform--Its Acceptance by the Peasants--The Cabman's -interrogative--He Begs me to Intercede with the Tsar--The Temptation of -Drink--My Peasant Teas--The Drink Habit--Our Courageous Emperor - - -There are some people who accuse me of being a dreamer, and I confess -they are not altogether wrong. For many years I "dreamed" of an -Anglo-Russian understanding; it was the great dream of my life. I -could have wished that it had been realised without the shedding of -rivers of blood and the wasting of tens of thousands of lives; still, I -have been spared to see my dream come true, and I can only hope that -out of this terrible sacrifice good may come. - -Some of my friends were as inveterate dreamers as I, notably Mr. M. -Gringmuth, the editor of _The Moscow Gazette_, who, in 1908, announced -his determination of struggling energetically against drunkenness in -our beloved Russia. "We must convince our Government," he said, "of -the absolute necessity of stopping this evil and of finding better -sources of revenue--sources more worthy of a great country." - -I remember with what thankfulness I read these patriotic words. In -alcohol I saw a greater enemy {166} to Russia than Nihilism and all its -kindred influences. It was the secret enemy eating into our country's -very vitals. Then came the day when, with a stroke of the pen, our -Tsar did the greatest thing that any monarch has ever done for his -subjects--he killed the foe that had been for generations menacing -millions of homes. - -There have been many dreamers in Russia who, like Mr. Gringmuth, have -fought the common enemy. I remember in the year 1899 I was travelling -in Finland. It was a bitterly cold September day, and I was glad when -we reached Terioki (a station an hour's distance from Petrograd) to get -some refreshment. Sitting in a corner of the room I was enjoying my -cup of tea, when suddenly I heard a rough and imperious voice. - -"A glass of gin (vodka). Be quick!" - -"But we have no gin," replied the waiter. "We sell no alcohol here." - -"What is the meaning of this? Well, then, give me some wine." - -Again the waiter answered quietly, "We sell no wine at this station." - -"Dear me! How absurd!" exclaimed the rough voice. "Well, then, give -me some beer at once." - -"Very well, sir, I can offer you beer, but only if you also take some -solid food. Here are beef-steak, chops, patties--choose what you like." - -"All right, all right; give me beer and anything you like besides," -shouted the thirsty traveller. Grumbling and vexed, he swallowed his -steak and drank his beer, looking with disappointed eyes at the -half-bottle that had been placed before him. - -{167} - -I followed the scene from my corner, and was greatly amused. During -that time a gentleman who was studying my face seemed to read the -meaning of my satisfied and joyful look. - -"Madam," he said politely, taking off his hat, "pardon the liberty I -take in addressing you, but I see you are pleased with this little -scene." - -"Pleased," I repeated; "no, I am not pleased, I am delighted." - -"Well," continued he, "let me tell you that our struggle against -drunkenness has not been in vain. And I am happy to meet people who -seem to sympathise with the results of our work." - -"Tell me more about it," I said. "I must know how you manage to -paralyse drunkenness, even at railway stations, where there are so many -sorts of people." - -"Ah, it has gone further than those," proudly replied the unknown. "It -seems that only a strong step in the right direction was needed to set -the whole enterprise at work. The simple but important programme we -have adopted is to induce our people to feel that a drunken -country--like a drunkard--may easily degenerate and go to ruin. We are -determined not to fall in that abyss." - -"But what are the practical measures you recommend and which you apply?" - -"Since this important duty became clear to us," he said, "we started to -work with great energy. We established in every town and every village -temperance meetings, conferences, discussions. We distributed useful -leaflets, simply but clearly expounding our views on the necessity of -our struggle, {168} and I am happy to say we have been all this time -extremely successful. Our schemes have been eagerly accepted, and our -society has immensely increased. In fact, our success has far exceeded -our warmest expectations, both in diminishing the hours for the sale of -alcohol and in reducing the number of public-houses. In many -places--in Viborg, for instance--even beer is not sold. Those who want -to buy alcohol must go elsewhere--that is to say, where our propaganda -has not yet been so well established. No doubt it is only a question -of time; far wider results are certain. - -"Our propaganda," he continued, "at first seemed strange. Now all our -societies compete with each other in zeal and energy. During our last -elections, all our candidates secured the support of the tee-totallers, -and when in Parliament, strengthened by the agitation, they carried -most drastic measures." - -"And yourself," I asked, "what political party do you belong to?" - -"Heaven forbid!" exclaimed he, as if I had put the most grotesque -question. "I am a business man. All my time is absorbed by my -business, and I have never had time for politics. Those who sympathise -with our propaganda are my friends, that's all." - -"What keeps your societies together? What pledges? For how long is -the pledge binding? With us, in Russia proper," continued I, "each new -member takes an oath in church, and likes to feel that there is a -religious element connected with his pledge." - -"We require nothing of the kind," answered he; {169} "the moment a man -recognises the harm of alcohol he clearly sees where his duty lies, -that's all. The conditions concerning the furtherance of our -propaganda differ. In some places there are no alcohol shops at all. -In others there are only a limited number of public-houses. As a rule, -where they reduce that number they also limit the hours of sale." - -"But I understand, according to the charming scene we have just -witnessed," said I, "restrictions are also put on beer, whilst Count -Witte actually recommended to teetotallers beer as a deviation from -alcohol." - -"Can it be possible?" exclaimed the gentleman. "What was his object in -doing so? Every man knows perfectly well that it is only a question of -degree. The substance remains the same. When you start with beer, you -gradually go to the gin. This is known everywhere and, I repeat, by -everybody. Among certain precautions, which are very useful, though -they may seem at first glance trivial, is this. Where the sale of -alcohol is not absolutely abolished, only diminished, gin is never sold -in small bottles, which could be carried in the pocket. Alcohol is -sold only in large bottles, which are too costly for the poor man and -too cumbrous. The latter have to go to some other place or town--which -is neither a cheap nor easy way of getting what one wants. As to -private sale, it is out of the question, as it would be denounced -immediately by some teetotal neighbour, and punished by law." - -"What is the part of the Government in all these reforms?" I asked. - -{170} - -"None," replied he, "none whatever, except that they ought to look for -their revenue elsewhere, and not be afraid of displeasing the -publicans." - -Here I remembered that I had to continue my journey to Petrograd, and, -thanking my obliging informant, hurriedly rushed to my train. - -The terrible evil wrought in Russia by drunkenness has been generally -admitted and discussed ever since I can remember. As is very well -known, half of our convicts committed their crimes under the influence -of this horrible scourge, a fact which is probably equally applicable -to other countries, including England. - -Some of our officials, my son amongst them, I am happy to say, availed -themselves of every opportunity to explain the danger of the drink evil -to the peasantry. - -When the great reform of the Zemski Natchalnik (a local administrator -resembling the English J.P.) was introduced, Alexander Novikoff -delivered an address to the peasants on our estate in the following -words: - -"I came among you to make your acquaintance and to explain to you what -was meant by the new reform inaugurated by His Majesty, and the changes -which that reform introduces into your life. Let me read you the -Imperial manifesto addressed to the Senate." - -(Here followed the reading aloud of the ukase, amidst profound and -attentive silence.) - -"You thus see for yourselves that the object of this reform is the -Emperor's desire to abolish certain previous conditions of your life, -in order to promote {171} your well-being. The harvest of last year -was of medium average. This year is worse; our fields are almost -naked; and people are already threatened with famine. Is it possible -that during several years of good harvest you could not have provided -for one bad year? This and other such negligences on your part have -shown His Majesty 'the necessity of coming to your aid in -establishing'--as it is said in the ukase--'a help which stands more -within your reach.' That help, which is possessed of considerable -power, stands nearer to you in two ways: nearer, locally speaking, and -also nearer by the confidence which a Zemski Natchalnik hopes to arouse -in you. Formerly, every complaint against the rural administration had -to be forwarded to the tribunal in the district town; that tribunal -could thus form its judgment of a case only on the foundation of -written documents, and consequently just rights were sometimes -inadequately protected. Other cases necessitated appeals to still more -distant authority. Henceforth, in all your business affairs, which -your village judges are not allowed to settle, you have simply to -appeal to your Zemski Natchalnik who lives close to you. But besides -the local proximity there is the proximity of confidence, which I hope -to deserve from you. Remember that I am always ready to hear you -whenever you are in need, at any time of the day, either at my own -house or in your village. I beg you to come to me, not only with your -complaints, but also when you require advice or guidance. I shall -always be happy to help you to the best of my power. - -"Let me now tell you what I expect from {172} yourselves. I begin with -your meetings. You must admit that great disorders have taken place at -these gatherings. Were they not often accompanied with drinking? What -a quantity of land and property has been exchanged for brandy! I have -now given strict orders--which I repeat to you now--that the smallest -piece of land is not to be disposed of without the consent of your -village judges and unless sanctioned by me. You must keep well in mind -that a village meeting is not a convivial gathering of friends, but is -an administrative assembly, where you have to perform a serious duty -conferred upon you. Had you always looked upon that duty in its proper -light there would be no question of drunkenness at your meetings, nor -could your village judges ever complain of not having the number of -householders necessary for a legal meeting. - -"I must now point out what is expected from you in your private life. -First comes your duty to God. It is not for me to investigate what -happens with your soul. That is the duty of your spiritual -fathers--your confessors. But remember that I shall severely punish -any disorderly behaviour in church or during any service. How often -have I seen drunkenness at your marriage festivities--people going to -church under the influence of drink. The same happens at Easter and -other holidays. I appeal to your spiritual fathers to help me in -re-educating you; and I shall also be very happy, so far as the law -allows me to do so, to help them, whenever my authority may be needed -for their support. - -"I now mention your duties to your Sovereign. {173} You beg him to -help you in your harvest difficulty. What can you do in return? How -can you repay him? Only in helping us, in the execution of his orders, -in faithfully obeying the laws and their administrators. Until now you -have considered your village chiefs almost as your servants; while -their sacred duty is not to flatter your weaknesses, but to lead you in -the path of right. - -"Now let us refer to your family obligations. It has lately become the -custom for the youngsters to attend the village meetings, with loud and -idle talk; while the heads of the family, who are best entitled to -express their opinions, as they used to do in olden times, shrink from -attending. Addressing ourselves to a village meeting, we say 'elders,' -but there are only youngsters to be seen. You must admit that, though -the old people are less educated than you in reading and writing, they -have nevertheless much more experience and are more attentive to their -duties. - -"As far as your private life is concerned, I must draw your particular -attention to two of your shortcomings, which have not been hitherto -sufficiently pointed out to you. - -"The first is your want of respect to your parents, which I will not -tolerate, because how can any man expect respect from others when he is -himself disrespectful to his own parents? - -"The second fault is drunkenness. How many families are driven to -misery; how many crimes are committed only through alcohol? Neither I -nor your village judges have the right to break into your homes and -prevent you by law from spending your {174} time in drinking. We can -only urge and beg you to give up that habit. But remember well: to -come to a village meeting or to a tribunal in a state of intoxication -is prohibited by law, and for this you may be severely punished. A new -election of village judges has now to take place, and this new -administration is subject to the control of your Zemski Natchalnik. I -have often heard people say: 'He is a happy fellow now. He may drink -as much as he likes, now that he is a judge.' For myself, I -confidently expect that with the new administration there will be -neither drunkenness nor bribery. Your new judges have to give an oath -on the gospel. It is your duty to elect men who realise the importance -of such an oath. The title of a village judge should command a respect -of which every man ought to be proud. I hope that we shall live -together in harmony, and that you will help me in my difficult task. -Now let us thank God for granting us an Emperor so anxious to help us -and to promote our well-being. Let us also pray the Almighty to -enlighten us, and to guide us in our choice in the important duties we -are now about to undertake." - -A Te Deum followed Mr. Novikoff's speech, then the election of the -village judges, and the assemblage of peasants, thus rendered serious -and thoughtful, presented an impressive scene. - -It was satisfactory to see with what intense interest the peasants -followed these words of sober advice. - -Some years ago, I cannot exactly say when and where, I ventured to -describe some of my own personal experiences connected with the same -vital {175} question. I remember so well the details of the facts of -which I then spoke, that I would like to repeat them even now. - -I was driving one evening from the Zarskoe Selo Station in Petrograd to -my hotel, some distance away. Although it was the summer season the -weather reminded one rather of October or November. It was cold, rainy -and windy; under such circumstances one naturally begins dreaming of -personal comfort, a warm room and a cup of hot tea. One becomes -prosaic. It seemed to me as if my drive would never come to an end. - -Suddenly I heard a voice: "Madame," asked my young driver, "are you a -Russian?" - -"Yes," answered I, "thank God, I am a Russian!" - -A few minutes later I heard the same voice say: "Madame, are you a -Greek Orthodox?" - -I naturally repeated again: "Yes, thank God, I am a Greek Orthodox!" - -But my driver seemed to be inquisitive. - -"And do you often see the Tsar?" asked the boy. - -"No, unfortunately very seldom," answered I. - -But I was puzzled to know the cause of all these questions, I even -forgot for a few minutes to dream about my cup of hot tea, and took up -the dialogue myself. - -"But tell me, why do you want to know all these things?" - -"Well, I thought that perhaps I could beg you to intercede on our -behalf, when you see His Majesty. The fact is, I have been brought up -at Mr. Serge {176} Ratchinsky's school as a teetotaller. May God bless -him for the good he has done to us children." - -The lad went on to explain that on growing up he had to help his -parents, who owing to a bad harvest suffered great privations. He left -his village and came to Petrograd to work and earn some money. Of -course he had to buy a nice horse, a good cab and an overcoat--the -authorities are very particular now as to the drivers' appearance in -towns. He had to face all these expenses, and to work very hard, as -may be imagined. In fact he was at it all day. - -"When the evening comes," he continued, "one can really die of -starvation: nowhere is a crust of bread obtainable. All the bakeries, -all the tea-rooms, sausage-shops and canteens of every sort are closed -punctually at 8 p.m. Only the public bars are open all night, but even -there no food can be procured. You must admit that no man can live -entirely without food," wisely concluded my driver. - -Having expressed my acquiescence I became silent, and soon afterwards -reached my hotel. - -But ever since that day my young cabman's unpretentious conversation -has been retained in my memory. Besides, a strange circumstance -resulted from it. Mr. Serge Ratchinsky was one of my best friends. I -had now met one of his pupils, who are all devoted to him and to his -teaching, and are moreover all teetotallers. - -[Illustration: THE CLERGY AND CHOIR OF NOVO-ALEXANDROFKA, 1900, ON THE -DAY OF THE CONSECRATION OF THE CHURCH] - -It is pleasant to see sometimes good work actually bearing good fruit, -and to realise that all our efforts are not in vain. Of course we must -never hesitate {177} to do our duty because sometimes it results only -in disappointment. I also had worked to the best of my ability in the -same direction as Ratchinsky, but more and more did I realise my -impotence in fighting an evil of such magnitude. It became evident to -me that certain measures, in order to be accepted by the whole of -Russia, could only be carried out when proclaimed by the highest Power -in the land. If only the Tsar would come to our rescue! was my -constant thought. Had not the emancipation of forty-eight millions of -Serfs been a good enough example to justify this hope? But still in my -humble way I continued to do whatever I could, at all events for -conscience' sake. - -So when I used to go to our village Novo Alexandrovka, I sometimes -invited peasants to take tea with me. I confess they always accepted -my invitations with pleasure, though they knew that I was an inveterate -teetotaller, and that I hated their favourite vodka. So they took one -mug after another of my tea, and bit their sugar with evident -satisfaction. I took advantage of these informal meetings to explain -to them the horror of taking intoxicating liquors. Once I asked one of -my guests: - -"How many roubles a year do you spend on drink? Tell me frankly." -They all seemed very embarrassed at my question, but one of them -dolefully replied: - -"Well, I believe, not less than fifty roubles a year." - -"Is it not a sin," exclaimed I, "a great sin? We in the Government of -Tambov, as you all know, can buy a good cow for that money, and with -that {178} there would be ready food for all the chicks and brats, and -no need for them to go about begging for food." - -"That may be so," agreed my visitor; and then he became silent and -continued to drink his mug of tea. - -Watching my poor folk, I would sometimes ask them if they cared for -tea, and always received the same reply: - -"Why of course we all like tea, but it is too dear for us. Naturally -our masters may indulge in it, but we are poor people with empty -pockets, while vodka is quite within our reach, and is cheap and -plentiful everywhere." - -"Yes," I said to myself, "Count Witte has not shrunk from tempting the -poor people everywhere in every way. He introduced the diabolical -habit amongst them of buying their alcohol in small bottles at a -conveniently low price. Thus any beggar can buy one of these bottles -and put it in his pocket." This drink question made me feel sometimes -exceedingly wretched. Surely, I said to myself, something might be -done? The evil done by Witte's demoralising measure is well understood -by the Germans. As soon as they occupied the Polish provinces in -Russia, one of their first steps was not only to re-open all the -alcohol shops, but to add greatly to their number. Let us hope that -this evil, like the occupation itself, is only temporary. - -If some benevolent person would make alcohol very expensive and tea -very cheap and therefore accessible, another of my dreams would be -realised. But fairies are scarce. Yet perhaps there exists a means by -which this end may be attainable. - -{179} - -If the duty on imported tea were greatly diminished, as well as the -excise on sugar, a great step towards sobriety would thereby be -assured. People who are indifferent to the moral condition of Russia -assure me that this would cause too heavy a loss of Government revenue. -They may be right, but I should suppose that any temporary loss of -revenue would soon be made up by the increased demand for tea and -sugar, which would undoubtedly be immense, both articles being so -important to our people's comfort. Still less doubt could there be -about the moral advantage. Temperance has, it is agreed, an enormously -beneficial effect. - -Those who want to see this for themselves and to study this question -thoroughly, should go especially to Plotsk in our Polish provinces, and -visit there our Old Catholics called "Mariavites" and their bishops. -It cannot be sufficiently well known that since this noble religious -movement began in the year 1871 (when the Pope's infallibility was -proclaimed), 200,000 people have become Mariavites, thanks to the -efforts and example of their bishops and priests, and that all the -congregation is composed of absolute teetotallers. A leading and -curious characteristic of Bishop Kovalsky's parish is that they are all -absolute teetotallers--materially very poor, but rich in faith and -energy. Each of them joyfully brings to the Church his hard-earned -contribution, with the result that the community is well provided with -churches, schools, workshops, etc. - -Try to understand by this example what voluntary efforts, personal -sacrifices and teetotalism may do. Since these lines were written, God -has taken {180} pity upon us, and on the declaration of War, our noble -and courageous Emperor came to our rescue by ordering the closing of -the vodka bars and the total prohibition of alcohol. From all the -reports, this measure, drastic though it was, has elicited not the -complaints, but rather the blessings of the entire country. A curious -fact is also traceable to this wise legislation in many parts of -Russia: the village banks have never been in better funds than now, -while crime has enormously diminished, and family life flourishes. - -Reforms in Russia, even of the greatest magnitude, are sometimes -carried out with miraculous rapidity. - -As a great many people, even in England, well know, the liberation of -forty-eight millions of Serfs--half of whom suddenly became -freeholders--was actually introduced (19 February, 1862) after two -years working out. - -The abolition of the village Commune (in many respects resembling the -Indian Communal System) has been abolished in still shorter time. It -worked fairly well, I am told, before the emancipation, but ceased to -do so after the great Reform. - -The complete abolition of the Traffic in drink was effected in two -days, all over Russia, by the Emperor's order, and at this very moment, -in spite of the war and our bewildering expenditure in self-defence, -for which Russia never thought of preparing herself, our Minister of -Public Instruction, Count Ignatieff, is elaborating another gigantic -reform--the execution of which will prove that he is a true son of his -celebrated father. The latter, Count Nicolas Ignatieff, our former -Ambassador in {181} Turkey, and later Minister of Interior, was well -known in the world for his grand schemes and ideas. - -At this moment, whilst I am writing this (August, 1916) the intention -is to introduce in the whole of our large country, _general_ compulsory -education, and ten additional universities. And we Russians firmly -believe in the realisation of measures of such gigantic proportions, -when they are urgently needed by our people. - -With us, what may seem almost incredible becomes perfectly real when -guided by one concentrated and intelligent power. - - - - -{182} - -CHAPTER XIII - -MISCELLANEOUS MEMORIES - -My Embarrassment--A Spy--I Am Easily Taken In--A Demand for Fifty -Pounds--A Threat--I Defy the Blackmailer--A Warning--Gladstone's -Refusal to Meet Gambetta--My Husband's Dilemma--Russian Views on -Duelling--Kinglake Challenges an Emperor--My Brother's -Views--Kinglake's Charm--The Value of an Englishman--The Dogger Bank -Incident - - -I once heard an after-dinner speaker refer to his remarks as "long -pauses bridged by a poverty of thought." I find that a volume of -reminiscences is in danger of becoming a sheaf of inconsequences bound -by unpardonable egotism. I seem long since to have exhausted what I -regard as a reasonable number of I's; and then again, there are so many -things that I want to say that bear no reasonable relation to each -other. - -My position is that of the young man at a dinner party who was boiling -over with eagerness to tell a shooting story. He waited impatiently -for the conversation to develop in such a direction as would enable him -to drag it in. Dessert arrived, and still no opening. In sheer -desperation he stamped loudly on the floor beneath the table. "What -was that? Sounded like a gun. Talking of guns, etc.," and he secured -his opening. - -If I appear inconsequent, my readers must remember that young man's -shooting story and forgive me. - -{183} - -For some reason that I have never quite been able to understand, people -seem to think that I am endowed with great wealth. If they only knew -how money hates me. The moment I take it into my hands it runs and -runs away from me with frightened speed. But all this does not prevent -people from convincing themselves not only that I am possessed of great -riches, but that I am so stupid as not to know what to do with them. - -Sometimes this state of affairs is extremely tiresome. I recall one -incident that should be a lesson to others as it has been a lesson to -me. One day a card was brought to me bearing the name - - GRETCHEN ---- - Aus Riga. - - -I asked myself: is that Gretchen going to complain to me of her Faust? -Have I to chastise that captivating _mangeur de Coeurs_? But the fact -that my visitor was from Riga, and thus a compatriot of mine to a great -extent, prevailed upon my doubts, and I received my young lady, who by -the way was not particularly young and not exactly a fashionable lady, -was not only terribly lean, but angular and wretched in appearance. -This killed my hesitation, and I eagerly tried to find out what she -wanted and what I could do, and who recommended her to me. "Nobody," -she said. "I never heard your name, but by mere chance saw it in the -_Court Guide_." She wanted some remunerative work, as remunerative as -possible. I already had a secretary, but engaged my "Gretchen" as an -extra reader. She seemed pleased, and I was in hopes {184} that I -should also be pleased with that new alliance. My new reader was -certainly not stupid, and always wanted to have some messages for my -friends, wanting to know everything about everybody. Always being busy -and short of time I could not satisfy that curious fancy of my -"Gretchen." She said she knew nobody in England, except myself. I -tried to help her, advising her to start a little boarding-house, -especially as I was going to Scotland for a fortnight to stay with Lady -Mary Nisbet-Hamilton. Besides, a new plan suggested itself to me; I -thought that whilst "Gretchen" was looking for her rooms and furniture, -she might live in my rooms at the hotel during my absence. May I now -say that no plan could be more foolish and dangerous than mine turned -out to be. - -Scotland is a wonderfully hospitable and kind part of the world, and -oh! how beautiful, and I was naturally captivated and prolonged my -visit. On returning to my hotel I found "Gretchen" much less angular -and less melancholy. The little cottage was found, the furniture -bought, and she still wanted only a little more help. Upon this we -parted, to my great satisfaction. But something perfectly unexpected -happened to me a few weeks later. "My Gretchen" returned to me and -said that she decidedly wanted more help, not less than £50 (fifty). -At that time, my pocket being empty, I looked at her sternly and said: -"But you are mad, this is out of the question," "No," said she, "you -shall give me this money. In fact I can compel you to do so. Do you -know that I can sell your correspondence to an editor or a publisher? -{185} You forgot to lock your drawers and I have taken a copy of all -letters addressed to you." I confess I was appalled. - -This happened in the years 1878-1880, I don't remember which, when I -was in the midst of a tremendous political agitation. With my answer I -generally returned letters which might be taken as political documents, -still my drafts could serve as a clue to many important discussions, -and then I remembered that I did not return Bishop Strossmeyer's letter -to Mr. Gladstone, as I wanted to discuss it verbally at our first -meeting. - -Yes, I was terribly served for my imprudence. However, trying to look -perfectly calm, I said: "Very well, sell my correspondence, sell your -copies to whom you like, but I cannot give you the money you require, -and I forbid you ever to come to me again. Sell me to whomsoever you -like, be it a statesman or a publisher." - -A few years later a friend of mine was interested to find out what had -become of her and her boarding-house, but there she heard that my -Gretchen had left England and many debts behind her. We then -understood that I simply had been in the hands of a spy. But have I -not been cruelly punished for being young and stupid? Alas! stupidity -is very often a great luxury for which one pays dearly. I was still in -deep mourning, and somehow personal questions affected me very little. - -I hope that this strange experience will be understood by some of my -indulgent readers, and may at the same time serve as a warning -especially to thoughtless, confiding Russians. - -{186} - -I remember dear Kinglake once annoying me by referring to John Bright -as "only" a Quaker. I had for Bright a great admiration, and before I -had finished I think poor dear "Eothen" became convinced of the fact. - -My first meeting with Bright was in the late eighties. I was as -carried away as were my two brothers, Nicolas and Alexander Kiréeff, by -the movement of the Old Catholics and the idea of Universal Peace (even -before The Hague Conference). Great was my joy when one day the visit -was announced to me of the famous John Bright, whose name was not only -known, but also revered in Russia. We naturally began talking on the -mission of "The Friends" to Russia, their reception by the Emperor -Nicolas, and the Crimean War. - -"After all," said I frankly, "in spite of all her sacrifices in the -year '54, England has gained but little; just a monument in Pall Mall -inscribed 'Crimea' to remind the world of a costly struggle." - -Our interview lasted about two hours. He talked away and I remained a -patient listener. I confess I fancied that as I said nothing, the -conversation would be quite to his liking! And I suppose it was, for -meeting a friend of mine shortly afterwards, he remarked: "I saw O.K. -the other day. I was very much struck by her. She is the very picture -of health and strength. She will never grow old." - -Nothing more! Was it not dreadful? Are you smiling? - -Our position in Finland offers sometimes amusing experiences. I -remember my poor husband's trouble at Helsingfors. At that time he was -attached {187} to the Grand Duke Nicolas (father of the present Grand -Duke), who was always very kind to him. In meeting his chief at -Helsingfors he was invited to come to lunch on the same day. At the -appointed time, having put on all his decorations and the appropriate -uniform, he went out into the street and tried to get a cab. He saw -many vacant vehicles one after the other, and made desperate signs to -make them stop, all in vain. Not even the policeman seemed to -understand what the poor General tried to explain. Will you believe -it!--Novikoff entirely missed his appointment because they all -pretended that they could not understand a word of Russian. I confess -my husband's distress amused me, but his helplessness seemed so -incredible that I only saw its funny side at the time--whilst in -reality it certainly possessed also a very serious side. - -It was always pleasing and interesting to me to feel and to know that -my old friend Kinglake and my dear brother Alexander, though they did -not then know each other personally, were linked together by a common -opinion on a subject they both took very deeply to heart: the subject -of duels. Kinglake could never pardon the Duke of Wellington the -abolition of duelling in the British Army. - -Personally, having always felt very strongly against every kind of -violence or bloodshed, I found his point of view very difficult to -understand, and often tried to investigate more profoundly the ethics -of the question. - -"Do you really mean," I said to Kinglake one day, "that it is right and -justifiable for people to {188} attack each other, sometimes for the -flimsiest reasons, as is so often done in Germany, just for the fun of -the thing--while the tragic little game, as often as not, ends in the -death of one of the combatants?" - -"That is so," said Kinglake seriously; "but the possibility of a duel -ennobles the spirit of a country, is an education in manners, and -results in the development of a kind of moral _muscle_." - -The anecdote, by the way, is well known that Kinglake once sent a -challenge, went off to Boulogne where the duel was to take place, -waited there for days in vain, and, his adversary having failed to -appear or to make any sort of response, returned to London in disgust. -The point of this story, however, has never been revealed, and after so -many years I think I can hardly be accused of indiscretion if I tell my -readers the interesting detail that the adversary to whom Kinglake had -sent his unanswered challenge was no less a personage than Louis -Napoleon, afterwards the Emperor Napoleon III! I have this from -Abraham Hayward, a very indiscreet friend of Kinglake's, who never -appreciated the importance of the Oriental saying: "Speech is silver -and silence is gold." For my part, I have often regretted having said -too much, and never deplored having said too little. - -But to return to the serious aspect of the question. My brother, -though he always strongly condemned the frivolity and light-mindedness -with which the practice of duelling is treated in Germany, held the -view that duels were an indispensable necessity where questions of -honour are concerned. - -{189} - -"Can you imagine," he said to me one day in reply to a remonstrance in -this connection, "that I could, for instance, allow some madman to -attack with impunity your good name or that of our mother? How could I -hesitate for a moment to send him a challenge?" - -"But you yourself say '_a madman_,'" I protested. "A madman is not -responsible for his actions." - -"The line between madness and sanity," answered my brother, "is a very -difficult one to determine. The punishment of certain misdeeds is -necessary, not only for the culprit himself, but as a deterrent and -precautionary measure, without which no civilised society can long -exist in safety." - -My brother, indeed, was exceedingly keen on this subject, and really -became quite an authority on the question of duelling. Not long before -his death, when he was already very ill, General Mikoulin, who was -publishing a book in this connection, came and asked my brother to give -him some of his views, which he did at some length. - -"Why can we not publish your thoughts ourselves?" I protested, when -Mikoulin had left the room; "why should you give them to someone else?" - -My brother smiled sadly. - -"Is it not all the same?" he asked. "As long as these views are -propagated, what matter under whose name? Mikoulin is a staff-general, -and I am sure he will do it well." - -Mikoulin, by the way, who published the book entirely according to what -my brother had told him, was killed the other day, after many brilliant -deeds. It seems to me that some of the opinions my {190} brother at -various times expressed on this favourite theme, may be of interest to -English readers. I will quote from some of his letters and articles. - -"The question of duels in military circles," he once wrote, "has been -thoroughly investigated and placed in its true position by the firm, -guiding hand of our late beloved Emperor Alexander III, always so -sensitive in matters of personal honour, and so keen for the -preservation of peace. - -"The matter is by no means an easy one to deal with, the more so as few -people have the courage to discuss it with frankness and sincerity, -preferring rather to 'run with the hare and hunt with the hounds,' in -an indefinite desire to appear both ultra-humane and ultra-chivalrous! - -"Duels have always existed, still exist, and will continue always to -exist, whatever may be said against them and whatever measures may be -taken to do away with them. I will even go so far as to say that they -must exist, as long as the moral status of society does not rise above -its present level, as long as our culture does not grow broader." - -"Is it not strange that no one will deny my right, revolver in hand, to -defend my watch or my money against the assaults of a burglar? Why -then am I to be denied the right to defend my honour in the same -fashion? Besides, in defending my honour, I am defending society--for -indeed it would be unthinkable to live in a world where honour could -find no defender! - -[Illustration: ALEXANDER KIRÉEFF] - -"Does it not seem strange and illogical to admit the defence of one's -minor worldly goods and to forbid that of the most precious of all -treasures? {191} We who believe in duels attack nobody--we only defend -ourselves against attack. Let no one attack us, and we shall be as -silent as deep waters, as unobtrusive as grass. The priceless treasure -of our honour may be, in the opinion of others, an illusion, an -abstract nothing that has no set value on markets and exchanges--but to -us, it is precious. Leave us in peace. We do not ask you to abandon -your utilitarianism, your financial materialism, we do not in fact -interfere with _your_ ideals, cannot you let us abide, unmolested, by -_ours_? - -"It is obvious, of course, that while defending duelling as a system, I -do not for a moment deny the many undesirable factors that cannot be -prevented from occasionally creeping into it. The ideal duel would be -one in which the combatants would take upon themselves the defence not -of personal, but of public and social interests and rights. Such a -high level is, of course, hard to attain, but the element of personal -revenge can nevertheless be considerably diminished. - -"We hear on all sides that duelling is no better than murder, that -duellists are brainless and thoughtless, that none but a fool could, in -our enlightened age, mistake such a mad, meaningless savagery for -chivalry. Poor duels, and poor irresponsible duellists! Were -Pouschkin and Lermontoff, those victims of offended honour, really such -fools? And Bentham, and the great socialist Lassalle himself? No--on -certain conditions, duels are inevitable, and not one of my opponents -in this matter will ever produce or invent anything better to take -their place." - -After quoting these passages from various of my {192} brother's private -letters and articles, I insist upon adding that I have never seen a man -more courteous, polite and universally esteemed than he. Two of our -old generals--General Fock and General Smirnoff--who distinguished -themselves by their courage in the Japanese war, quarrelled and found -no one better able to arbitrate between them than Alexander Kiréeff. -Their confidence in him was unlimited, but he understood that the -question was of vital importance, and that a duel was unavoidable. -Both combatants asked him to be present at the duel, and to see that -the Russian duelling laws were strictly adhered to, which he did. -General Smirnoff was wounded, but both recognised that my brother did -all he could to bring about a reconciliation. If he failed, it only -showed that certain tragic elements in life will take place in spite of -all our efforts to prevent them. - -I may add that my brother, equipped as he was with his chivalrous code -of honour, was also an expert fencer, so distinguished indeed that, at -a public fencing competition at Naples open to the whole of Europe, he -carried off the first prize--a gold sword of honour. But I am glad to -say that never once did he engage in a duel. - -Apart from being in favour of duelling, Kinglake was, although in -himself essentially a man of peace, all for war; it thinned out -populations, just as duelling kept up a better tone in society. I, on -the other hand, the daughter of a man who earned the St. George's Cross -on the battlefield, the sister of two soldiers, and the wife of -another, was always dreaming of peace. - -{193} - -My own idea is that no generation that has suffered a great war ever -wants another. That is left for following generations who cannot -conceive the horrors of what they themselves have not experienced. - -Whenever I was absent from England I always received from Kinglake a -weekly letter. I remember his once complaining that writing to a lady -through the poste restante was like trying to kiss a nun through a -double grating. Sometimes he would imitate the "little language" of -the great satirist Swift, calling himself "poor dear me," and referring -to me as "my dear miss." Thereby hangs a story. - -On one occasion at dinner Hayward told a characteristic anecdote which, -although it seemed to amuse the other ladies present, caused me -considerable embarrassment. Kinglake afterwards said to me: "I thought -you were a hardened married woman; I shall henceforth call you 'miss.'" - -He was a very sweet, lovable man, old in years but a youth in heart. -His letters were full of gaiety and persiflage. - -Once he wrote to me: - -"Hayward can pardon you having an ambassador or two at your _feet_, but -to find the way to your _heart_, obstructed by a crowd of astronomers, -Russ-expansionists, metaphysicians, theologians, translators, -historians, poets--this is more than I can endure." - -He was never tired of rallying me about my callers and friends, -insisting that I was a _grande dame_ to whom all the really great in -the land came to {194} make obeisance. Once when staying at Sidmouth -he wrote: - -"Mrs. Grundy has a small house there, but she does not know me by -sight. If Madame Novikoff were to come, the astonished little town, -dazzled first by her, would find itself invaded by theologians, -bishops, ambassadors of deceased emperors, and an ex-Prime Minister." - -When he gave me his photograph, and I gave him mine, he referred to the -transaction as "an exchange between the personified months of May and -November." - -On one occasion _The Times_ inserted, to Kinglake's great indignation, -a statement that I had been obliged to leave England. Shortly -afterwards Chinery, the editor, happened to seat himself at the same -table with Kinglake at the Athenæum Club. Kinglake immediately rose -and moved to another part of the room. - -"So unlike me," was his comment; "but somehow a savagery as of youth -came over me in my ancient days; it was like being twenty years old -again." - -Later, however, he discovered that Froude had been indirectly -responsible for the paragraph, and Kinglake immediately found means of -conveying to Chinery his regrets. - -Poor dear "Eothen's" mind was powerful and bright to his last day. I -called on him frequently during his last days, and it was not until the -end, which came on January 2nd, 1891, that I realised the extent of my -loss. - -For one thing there is, in the Englishman's eyes, {195} nothing more -sacred on earth than the person and property of an Englishman. It -would be well if some of our Russian officials would follow the example -of their English friends. It is a praiseworthy and unquestioned fact -that all Englishmen at home and abroad are penetrated by a personal -sense of their duty towards each other. Everything English must be -defended and encouraged, every Englishman must be helped and protected. -Such patriotic _esprit de corps_ and solidarity makes one sometimes -feel quite envious, and indeed I have often noticed the very natural -smile of incredulous surprise with which English people regard the -so-frequently-met-with indifference shown by certain Russian officials -towards Russian affairs. - -An amusing example comes to my mind in connection with Lord Napier of -Ettrick, a former British Ambassador at Petrograd, and a great friend -of mine. Lord Napier called on me one day, and greeted me with a -humorous glance. "I have just been to see your Governor-General," he -said, smiling. "What funny people there are in the world! I went on -business about some Englishman who came to me a few days ago with a -complaint against a Russian. I was too busy to occupy myself with the -matter, so thought I would hand it over to the local authorities. The -Governor-General, however, didn't give me time to say much--before I -had explained anything, he interrupted me with the warmest assurances -that I need have no fears whatever,--that the Russians would be -punished, and the Englishman given full satisfaction for whatever -offence he may have suffered." - -{196} - -"I considered it my duty," continued Lord Napier, "to make it quite -clear to the Governor-General that I knew nothing about the rights of -the matter and that it was necessary to look into the facts. After -all, the Englishman might be in the wrong, or the whole thing might be -an invention! But really, I had the greatest difficulty in persuading -our friend to consider such a possibility! Is not my impartiality -praiseworthy? Are you not pleased?" and Lord Napier smiled -questioningly. We both laughed, and I thought it best to treat the -incident as a good joke--but actually, I confess that its humour by no -means appealed to me! - -Let me draw a parallel: A few years ago a woman of doubtful nationality -was arrested by the Russian authorities in Warsaw. She immediately -wailed out that she was of British extraction, and made a theatrical -appeal "to the English nation," through the medium of some English -newspaper correspondent. - -Without making the smallest attempt at investigating the circumstances, -the whole of Great Britain was up in arms and astir with anger and -indignation. Excited meetings and demonstrations followed through the -length and breadth of the land, while the newspapers filled their -columns with foolish unfounded libels on Russia. The whole agitation -only ended with the official report of the British Consul in Warsaw, -announcing the Emperor's pardon, by which the originator of all this -agitation was allowed to return to her country. - -It is indeed a happy fact that no Englishman or Englishwoman need ever -fear to travel in any {197} country where there exists a British -Embassy or Consulate. Every British subject knows that wherever he may -be, there is someone who can, in case of need, protect and defend him, -and that once he has announced his nationality he has nothing more to -fear. - -All this only makes one repeat the wish that our Russian officials -might somehow be induced to show more interest in their -fellow-countrymen, and, in their international relations, to follow -closely and fearlessly the admirable example of our great ally England. - -It appeared to us Russians that England was always on the look out for -something to magnify into an international incident. As I write, I am -reminded of another incident where the sacredness of the person of -British subjects was demonstrated. This was the Dogger Bank affair. -Although the circumstances are well known, I will recapitulate them. - -Russia was at war with Japan, and her Baltic Fleet was on the way to -the Far East. On the night of October 21st-22nd, 1904, fifty British -trawlers, manned by some five hundred men, were engaged in fishing on -the Dogger Bank. The first division of the Baltic Fleet passed them, -the second division turned their searchlights upon the fishing boats. -The officers in charge imagined that they saw torpedo boats -approaching. They immediately opened fire on the trawlers with -quick-firing guns, and in the course of twenty minutes had fired some -three hundred shots. Their gunnery was not very good, however, as -fortunately only six of the boats were hit, one being sunk. Two -fishermen were {198} killed, and four wounded. The Russian fleet then -steamed away to the south. - -Unfortunately the officers of this scratch fleet seemed to have been -suffering from nerves, but that did not, I think, justify the outcry -raised in this country. - -I wrote to the Press, drawing attention to a similar mistake that had -occurred in 1890, in which the position had been reversed. It was on -the occasion of the joint international forces that were being sent -from Tientsin to Peking at the time of the Boxer Revolt. About -midnight on June 4 a body of Russian sailors were returning on foot -from their work. Some English sailors, believing them to be Boxers, -opened fire from the railway carriages. Before the mistake had been -discovered two Russians had been killed and several others wounded. -Vice-Admiral Seymour, who was in command of the British forces, -hastened to send an official letter of regret, which was immediately -accepted, and there the matter ended. There was no outcry in the -Russian Press--we understood and accepted the Englishman's word. - - - - -{199} - -CHAPTER XIV - -THE PHANTOM OF NIHILISM - -England's Sympathy with the Nihilists--Cabinet Ministers' -Indiscretion--Mr. Gladstone's Incredulity--I Prove My Words--Mr. -Gladstone's Action--A Strange Confusion--A Reformed Nihilist--His -Significant Admission--The Nihilist's Regret--The Death of -Revolutionary Russia--The Greatness of the Future--The Reckless, -Impulsive Russian--The Russian Refugees at Buenos Ayres--They Crave for -a Priest - - -Once upon a time the newspapers in Great Britain devoted quite a -considerable space to Nihilism, almost invariably writing of it with -considerable sympathy and very little insight. If the editors, in -whose papers many "illuminating" articles appeared, were to imagine -those self-same articles written to-day in Russian newspapers with the -single alteration of the word "Nihilism" into "Sinn Feinism," they -would understand something of the feelings their articles aroused in -the hearts of Russians. - -As an illustration of the fascination that the internal affairs of -Russia seemed to possess for Englishmen, I may tell a little story -which at the time caused me and other Russians no little annoyance. -There was a paper that used to reach me more or less regularly entitled -_Free Russia_. It was the organ of the English Society of Russian -Freedom, and its amiable object was "to destroy the Russian {200} -Government." In other words, it was Nihilistic. I believe the -publication started in the autumn of 1893. As soon as I discovered its -purpose I used to drop it into the waste-paper basket without a second -thought. One day, however, I happened to glance at the title page, on -which I found were printed the names of the General Committee of the -Friends of Russian Freedom, and to my astonishment I found there the -names of the Rt. Hon. Arthur Ackland, M.P., and the Rt. Hon. G. J. -Shaw-Lefevre, M.P. (who became Lord Eversley), and Mr. Thomas Burt, -M.P. The two first-named were members of Mr. Gladstone's Ministry. - -[Illustration: CHURCH BUILT BY ALEXANDER NOVIKOFF ON HIS FATHER'S GRAVE -AT NOVO-ALEXANDROFKA] - -By a curious chance, on the day of my discovery Lady Spencer was -holding a reception, and there I saw Mr. Gladstone. I am afraid rather -impetuously I burst into reproaches at the conduct of two of his -ministers. He was incredulous, and asked me to send him proofs. I -promised that I would, but alas! I found the waste-paper basket had -been cleared, and the paper destroyed. This was the next morning. -What was I to do? It was a miserable, foggy day. I hate London fogs, -but I was determined to convince Mr. Gladstone. I therefore went into -the City, and anyone who goes into the City on a foggy day must be -either a lunatic or a patriot, I told myself. The only redeeming -feature of that uncomfortable morning was that I proved conclusively -that the circulation of _Free Russia_ must be a very small one. I had -two hours' hard work before at last I ran a copy to earth. Returning -home I wrote to Mr. Gladstone in great triumph, and the result was that -I received a letter from him which showed his uncompromising -disapproval. He wrote: - -{201} - -"It appears to me that a minister in our country has no title to belong -to a Political Society in another. Let him look to his own -affairs--here, at any rate, these give us enough, and more than enough, -to do." - -Mr. Gladstone went on to say that his colleagues, Mr. Lefevre and Mr. -Ackland, were of his opinion, and that he did not propose to worry -about Mr. Burt unless I wished it, as he was not a minister. - -I fancy there must have been a disapproving look in Mr. Gladstone's -eye, and a stern note in his voice when he interviewed his ministers. - -Oh dear, if English people had only refrained from directing that vast -fund of sympathy which they undoubtedly possess towards Nihilists and -men whose sole object is destruction and what the Germans call -'frightfulness'! I once said, and I believe it to be true, that as a -rule the only thing known in England about Russians is that they take -lemon with their tea. - -There were some, even, who went to the length of asserting, always -taking good care to add that their information came from unimpeachable -sources, that "Panslavism and Nihilism went hand in hand." Imagine the -astonishment of the British Imperialists if they were told on the best -authority that "Imperialism and Sinn Feinism went hand in hand!" - -What a calumny! What are the tenets of Panslavism? Religion, -autocracy, and nationality. These three motives, according to us, are -not only united but indissoluble. They form the very essence of our -creed, of our life. In fact we are the opposite pole to the Nihilists, -who hate every idea of God, {202} who detest autocracy and despise -nationality! The hostility between these two lies in their nature. -There can be no compromise between them. The Russian people abhor the -Nihilists, who are perfectly aware of that feeling. - -I am told that some years ago a judge offered a Nihilist the -alternative of being left to Lynch Law, upon which the prisoner fell on -his knees and implored to be punished by the existing Russian laws. -All the Russians who deserve that name, who are devoted to their Church -and their country, are particularly devoted to the present Emperor. -They trust, they love him; they appreciate his noble and generous -qualities, his extreme kindness, and his self-sacrifice. Anything done -to injure him injures the whole of Russia. It needs, in truth, no -effort on the part of the Panslavists to be devoted to Nicholas II. I -have seen it stated that the peasants, disappointed with not receiving -a new distribution of land at the last coronation, form a fertile -ground for Nihilism. This is not the case. The Nihilists have long -ago given up the hope of spreading their diabolical doctrines among the -rural classes. If they got hold of a few peasants--thank God! very few -indeed--those "Converts" of theirs have abandoned their plough and have -been perverted in some public school only by a semblance of science. -It is a fatal tendency, which is to be deplored and deprecated in all -the public establishments in Russia as well as in foreign countries, -that very young people, even children, are allowed to discuss and -twaddle on politics, instead of studying their grammars and their -geography! With that tendency {203} mistakes and false doctrines are -unavoidable; any mischievous teacher may easily take hold of them and -turn them into flexible tools. - -People are misinformed about the hardships of compulsory military -service, which gives every year, even in time of peace, a contingent of -about 830,000, which is much below the number required by the Army. - -Russia has never shown herself anxious to fight. In fact she has had -fewer wars than her neighbours. From the Crimean War in 1855 till the -year 1877 she fought only one serious war with a European Power. In -the course of this time France had two--in 1859 with Austria, in 1870 -with Germany; Prussia two--in 1866 with Austria, in 1870 with France; -Austria two--in 1859 with France, in 1866 with Germany. So there is no -actual ground for pitying the Russian soldiers more than any other. Of -course, every soldier risks being killed. That is not, however, the -speciality of my countrymen alone. All the great European countries, -even Great Britain herself has been forced to sacrifice her ideals -victim to emergency. - -People often talk of the difficulty of an autocratic Government in -crushing revolutions. Is this really so? Are the years of '48 and '49 -meaningless or forgotten? Surely not in France, not in Germany, not in -Austria, or Italy! The form of government has nothing to do with plots -and assassinations. The prototype of a constitutional monarch was -undoubtedly Louis Philippe, who during his eighteen years' reign had to -face eighteen attempts directed against his life. The Emperor Louis -Napoleon had {204} about ten; and the President of the United States, -even his life is not unassailable. The assassination of Lincoln and -McKinley are full of meaning. - -There is an old English saying, "Set a thief to catch a thief." I -would say, "Learn from an ex-Nihilist what Nihilism really means." In -1888 Mr. Leon Tikhomirov, an able author and accomplished scholar, who -had been led into Nihilism, in a pamphlet entitled _Why I have Ceased -to be a Revolutionist_, publicly recanted his former faith. This act -on the part of one of its most prominent and active members spread -something like dismay in the Nihilist camp. "A great misfortune has -befallen us, brethren, a very great one," was the beginning of an open -letter addressed by a contemporary Nihilist to his political -co-religionists. "Yes, a great misfortune," he exclaims again, with -Russian frankness at the conclusion of his epistle. From the -Nihilistic point of view the event referred to was undoubtedly a very -great loss, a most serious "misfortune." - -I did not then know Mr. Tikhomirov personally, but he has since become -a great friend of mine. Alter leaving the Kertch Gymnasium with the -gold medal, he entered a Russian university, where he took a foolish -part in one of the students' riots, and in the propaganda. Four years' -prison life was the result of those follies. - -The pamphlet which contains his confession is notable for its tone of -extreme honesty and sincerity. In all Christian charity we are bound -to sympathise with him who repents. "Do not strike a man on the -ground" is a good proverb which should have a {205} practical -application. In Mr. Tikhomirov the Nihilist party had a talented, -cultivated and probably sincere member, who sacrificed his material -interests and prospects in life in order to be true to his convictions. - -At that time his idea, unfortunately, was that the only possible -evolution for Russia was--Revolution. In that direction he worked and -wrote for several years. The first edition of _La Russie Politique et -Sociale_ belongs to that lamentable period of his career. But the -success which attended that mistaken book has not prevented its author -from retracing his steps in an opposite and more worthy direction, with -the result shown in his pamphlet _Why I have Ceased to be a -Revolutionist_. The unreserved sincerity of this publication is -remarkable. To speak out one's mind needs much moral courage, -especially when one knows that all who sympathise are far away, and -that one is surrounded by people who are only too ready to impute the -meanest and most despicable motives. Mr. Leon Tikhomirov, however, -faced that risk. - -The sketch of his moral convalescence is worth study. Whilst pondering -over his psychological diagnosis, one involuntarily recalls -Shakespeare's-- - - Yes, indeed, none are so surely caught, when they are caught, - As wit turned fool! - - -But, fortunately, the wit is now restored. In order to render Mr. -Tikhomirov full justice, it would be necessary to translate every line -of his pamphlet; short of that, where I cannot give the words in full, -I shall endeavour to carry the spirit. - -{206} - -"I look upon my past with disgust," says he, and this is not surprising -when the details of that past are examined. He is not influenced by -any expectation of the future. Having left the revolutionary party his -only object now is to promote, by legitimate means, the cause of true -progress; the conviction that he has been right in abandoning his -former faith is only strengthened by the reproaches now heaped upon him -by his former associates.... "When I was twenty," says he, "I used to -write revolutionary programmes. If twenty years later I were unable to -write something better, I should really have a very poor opinion of -myself." - -Still, that transition, from folly to wisdom, was not accomplished -without struggle and hesitation. Mr. Tikhomirov frankly admits how -hard it was for him to acknowledge that he was utterly wrong; that, in -clinging to his theories, he held a dead body which could not be -revived! He hesitated to bury it, in spite of its obvious lifelessness. - -"About the year 1880," Mr. Tikhomirov continues, "I, and not I alone, -began to feel that our party was becoming torpid, was daily losing more -and more of its vital force, which had at first seemed so great. The -following year I began wondering how it was that Russia was healthy and -full of life, while the revolutionary movement, that very movement -which, according to our ideas, was the very manifestation of national -growth, was withering and decaying. This obvious contradiction reduced -me to a morbid despair. I went abroad with the sole object of -publishing my recollections of the events through which I had lived. -Since then, all the {207} remains of the old organisations have -perished, all, all have tumbled down! Reality has given me startling -lessons. One consoling hope, however, remains. I deemed it possible -to rebuild our party, while remaining within it. Oh, what a -self-delusion that was! In reality it was I who enslaved myself, who -was prevented from thinking, from meditating, as I ought to have done! -Still the strokes fell too heavily; their weight became intolerable. I -felt we were on a wrong track, and urged Lopatine and the other members -of our party to search for some new paths. On finding that they would -not, or could not, follow my advice, in 1884 I wrote to say that I had -ceased to belong to their party, and withdrew their right to use my -name. Thus ended my co-operation with all their circles and -organisations." - -There is in Mr. Tikhomirov's narrative a sincerity and truthfulness -which appeal to our best nature. He is not melodramatic, he does not -strain after theatrical effects, but he compels his reader to feel for -him, almost to share his sorrow. But let us listen again to his own -voice. - -"Meditating upon recent events, I wrote in my diary of March, -'86--'Yes, I am definitely convinced now that revolutionary -Russia--taken as a serious intelligent party--does not exist. -Revolutionists still exist, and may make some noise. But it is not a -storm, only ripples on the surface of a sea. Since last year one fact -seems to me perfectly obvious. All our hopes have to depend henceforth -on Russia, on the Russian people. As to our revolutionists, hardly -anything may be expected of them. I came to the conclusion that it was -absolutely necessary to {208} arrange my life so as to serve Russia -according to my own instinct, independently of any party. The Nihilist -party, I now see too well, can only injure Russia. My common sense and -my will might remain dormant, but once they awoke I had to obey them. -If my former friends could leave their graves and come to life again, I -would spare no effort to induce them to follow me, and then with them, -or quite alone, I would take the path which I now feel to be the true -one." - -Mr. Tikhomirov has much sinned, but he has also loved much. Even in -his revolutionary epoch, Russia was still precious to him, and he was -always ready to die for her unity. In that respect, to his credit be -it said, he was not a model Nihilist, whose creed it is to despise such -"obsolete notions" as patriotism. How much freedom of thought was -tolerated in those circles can be seen from the following incident. In -an article intended by Mr. Tikhomirov for the Revolutionary Journal, -_The Popular Will_, among many truisms he wrote: "Russia is in a normal -state, while the revolutionary party is collapsing--a fact which can -only be explained by some mistakes in the programme of our party." And -again: "If terrorism is recommended to a country, the vitality of that -country must be very doubtful." At these sentiments, Mr. Tikhomirov's -comrades--the other editors of the paper were thunderstruck, and -peremptorily declined to admit them into their columns. - -This schism was the dawn of Mr. Tikhomirov's salvation. His better -self rapidly developed. He soon recognised that the less a country at -large is {209} desirous of revolution, the more compelled are -revolutionists to resort to terrorism. Thus the weaker the cause, the -stronger the necessity for terrorism, which obviously was a criminal -paradox. Further on, Mr. Tikhomirov says: "I have not given up my -ideas of social justice, but they take a clearer, a more harmonious -shape; riots, revolts, destruction, are all the morbid results of the -social crisis which now traverses Europe. These things are not easily -introduced into Russia. That disease has not yet reached her; nor can -revolutionary movements, however temporarily pernicious, divert Russia -from the path of her historical development. - -"Political murders (says he) produced a certain commotion in the -Russian Government so long as it believed that it had to deal with a -strong threatening power. The moment it was realised how wretchedly -small was that handful of men who resorted to murder merely because of -their weakness and inability to undertake something on a larger -scale--since that moment the Russian Government shows no signs of any -kind of anxiety. It determined upon a strong system, which it -unflinchingly carries out. Of course the life of the Emperor and of -his different officials is spoilt by the perpetual expectation of -danger, but in spite of this the Government will certainly never make -any concessions to the Terrorist. A legal Government recognised by the -whole country naturally objects to subordinate itself to whims.... - -"The Russian Emperor has not usurped his power. That power was -solemnly conferred upon his ancestors by an overwhelming majority of -the Russian people, who have never since shown the {210} remotest -desire to withdraw that power from the Romanoff dynasty. The law of -the country recognises her Emperor as one above any kind of -responsibility, and the Church of the country invests him with the -title of her temporal head. - -"Ten years of hard struggle have proved beyond possible doubt that all -the revolutionists may well perish, one after the other; but Russia was -dead against supporting them. The life of a Terrorist is a terrible -one; it is that of a hunted wolf in momentary expectation of death. He -suffers perpetual alarm from detectives, has to use false passports, to -live in hiding, to resort to dynamite, to meditate murder.... Such a -life necessitates the abandonment of all matters of most vital -interest. All ties of affection under such circumstances are torture. -Study is out of the question. Everybody, except the few ringleaders, -has to be deceived. An enemy is suspected on all sides. No, the best -among us, had they lived long enough to see the results obtained, would -not have failed to give up such a struggle. We committed a terrible -crime in demoralising Russian youth. One of our revolutionary -chiefs--himself already doomed--to whom I expressed my present views as -frankly as I am now doing, urged me to save our younger generation, and -to exhort them to give up premature meddling with politics, and instead -to prepare themselves for a useful life by hard study." - -What good advice! "Think, observe, learn; do not trust words and -shallow theories. That is what I now say to the inexperienced youth," -says Mr. Tikhomirov. "I am utterly indignant," he {211} continues, -"when I hear remarks of the following kind: 'Let them make riots. Of -course it is foolish, but what does it matter? There is not much -weight in all these fellows, and a riot is still a protest.' For my -part, I now look upon these things quite differently." - -After explaining at some length the stern duties of the rising -generation, after earnestly entreating them to form their character and -their principles, to study hard, to avoid the influence of political -charlatans who simply exploit their ignorance, Mr. Tikhomirov goes on -to say that "Russia has a great past, but a still greater future." He -is, however, not blind to our shortcomings, of which a very serious one -among our youths is their want of prudent resistance to mischievous -influences. Their want of thought makes them accept every new -political aphorism, however absurd. - -"As soon as the universities are quiet for eight or nine months," he -continues, "pressure is put upon the young students to make some absurd -demonstration, some riots, something, and they listen to such -instigations. Our censors are not infallible; but censorship is an -institution whose importance is exaggerated. The principal mistake -lies in ourselves. We Russians have an unlimited confidence in every -new theory, in every hypothesis, no matter how superficial, how -foolish. The so-called 'Intelligenzia' are far inferior in common -sense and practical questions to the simple Russian peasant, who -possesses few notions, few facts, but whose mental faculties and sound -judgment have not been spoilt. The fantastic element, deplorably {212} -developed in our middle classes, reaches its zenith amongst our -revolutionists. What young revolutionists repeat now I, alas! used to -think several years ago. Russia would immensely gain if her young -people, instead of meddling with politics, resolved to spend some five -or six years on a regular course of lectures and in studying their own -country, her present position, and her history. Hundreds of Russian -undergraduates perish merely thanks to evil influences from without." - -This, unfortunately, is only too true. Such instigators have neither -pity nor judgment. Any kind of riot equally serves their purpose, -provided it makes mischief and commits foolish reckless boys. Mr. -Tikhomirov, describing the difference between the students of 1840 and -1860, shows how superior were those of the former year. Their -aspirations were much higher. He relates an anecdote which is -charmingly characteristic: "Some undergraduates of the old school were -engaged in an animated discussion one day when dinner was announced. -'How can you disturb us?' reproachfully exclaimed one of the orators, -who afterwards became a celebrated Russian writer. 'We are just -settling the existence (das Sein) of God, and you summon us to ... -dinner.'" - -What Mr. Tikhomirov says about the duties of a citizen may be endorsed -by every wise patriot. "From the question of culture I now pass to -that of autocracy. Whatever constitutes a man's general views, the -moment he proclaims himself as opposed to the Tsar he belongs to the -welcome set, he is 'one of ours.'" - -{213} - -This reminds one of the Irishman who, on landing in America, declared: -"I do not know what is the form of government here, but I am against -it." - -Let Mr. Tikhomirov, however, continue his own story: - -"If you point out the unreasonableness of this view, if you convict him -of extreme ignorance, you are met with the protest, how can a man be -cultivated as long as there exists in Russia an Autocrat! -Unfortunately, such views may be sincere. To my great regret, at one -time I used to share them myself. But now what pain they give me! In -the first place, no form of government is able to prevent intellectual -culture when the people are sincerely anxious to acquire it. Besides, -let us refer to history. Were not Peter the Great and the Great -Catherine Autocrats? Was it not in the Emperor Nicholas's time that -the present social ideas originated? Is there any republic in the -world which has carried out such great reforms as those of Alexander -II? I regard autocracy in Russia as the result of our history, which -cannot and ought not to be abolished so long as tens of millions desire -nothing else. I deem unjust, unwise and useless the presumption to -interfere with the wishes of a great nation. Every Russian desiring to -carry out reforms should do so under the shelter of the autocratic -power. Has autocracy prevented Poushkin, Gogol, Tolstoy, etc. etc., -from developing the greatest possible progress in literature? - -"For argument's sake, suppose that some Russian Emperor consented to -impose limits upon his powers. Such concession would be only apparent, -not real. {214} At the slightest hint an enormous majority of the -people would disperse the handful of men who ventured to restrict the -unlimited power of their Tsar. What every country needs above all is a -strong and stable Government, which firmly carries out its programme. -Russia needs this even more than any other country. The parliamentary -system, although it has some good sides, has proved itself most -unsatisfactory--a fact which our critics of autocracy should keep -firmly in mind. Unfortunately, our young generation behave in a way to -drive a rational statesman mad. One day they take part in a Polish -insurrection: another day they try to organise a reign of terror. Like -true fanatics, they display a passionate energy, a remarkable -self-sacrifice. It is simply deplorable!" - -Mr. Tikhomirov insists over and over again upon the necessity for sound -learning and right thinking. In a footnote he still further develops -this idea. Insisting upon the evils of half-culture: "I do not mean," -he explains, "the small amount of information--a peasant is still less -informed--but it is the manner of foolishly adopting anything said by -others--on faith, without reflection--which is so fatal. It is the -want of mental discipline which I lament." - -Mr. Tikhomirov's sketch is of great psychological interest. It throws -a true light on Russian nature. Russians, unfortunately, are too -impulsive, not to be often misled--which, of course, is deplorable. -With all this there lies in their heart of hearts a deep affection for -their country, their Church, their traditions, their customs, their -language--in fact, {215} everything Russian. To them "_ubi bene, ibi -patria_," is a faulty phrase; there is no place where they can be happy -when they are banished, when they are anathematised by their native -land. Certain feelings are stronger than arguments. - -I may be perhaps allowed to quote a case in point. Some years ago a -colony of Russian refugees whose life, for some political reason or -other, became uncomfortable in Russia, emigrated to Buenos Ayres. They -deemed it would be quite easy to acclimatise themselves anywhere. -Little by little, however, they discovered, with acute pain, that their -soul craved for their former faith. At last they appealed to the -representative of the Russian Government, begging him to secure for -them a Russian Greek Orthodox priest, offering to build a church and to -provide all the necessary means for supporting the clergy. The Russian -Government did not hesitate to acquiesce. The Reverend Father Ivanoff, -a brilliant theological student, sympathising also with the request, -hurried across the seas to undertake this novel duty. - -Yes! It is easy sometimes to be an absentee, but it must be -intolerable to feel oneself a renegade! From this reproach Mr. -Tikhomirov is now rescued. "There is more joy over one sinner that -repenteth than over ninety and nine just men who need no repentance." -The Russian authorities, however, were not at once convinced of the -genuineness of Mr. Tikhomirov's recantation. But when all the official -documents supported his statements, he was allowed to return to Russia -at once. - - - - -{216} - -CHAPTER XV - -RUSSIAN PRISONS AND PRISONERS - -Our Convict System--Misunderstood in England--Siberia, an Emigration -Field--A Lax Discipline--Capt. Wiggins' Opinion--A Land of Stoicism--My -Experiences as a Prison Visitor--Divine Literature--Helen Voronoff's -Work--A Russian Heroine--Her Descriptions of Prison Life - - -To the Englishman the word "Siberia" seems to possess a significance so -sinister as to make death appear almost a luxury; but imprisonment and -the conditions under which the prisoners live are entirely comparative. -To condemn a gourmet to live on roast beef and cabbage would be a -punishment much greater than to sentence a farm labourer to live on -porridge and black bread. - -In England our "atrocious convict system" has been a subject for much -comment. I think very few people in England have any conception of -what Siberia really is. - -Some, I have no doubt, who speak most freely about it, would be in some -difficulty if they were asked to describe where it is. As a matter of -fact it is the northern half of the Continent of Asia, greater in area -than the whole of Europe. The north is almost uninhabitable, but we do -not send our criminals to the north, but to the fertile south. {217} -It is mostly in the fertile south that our present colonies exist. We -used to send to the quicksilver mines only the worst criminals and -murderers, with whom I do not think even English people would have much -sympathy. - -After all, would a man prefer to work in a quicksilver mine or to be -hanged? Another very important point is that transportation to Siberia -does not necessarily involve imprisonment. In some cases the convicts -are turned loose to look after themselves, and are allowed to go -whither they will, provided they do not attempt to return to European -Russia. Moreover, the families of the convicts used also to be -transported at the expense of the Government--which was, of course, a -great consolation to them. But now the whole system of transportation -to Siberia has been abolished. - -We wish to do with them just what England strove to do with her -criminals in the first half of last century--get rid of them. They are -undesirable citizens, and as all good government is the greatest good -to the greatest number, the best thing that can happen is to get the -criminal population away from the non-criminal, so that one does not -contaminate the other. - -In the old days the English convict was compelled to work under the -penalty of "the cat" or the gallows. On the other hand, the Russian -convict is sent into Siberia, and there he can do what he chooses, -short of actual crime. As a matter of fact, in Russia there is a -strong feeling in certain quarters that our convicts have too much -liberty. - -Let me bring the matter nearer home. Suppose {218} instead of being -sent to Portland and shut up in a grim and gloomy building, English -prisoners were sent to the extreme north of Scotland and given their -liberty, and told they must not come further south than a certain -point, is there any question as to which of the two they would choose? - -If English people could be persuaded to regard Siberia as a huge field -for emigration, they would understand things much better, and in -sending our convicts there we serve a double purpose--that is to say, -we get rid of them, and we are colonising the country that an -Englishman has described as "offering unique advantages to a young man -with a small capital." - -The proportion of prisoners sent to Siberia per annum is about one in -every five thousand of the population, not a very high average I think. -In England and Wales, I believe, the average is vastly higher. - -To give some idea of the lack of constraint on the liberty of the -convict, I will give some particulars of escapes. - -On one occasion, when a census was taken of the convicts in Tobolsk, -out of some fifty thousand exiles only about thirty-four thousand could -be found. - -At Tomsk, five thousand were missing out of thirty thousand. - -There is one very serious drawback to our system, that is our method of -pitchforking convicts into Siberia without arranging for their -occupation, and the result is that a large number of them refuse to -take to honest labour, and become good-for-nothings. {219} Siberia is -not a holiday resort. No one could possibly regard it as challenging -the Riviera, for instance; its primary object is to rid European Russia -of her criminal population, and in this it succeeds. - -The redoubtable Captain Wiggins has described the convicts in Siberia -as "a happy, rollicking, joyous community--well clad, well fed, and -well cared for." - -I do not propose to comment on this, but shall leave the matter between -the British Public and the shade of Captain Wiggins. Some may be -inclined to recall a passage from Sir Thomas Browne which runs (I quote -from memory), "There be those who would credit the relations of -mariners." - -In the past there has been a tendency in England to look for -archangelic qualities in her neighbours, and she has been a little hurt -at not finding them. Once when writing to me in 1876, Mr. Gladstone -said: - -"The history of nations is a melancholy chapter, that is, the history -of their Governments. I am sorrowfully of opinion that, though virtue -of splendid quality dwells in high regions with individuals, it is -chiefly to be found on a large scale with the masses; and the history -of nations is one of the most immoral parts of human history." - -I have heard it stated of Mr. Gladstone that he was too true a -gentleman to be a good politician. Upon that I will venture no comment -beyond saying that I am convinced that he never did anything in his -life actuated by any other idea than that it was right. - -{220} - -The same morality that applies in private life never has and probably -never will apply to Governments, and to expect perfection in relation -to the treatment of prisoners in Siberia, or of Chinese labour in South -Africa, is out of the question. - -I cannot do better than quote here what I said in my introduction to -_Siberia As It Is_, by Harry de Windt: - -"To form a proper opinion of the Russian prisons, it is necessary to -possess, what English people certainly do not possess, some knowledge -of the ordinary conditions of life in our country. A preface to any -book on Russia ought, in fact, to be somewhat of an introduction into -the penetralia of our innermost existence. But in giving real facts -about our country, I have the feeling of printing advertisements about -ourselves--to us Russians a very antipathetic work indeed. - -"Russia is, over a great extent, a land of stoicism, fortified by -Christianity--not a bad basis for the formation of character, after -all, but it is a hard school. Our country life is an important study. -It is full of self-denial, of hardships, of privations. Indeed, in -some parts peasant life is so hard that we, the so-called upper -classes, could scarcely endure it. - -"Landed proprietors are generally in close intercourse with their -ex-serfs. The latter, though now perfectly free and themselves -landowners, from the fact that their former masters have at heart their -welfare, naïvely think that the latter are still under obligation to -furnish help when needed. This somewhat amusing relationship is -generally accepted good-naturedly by the ex-masters, though very often -{221} it involves great material sacrifices. We could all give our -personal experiences of village life, and I, for one, venture to do so, -though there are many others better qualified. - -"To visit the sick and the poor is a common duty recognised by a great -many in our country, although the discharge of this duty sometimes is -rather an ordeal. How overcrowded and dark are their dwellings! How -poor their daily food! (The only approach to the condition that I know -of in the United Kingdom is in the poverty-stricken districts of -Ireland and in some corners of the East End of London.) Yet those who -lead that rough life seem strong and happy, on the whole. They will -make merry jokes, and after a long day's heavy work, from sunrise to -sunset, return home from the fields, singing and dancing. - -"Injudicious and indiscriminate charity would do harm here as -elsewhere. In illustration of this, I will mention the following from -my own experience: - -"My son, when appointed Zemski Natchalnik (Zemski chief), built a -church over his father's grave and founded two schools for training -male and female teachers on our Tamboff estate. - -"The principal local representatives of the Church and the chiefs of -our local school inspectors were invited to discuss the programme of -the teaching and management of these schools--one for boarders, future -primary school teachers, with a class for daily pupils of the parish. -They used to be almost free of charge before the emancipation of the -serfs. So were both my son's schools. But now--since they depend on -the Holy Synod--education has {222} to be paid for. The yearly -Seminarian's fee for board, dress and education is £10 yearly. The -girls' (future school mistresses) fee is £8--but they will soon be -increased. All our schools for the people are, and have always been, -free of charge. - -"The educational scheme met with almost unanimous approval, but when -the boarding arrangements came to be discussed, with suggestions about -'light mattresses and pillows,' they were met by a general outburst of -disapproval. - -"'Here you are wrong. Why should you spoil them, and make them unfit -for their usual life, by accustoming them to unnecessary luxuries? The -utmost you should provide, as a comfort for peasant boys, is some -straw, and a plain bench to sleep on. Nothing more.' I may add, that -this stoic simplicity partly accounts for their bravery. - -"It may perhaps interest my readers to know that there is such a thirst -for learning amongst our peasant children that candidates come in -overwhelming numbers, and this happens to all our educational -institutions--they are overcrowded to the last degree. The population -increases more quickly than church and school accommodation for it. -That inconvenience is also noticeable with regard to the children of -our prisoners. But to people accustomed to a very hard life, would it -be a punishment if, instead of suffering discomfort for their crimes, -they were surrounded with what to them would appear extreme luxury? -Where is one to draw the line between necessaries and luxuries? A -prison ought to be a punishment, not a reward for crimes. - -{223} - -"In visiting the prisons I have heard the remark that some of the -convicts would not have committed their misdeeds had they possessed at -home half the comforts provided in the prisons, though, of course, the -privation of every liberty is already a terrible punishment. They also -know that whilst they are away, good care is taken of their children. -I remember a female prisoner, who had to suffer a year's punishment for -theft and smuggling, whose looks of distress and misery forcibly struck -me. Knowing that she was near the end of her term, I asked how it was -that she did not look happier. - -"'I am pining for my boy; I feel sure he is dead. I wrote to him -twice, but he never replied,' answered she, sobbing. 'He was taken up -as a beggar and a vagabond by the Beggars' Committee.' - -"'Well,' said I, 'since you can tell me where he may be found, I will -go and see him at once, and you shall know the exact truth about him. -Wait patiently till I come back.' - -"Off I went to the 'Beggars' Institution,' which is a branch of the -prisons, though geographically a great distance away, and had the boy -brought to me. He looked clean and healthy. - -"'Your mother sends you her blessing,' I began; 'she is in good health, -but grieves that you never answered her letters. Have they not reached -you?' - -"'Oh yes, they have, but I cannot write. I began learning here, and -can only write O's and pothooks.' - -"As I always provide myself with writing materials on visiting the -prisons, and am always ready in deserving cases to write letters, -dictated to {224} me by illiterate prisoners, I offered my services to -the little beggar boy. - -"He seemed radiant. 'Yes, tell her that I am very well fed here, three -times every day. Food plentiful.' - -"'What else?' asked I. 'Would you not like to see your mother? Don't -you go to church every Sunday, and don't you pray for her?' - -"'Oh yes. Tell her to come to live with me here.' - -"You should have seen the joy of the mother when I brought her this -very undiplomatic despatch, and the interest created amongst her -fellow-prisoners! - -"To help the wretched is a pleasure thoroughly appreciated by Russians. -It is absurd to preach to us charity and compassion. We are brought up -in those notions from our childhood. Christianity with us is not a -vague term; it represents a very clear 'categorical principle' which -forms a link between all of us, from the Emperor down to the humblest -peasant. Our highest classes are very well represented in that -respect. First comes our Empress Marie, the present Dowager Empress, -who is the soul of charity and compassion. I never heard of any appeal -made to her in vain. Nor could anybody, I think, be kinder than the -Emperor. His aunt, the Grand Duchess Constantine, notwithstanding the -endless demands on her generosity, once undertook to feed a thousand -famine-stricken peasants in our district till next harvest. I could -also give other examples from amongst the Imperial family. - -{225} - -"Then, coming to a lower rank, we had, for instance, the procurator of -the Holy Synod, M. Pobédonostzeff, and his wife. The latter, though -far from strong in health, takes care of a large school, visiting it -almost daily. With the support and sympathy of her husband, she -collected large sums every year in order to send to the prisoners of -Sakhalin (our worst criminals) quantities of clothes, useful tools, -tobacco and toys, writing materials and religious books. Our lower -classes only care for 'divine literature,' as they call it. Religious -books are in great demand in every part of Russia, which helps to -defeat Nihilistic teaching, and saves the people from that criminal -folly. - -"Or take another well-known case: a man of good birth and worldly -prospects, a distinguished Moscow professor, Serge Ratchinsky, who, -without any of that self-advertisement which seems to be the necessary -stimulus to similar efforts in Western Europe, buried himself in the -country, and there founded a school which has served as a model for ten -or twelve other schools in the same province, and which he superintends -and guides with fatherly care, and in strictly Greek Orthodox views. -He also organised a large temperance movement, which is now spreading -throughout Russia. - -"I could give numerous instances to show that philanthropy, far from -being unknown, is widely practised in Russia. In fact, it permeates -all our work, including the prisons. - -"Our great Empress, Catherine II, used to say: 'Better pardon ten -criminals than punish one innocent.' This became a favourite saying -with us, {226} and perhaps accounts for the leniency of our juries, -which is often carried too far. For what right have we to endanger the -public safety by allowing crime to reign unchecked? - -"In England murderers are quietly hanged. According to us, this is -going too far. How are you to manifest Christian compassion and love -to sinners when they are so quickly and definitely disposed of? - -"What chance have they to repent? Capital punishment is repellent to -public feeling in Russia, and has been used in cases which, thank God! -were quite exceptional and extremely rare. With us, only the very -worst crimes are punished with imprisonment for life. Even for these -it may at all events be said, 'While there is life there is hope.' - -"Very great improvements have been introduced in our prison system. -More are to follow. We see our shortcomings better than ignorant -_dilettante_ critics, whose only object is to excite artificial -indignation. - -"These questions are very important and complicated; but, as Thiers -used to say, '_Prenez tout au sérieux, rien au tragique_.'" - -It is difficult to write of Russian prisons without reference to the -work of my great friend, Helen Voronoff. It has been said, and nothing -could be truer, that her whole existence might have been summed up in -the three words, "all for others." She killed herself by her devotion -to her self-imposed duty as an angel of light in the gloomy recesses of -Russian prisons. - -[Illustration: MISS HELEN VORONOFF] - -The first years of her life were devoted to teaching, but in 1906 she -turned her attention to another {227} sphere of activity that had long -attracted her, and which turned out to be her life's mission: the -bringing of comfort and hope and spiritual light into the lives of -criminals in prisons, more especially of political offenders. In spite -of her weak health, and of the fact that she had already in her early -youth been condemned to death by her doctors, she exhibited the most -extraordinary physical and moral energy, and looked upon all fatigue in -connection with her work simply as an unavoidable and unimportant -detail in the carrying out of her divine mission. - -She never hesitated before those excessively tiring and depressing -journeys to the Schlüsselbourg Fortress, and other prisons, before -wanderings through cold dark cells, and keeping long vigils at the -bedsides of the dying. Her influence among the prisoners was so -beneficent, that the authorities, in all cases, allowed her to come and -go as she pleased, and to visit even the most dangerous criminals in -their solitary confinement cells. - -On one particular occasion that comes to my mind, two gaolers seriously -opposed themselves to her entering a certain cell alone, since the -prisoner confined there was a ruffian who literally boasted of having -killed twelve persons, and whom it seemed most dangerous for an -unprotected woman to approach. Miss Voronoff would not even listen to -the gaolers. - -"I must go to him quite alone," she insisted. "Your presence would -show mistrust on my part and would only wound his feelings." - -On her entry, the criminal looked up in surprise. {228} "Why have you -come here alone?" he growled. "I have killed twelve people. Are you -not afraid that I shall kill you too?" - -"There is no reason why you should do that," was the quiet reply. "I -have only come because I should like to help you a little. Your past -sins can make no difference." - -The prisoner seemed taken aback, and gradually allowed himself to be -drawn into a conversation that lasted more than half an hour, after -which, when his visitor rose to go, this rough outcast, touched and -softened, begged her to come again. - -Between her visits to the various prisons, Miss Voronoff spent all her -time in correspondence and interviews with the relatives of the -prisoners, and in untiring efforts to alleviate their sufferings and -soften their fate. Many indeed are the bright moments that this -consoling angel brought into the darkness of those hopeless lives! - -Miss Voronoff left behind her (she died only recently) an interesting -book of sketches entitled _Among the Prisoners_. Never was a book -published more worthy of being described as a human document. It is -full of the charm and goodness of one saintly personality reacting upon -the victims of a great tragedy. The following quotations that I have -made from this book are so illuminating as to Russian character that -they require no apology or explanation:-- - -"It was not until after a lapse of six years that I was once more able -to visit the Wiborg Cellular Prison, in the consumptive ward of which I -first began to work for poor prisoners. Then I was in {229} the -company of Princess Maria Dondoukoff-Korsakoff. Now, this noble woman -has gone to her reward, but everything around seemed to speak to me of -her. There was not a bed in that ward upon which she had not sat (she -seldom, if ever, used the chairs provided, feeling that in this way she -was nearer to the patient). And many a sufferer had she comforted. -Laying her hand upon his shoulder or his head, she would speak words -which, delivered in her sweet and affable voice, could not fail to -reach his heart. Ah! how many a heart was softened, how much physical -pain relieved, how many souls gained back to God by her sweet -ministrations! - -"And now, with these dear memories crowding upon me, I visited once -again the Wiborg Cellular Prison. - -"It has been much improved; now there are two wards for consumptive -patients, whereas formerly there was but one, which was both -overcrowded and airless. In fact, the place, I remember, on one -occasion was so close as to overcome the Princess, who was obliged to -lie down and recover before continuing her ministrations to the sick. - -"Upon the occasion of this my first visit to the prison after six -years, a touching incident occurred, which I should like to recall. - -"Upon entering the ward I saw at once that there were three there who -would not be long upon this earth, for they remained motionless as I -advanced. But the others brightened up at my coming, trying to check -their troublesome coughs, and even, where strong enough, raising -themselves to greet me. - -"During my conversation with them I asked if {230} those so near their -end had received Holy Communion. Upon this point I was reassured, and -was much comforted to see how anxious were those not yet about to die -that their fellow-sufferers should receive this consolation when the -end approached. - -"I noticed as I passed along the ward a specially young and handsome -face, the face of one of the three about to breathe their last. I drew -closer, and silently watched him for a few moments, fearing to rouse -him, for his eyes were closed, and his breath was short and -interrupted. Bright red spots burnt upon his cheeks. - -"As I stood thus his neighbour called him, and, looking above his bed, -I read the name, 'Paul Rostchin.' - -"'Why do you disturb him?' I asked. The man explained that Rostchin -expected me, and wished to ask me something, and that when he regained -consciousness he would be very sad that he had not been roused to speak -to me. - -"'After some time, Rostchin opened his eyes. I shall never forget -their expression. It was a mingling of pain and hope and entreaty. He -tried hard to speak, but, although his lips moved, I could hear no -sound. - -"Gently I tried to soothe him, begging him to be calm, and telling him -that I was in no hurry, and would wait until I understood what it was -he wished to say to me. - -"At last I caught one word, 'Mother.' 'Ah!' said I, 'you are calling -your mother; you want to see her; perhaps I could find her. Where does -she live?' - -{231} - -"'She is far from here,' he whispered, 'and cannot come.' - -"My heart ached for him. It was pitiful to hear him in these his last -moments calling for his mother. I bent over him and said: - -"'Your own mother, as you say, is far from here; but God has sent me to -comfort you. Can you not count me your spiritual mother, and confide -in me, when I come to you and sit with you and listen to all you have -to say?' - -"His face brightened at the thought, and a little strength seemed to -return. 'I have something,' he said, 'to tell her before I die.' - -"Then I begged him to say to me what he wished to say to her, promising -that I would hear it as though I were his mother. Hardly had I said -this than the man on the bed at our right, being able to walk, got up -and moved away, and the other, who was not equal to that effort, turned -his back to us, that he might not hear. I was touched at the feeling -displayed by these apparently rough, though simple Russian men. - -"And then I made out from his laboured words his sad story. A good, -kind, and loving mother abandoned for more than a year and a half, -while he suffered in prison. His great wish now was to let her know -how much he felt his guilt, and beg for her forgiveness. - -"I listened, holding my breath that I might catch the halting words, -and as he bared his soul, and made clear the confession he wished to -make, it seemed as though a great weight fell from him; and when, from -sheer exhaustion, he sank back and closed his {232} eyes, I knew that -the tears were there, as he said brokenly, 'I shall never see her again -to tell her this. I have only a few days, perhaps a week, left to -live.' - -"I never hold out vain hopes to the poor patients when they are about -to die, so, seeing how near he was to his end, I did not undeceive him. - -"Again I asked him for his mother's address, promising to write and -tell her that he was dying, and asked forgiveness, and that I would ask -her to reply immediately, so that he might hear the answer before the -end. The face of the dying man shone with a great joy; the forgiveness -of his mother was all he sought now upon the earth. Then, sinking back -upon his bed, he murmured, 'If I get the answer, I shall take it with -me.' - -"Before leaving the hospital I made the sign of the Cross upon his -forehead. His eyes were closed, but he whispered, 'Thanks, thanks.' - -"Meeting the doctor on my way out, I inquired whether he thought it was -worth while to suggest that the mother should come, or could he last so -long. The doctor seemed unable to decide, saying he might live a week -or he might die that day. - -"Hurrying home, I despatched the promised letter, and for days awaited -the answer. Each day I telephoned to the prison for news of the dying -man, and each time I received the same reply, 'He is alive, but very -weak.' And this for five days. - -"On the sixth day, when I came home in the afternoon, my servant met me -with the information that a very old woman, poorly dressed, in bast -shoes and {233} a wallet on her back, had been there asking for her son -Paul. - -"Rostchin's mother, upon the receipt of my letter, had determined to -come in person to pardon her son. As the journey cost five roubles -twenty copecks, she sold all her possessions, pledging even her felt -shoes, thus being forced to travel in bast shoes, in spite of the -intense cold. It was her first visit to a large town; she was -bewildered by all she saw; but her mother's love helped her to surmount -all obstacles. - -"The next morning, very early, I went to her. In her anxiety to get to -her son, she came to the tram with one golosh only over her bast shoe; -the other she had forgotten. It was not until we were on the way that -I broke the sad tidings to her that the hospital to which we were going -was the hospital of a prison. 'Oh! Paul, Paul, my beloved son. My -darling! How did you get to prison?' she sobbed. 'He was a warrant -officer, and now he is in prison.' - -"To me it was most touching that she did not once reproach him. She -only pitied him without end. She warmly thanked me that I had not -mentioned in my letter that he was in prison. - -"'Oh, God! Oh, Holy Virgin Mary! Let me find him alive; let me but -hear one word from him; let him look on me only one moment,' prayed the -old woman. - -"We found, on our arrival at the prison, that Rostchin yet lived, but -to give an adequate description of the meeting between mother and son I -feel is beyond me. - -{234} - -"When I led the poor woman into the room where Rostchin lay, and showed -her the bed on which he was stretched, she staggered, and would have -fallen had I not supported her. But her eyes fell on the picture of a -saint, and, making the sign of the Cross, she approached the bedside of -her son. He was so weak that he could not even turn his head, but -tears rolled down his cheeks, and the poor mother, bending over him, -gazed so earnestly into his eyes that her tears fell and flowed with -his. - -"'Forgive me, forgive me, my own mother. I am very guilty,' repeated -the dying man. - -"'My son, my dear son Paul, God will forgive you,' wept the sorrowing -woman. - -"I could stand the scene no longer, and I withdrew. When later I -returned, some of the sick prisoners came up and thanked me for the -great joy I had given to Rostchin. - -"Once more was I thrilled to find such feelings in these poor -prisoners, themselves suffering and outcast, yet rejoicing with their -fellow-sufferer. It is easy to weep with those who weep, but when -one's own heart is sad and suffering, is it so easy to rejoice with -those that rejoice? Envy so easily creeps in. - -"Rostchin did not live long after the visit of his mother. Having -received her pardon, he became calmer, asked for the clergyman, and -once more received the Holy Sacrament. His death was that of a good -Christian. His sufferings were great, but he remained still in the -same peaceful disposition. Before he breathed his last, he repeated -again and again, 'Forgive, forgive!' - -{235} - -"It is interesting to note that his mother did not remain until the -end, but, having pardoned and blessed her son, asked to be sent back to -her home. - -"This is characteristically Russian. Having satisfied herself that his -soul was prepared to meet his God, she was less anxious about the dying -body, asking only to be informed when God had called him away. - -"I let her know when all was over, and in reply received a simple and -touching letter, in which she begged me to 'go to his grave, take from -it a handful of earth, and send it to me.' - -"What treasures lie hidden in the faithful soul of the simple Russian!" - - - - -{236} - -CHAPTER XVI - -POLITICAL PRISONERS - -Dostoyevsky's Call--His Retort to a Dandy--Russia and the -Revolution--The Court of Imperial Mercy--How Political Prisoners may -Solicit Pardon--The Coach-driver's Letter--The People's Belief in the -Emperor--A Typical Russian Appeal--Military Offenders--How they have -Justified the Emperor's Clemency--Political Prisoners and the War - - -The name of Dostoyevsky is fortunately well known in England, so -perhaps I may be allowed to relate an incident in connection with him. - -He called on me one afternoon and began talking of his life in Siberia, -and the wonderfully beneficial effect it had had upon him. We were -interrupted by a flippant young dandy, just arrived from abroad, who -chattered animatedly about his impressions of various ballets and -theatres. I thought he would never stop, and felt rather angry. -Dostoyevsky, however, listened attentively, his wonderful, dark velvet -eyes, with the deep expression so peculiar to them, fixed kindly on the -gossiper. After a while he remarked, "I am interested in what you say. -There is life in you, artistic instinct and good nature. If you could -spend thirteen years in a Siberian prison, as I have done, it would be -most beneficial to you, and might make you a useful, energetic member -of society." - -{237} - -Dear Dostoyevsky! How often have I remembered that strange remark, and -how often also have I thought that prison life indeed sometimes makes -people serious, patient and religious. Of late, unfortunately, one has -often been haunted by questions connected with prisons. My late -friend, W. T. Stead, expressed the pious opinion quite seriously, how -useful it would be if everybody--innocent as well as guilty--were made -to spend one or two months in prison. - -Of all horrible wars, the most horrible, I think, is internal strife, -for the suppression of which, Governments always use strong measures. -Are they to be blamed for measures taken with the object of saving -their country from dismemberment? I think not--though indeed, -personally, I am happy not to be obliged to mete out justice on such -occasions. But then, I always think that to judge one's neighbours -fairly is no easy task. When Thiers had to save France from the -Commune, he unhesitatingly killed several thousand Communards--some say -200,000 were punished, some say 20,000, there are also people who speak -of only 2000. But who can use the word "only," when it is followed by -thousands of killed? - -In the year 1905, Russia had the misfortune of experiencing a -revolution at home. The majority of the people, of course, understood -the criminal folly of that movement, and the insurgents were mostly -misguided dreamers who did not realise the rascality of their leaders, -such as Gapon and others. Many of them, indeed, afterwards looked back -with deep regret and even shame, on their folly. I have {238} known -some of them, and it is difficult to say with what deep feeling of -commiseration I listened to them, and now remember their words. If -there be exaggeration and contradiction with regard to the numbers of -the punished Communards, there is similar difficulty in fixing the -numbers of our own culprits. Upon that point I am not going to insist. -Even one death is often the cause of endless pain. - -In England I have only once seen any mention of that Court of Appeal by -which Russian political prisoners who repent of their ways may solicit -the Imperial clemency. - -The exact title of that institution is "The Court of Petitions -addressed to the Emperor," or "The Court of Imperial Mercy." It was -founded in the sixteenth century in the reign of John IV, under the -control of Alexis Adasheff (whose life and character have so -brilliantly adorned the pages of Russian history) and his friend and -ally, the Rev. Father Sylverst, who was another bright star of that -period. But, after their disappearance from the field of action, the -institution failed to be marked by the same zeal and success as -previously. Once more was it shown that, in every human effort, -personal character plays a greater part than the written law. For, -however perfect may be the law, its application must be varied by -circumstances, and is thus greatly dependent upon the personal -character of its administrators. - -Fortunately, however, Peter the Great, with his masterly genius, -recognised the importance of such a Court in an autocratic country -where the power of doing generous work is in the hands of a ruler who -{239} stands above conventional formalities, or obsolete customs, of -parties or of newspapers. Nor did Peter the Great fail to realise that -an exact knowledge of real facts was of vital importance to the proper -exercise of such power. To secure this, therefore, he introduced new -and very drastic regulations and reforms. - -He made it a rule that the head of the Court was to be bound by a -solemn and patriotic oath of fidelity to his charge. At the same time -he was to be allowed a larger initiative, by which his personal power -was increased. He became entitled to delegate powers to other -administrative offices and courts, by which the work of the institution -became more decentralised. - -But although it was thus understood that appeals to the Emperor -personally were to be allowed only in special cases, yet little by -little these personal appeals became more and more numerous, and were -with difficulty controlled by the head of the Court. - -When the Empress Catherine the Great ascended the throne, that -wonderful monarch resolved that she would personally receive all -appeals to mercy. But it soon became evident that such a task was -beyond the powers of even her exceptional energy. Catherine herself -relates that on one occasion she found it impossible to reach church, -owing to the crowds of petitioners who knelt before her with petitions -in their hands. - -Such a condition of affairs, of course, could not possibly continue. -In the following year the Empress appointed three high officials, -called State Secretaries, to whom she gave detailed instructions which -{240} show the great pity she felt for such petitioners. The -secretaries were to communicate personally with the petitioners -"kindly, patiently, indulgently," and to extract from them all -necessary details and explanations. For this purpose reference had -sometimes to be made to the separate tribunals before whom special -cases had to go. But sealed letters addressed privately and -confidentially "in His Majesty's own Hands" (as the Russian expression -goes), still reach the Emperor without any intervention. And this -happens even now. - -Not long ago I heard of a boy, a poor little coach-driver, who -addressed a pitiful letter of this kind to the Emperor Alexander III -when he was in the Crimea, and not only was the letter received, but -the request generously granted. - -To return to old times, the Emperor Paul, while young and in good -health, tried to imitate the great Empress Catherine, and endeavoured -to come into contact with people who appealed to his mercy. To -facilitate this a large, yellow iron box was attached to one of the -ground-floor windows of the Winter Palace (Petrograd) in which -petitions were to be deposited. This box had to be periodically opened -by the State Secretaries, and the contents submitted to the Emperor for -orders. Some, when too absurd, were partially torn and returned -through the Post Office. Others were published in the _Petersburg -Gazette_, with the reason for their refusal. In 1799 the same Emperor -Paul issued a rather strange ukase, forbidding the presentation of -unreasonable requests. No doubt the question of what was and what was -not reasonable was not an {241} easy one, and the unfortunate box could -hardly hold the burden of its strange correspondence. It obviously -became necessary to dispense with this original method of communication. - -In the time of Alexander I, thanks to the great Speransky's efforts, a -"Commission of Appeals" was established, and in the time of the Emperor -Nicholas I the "Court of Petitions" was reformed more or less on the -basis upon which it now exists. The members are appointed by the -Emperor himself. To their former duties have been added others -relating to orphans and lunatics. Certain rules have to be observed by -petitioners, and they must have lived in the realm not less than one -year. - -By the wish of His Majesty the reasons for refusals to grant favours -are sometimes given, but this law cannot always be observed. - -The Emperor has recently given orders to enlarge the Court's sphere of -work by accepting appeals to Imperial mercy for criminal charges, and -administrative misdemeanours. - -Finally, I will note the fact that in the year 1908 there were 65,357 -petitions through this Court, out of which 64,174 were fortunate enough -to obtain the Imperial order for immediate attention. As a rule there -are about 65,000 petitions presented yearly. Imperial benevolence -(mercy) shown to children amounts to 10,000 cases in famine years. - -During the war His Majesty ordered from the coffers of the "Court of -Petition" no less a sum than 178,000 roubles for the wounded soldiers. - -"If anyone were to tell the Russian people that the Emperor had not the -power to help them, they {242} would never believe such an assertion," -observed Baron Budberg (the late head of the Petition Department), "and -may that belief in His Majesty's power always remain with the -Russians." The Emperor's remark on this statement was that Baron -Budberg was right. - -"Let those who require my mercy come to me with their sorrows in -confidence." - -And many, many are the thousands who have been made happy--thanks to -that Court of Appeal. - -People in England often talk about red tape. It is not for me to judge -whether their complaints are well founded--but naturally, when one -comes in contact with official pedantry, one is inclined to grumble and -lose one's temper, though this as a rule does not mend matters. But to -get the better of red tape--ah! that is useful and pleasant. There are -occasions even when it may become a great blessing, as in the -following, which I hope I may be allowed to relate: - -In Russia, the Court of Appeal to Mercy allows everybody to appeal to -the mercy of the Emperor. It is not difficult to understand that there -are great differences in the nature of such appeals, and, in Russia, as -likewise in England, prisoners are not allowed to publish their -grievances, and still less their appeals to the head of the State. -However, by a very happy mistake, such an appeal from the political -prisoners slipped, at the end of last year, into one of our best -Petrograd papers. The following is a translation of this appeal which -may be of interest to English readers: - -"Your Imperial Majesty, most merciful Tsar. In {243} this tragic hour -of our beloved Russia's destiny, we, the prisoners in the Petrograd -prison of solitary confinement, approach the footstool of your -Majesty's throne, our hearts full of love and boundless devotion, our -suffering souls burning with prayers for the victory of our heroic -Russian troops. - -"Within the walls of this prison, we are paying the penalty of our -sins. We are far from our homes, far from the heart of the Russian -people, doomed to confinement and exile; the only light in our darkness -is our faith in the mercy of God and the Tsar. - -"It is not for us to judge of the sorrow we have caused our beloved -country--but in the moment of her great trial our Russian hearts beat -with but one care: that of her well-being. We have, indeed, no -personal cares. - -"We have read with tears of deep emotion these words of the Imperial -call: 'In this hour of trial let all internal disagreements be -forgotten,' and we pray that God may move the heart of the Emperor and -the heart of the people, to forget also our past sins, to return to us -the privilege of taking our places in the ranks of those who arise and -go forth in all the fullness of their youth and strength to defend the -honour and glory of our country. - -"It is not a lack of courage to suffer our punishment which prompts us -to make this appeal for mercy; we were condemned at various times, and -have never before dared to voice any such prayer--but these tragic -days, in which countless numbers of our physically weaker brothers are -laying down their lives on the battlefield, fill our souls with one -{244} profound desire. Most merciful sovereign, call us into the ranks -of your loyal army, and, having paid for our sins with our sufferings, -we will join our brothers, inspired with an unshakable faith in your -Imperial goodness and mercy. - -"The dawn of this national war has awakened our souls, has renewed in -us the sense of our duty and our right to defend Russia, side by side -with all Russians. - -"May the war renew our lives for the benefit of the Russian people, or -accept them as an offering to our Russian soil. In the silence of our -solitary cells, we pray that God may save and keep your Imperial -Majesty, and all the August Imperial family." - -This appeal, thank God, was not overlooked by His Majesty. I myself -know of two cases where former prisoners were allowed to go to the war, -where they acquitted themselves splendidly--so much so, that one of -them, whose case is known to me, now wears the Cross of St. George for -bravery. - -A decree of His Majesty has already been applied to another section of -prisoners, the military offenders. This special decree gave to the -commanders of the various military districts the right to take into -active service for the duration of the war such of the military -prisoners in their jurisdiction whom they consider deserving of the -right to win, by bravery in the field, the possibility of future pardon. - -This right has been widely utilised, with the result that of 4786 -military prisoners, 4091 had, by January 1st, 1915, been taken into -active service. Of these, 1203 have remained under their particular -{245} district commanders, most of them working in munition factories, -and the remaining 2888 have been distributed among various regiments at -the front, and in the reserve; the actual number of military prisoners -still confined is 393. - -There are, of course, criminals and criminals, and among them are many -who represent a real danger to society, and who, in other countries, -would be sentenced to death immediately after their trial. Our -legislation, however, remembers the saying of Catherine the Great, -"Better pardon ten who are guilty, than kill one who is innocent." We -also think that every culprit should have time to repent, and thus to -be able to meet death with greater calm, and confidence in God's pardon. - -After the outbreak of the Great European War many political prisoners -in Russia made appeal to the Tsar to be allowed to fight for their -country against the Germans. Many people in Russia would have welcomed -a general amnesty to political prisoners for this purpose. There are -among these men many who deeply regret their political mistakes and -past illusions. - -They have offended against her laws, but still love and wish to stand -by her in the hour of trial. The country would gain much by such an -amnesty. New forces would doubtless rise to the surface, with new -feelings of gratitude for the opportunity thus afforded them of helping -Russia, and of sacrificing their lives for the national cause. - -Some ten years ago, in the days of our revolution, almost half of -Russia was acting, as many of us thought, mistakenly and foolishly, and -making even {246} serious sacrifices for this folly. Fortunately, such -a regrettable state of affairs did not last long, and I was soon able -to dream of founding a society for the reclamation and return to Russia -of those who had outlived their ideas of revolution and who, after all, -loved Russia, right or wrong. Unfortunately, this scheme met with -numerous obstacles. Such a society would have required not only many -members, but also a cautious committee, one not liable to fall into -traps--and I failed to procure them. - -Since the beginning of the war this question has again been constantly -in my mind, and I have spent many hours in discussing it with my -friend, Helen Voronoff, and she was entirely of my opinion in the -matter. - -We read together a most touching petition signed by 110 political -prisoners, confined in a Petrograd prison. It was composed by one of -themselves, and handed round among the prisoners for signature. - -It seems to me that such petitions should not remain unheard. - - - - -{247} - -CHAPTER XVII - -THE GRAND DUKE CONSTANTINE AND PRINCE OLEG - -A Remarkable Personality--The Grand Duke's Graciousness--His Tact and -Sympathy--The Wounded Soldier--A Censored Book--Prince Oleg and my -Brother Alexander--A Talented Child--A Strange Premonition--The -Prince's Interest in Public Affairs--His Studious Nature--The Prince -Wounded--His Joy on Receiving the Cross of St. George--He Becomes -Worse--The End - - -The late Grand Duke Constantine (known in the literary world as "K.R.") -was a man of remarkable character and personality, richly endowed alike -in imagination and those qualities that make for friendship. - -He was, of course, widely known and admired for his remarkable musical -and literary talents, and not in Russia alone, while his famous drama, -_The King of the Jews_, revealed in addition a powerful intellect, -combined with deep religious feeling. This greatest and last of the -Imperial poet's works has been translated into several foreign -languages. It has awakened universal admiration, and has been -enthusiastically praised by the Press of most European capitals. All -this, however, is too well known to need repetition. Let me, -therefore, turn to another and still more personal aspect of the Grand -Duke's character: the extraordinarily attractive graciousness and the -sympathetic intuition that endeared him to all who had the privilege of -coming into {248} intimate contact with him. Here, indeed, was a -precious and priceless quality--the gift of unfailing tact and -exceptional intuition, the power always to say the right thing at the -right moment, and to enter warmly and cordially into the thoughts and -feelings of others. - -I will quote an instance: I am deeply devoted to the memory of my two -brothers, Alexander and Nicolas, but, realising that this fact is of -interest to no one but myself, I seldom speak of it. The Grand Duke, -however, seemed to have read what was written in my very soul. I had -the privilege of conversing with him at some length on only two -occasions, but they were occasions I shall never forget. The other -occasions were passing and rather superficial. The first time, he -spoke to me at length of nothing but the Slav question and the death of -my brother Nicolas. The Grand Duke remembered all the details of my -brother's untimely end in Serbia. - -[Illustration: THE GRAND DUKE CONSTANTINE NICOLAÉVITCH] - -On the second occasion---alas! I was destined never to see the dear -Grand Duke again--our conversation was dedicated to the memory of my -brother Alexander and to Old Catholicism and Slavophilism, to which my -brother devoted his whole life, and of which he spoke even in his very -last moments. I must add that I had edited two large volumes of my -brother's works in Russian, but had hesitated to send them to the Grand -Duke, contenting myself with offering him my Berne editions of -Alexander Kiréeff's French works, which, as far as I know, are -unobtainable in Russia. With his usual amiability, the Grand Duke had -thanked me by letter--and {249} now, how indescribably kind and -charming was the manner in which he reproached me for not giving him -all I had edited! - -There was another trait in the Grand Duke's character, which, to me, -had a peculiar charm: I refer to his ever-ready sympathy and interest -in all cases where his influence or help might be of advantage. It -goes without saying that neither my brother nor myself ever appealed to -this kind interference unless we had thoroughly investigated the case -in question. The Grand Duke was aware of this, and his help was always -immediately forthcoming, without any needless delays or formalities, -and without a trace of the distressing red-tapeism that is elsewhere -often responsible for so much mischief and sorrow. - -One meets with just this same kindness and compassion when one -approaches our beloved Emperor. One has only to be absolutely free -from all egotistical aims, and to be known as were my two brothers--and -once this is so, no appeal to the Imperial sympathy is ever neglected -or fruitless. - -It is, of course, exceedingly difficult to reach His Imperial Majesty, -not only because of his exalted position as Emperor, but also by reason -of his being overwhelmed by work. He hardly ever limits himself to an -eight-hours' day labour. An eight-hours' day would be almost a rest to -our Emperor. There is no Trades Union rule for the protection of Kings. - -But let me return to my kind Grand Duke. - -Perhaps I may be allowed to quote two incidents that took place a few -weeks before his death. There had been brought to my notice a wounded -soldier, {250} whose case was particularly tragic. His friends -considered nothing so desirable as to have him received in the hospital -founded by the Dowager Grand Duchess Constantine, the mother of the -Grand Duke. I wrote to His Imperial Highness on the subject, and in -the course of the same day received a kind reply, informing me that the -matter had been arranged and that the soldier would be at the hospital -in a few hours' time. - -The second incident was concerned with the publication of a book. In -all cases where members of the Imperial family are involved, certain -formalities have to be observed by our censors--failing which the book -may have to be greatly altered, or suppressed. Anyone connected with -literary work knows that such alterations are sometimes extremely -costly and troublesome. A dear friend of mine, who had very little -money to spare, had written a book that was threatened with -difficulties of this order. I wrote to the Grand Duke explaining the -facts, and here again everything was immediately and satisfactorily -arranged. - -I could give countless other instances, but the above, which I have -taken at random, are sufficiently characteristic. - -I have often had occasion to speak of the Grand Duke, and have always -noticed with the deepest pleasure that the mention of his name awakened -everywhere, even among people who knew him but slightly, feelings of -sincere affection and devotion. The fascination exercised by his -personality was unfailing. His literary gifts appealed to poets, his -musical talent to musicians--but to me, his most {251} charming and -touching quality was that deep, indescribable sympathy and insight -which seemed to enable him to read people's souls. Such sympathy, such -intuition, is a great living force! Yes--God sometimes sends into the -world exceptional people, who can never be replaced, and whose very -memory radiates like a warm, shining light, where their footsteps have -passed. - -Of such, unquestionably, was our never-to-be-forgotten Grand Duke -Constantine. - -On one occasion he wrote the following letter, which I quote as showing -the charm with which he expressed himself: - - -DEAR AND HIGHLY-ESTEEMED MADAME NOVIKOFF, - -Again I take up the pen to thank you heartily for the new series of -valuable and curious autographs, with which you so graciously enriched -my collection, that I already owe to your generosity. The Ikon of -Christ of Andrea del Sarto, before which your brother always prayed, -forwarded to me by General M. E. Keppen for Pavlovsk, is placed here at -the Palace Church, on the Chancel, where all our family attends church -service and where your dear brother often prayed as well. This -beautiful Image will remain a prayer memorial to Alexander -Alekseevitch, who lived so many years in his favourite Pavlovsk. I -hope you will acquiesce in the choice I made for this most valuable -Image of Christ the Saviour--in the Pavlovsk Church. - -Allow me to kiss your hand, asking you to keep me your kind friendship -in the future. - - Your heartily devoted, etc., - CONSTANTINE. - -{252} - -On October 27th, 1914, I received from him the following note: "It is -just a month to-day since our beloved son was wounded--not 'slightly' -as seemed at first to be the case, but mortally. God gives and God -takes away. May His name be blessed now and for ever more." - -It will be seen by the date of this note that Prince Oleg, then only -twenty-one years of age, was one of the early victims of the war. At -the time I little thought that the Grand Duke himself would soon follow -his gifted son, Prince Oleg Constantinovitch. - -Until the recent appearance of his biography, the fame of Prince Oleg -was too little known, and it certainly had not travelled far outside -Russia. - -To me, this charming Prince was particularly dear; for I had seen him -taking such affectionate care of my brother, Alexander Kiréef, who was -already blind, ill and dying. The young man used to come, and talk to -him, the principal defender of "Old Catholicism," of the efforts to -revive the pure teachings of the Church, as it was before the division -of the churches in the ninth century. No subject was dearer to my -brother's heart, and, seeing the beneficial influence of these -conversations, the young Prince returned to the subject many times in -my presence. - -One day he said: "General, nobody has ever been so useful as you in -supporting the Old Catholic movement. You are my father's friend, and -I am as proud of you as he is." - -Yes, I shall never forget with what loving eyes the young man gazed -into the clever beautiful face {253} before him, where the eyes were -already dim and on the point of being closed for ever. How terribly -vividly some moments come back to our memory. - -The talented child of a talented father, it was early evident that -Prince Oleg had inherited the brilliant gifts of the Grand Duke. It is -barely two years since _The King of the Jews_ was produced with immense -success at the Hermitage Theatre in the Winter Palace at Petrograd, the -Grand Duke himself, as well as his sons, taking part in the performance. - -Prince Oleg was clearly marked out as belonging to the elect of the -earth, and by his early death not only has Russian literature been -deprived of a future shining light, but the most cultured circles of -Petrograd society are the poorer for the loss of a personality, -touching and lovely in its goodness and unselfishness, and its -youthfully enthusiastic and unswerving sense of duty and obligation. - -The young Prince's biography concerns itself with the reminiscences of -Prince Oleg's early governesses and later tutors, with his diaries and -rough sketches, countless unfinished stories and poems, and also with a -particularly interesting undertaking in connection with Poushkin's -works. - -Poushkin was the boy's ideal from his earliest days, and it was this -love for the great poet and his works that gave him the desire to enter -the same Lyceum (College) at which Poushkin had been educated. This -desire was realised, the completion of his course happening to coincide -with the centenary celebrations of Poushkin's birth. On leaving, -Prince Oleg presented to the Institution {254} a personally executed -facsimile of all the Poushkin manuscripts, carefully treasured in the -Poushkin museum, which were written while the poet was a student at the -college. The young enthusiast afterwards conceived the idea of editing -the whole of Poushkin's works in this fashion, bringing them out in -loose sheets and unbound folios, and distributing them among museums -and book-lovers. The work was carried out mostly by means of the most -detailed and perfect photographic reproduction, not even omitting the -smallest line, point, or blemish in the paper. Unhappily this labour -of love was not destined to be completed, but as much as has been done -is a wonder of execution and a real literary treasure. - -For the general reader, perhaps the most attractive pages of the -biography are those that deal with the Prince's early years, recent as -they are. - -"I sometimes try to imagine," he writes in one of the diaries of his -childhood, "what would happen in my own immediate circle if I were to -die. What would my friend do? I suppose he would grow pale and thin, -and would fret terribly. I see him in imagination, mounting the steps -of my catafalque to bid me a last good-bye, and I see mama's expression -as she follows him with her eyes. - -"And then, suddenly, it seems curiously pleasant to have all these -people thinking of me so regretfully! There flashes across my mental -vision a copy of the _Novoye Vremya_, and I see on the first page, in -large letters, the announcement of my death. I notice also that there -is a reproduction of my photograph--and for a moment, I stop to wonder -which {255} photograph they will publish. All this gives me -extraordinary satisfaction. - -"But the pleasantest thought of all is that the _Novoye Vremya_ will -print an obituary notice saying that I took my Degree at the Lyceum, -that I won the Poushkin medal, and that they liked me there. Perhaps -even Radloff himself may write a memoir of his late pupil. At this -point, I stop ... really, I was going too far, it is very ridiculous, -and I am ashamed of myself! I wrinkle my brow, and try to decide -seriously whether I should really be willing to die just now. My inner -consciousness tells me that actually, it would be stupid to die before -having accomplished anything. No, not for the world ... I don't want -to die without fame, without having done anything, without deserving to -be remembered by anybody." - -How touching this is--especially now, when one can regard it as -something like a presentiment. - -Interesting from another standpoint is the description by the then -thirteen-year-old Prince Oleg of the reception by the Emperor, at the -Winter Palace, of the Deputies of the first Duma in 1905. The young, -awakening soul of the child trembled with awe and ecstasy. His eyes, -fixed on the Emperor, noted every shade of tone and expression, and his -description, too long for quotation here, is glowing in the extreme. - -On February 10th of the same year he writes: - -"Something unusual is in the air. It is said that on the 19th there -will be a rising in the whole of Russia. Recently M---- sent a secret -telegram to Simferopol. A message has also come from the {256} Crimean -Division--they have caught a Revolutionist. They say there is a plot -to blow up Livadia. There has been a rising in St. Petersburg and -disorders in the suburbs of Moscow. On the 4th Uncle Serge was -murdered. Poor Uncle Serge! mama has written us horrible details--she -says we have lost a true friend. This awful incident has made a deep -impression on us all. May it be God's will that everything should -right itself somehow. Disorders in every town! How painfully this -must affect mama! It is a long time since I last received a letter -from her." - -Then a page about Port Arthur! - -"What have we lived to see! Stoessel has surrendered Port Arthur! It -appears there was no possibility of holding out any longer. -Kondratenko is killed. Yes, many heroes have fallen at Port Arthur." - -How significant and how true are the following words, which show a -remarkable insight in a boy so young: - -"Our Government is composed chiefly, not of Russians, but of -Germans--and, of course, Germans do not care what becomes of us. -Naturally, the result is that Russians lose. We are too careless--we -do not sufficiently educate ourselves. It is imperative that every -Russian should work at himself and educate himself from his childhood." - -When one considers that the writer of the above lines was barely -thirteen years old, one cannot but wonder as much at the serious trend -of his thoughts as at the simplicity of his style. - -{257} - -Here is another charming page from about the same period, a little -earlier: - -"To-day I received a letter from my tutor, I.M. It was so touching -that I nearly burst into tears--but of course I restrained myself. How -stupid I was, when, at first, I was glad of the war! [Between Russia -and Japan.] How much suffering, how many orphaned families it has -occasioned! At the beginning I wanted to run away and go to the front. -If, during our journey to the Crimea, it should be God's will to send -me to the war now, I should still be happy. To-day at lunch they were -saying that there were only 10,000 left in Port Arthur, that Port -Arthur cannot hold out. At six o'clock in the evening, I shut myself -up in my room and prayed that God might help us. I took my Prayer -Book, and thought to myself, 'I will open it just at random, and read. -Perhaps I may chance on something suitable, just for the war.' I -opened the book and read, '_Special prayers for times of war!_'" - -The above is an extract from a diary. - -"The education of the young Prince and his brothers," says the _Novoye -Vremya_ in an interesting article on the life of Oleg Constantinovitch, -"was very systematic and thorough. They rose at half-past six, were -taken for a morning walk in the park, and at eight were already at -their lessons. Each lesson lasted forty minutes, and between it and -the next there was an interval of twenty minutes. There were from four -to five lessons daily. Luncheon was at one, and from two to four the -young Princes rode daily with their uncle, the Grand Duke Dimitri. -From four to seven preparation for the following {258} day, at seven -dinner, then forty minutes' reading with one of the teachers of foreign -languages, then drawing and dancing. An arduous day's work indeed!" - -Here is another charming extract from the diary: - -"We must study hard and prepare ourselves. Perhaps we must work even -more seriously than did the rulers of to-day in their youth. There are -hard times coming--and hard times call for serious preparation. The -further we get from the year of Christ's birth, the harder grow the -times, and the harder the times, the more necessary a thorough -preparation." - -These are wonderful words from a boy of twelve. - -The following words, also written in his diary, this time in the train -when homeward bound after a summer spent abroad, are interesting in -their charmingly expressed and idealistic patriotism: - -"We are already nearing beloved Russia. Behind us is France, with her -joyous, charming, talented people, with Paris, Versailles, and -Napoleon's tomb. Now we are passing through this dull Germany, in an -hour we shall have crossed the Russian border. Yes, in an hour I shall -be in Russia, that dear land where there breathes something sacred, -unknown in other lands, on the face of whose soil are scattered -churches and monasteries, in the mysterious twilight of whose ancient -cathedrals there rest in silver coffins the bones of her sons, in whose -dim shrines the faithful kneel constantly at prayer before the solemn -sacred images of her saints. In my beloved Russia there are still -dreamy forests, immeasurable steppes, and impassable marshes. - -{259} - -"There are moments in one's life when suddenly with a deep, passionate -impulse one realises how one loves one's country. In those moments one -longs unspeakably to work, to help, to do something worthy, to devote -one's life to the service of Russia!" - -A later extract from his diary is the following: - -"We are five brothers and are all going to the war with our regiments. -This fact pleases me immensely, for it proves that at a trying moment -the Imperial Family knows how to rise to the occasion. - -"On the 20th of July, Germany declared war against us. On the same day -we were commanded to assemble at the Winter Palace at 3.30. The -streets were crowded and there was tremendous cheering as we passed. -In the Nicolaevsky Hall there were first prayers, and then the -Manifesto was read. During the prayers the whole assemblage sang, -'Save us, O Lord,' and 'God save the Emperor!' [the Russian National -Anthem.] - -"At the moment when the Emperor drove up to the Palace, the whole dense -crowd on the great square on their knees. We were all overcome and -wept with emotion." - -The Prince never had the slightest presentiment of his death, and was -afraid only for his brothers. "I am constantly anxious," he wrote, -"about Kostia, Gabriel and John, but perhaps principally about Igor. -For myself, I fear nothing. Something tells me that no bullet will so -much as touch me." - -God willed it otherwise! The Prince was wounded during an attack on -Vladislavov by the Second Division of the Guards. Our side started the -firing. {260} The Germans retreated, but were stopped by a detachment -of our Hussars. At this point Prince Oleg, longing for action, eagerly -begged his commander, Count Ignatieff, to allow him with his men to -rush forward and seize this handful of Germans. - -For a long time the commander refused to accede to this request, but, -at last, allowed himself to be persuaded and gave in. Misfortune came -immediately. Prince Oleg, fired with youthful enthusiasm, rode fast -and far in advance of his men. The Germans were caught up, five of -them were killed, the rest surrendered. Suddenly, a wounded trooper -fired from the ground. A report--and the Prince fell. Alas, the -wound, taken at first to be quite slight, turned out, on closer -examination, to be only too severe, and very soon--possibly through the -unavoidable delay in operating--blood poisoning set in. The operation -was performed at Vilna, after a long and weary journey, first in a -plain jolting cart, the only conveyance at hand--and then in the train. -The Prince regained consciousness very quickly and felt well. A -telegram arrived from the Emperor, conferring on him the Order of the -Cross of St. George; also came a telegram from the Grand Duke Nicolas. - -"It was good to see the Prince's joy," writes an eye-witness of the -scene, "and the pride with which he showed me both these telegrams." - -In the evening the Principal of the Military College at Vilna visited -the patient and congratulated him on having suffered and been wounded -for his country. - -{261} - -"I am so happy," exclaimed the Prince in answer. "So happy. This was -most necessary. It will encourage the troops to know that the Imperial -House is not afraid to shed its blood." - -The Prince was very animated and beamed with joy at the consciousness -of his own suffering for his beloved country. At times it was evident, -in spite of his effort to hide the fact, that he was in great pain. - -Here is a very interesting letter from the Grand Duke Constantine's -aide-de-camp, who was with the Prince during all these terrible days. -This letter is published by the _Moscow Gazette_: - -"At about one o'clock in the night, I was told that the Prince had just -awakened. I immediately went to him. He was pale as death. At the -sight of me a troubled, welcoming smile lit up his youthful features. -'Nicolas!' he exclaimed. 'Here you are at last! Heavens, how glad I -am now that you have come! Now you shall not leave me again. I will -not let you go.' - -"'Of course I shall not leave you,' I answered with emotion. 'Here we -shall stay together till we are quite well again.' - -"'Yes ... yes ... together ... till I ... get ... well....' - -"So convinced was he that his recovery was to be speedy and certain. -One had to swallow one's tears and to hide one's grief. - -"'Has Igor told you everything?' he continued. 'The Emperor has given -me the St. George. I am so happy! There is the telegram, there, on -the table.' - -{262} - -"I sat down beside the bed, as he asked me, and tried to talk; but soon -noticed that he was falling into a state of semi-consciousness. At my -slightest movement, however, he opened his eyes and exclaimed: 'There, -he is gone--and I said I would not let him go!' - -"At about eight o'clock in the morning the Prince grew more restless. -He constantly asked to be moved from one side to the other, now putting -his arms under his head, now embracing me feverishly and stifling a cry -or a groan. - -"A telegram arrived, saying that the young hero's parents were on the -way to him and would be with him at five o'clock. At midday the -doctors examined the patient again and found the pulse good, and the -poisoning not advancing. There was still hope. At about four o'clock, -however, a change for the worse suddenly set in. The breathing became -more frequent and the pulse weaker. There were signs of sepsis and -delirium. The train by which the Grand Duke and Grand Duchess were -arriving was two hours late. In the meanwhile the patient's strength -was failing minute by minute and it became necessary to recur to the -aid of injections to stimulate the heart's action. His lips were -constantly moistened with champagne, and in order to hide from the -Prince the hopelessness of his condition, we filled our glasses and -told him that we were all drinking with him to his speedy recovery. It -was horrible beyond words, and never in my life shall I forget those -few sips of champagne in the presence of the dying Prince! - -"Clear consciousness alternated with delirium. {263} At seven o'clock -he suddenly threw his poor little thin arms round my neck and -whispered, 'Like this.... Like this ... together ... to meet them.' I -thought at first that he was wandering, but no! He was alluding to the -arrival of his parents. At last they came. For one moment he -recognised them. The Grand Duke had brought his dying son the Cross of -St. George from his Imperial uncle. - -"'The little white cross! ... The little white cross! ...' whispered -Prince Oleg, and he bent forward slightly and kissed the shining -enamel. We pinned the Cross to his shirt. Presently the patient began -to gasp for air, and it was clear that the end was near. Those awful -moments of silent waiting, those last short breaths ... how terrible is -the mystery of death. At 8.20 the young life closed...." - -A deep and real love breathed in all his life, doubly touching through -the purity and transparency of the innocent heart in which it throbbed. -Perhaps his soul, looking down from Paradise, can see the tear-dimmed -eyes of many Russians gazing sadly up to Heaven's gates through which -the beloved young hero has passed. - -Russia is loyal to her sons. She will never forget them. - - - - -{264} - -CHAPTER XVIII - -BULGARIA'S DEFECTION AND PRISONERS OF WAR - -Russia Blamed for the Balkans Muddle--Bulgaria's Treachery--Gen. Grant -on the Russians and Constantinople--Bulgaria's Dissatisfaction--The -Reign of the Fox--The Treatment of Prisoners of War--The German -Method--The Allies' Failure--Lack of Organisation--Insidious German -Propagandism--Britain and Her Prisoners in Germany - - -Many people blame Russia for what is going on in the Balkans. They -may, perhaps, be more right than one would imagine, but probably not -quite in the way they suppose! In political, as in private life, there -are moments when one must be guided only by the criterion of one's own -duty and conscience, whether one pleases the world or not, whether even -one is openly blamed or not. Russia, unfortunately, has not always -observed this principle. - -It seems to me that in politics nothing is so dangerous as to be more -carried away by cosmopolitanism than by patriotism, and to forget one's -own feelings and duties in one's desire to please some other Power. -Cosmopolitanism kills patriotism. I have spent many winters in -England, and have known many Englishmen, but I have never met a true -Briton who would boast of being a cosmopolitan and not a patriot. -Happy England! - -They tell me that there are prisons and lunatic {265} asylums in this -country. Naturally--even in this happy land there are madmen and -criminals--but they are considered and treated as such. In the present -situation all the harm has been brought about by our past diplomacy, -anxious, as it has always been, ever since the Turkish war of '76, to -please the European Concert. - -At this moment, of course, we fervently adhere to the policy of the -Allies--and for this, indeed, one can only say "Thank God!" The aims -and objects of the allied nations are identical, and we have one common -end in view: victory over our enemy at any cost. This fact is not -based on any vague, cosmopolitan craving to win the approval of some -wretched concert, but is founded on the most ardent and determined -sense of patriotism. - -Now let us consider what is just now the real position of Bulgaria, and -how this position has been brought about. 'Yes, the incredible has -happened, the liberated slave has turned against the hand that gave him -freedom, the but recently enchained captive fights side by side with -his oppressors, and uses his armed forces against his brothers. We -turn away in horror, and cry "Treachery!" The cry is taken up and -repeated, its echo resounds everywhere, and it seems at first sight as -though nothing could be said in defence or justification of an act so -inexcusable. Our indignation, indeed, is just; but before we condemn -an entire nation, let us look round for a moment and consider whether -we cannot point the finger of our scorn and contempt at an object more -deserving of such feelings than an ignorant {266} people victimised by -falsehoods and intrigues, and drawn against its will into an adventure -of which it is already tiring. - -In the first place, European diplomacy, guided by Lord Beaconsfield, -opposed Russia's imminent triumphant entry into Constantinople. In -connection with this fact, I am tempted to recall the following -incident. - -Several years after the end of the war, ex-President Grant called on me -in Paris, and put to me the following question: - -"Can you explain how it happened that the Russians did not occupy -Constantinople, when it was obviously entirely in their hands?" - -"Alas!" I replied, "I have no pleasant explanation to offer. We never -expected such a voluntary abdication of power. In fact, some of our -military people telegraphed to Moscow, saying, 'To-morrow -Constantinople will be occupied for several days.' The general -conviction is that our Government, misled by news from abroad, -telegraphed orders to our Generals not to advance." - -General Grant, who was listening attentively, smiled, and said: - -"Well, I can only say one thing. Had I been one of your Generals I -should have put the order in my pocket, and opened it at Constantinople -three or four days later!" - -Soon after the Constantinople mistake we again foolishly yielded to the -demands of the European Concert, when the San Stéfano Treaty was -opposed, and once more this was a terrible blow to our patriotic -feelings, and a real misfortune to Bulgaria. - -{267} - -By Count Ignatieff's scheme, the Treaty of San Stéfano raised the whole -of Bulgaria on this side and on the further side of the Balkans to the -rank of a Principality. Bulgaria breathed again, and a bright future -seemed about to dawn for her--when suddenly, once more thanks to the -demand of European diplomatists, the newly liberated State was sawn -asunder alive, and the best, the richest portion of its territory found -itself once more under the Turkish yoke. As if this were not enough, -it was insinuated, with an entire disregard for national attachments -and views, that Russia must not dream of nominating a Russian orthodox -Prince to be the Ruler of the new Principality. - -No Russian messages or manifestations of sympathy are allowed to find -their way into Bulgaria, for the Austrian has reason to fear the -Russian influence. The remembrance of what Russia has done is not -quite dead; there is still a spark among the ashes, and perhaps even a -faint breeze might revive the dying embers. Many people, indeed, are -of opinion that there is profound truth in the following words recently -pronounced by General Radko Dmitrieff, the Bulgarian General who is -fighting in the Russian army against one common foe, the only foe a -true Slav can acknowledge at this moment. - -"Once the Bulgarians can be made to understand that they have been -deceived, that Russia is no enemy, but rather, now as ever, their -traditional friend, also that when the time comes for regulating -frontiers and boundaries the Allies will be just and generous, great -changes may be expected. There {268} may, indeed, be a repetition of -that famous incident during the Battle of Leipzig when the Saxons, -fighting on the French side, suddenly changed front and went over to -the enemy. I should not be at all surprised if something similar -happened in the near future." Yes. Bulgaria ought to follow General -Radko Dmitrieff's advice--if she wants to be pardoned and saved. - -A large section of the people is already bitterly discontented with the -Government, and there have already been demonstrations in Sofia in -favour of peace. During one demonstration that took place outside the -Royal Palace, the demonstrators had to be dispersed by the police and a -detachment of cavalry, several people being killed. In the -best-informed Bulgarian military and political circles, also, great -restlessness and uneasiness is being shown, and the whole state of -affairs seems exceedingly unstable and uncertain. The poor Bulgarians, -indeed, are in a helpless and inextricable position. From the moment -of their liberation they have been in the hands of German Princes, who, -encouraged by the German Press, have been spreading the falsehood that -Russia is not to be trusted, and that she is rather an enemy than a -friend! - -Ferdinand has used every opportunity to emphasise this idea, and since -the outbreak of the present war has steadily influenced the people into -the belief that the Allies would, in the event of their success, crush -Bulgaria out of existence. It is, indeed, probable that the fate and -fortunes of the Bulgarian people do not touch Ferdinand very -deeply--he, an Austrian, a Catholic, cares little for {269} the welfare -of his orthodox State subjects. His object is to unite the Bulgarians -with their former oppressors; but such a union, even if it is, to all -appearances, established, can certainly never be sincere. Ferdinand -has learned from his German masters (first-rate masters, indeed, in -such matters!) how to demoralise the poor uncultivated Bulgarians: -demoralisation is not too strong a term--for Europeans who serve -Turkish interests and persecute Christians are renegades of the worst -description. - -All this would certainly never have happened had Russia not yielded to -the demands of the European concert after the Turkish war in '78. I -must say here that the England of to-day is by no means the same as the -England of Disraeli. - -The Bulgarian people, indeed, perhaps deserve more pity than -condemnation, and it is wrong to lay all the blame for the present -state of affairs entirely at their door. It is, for instance, a -significant fact that there are countless Bulgarian subjects in Russia -to-day who have refused to answer the call of their Government, in -spite of the losses and dangers of future vindictive persecution of -themselves and their families which such an action involves. The -former Bulgarian Minister in London and afterwards in Petrograd, M. -Madjaroff, is said to have been imprisoned for treason the moment he -touched Bulgarian soil. His offence was nothing more than a suspected -gratitude towards Russia for the good done to Bulgaria. - -Russia as well as England is naturally indignant with the attitude -suddenly adopted by Bulgaria. {270} That only shows that Bulgaria is -in the power of an Austrian Roman Catholic Prince, who is on the best -of terms with everything Austrian. Just compare these two -irreconcilable elements: an Orthodox people freed from the Turkish yoke -of cruelty and persecution, and an Austrian Prince quite unprepared to -guide his newly-annexed subjects, and penetrated with the idea of -turning them as much as he can against Orthodox Russia, the Liberator -of that people, and subjugating them to Jesuits and other anti-Russian -elements. I remember Mr. Froude brought me one morning the British -Ambassador at the Porte, Sir Drummond Wolfe. We began talking about -the plan of granting constitutional government to Bulgaria. "But do -you want their death?" I exclaimed. "They have no schools, no roads, -no universities, no seminaries: and suddenly you want to plunge them -into Parliamentary subtleties?" He smiled. "Yes. No doubt," said he. - -Fortunately Russian and Bulgarian have not so far come into actual -collision. It seems terrible to think of killing those we fought for -forty years ago, or of having them kill our soldiers. There are many -grave problems facing Europe, Bulgaria is not the least important. - -In the meantime there are several lesser questions that demand -attention, and I think one of these is unquestionably what to do with -our prisoners of war. As I write news has come to hand that Germany is -using 200,000 prisoners of war to strengthen the Rhine defences! In -other words, to increase the death-roll amongst the Allies. - -[Illustration: ST. OLGA'S SCHOOL FOR GIRL TEACHERS AT NOVO-ALEXANDOFKA] - -{271} - -Roman lawyers were not kind to women. The code of Justinian says: -"Women are not admitted to political activity," and adds laconically: -"Propter animæ levitatem" ("They cause levity"). It is not unnatural -if after such a compliment we lose the inclination to trouble ourselves -about complicated and sometimes painful public questions. But--God -helps the brave! And so, I take courage and step straight into the -heart of a resolute and searching judgment on one such painful -question: that of our prisoners of war. Men, almost without exception, -maintain silence on this point, so why should I not try to investigate -the matter? At the present moment our prisoners of war, including -Germans, Slavs and Turks, number well over a million--that is, more -than the entire army of, say, Bulgaria, Norway or Holland. Through the -Press and private sources we know that Germany does not hesitate to -make use of the working power of her war prisoners. They are kept -hungry, and are forced to earn their bread by all kinds of labour, even -purely military occupations. - -How prisoners are employed in Germany is described by "The Man Who -Dined With the Kaiser," that daring young neutral who penetrated into -the heart of the enemy country and brought back much information -valuable to the Allies. In _My Secret Service_ he writes: - -"At Buda-Pesth the Balkan-Zug was tidied and made presentable. Windows -were cleaned by men having little ladders, and the compartments and -corridors swept. To my great surprise I found that this work was being -done by big bearded men in {272} Russian uniforms. I spoke to one or -two of them, but they had very few words of German. They explained -that they were Russian prisoners." - -What are we doing with our prisoners of war? This indiscreet question -never receives a satisfactory answer. Forty thousand prisoners have -been placed in Government and private employment, but the remaining -mass are twirling their thumbs, languishing in enforced idleness. This -hopeless and monotonous inactivity has even here and there developed -hooliganism in their ranks. And further, how have we placed the -comparatively few to whom we have seen fit to give employment? I have -received a letter from a lady landowner of my acquaintance, who tells -me that after a long and complicated correspondence, ten prisoners of -war were sent to her estate. The men were quiet, polite and -respectful, and on their arrival were sent to the cattle yard to dig -manure. But at this point came surprises: one of these prisoners was a -violinist from an opera orchestra, another a photographer, a third a -skilled working optician, a fourth a clerk, a fifth--but good Heavens! -what is one to do with such farm labourers as that? The dull misery of -their long complete inaction had so depressed them, that they were only -too pleased to be occupied even if only with the roughest manual -labour; but of what use is such work, and what return can it give for -the outlay of the employer? - -On a recent occasion, chancing to meet at a friend's house several army -men, Government officials and financiers, I reproached them for their -lack of initiative in not more practically organising {273} the means -of using to our advantage this colossal and invaluable working force. -As everybody knows, labour at this moment is so costly, that great -national enterprises, such as the cutting of canals, the drying of -marshes, the making of roads, the hewing of timber, are left neglected -and unaccomplished through the costliness and general lack of working -hands. Now I ask--where is the intelligent landlord, or other -employers, who will take the risk of engaging, without even the -roughest choice or selection, a heavily paid contingent of workmen -containing the most fantastically mixed elements, persons of the most -varied and contrasting stations and professions and habits, most of -them in all probability entirely unsuited to, and incapable of, -carrying out the work required? In addition, who knows or understands -anything about the legal aspects of the matter?--all the special rights -and special duties of these special workmen? All the special rules in -connection with insubordination or any other misdemeanour, if only the -much discussed refusal to work? - -I will state my conclusions shortly: it is to my mind necessary, first -of all, to compile and publish without delay, in the Russian, German, -Turkish and all the Slavonic languages, a short and clear statement of -the rights, the duties, the responsibilities of all prisoners of war -within our Empire, pointing out that work is obligatory, that refusal -to work will be punished disciplinarily and by maintenance on black -bread and water. That remuneration will be given in part immediately, -the remainder on the conclusion of peace, and on the condition that our -{274} prisoners in Germany receive the like remuneration. - -Then, it is indispensable to organise military detachments and -contingents solely and entirely for the direction and government of the -affairs of war prisoners. Numbers of these prisoners must receive a -short and hasty course of training for Government national work, which -courses, as also the entire administration of the army of working -prisoners, can be under the direction of numbers of our brilliant -officers and generals who have left the ranks crippled or otherwise -incapacitated for further active service. They will be only too happy -to take upon themselves responsible work for their country. Further, -it is necessary to form a committee for inspection of prisoners in the -Intendance department. - -There is in our provinces a whole section that does not know how to -occupy itself, since the closing of the vodka monopoly. Immense -numbers of splendid buildings are standing empty. It seems to me that -they could be without further ado turned into schools and reading-rooms -with tea-rooms attached, whilst countless local Government excise -clerks are entirely without occupation and would be exceedingly useful -in the economic department of the larger national working enterprises. - -Lastly, all the departments, especially those concerned with -agriculture and land development, must be made immediately to set in -motion all their sleeping projects: the making of roads and railways, -the hewing of forest trees, the cutting of canals, etc., etc., all of -which are lying on the shelf for {275} no other reason than the lack of -working hands. Nobody will ever persuade me of the impossibility of -employing disciplined detachments of our present war prisoners on the -execution of many of these projects, especially those connected with -building and agriculture. It is beyond question that the labour of the -prisoners would immediately cheapen and hasten their completion. Of -course, contractors for these undertakings will not make fortunes, and -they will certainly do their best to prove the impracticability of the -whole plan--but their loss is the country's gain. - -Then again, I recently happened to make the acquaintance of the -administrator of one of our northern provinces. He was raising with -the greatest energy and enthusiasm the question of realising an already -fully worked-out project of joining the White Sea to Lake Onega by -means of canals. These canals were to cover a distance of 200 versts. -Again, nobody will assure me that it is impossible to apply the labour -of war prisoners to the execution of this and similar tasks of immense -importance to our Empire. Peter the Great dug the Ladoga canal with -the hands of his Swedish prisoners--a striking reproach for our present -lack of enterprise. - -How often it is necessary to recall to one's mind the examples of Peter -and Catherine the Great! These reminders of old times usually receive -the offensive reply: "Oh, in those days there were men--now we have no -more men, only pigmies!" No men? In our Russia that is seething with -talented inventors? No men devoted to Russia, {276} to her honour and -her might? Indeed ... we have our eagles.... - -But to return to the question of war prisoners. Can it be that all I -have dared to say is so obviously senseless or so excessively profound -and complicated that men prefer to pass it over in silence? Or does -the question I have touched upon deserve no attention simply because -the Romans disregarded a woman's opinion, seeing in it only levity, -especially when connected with public questions?[*] - - -[*] Since this was written the Russian Government has given much more -work to prisoners of different nationalities. - - -German methods with war prisoners are vastly different from those of -the Allies. The German is not content with using their bodies for -carrying out his various schemes, but he strives to divert their minds -from allegiance to their respective countries. It has been proved in a -court of law, the witnesses giving evidence under oath, that in the -case of the Irish soldiers, prisoners in Germany, endeavours were made -to turn them into rebels. No form of duplicity or dishonour seems to -come amiss to the German, and his methods with the Russian prisoners -are not dissimilar to those practised against the Irish, and I can only -hope that they will be as loyal to their country as were the splendid -soldiers of our Ally. - -With the Russian prisoners the German authorities occupy themselves -with torturing the souls of all that fall in their hands, sowing -discord and despair for future generations to reap. It is a terrible -but authentic fact that the minds of Russian prisoners in Germany are -being systematically poisoned by means of the propagation of atheism, -nihilism, and {277} anti-patriotism, through every variety of that -pernicious literature that was always so well received and patronised -in Germany. Our soldiers beg for religious and patriotic books, -instead of which they receive the very opposite, their gaolers hoping -thus to deprive them of their sole remaining consolation, that of an -unshaken faith. - -One of the most encouraging things that I have heard recently came to -my knowledge only as I was going over the manuscript of this book. The -British authorities have taken up the question of sending educational -books to the English prisoners in Germany. Apparently the men are -tired of fiction, and they want some serious study, such as seamanship, -engineering and various other crafts. What particularly interested me -was the fact that simple Russian grammars and text-books are very much -wanted, and these are being sent out. What greater link can there be -between two nations than that each should speak the other's language? -Our tongue, however, is by no means an easy one to acquire. Bismarck -could not understand why Greek should be learnt at all. "If it is -contended that the study of Greek is excellent mental discipline, to -learn Russian would be still more so, and at the same time practically -useful. Twenty-eight declensions and the innumerable niceties by which -the deficiencies of conjugations are made up for are something to -exercise the memory. And then, how are the words changed! Frequently -nothing but a single letter of the original root remains." - - - - -{278} - -CHAPTER XIX - -THE RUSSIAN PARISH - -The Revival of Parish Life--The Ancient Russian Parish--A Peaceful -Community--Slavophils and the Parish--The Metropolitan and the Emperor -Nicholas I--The Independence of the Church--Father John of Kronstadt--A -Blessing to Russia - - -Our new Metropolitan of Petrograd, Pitirim, fortunately considers the -Parish question to be of enormous importance. He ascribes to it even -the power for future victory over our enemies. The Metropolitan, of -course, is a great authority, and the Duma seems to be sharing his -views. The proposal in Orthodox Church circles is to bring back life -to the parish, which at present seems to be greatly neglected and to be -losing its legitimate ground. The resurrection of parish life has -indeed long been hoped for. The plan for its revival is complete, and -is only waiting to be made public. The Holy Synod, as is well known, -has presented lately to the Duma a project that was due to the -initiative of M. Sabler (now called Desyatovski). For some reason or -other this project had been abandoned and withdrawn by its author, to -the great dismay of many who are fervently Greek Orthodox. - -The Metropolitan, Pitirim, is now making every effort to introduce into -the Duma other projects {279} of great importance. In any case, -however incomplete or imperfect these projects may be, it is imperative -to apply them with as little delay as possible, practical experience -being itself the best leveller of defects. How satisfactorily the -reorganisation of parishes will revive Church life, we shall see. -History, with which all who are interested in this question should -acquaint themselves, gives ample evidence of how gradually this -ecclesiastical arrangement has died out. - -The ancient Russian parish was something very different from what is -implied by the present meaning of the term. As everybody knows, a -modern parish is simply a certain amount of property within the -boundaries of a limited distance from a given church. Social life -within the parish has of late been diminishing, and the activities of -parishioners in parish matters scarcely go beyond the election of a -churchwarden, and the payment of his wages. The part allotted to them -in all other matters is purely passive, and consists principally of -paying subscriptions to various brotherhoods and charitable -institutions. In other words, if the priest happens to enjoy some -authority or popularity among his flock, such institutions flourish by -aid of voluntary contributions. In other cases, they exist only on -paper, this deception being used because their upkeep is desired by the -higher powers, disobedience to whom might have occasionally -disagreeable consequences to the parish control. - -How different is all this to old-time conditions! In bygone days, -parishioners, in frequent cases, {280} built their own church, and -therefore naturally regarded it as their personal property, dependent -on their care for its needs and its welfare. Never was there an -absentee at elections of churchwardens or other officials. Everyone -was personally interested, the whole parish being like a large family, -whilst all social and other activities revolved round the church. -Close to the church was always a sort of marketplace with booths and -other such erections, where all the affairs of the neighbourhood were -transacted, and where the people collected in gay crowds on festival -days. Here also was a sort of social club, where the parishioners -discussed the news of the day, and rested after their labours. The -people were thus closely linked together, under the protecting shadows -of their church. They had their organisations and their enterprises. -For instance, they would club together to build homes for beggars and -pilgrims to be received therein and fed and helped on their way. -Sometimes also the churchwardens acted as bankers, and advanced money -on prescribed conditions, to needy parishioners. In fact, to quote the -words of Professor Titlinoff, the parish authorities considered it -their duty to look after both the moral and material welfare of their -flock. Family quarrels were regarded as a disgrace. Public opinion -strictly required of all parishioners regular attendance at confession -and communion, with cessation of work on Sundays and Church festivals. -The parish sometimes also made itself responsible for the education of -its children, providing teachers out of the church funds. - -On festival days, great feasts were organised, to {281} which all -participants subscribed in money and kind. These feasts were enlivened -by public games and useful amusements. All this drew the people very -closely together into a real, living Church and social organisation. -Such were our parishes, as long as the system of an elected clergy -lasted. But as the electoral system died out, social and independent -parish life declined, the parishioners losing all personal interest in -their church and its clergy. The church gradually ceased to be the -centre of local life, the social club disappeared, the schools ceased -to exist. The authority of the church weakened, and all general parish -organisation was a thing of the past. - -In some parts this influence of the Church is almost extinguished. - -Now that attention has been drawn to these facts, real and serious -efforts are needed to awaken general interest in the matter. This -question of the revival of parish life is very serious and important. -In the foundation of parishes lies the seed of future economic -victory--for, without a parish, there can be neither solidarity nor -union of interests, nor any means of utilising to the utmost all the -resources of the nation for the benefit of our Church and State. - -In view of the rumour that the parish will be renewed, some time ago an -ecclesiastical parish meeting was held. The questions debated regarded -the parish, and many resolutions were passed. One of the most -important was to ask the Metropolitan's consent to renew meetings of -clergymen of the whole town, parish churchwardens and representatives -of parishioners to discuss and decide parish {282} questions, and by -this meeting give a mutual understanding among all concerned in the -question on hand. - -Here the most prominent of professors should be allowed to express -their opinions, as well as a number of other laymen. - -In the parish life there are instances known only to the clergyman. - -Up to now such instances have been the clergyman's realm of Christian -duty which he made his chief care and happiness. - -The Russian Slavophils were all supporters of the parish and its -prerogatives. These always appealed to our ancient history and our -traditions, and to see them appreciated at their real value by a man of -such position as the Metropolitan, Pitirim, is certainly an event of -great importance in the life of our Church, and especially welcome in -our times, where there is decidedly a great religious revival -throughout the whole of Russia. - -Slavophils always maintained that religion ought to have the upper hand -in questions where the temporal power was attempting to interfere. The -following is a case in point. - -As is well known, the Emperor Nicholas I was a very energetic man, who -liked to have his own way. On one occasion he was strongly in favour -of a step of which the Church disapproved. At that time we had as -Metropolitan of Petrograd a very superior man, by name Plato. I must -add that our Metropolitans have no difficulty in obtaining interviews -with the Emperor. The Metropolitan, therefore, after putting on all -his decorations, went without {283} hesitation to the Palace, where he -arrived in great state in his carriage drawn by four or six horses. -"Majesty," he said, laying all his decorations before the Emperor on -the table, "here are all the gifts I have received from you. I will -leave my carriage at your gates and return on foot as a poor monk. But -I will never sanction the reform you demand." - -The projected reform was abandoned. So do we, old-fashioned -Slavophils, always supporting the independence of the Church, now -welcome with joy the intention of the Holy Synod and the Metropolitan, -Pitirim, to return to the parish system with all its former privileges -which have of late years been neglected--indeed, almost forgotten. - -In our times, in spite of the difficulties, certain efforts have been -made to revive the parish question of ancient days. Thus, for -instance, in Kieff, and in the diocese of Kieff, various brotherhoods -have been organised which began with the starting of preaching and -organising schools. And they soon discovered that in the same province -there existed already about one hundred associations of the same kind, -though in more limited forms. These were exclusively organised by the -clergy. Thus, for instance, in one of the districts, there were -already over thirty consumers' stores, started by the initiative of one -single clergyman. The brilliant result of this initiative in the year -1913 represented already a considerable balance, which helped to open a -second-class school, classes where trades were learned and where there -were stalls of agricultural implements. The Brotherhood's Council then -{284} organised its own special committee, calling it the Agricultural -Committee, whose task it was to "bring help to all ripening -agricultural questions and to discuss them in council." Libraries, -reading-rooms, moving pictures, choral singing, and sermons on -education and other important requirements were thus established. -Naturally those grew the most prominent which were already united by -faith and prayer. - -Brotherhoods of this kind admitted of no division in classes, -corporations, or party factions, all being equals in the eyes of the -Church. For general parish work there is room for every one; for the -cultured landowner, the doctor, the teacher, and for every intelligent -man, and also for every intelligent peasant. When an association of -this kind bears the character of clericalism, being under the guidance -of the Church, it is rooted deeper, and has higher objects, than when -it is in private hands, where the interests are often purely -egotistical or trivial. - -We had, for instance, a remarkable example in the Reverend Father John, -of Kronstadt, thanks chiefly to whose proverbial disinterestedness and -other high moral powers, tremendous sums of money were offered -voluntarily for his philanthropic work; this was practised on an -incredibly large scale. - -Father John, of Kronstadt, daily received streams of money, and always -at once disposed of them in charities, keeping nothing for himself. -When he died he left his widow so poor, that the Tsar intervened and a -pension was allotted to her. - -No one could be guided by a better example than we have had in the -Reverend Father John, of Kronstadt, {285} who, though he began life -without any protection, and as a very poor and humble parish priest, -attracted the whole Russian nation, inspiring a faith that approached -the miraculous. Hundreds come daily to salute his grave and pray for -his soul. Similar parish reforms ought to be introduced everywhere in -Russia, and it is a real blessing that the Metropolitan of Petrograd -supports this movement. Had this been done already, the importance of -it would have been realised not only in home policy, but also in -questions of international significance. In former days members of -such brotherhoods jealously pursued the severe dictates of the -ordinances of the Church. It is evident that the chief enlightenment -and prosperity of every Christian country lies in the moral conscience -of her people in respect to the Church, as the arbiter of Power and -Light. - - - - -{286} - -CHAPTER XX - -RUSSIA AND ENGLAND - -A New Era--The Russian Ideal--The Trick of Double Nationality--Lord -Kitchener's Legacy--The Armenian Inventor--The Kaiser and Double -Nationality--The Future of Prussia--Russia's Hope of Victory--Germany's -Influence on Anglo-Russian Friendship--Days of Suspicion--Lord -Clarendon's Opinion--An ex-Cabinet Minister's Boast--Russian Memories -of England--A Glorious Future - - -At the time I left England in May, 1914, there was, of course, no -thought of the coming calamity. I wished to return in the autumn of -that year to follow my usual habit of spending the winter in London; -but the declaration of this unexpected war changed all my plans, and I -remained in Russia, returning in the late autumn of 1915. - -It has been a great happiness to me to see how the friendship between -England and Russia has become realised, and how with all the sufferings -and mutual anxieties it becomes stronger day by day. The idea of an -Anglo-Russian alliance has inspired me a good portion of my life. It -is what I have worked for--my dream, my ideal. - -The war takes an intolerably long time and is a great strain. The -sacrifice of men is terrible; the cost unprecedented. We have -undergone much and lost much. Our Russian soldiers are equal in {287} -bravery to the British, the French, the Belgians and the noble Serbs. -We are inspired by the same high ideal, and therefore we must win. The -new conditions of warfare have horrified the world--the suffocating -gases, the atrocities, the diabolical machinery. Our task is not easy, -but I do not think anyone in Russia doubts the final result. In spite -of the new German weapons, the terrible cost, the German intrigue and -corruption, and the tremendous sums that must have been secretly -economised by Germany for the purpose of bribery, we shall win. - -Then there is the German trick of double nationality--the becoming -naturalised in Russia or England and yet retaining allegiance to the -Emperor Wilhelm. I rejoice to notice that Great Britain is dealing -with that so wisely and energetically, not, I believe, recognising -nationality obtained within the last ten years. - -Perhaps one of Lord Kitchener's most valuable legacies to his country -may be his advice that no Germans should be given naturalisation papers -in England for the next twenty-one years. The whole system of -naturalisation in general is never a good or praiseworthy one. It -kills real patriotism. Why can one not abolish it entirely in the -whole world? We cannot at will take a new father or mother and break -all the ties God and nature have given us--why then a new nationality? -The habit of becoming a naturalised subject of some adopted country is -most common among Germans, their Government rather encouraging the -practice than otherwise, but not allowing naturalisation abroad to -interfere in {288} any sense with the full rights of citizenship at -home. This, of course, creates the great evil of double nationality -that has done so much harm, among others to countless Russian subjects -of German birth or parentage. The legalisation of the practice was -accomplished soon after the Franco-German war of 1871, but it was kept -quiet and very little was heard of it. I should like to quote an -example of the harm done by this pernicious system. - -A talented Armenian had invented some important novelty in connection -with naval matters. For some reason no one took any interest in him in -Russia, and his life's work seemed unlikely to achieve any result. In -despair, he turned his steps to Berlin. There he was immediately -appreciated, but as, by the German law, the Government cannot finance -the enterprises of any but its own subjects, my poor Armenian, after -much hesitation and grief, and with the permission of the Russian -Government, became a German subject. Thereupon the German Government -bought his invention, largely rewarding and providing for the -inventor--only, however, after his official naturalisation as a German -subject. - -Some time after, this same Armenian, having lost all his means, and -having suffered much from illness ana other troubles, set to work and -tried his luck in London. Here, however, his double nationality -brought him nothing but trouble. Germans, in spite of his -naturalisation, regarded him as a Russian, and Russians, since he had -chosen to become a German subject, considered him a German. Neither -the one nor the other would help him, and he was driven to despair and -starvation. - -{289} - -The German Emperor has caught at the system of double nationality, and -has done all in his power to create confusion in this connection. It -is as though he had wished above all things to revenge himself on those -of his former subjects who have adopted Russia as their country, and -have become naturalised there. He has, by legalising the practice, -sown discord and mistrust between the German Russians and the people -among whom they might have continued to live peaceably and happily. Is -not this the action of a wicked foe? - -One of my friends, an experienced and clever judge, recently returned -from the front, expressed himself to the effect that Wilhelm had -dragged his hapless country into a state of Satanism and had everywhere -sown dissension and bribery and evil and sorrow. This is indeed a fact -and a danger of which by now not only Russia, but also France and -England are convinced, and this very conviction has drawn the Allies -more closely together, uniting them by an indissoluble bond, as they -fight side by side in this war of liberation and self-defence. - -Prussianism deserves merciless punishment, and a radical cure for its -mad and boundless greed and ambition. Prussia must be forced back to -its former modest dangerless limits. All the mischief done by and -since '71 must be undone, and their military system destroyed once and -for all. - -Some people pretend that Prussia should be returned to the limits not -only of the year '71, but to those of the Paris Treaty. I hardly think -that so drastic a measure could be carried through. But of course we -may remember that Berlin has {290} been once invaded by Napoleon, and -that the same victories could be repeated in our time. - -This is _par excellence_ a war of good against evil. The good must -always triumph--we must only be patient, stand loyally side by side, -and struggle, struggle, struggle on to the end! - -In spite of all, we shall win. On our side are--(1) Belief in the -cause; (2) Faith in God; (3) Faith in the Emperor; (4) Faith in our -Allies; or, to put it shorter, in the words of the motto of our Army, -"Snami Bog" ("God is with us"). - -We sympathise deeply, too deeply for words, with England, and -appreciate all she is doing. Our enemies, of course, have done their -best to shake our confidence in each other. That is only natural, but -we know that, but for the British Fleet, the Germans would have passed -through the English Channel and invaded the coasts of France; that our -Baltic shores would have been in greater danger; and that the German -trade would have continued. We know what the British Army is doing, -and we view with deep compassion and fellow-suffering the losses which -it has suffered in Gallipoli, chiefly for our sake. We follow with -deep sympathy Britain's Roll of Honour. - -My personal belief is that our friendship will survive all strains, and -will persist into the coming time when, with God's help, peace in -Europe will be restored for many, many years. - -[Illustration: MYSELF WITH MY FAITHFUL MAX AT BRUNSWICK PLACE, N.W.] - -It is now very interesting to look back and trace the growth of the -understanding between Russia and England that developed into an -Alliance. Symptoms of Russophobia began to disappear {291} about the -middle nineties. Once the Indian north-west-frontier bogy disappeared, -my mind became easier. Anglo-Indian suspicion has been not a little -responsible for the breach. - -The change was largely due to the rise of Germany. In the old days -there was only one continent where the shadow of a European Power fell -across the English doorstep. As Russia was that Power she monopolised -alike the attention and suspicion. What puzzles me most is, how it has -been possible for a nation that has shown itself almost uncannily -suspicious of Russia, to permit Germany to make all the preparations -she has made, and which for years it has been known she was making, -without suspicion. British ministers became quite cross at the mere -suggestion that Germany's aims were not entirely pacific, as if a man -builds a Dreadnought for Cowes, or a submarine for Henley. Sometimes -politicians seem to me very silly. - -I remember Charles Villiers once writing to me that "in England there -is a disposition to believe that Russia is an enemy of Liberty and a -sort of ogre that goes about looking for sickly people to swallow them -up." - -This is exactly what England did believe for very many years. Nothing -Russia did could be right. If she appeared to be actuated by high -principles, people sought for some hidden motive; if, on the other -hand, they could trace self-interest, then they contented themselves -with saying that it was just what was to be expected from Russia. - -There were, of course, exceptions to this rule. Charles Villiers -himself, in that same letter, added {292} that he was not a party to so -ridiculous a belief. Later, Lord Clarendon wrote to me expressing -disbelief that Russia would go to war with Turkey; but in his mind -there was the same suspicion of her actions. "That she should," he -said, "see with the utmost confidence and resignation troubles excited -in the East by others I think very likely indeed, and I cannot believe -that the Prince of Serbia would make these preparations for exciting -war unless he had the sanction of Russia. Russia may perhaps say with -a safe conscience that she did not advise such measures, but can she -declare that she ever said one word to disapprove or check them?" If -she had done so, or would even now exert her authority, the Prince -would become as tame as a mouse. - -"I am not one of your category who 'cares not a straw for Russia,' for -I know what vast elements of greatness she has, and that if she gives -herself to develop her resources and consolidate her power, and does -not yield to the lust of conquest, she must be the greatest nation of -the world." - -I quote these words because Lord Clarendon was in every sense a man who -thought carefully before expressing an opinion, and it is easy to see -even in his words some suspicion of Russia. - -Another cause for the gradual change of public opinion that for some -years past has been manifesting itself in England, is that Africa has -displaced Asia in the international arena, and that over British Africa -Russia casts, and can cast, no shadow, whereas other nations have been -treading with heavy foot upon England's colonial toes. - -{293} - -No nation can be on bad terms with all its neighbours, as Germany will -have good reason to know in the very near future, and the rising menace -of German ambition synchronised with the lessening of the tension -between Russia and England. The national danger for England had -shifted to another zone. - -Twenty years ago I wrote: - -"It appears as if, at last, Englishmen were really beginning to -understand that Russia is a sister nation, which is as great by land as -England is by sea." - -As I write I call to mind a dinner-party, at which an ex-Cabinet -Minister, obviously wishing to frighten a foreigner, somewhat pompously -remarked: - -"You have no idea of the great power which England represents by her -fleet. No other nation is a match for us." - -He may have been right, but the tone amused me, and I said in reply: - -"So much the better. It is a new argument in favour of my beloved -scheme--the Anglo-Russian Alliance. Our army stands to us in the same -relation as your fleet to you, and in case of need might supply your -military deficiency. On the other hand, your fleet might perhaps work -in union with ours. But even putting aside an offensive or defensive -alliance of this kind, there is one fact which is clear--left to -themselves, England and Russia, having such different weapons, cannot -fight each other." - -If I had ventured this as a prophecy instead of an ideal how I should -have been laughed at; yet it has been realised, and the British Navy -and the Russian {294} Army have been united at last. No matchmaker -ever had more trouble in bringing together a self-conscious youth and -coy maiden than those who have fought so long and so hard to bring -England and Russia together. - -Again, there was always that tendency on the part of England to -interfere in the internal affairs of Russia. To this I have referred -elsewhere. If we had started in Russia a society called "The Friends -of Irish Freedom," with the names of Russian Cabinet Ministers upon the -title-page, what an uproar there would have been. I have, time after -time, striven to emphasise the evil done in the past to the growth of a -proper understanding between the two countries by such societies as -"The Friends of Russian Freedom." - -Anyone who is cold to Russia may be said at this moment to be rather a -pro-German. Also any Russian who is cold to England is also rather -pro-German. Such people no doubt do exist. Every good cause has its -enemies, and the cause of our friendship has had enemies all along. - -But our friendship is founded on a genuine mutual admiration of -Russians and English for one another. And when one says admiration, -does not one mean in reality love? We like one another. We do not -really distrust one another. Knowledge is this case always breeds -affection. Against that fact all hostility from German and pro-German -intriguers must fail. - -The Anglo-Russian alliance is first of all one of hearts. My heart is -with England. I feel that I now have two countries, Russia and my -foster-country {295} England. The hearts of many English are with -Russia. There are now many friendships. - -It is also an alliance of minds. You read our literature with profit, -we yours. You are interested in our arts and institutions, we in -yours. It is also an alliance of economic interests, of pockets, may I -say? We both stand to help one another in commerce. After the war -this will increase with the passage of each year. - -It is also an alliance of arms. We are both in the field against the -common enemy, and the ideals for which we are fighting are one and the -same, the motives similar. - -Everything is helping forward the cause of Anglo-Russian friendship. - -As far as my own experience of England goes she is not only unselfish, -but really enthusiastic and full of generosity. Her patriotic -self-sacrifice is displayed every day during this monstrous war. Young -or old, experienced or inexperienced, everybody is anxious to fight or -die for the glory of his country. As to her generosity, can anybody -doubt that? In these two fundamental feelings Russians and English are -very dear to each other. They only need to know each other better. - -I have said this in Russia, and have described it many times. Let us -remember, for instance, the splendid generosity of England during the -famine of 1891 in Russia. That was a terrible time, especially in the -province of Tamboff as I have explained, and we all remember how -England helped. - -Last summer, when I was at Alexandrofka, one of the old porters began -talking to me about the {296} "English bread, which was sent by -England." At first I did not quite grasp what he meant. Little by -little I understood that he spoke of the English subscriptions which -had allowed my son to sell bread at very cheap prices when everywhere -else in our neighbourhood the cost was monstrously high. People came -from the remotest districts to buy our bread. More than 100,000 people -were thus saved from starvation. The philanthropic Grand Duchess -Elizabeth, sister of our Empress Alexandra, also hurried to help us. -The magnificent part played in Russia by the Society of Friends, -represented by Mr. Burke and Mr. W. Fox, is well remembered by all of -us Russians. - -Somebody has said there are no small things. Everything may have great -and important results, but nevertheless real. - -At this moment, to my great satisfaction, my room is crammed with -pamphlets and books about Russia, all kindly disposed and insisting -upon the Anglo-Russian alliance. One regrets not to be able to grasp -gratefully every hand that wrote such useful and excellent books. But -there is no time to be lost. We must strive as much as we can to work -harmoniously together. Even when this war is over and when written -treaties are definitely signed, we must go forward hand in hand. -Friendship lies not so much in the letter and the word as in the spirit. - -As to the future, with Great Britain, France, Russia, and Italy working -hand in hand, what has Europe to fear? In July, 1914, the Prussian War -Party saw a "decadent" England, a still more {297} "decadent" France, -and a Russia not yet recovered from her last war. In July, 1916, -Germany has to face a New England, a New France, and a New Russia, and -the time is not far distant when we shall have something like pity in -our heart for Germany, the pity that one feels for alienated criminals. - -It would be most unfair (not to say stupid) to forget the hundreds, -perhaps thousands, of men with foreign names, who at this very moment -are bravely fighting and sacrificing their lives for Russia and -Russia's glory. - -Every Russian--even those with scanty and superficial education--should -always remember certain names with gratitude. - -Let me take a few names at random. The best friend of the Slavonic -cause was _Hilferding_. The great Academician, A. Behr, has opened -Russia's eyes to our fishing riches, a great branch of our commerce. - -Ostaken, who took the Russian name of Vostokoff, was the author of -_Slavonic Philology_. - -Dr. Haas--whom the people always call "our Saintly Doctor." - -Then there were Barklay de Tolly, Todleben, and many others--who will -always live in our history, and ought to be remembered with admiration -and gratitude. - -Thackeray said that three generations were needed to make a gentleman. -But, surely, three centuries of honest allegiance to a country are -required to make a trustworthy subject. - -The present war will undoubtedly bring in its {298} train many reforms -and changes in the most varied directions. Among these, it is -imperative to look very seriously into the question of necessary and -unnecessary expenses, and of luxury in both its good and its bad sense. -That there is a clearly-defined dividing line between the two, is an -obvious truth, an indisputable truism. Russia, as well as other -countries, will, for a long time after the war, be obliged to exercise -economy of the severest order. Self-defence will be necessary even -when the clash of arms and the thunder of the guns have ceased. Great -and inevitable problems face us wherever we turn. We need more -churches, general education, new roads, and the development of all the -latent natural wealth of our country. - -All this is as important as our daily bread, without which there can be -no life. - -Yes, it is indeed a fact that well organised economy spells great and -mighty results. Unfortunately, we cannot hide from ourselves the truth -that large sums of money are constantly being spent on needless and -foolish vanities. There comes to my mind a conversation that took -place many years ago, during one of my visits to Moscow. The subject -under discussion was connected with the buttons and gold braid on our -military uniforms. Their arrangement was to be altered, and something -added or taken away, I forget which. I listened for some time in -silence, and then remarked with a smile that the whole thing reminded -me of some typical discussion among Gogol's "fair ladies." "But you -are mistaken," answered one of the Moscow experts seriously, "this is a -matter that {299} has to be examined very carefully. Do you realise -that the simplest change, the taking away or adding of one button or -one inch of braid represents an enormous sum of money? When one is -dealing with an army and a navy numbering millions, every extra thread -deserves consideration. One must keep most careful accounts and weigh -every detail conscientiously!" - -Unfortunately, this is all too often left undone. Gogol's ladies -disputed about "frocks and frills"; in our case the matter under -discussion concerns our national income, of which we need every penny, -and which it is incumbent on us not to waste. I repeat, we need, for -instance, more churches. Have you ever been to the St. Isaac's -Cathedral in Petrograd at Easter? Even such huge places of worship as -this, or as the Kazan Cathedral, cannot accommodate half of the throngs -waiting and thirsting for prayer. - -I myself have often stood waiting for two hours among the crowd in the -street unable to force my way through into the church. - -But in addition to churches, we need general education. We must have -more schools and universities, more roads, more libraries, more books. -All this is anything but on a line with the "frocks and frills" of -Gogol's ladies--no, we are discussing the welfare of Russia, and that -is for us no trifling matter. Every insignificant change in connection -with buttons or trimming affects the budget of our Empire--how much -more then could be saved by giving up all the needless splendour and -extravagance of our magnificent uniforms? - -{300} - -At the time of the discussion to which I have referred, there was no -thought of war, but happily, even in days of unclouded peace and -prosperity, there are people who occupy themselves with the good of our -country, and their passing remarks sometimes remain deeply engraved on -the memories of their hearers. - -If some good fairy were to appear before me at this moment and ask me -to pronounce a wish, I would, without a moment's hesitation, repeat the -words of my Moscow friend, and would add on my own account the wish -that luxury might be done away with, that we might after the war never -again see the old gorgeous military attire, but that it might give -place for good to the modest war-time uniforms of the moment. These -simple uniforms, indeed, will always bring back soul-stirring memories, -for they are connected with the brilliant victories of our heroes, -whose glorious deeds have astonished the whole world. These glorious -deeds, this magnificent self-sacrifice is one of Russia's trophies. -Let our children understand the meaning of these simple uniforms, and -never forget them. Such economy and simplicity would be of immense -benefit not only to our pockets, but to our ethical and moral education. - -Wise remarks should be remembered. Of course, the great men of the day -are not always those of the century. - -On the other hand, simple, unpretentious, humble people make sometimes -remarks of deep importance. We all ought to learn how to listen and -understand what we hear. - -{301} - -Ah, yes! we have much, much to learn in every way! - -One sometimes hears strange theories advanced in favour of magnificent -uniforms. It is said, for instance, that they attract young people to -the service. I cannot understand how one can even repeat such an -ignoble argument. People who wish to serve their country are not -guided by such thoughts as this. They have far higher moral -requirements and ideals--ideals indeed that are far more likely to -destroy than to encourage mean and petty vanities that sometimes show -themselves in such varied forms among men and women alike. - -Money can be a great power for good, when it is applied to the -development of latent but deep-rooted national possibilities. This war -has awakened all our activities and will guide our energies in the -right direction. Russia, with God's help, will grow stronger than -ever, will free herself from foreign elements and dangerous help, and -will become a greater power than ever before. - - - - -{302} - -CONCLUSION - -And now I have finished. I have told of some of the things I have -seen, heard, and felt. I have drawn upon my recollections just as one -might draw tickets at a raffle. - -From my earliest childhood I have always been greatly attracted by -people much older than myself. They taught me things that I wanted to -know but was too lazy to learn through books and from governesses, who -generally appeared to me stiff, cold, and unsympathetic. - -Ugly and whimsical child as I was, outsiders generally took a fancy to -me, and, through their conversation, my mind unconsciously obtained the -habit of meddling with serious questions which I very often felt to be -beyond me. This habit of meddling with things beyond my depth has -never left me, with the natural consequence (Heaven knows!) of frequent -disillusionments. - -Now I have to reverse the order of my youth, and find interest in the -younger generation more than I did when I was a contemporary. - -However, my raffle is closed. I hope that some words of mine have not -been in vain. It remains for Russians and Englishmen to get to know -each other. When they do, their friendship will be indissoluble--I -know both. - - - - -{305} - -INDEX - -Abdul Hamid, 48, 157, 158, 161 - -Afghanistan, 81 - -Aksakoff, Ivan, 37 - -Alcohol in Russia, 168, 169 - -Alexandra, Empress, 23 - -Alexandrovna, Empress Marie, 73 - -Anglo-Russian agreement, 18, 25 - -Anglo-Russian Alliance, 94, 286, 293, 294 - -Anglo-Turkish Convention, 151 - -Armenia, 147, 148, 152, 161 - -Armenians, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152 - -Asquith, Mr. H. H., 79 - -Athens, 49 - -Austria, 95, 96, 203 - - - -Balkans, the, 31, 39, 41, 46, 85, 264 - -Baltic, the, 25 - -Baring, Walter, 26 - -Bartlett, Sir Ellis Ashmead-Bartlett, 99 - -Belgrade, 31 - -Belgium, 23, 51 - -Berlin, 87 - -Berlin Congress, 149, 159 - -Béust, Count, 82 - -Bismarck, Prince, 50, 51, 60, 98, 277 - -Bludoff, Countess, 73 - -Bosnia, 31 - -Brunow, Baron, 23, 108 - -Bulgaria, 19, 23, 40, 113, 265, 267, 270 - -Bulgarians, 19, 267, 269 - -_Bulgarian Horrors and the Question of the East, The_, by Mr. -Gladstone, 26 - - - -Campbell-Bannerman, Lady, 78 - -Campbell-Bannerman, Sir Henry, 76, 78, 79 - -Carlyle, Thomas, 80, 81, 163 - -Cettingje, 31 - -_Christ or Moses? Which?_ by Madame Novikoff, 58 - -Clarendon, Lord, 292 - -Cologne, 69 - -Constantine, Grand Duke, 247, 253 - -Constantinople, 47, 49, 72, 163, 266 - -Constantinople Conference, 46, 48 - -Cossacks, 37 - -Crete, 49 - -Crimean War, 203 - -Cyprus Convention, 151, 161 - - - -_Daily News, The_, 26, 39, 120 - -Disraeli, Mr. (Lord Beaconsfield), first meeting with Madame Novikoff, -24; his policy resented by Russia, 29; against the freeing of Bulgaria -from Turkish oppression, 113; his high opinion of Abdul Hamid, 157-158; -on the Treaty of Berlin, 159; on England's policy with regard to Asia -Minor, 160; opposes Russia's entry into Constantinople, 266 - -Dmitrieff, General Radko, 267 - -Dogger Bank incident, 197 - -Dolgorouki, Prince Vladimir, 74 - -Döllinger, Dr., 57, 58, 68 - -Dostoyevsky, Fiodor, 236, 237 - -Douma, the, 49 - - - -Egypt, 94 - -Elizabeth, Grand Duchess, 137, 296 - -Emperor, Russian, 21 - -England, 20, 29, 30, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 49, 50, 52, 89, 93, -96, 97, 99, 100, 113, 118, 149, 151, 155, 158, 160, 164, 185, 186, 193, -194, 197, 201, 216, 217, 238, 242, 269, 292, 293, 294, 296 - - - -France, 79, 89, 203, 237 - -Franco-German War, 288 - -Freeman, E. A., 39 - -_Free Russia_, 199 - -Fock, General, 192 - -_Fortnightly Review_, 61, 163 - -Froude, Henry, 39, 66, 80, 82, 194 - - - -Germany, 22, 33, 50, 51, 95, 109, 203, 271, 277, 287, 291, 293, 297 - -Ghiray, Hadji, 31 - -Gibraltar, 49 - -Girardin, Emile de, 70 - -Gladstone, Mr. W. E., makes acquaintance of Madame Novikoff, 23; what -he called her, 24; solitary championship of Russia, 25; publishes his -pamphlet, _The Bulgarian Horrors and the Question of the East_, 26; his -anxiety about the future of England and Russia, 27; speaks at St. -James's Hall, 43; a misunderstood incident, 44; his fearless -denunciation of Turkey, 45; his friendship with Madame Novikoff -criticised, 48; his dying utterance, 53; his character, 54; he reviews -Madame Novikoff's _Russia and England_, 55; Cardinal Manning's opinion -of him, 56; his interest in the Old Catholics, 57; a letter to Madame -Novikoff, 58; another letter, 62-64; his interest in Shakespeare, 65; a -talk with Hayward, 67; his love of books, 68; an incident at Munich, -69; at a dinner in Paris, 70; his knowledge of French, 71; a comment by -the _Pall Mall Gazette_, 102; on the Berlin Treaty, 147; urges the -coercion of the Sultan, 152; a letter on Lord Salisbury's position, -153; on the Sultan of Turkey, 154; condemns the policy of Prince -Lobanoff, 156; on the Cyprus Treaty, 161; on the history of nations, 219 - -Gladstone, Mrs., 40, 55, 67 - -Gladstone, Miss Helen, 69, 70, 71 - -Gortschakoff, Prince, 37, 51, 95, 105 - -Goya, Francisco, 84 - -Great Britain, 23, 34, 40, 48, 162 - -Greece, 49 - -Grey, Lady Sybil, 137 - -Grey, Earl, 137 - - - -Hague Conference, The, 30, 186 - -Hamilton, Bishop, 56 - -Harcourt, Sir William, 39 - -Hayward, 65, 67, 193, 194 - -Helen, Grand Duchess, 73, 74-77, 141, 142 - -Herzegovina, 31 - - - -Ignatieff, General, 46, 47 - -_Is Russia Wrong?_ by Madame Novikoff, 162 - -Italy, 32, 203 - - - -Japan, 197, 257 - -Jews, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 119, 120, 121 - - - -Kaiser, 20, 87 - -"Karaims," ancestors of, 122 - -Kinglake, A. W., 34, 39, 66, 82, 93, 97, 186, 187, 188, 192, 193, 194 - -Karaite Jews, the, 119 - -Keyserling, Count, 60, 77, 89 - -Khalil Pasha, 72 - -Khanoff, General Ali, 21 - -Khvostoff, Mons., 23 - -Kiréeff, Alexander, 31, 32, 50, 125, 248 - -Kiréeff, Nicholas, 31, 32, 33, 35, 39, 41, 51 - -Kireevo, 41 - -Kovalsky, Bishop, 179 - - - -_La Revue Internationale dc Théologie_, 61 - -Liszt, Franz, 138, 143 - -Lobanoff-Rostovsky, Prince, 103, 160 - -Loftus, Lord Augustus, 36, 37 - -London, 23, 77, 87, 100, 102, 104, 114, 115 - -Lucca, 32 - - - -Manning, Cardinal, 56, 57 - -Mariavites, the, 179 - -Mikoulin, General, 189 - -Milan, Prince, 32 - -Mohammedans in Russia, 21 - -Montefiore, Mr. George, 121 - -Moscow, 17, 18, 19, 36, 37, 49, 51, 68, 85, 141, 142, 298 - -_Moscow Gazette_, 106, 165 - -Munich, 69 - -Murchison, Sir Roderick, 89 - -_My Secret Service_, 271 - - - -Naoumovitch, Father, 96 - -Napier, Lord, 39, 72, 73 - -Nesselrode, Count, 95 - -Newmarch, Mrs., 145 - -Nicholas, Count, 47 - -Nicolaevitch, Grand Duke Constantine, 76, 141 - -Nicholas I, Emperor, 90-95, 97-98 - -Nicolas, Grand Duke, 74 - -Nihilism, 199, 201, 202, 204, 276 - -_Nineteenth Century, The_, 55, 163 - -Nordau, Dr. Max, 121 - -Novikoff, Alexander, 125, 127, 128, 170, 174 - -Novikoff, E., 104 - -Novikoff, M., 129, 134, 135 - -Novikoff, Madame Olga, in Moscow, 17; her ambition being realised, 18; -memories of 1876, 19; introduction to Mr. Gladstone, 23; and to Mr. -Disraeli, 24; what Mr. Gladstone called her, 24; her fight against -prejudice, 26; Mr. Gladstone's visits, 27; her brother, Nicholas, goes -to help the Slavs, 31; his death, 32; effect on Russia, 34; she assists -the ambulance work, 38; in despair she blames England, 39; her English -correspondents, 39; letter from Mrs. Gladstone, 40; at the St. James's -Hall meeting, 43; Mr. Gladstone sees her home, 44; she writes to him, -45; back in Russia, 48; Russia declares war against Turkey, 49; she -publishes her book, _Russia and England_, 54; which Mr. Gladstone -reviews, 55; a letter from Mr. Gladstone, 58; she publishes a German -pamphlet, 60; a letter from Prof. E. Michaud, 61; Mr. Gladstone writes -to her, 62; Hayward, the critic, 65; her memory of Tyndall, 68; a visit -to Miss Helen Gladstone, 69; her Thursday receptions in Russia, 72; her -mother-in-law, 74; at the Grand Duchess Helen's ball, 75; she meets the -Campbell-Bannermans, 77; her last talk with Sir Henry, 79; visits from -Carlyle and Froude, 80; she visits Carlyle on his death-bed, 81-82; a -memory of Mark Twain, 82; her friendship with Verestchagin, 84; her -meeting with Skobeleff, 85; his last visit to her, 86; a talk with -Prince Gortschakoff, 95; a reminiscence of childhood, 96; a tribute -from Sir Ellis Ashmead-Bartlett, 99; her detestation of the word -"mission," 101; a remark of the _Pall Mall Gazette_, 102; a letter from -Prince Lobanoff-Rostovsky, 103; her brother, E. Novikoff, 104; a Press -comment on her friendship with Count Shouvaloff, 105; her last -interview with Prince Gortschakoff, 105; why she used the initials -"O.K.," 106; in London, 108; a speech on Shakespeare, 110-111; her -first public expression of views on the Jewish question, 112; letters -to _The Times_, 114--116; her comment on the Sydney Street affair, 118; -her attitude towards Jews, 121; in Russia, the famine, 125; her son, -Alexander Novikoff, 127; interviewed by _The Week's News_, 128-136; a -visit to Paris, 139; about Nicolas Rubinstein, 140-142; a talk with the -Grand Duchess Helen, 142; memories of well-known musicians, 143-146; -she hears of the Armenian massacres, 152; letters from Mr. Gladstone, -153-154; she tries to persuade her country that Disraeli does not -represent England, 156; what she was told about the Cyprus Treaty, 161; -she publishes _Is Russia Wrong?_ 162; her dream of an Anglo-Russian -understanding, 165; a conversation on the drink question in Russia, -166-170; in Petrograd, 175; in the village of Novo Alexandrovka, 177; -about the "Mariavites," 179; memories of Scotland, 184; her first -meeting with John Bright, 186; a talk with Kinglake, 187; his weekly -letters, 193; about the Dogger Bank affair, 197; in London, 200; on the -English idea of Siberia, 216; why prisoners are sent to Siberia, 217; -her introduction to _Siberia as it is_, 220; her friend, Helen -Voronoff, 226; on Russian prisons, 227; a visit from Dostoyevsky, 236; -about Russia in 1905; on the Grand Duke Constantine, 247; a letter from -him, 251; on Prince Oleg Constantinovitch, 252; a visit from -ex-President Grant, 266; on prisoners of war, 272; on the Russian -Slavophils, 282; her ideal in life, 286; on Prussianism, 289; on -England, 295 - - - -_Pall Mall Gazette_, The, 102 - -Paris, 70, 73, 139 - -Parliamentary system in Russia, 214 - -Pasha, Madame Nubar, 100 - -Pears, Sir Edwin, 26, 47 - -Pears, Sir Edwin, _Forty Years in Constantinople_, 47 - -Petrograd, 18, 19, 36, 49, 68, 72, 97, 100, 111, 115, 118, 139, 141, -144, 166, 170, 175, 242, 243, 269, 299 - -Pobyedonostzeff, C. P., 68 - - - -Rakovitz, 32 - -Ratchinsky, Mr. Serge, 176, 177 - -_Revue des Deux Mondes_, 70 - -Roumiantzoff Museum, Moscow, 41, 86 - -Rubinstein, Nicolas, 138, 140, 141, 142, 143 - -_Russia and England_, by Madame Novikoff, 54, 107, 163 - -Russia, Tsar's reception in Petrograd and Moscow, 18; sympathy for -oppressed Slavs, "Red Cross" collections, 19; pledge to save Serbia, -20; Mohammedans, 21; Emperor's New Year address, 21; political unity, -22; attitude towards Great Britain in 1876 and in 1914, 23; crisis -between Great Britain and Russia, 25; inclination for war with Turkey, -26; bitterness against Disraeli's policy, 29; England blamed for Slav -oppression, 30; Russian volunteers to help Slavs, 31; army eager to -assist, 34; effect of Nicholas Kiréeff's death, 35, 38, 39; Cossacks in -disguise sent to Balkans, 36; chivalry of Russian nature, 37; Great -Britain and Russia's distrust of each other, 40; England's attitude -hostile, 43; war declared against Turkey, England's neutrality, 48; -plans ascribed to England, 49; receipt of the news of declaration of -war, 49; mission to Afghanistan, 81; eve of Russo-Turkish War, 85; -smoking not common among women, 100; "Russians are Slavs," 106; Jewish -question in Russia, 112; what the Hebrews did in 1876, 113; feeling -between Slavs and Jews, 113; Yiddish jargon not used by Russians, 117; -vigilance with regard to criminals, 117; famine of 1892, 125; -sufferings of people, 126, 128-136; Moscow and Petrograd -Conservatoriums, 141; people's interest in England's expressed sympathy -for oppressed Armenians, 162; temperance measures, 167; Germans -encourage sale of alcohol in Polish provinces, 178; reforms in Russia -effected rapidly, 180; arrest of alleged Englishwoman at Warsaw, 196; -Dogger Bank incident, 197; and a parallel, 198; feeling towards -Nihilists, 202; war never desired, 203; effect of political murders, -209; people's loyalty to Emperor, 210; unlimited faith in new theories, -211; difference between students of 1840 and 1860, 212; parliamentary -system unsatisfactory, 214; Russian nature, 214, 215; meaning of -Siberia to Englishmen, 216; the convict's treatment in Siberia, 217; -proportion of prisoners, 218; revolution of 1905, 237; the "Court of -Petitions," 241; the Court of Appeal to Mercy, 242; prisoners taken for -active service, 244; political prisoners' patriotism. 245; the ancient -Russian parish, 279; proposed reforms, 281, 282; appreciation of -England's assistance in European War, 290 - -Russo-Japanese War, 88 - -Russo-Turkish War, 85 - - - -Salisbury, Lord, 46, 47, 115, 152, 153, 161 - -Safonoff, M., 145 - -San Stéfano treaty, 149, 150, 266, 267 - -Sassoun, 148, 149, 151, 152 - -Serbia, 17, 20, 35, 41, 216, 217, 218, 248 - -Seymour, Sir Henry, 93 - -Seymour, Vice-Admiral, 198 - -Shouvaloff, Count, 103, 104, 105 - -_Siberia as it is_, by Harry de Windt, 220 - -Skobeleff, General, 85, 86 - -Skobeleff, Madame, 85 - -Slavonic Saints, 47 - -Slavs, treatment in 1875, 18; Russian sympathy, 19; Russia's pledge to -help Serbia, 20; England blamed for Turkey's cruelty, 30; help from -Russian volunteers, 31; Mr. Gladstone's sympathy, 45; Russia the only -Power which cares for Slavs, 95 - -Smirnoff, General, 192 - -Smoking in Russia, 106 - -Sofia, 31 - -Staal, Baron and Baroness de, 102 - -_State and its Relation to the Churches_, by Mr. Gladstone, 56 - -Stead, W. T., 24, 103, 106, 237 - -St. James's Hall Conference, 43, 45, 51, 55, 105 - -Sultan, the, 30 - -Sydney Street outrage, 117, 118 - - - -Talmudist Jews, 119, 122 - -Tchaikovsky, 144 - -Tchernaieff, General, 32, 33 - -Tikhomirov, Leon, 204-215 - -_Times, The_, 112, 114, 115, 116, 154, 194 - -Treaty of Berlin, 147, 159 - -Treaty of Paris, 95, 105, 147 - -Troubetskoi, Princess Lise, 100 - -Tsar, the, 17, 18, 21, 51, 100, 114, 166, 177 - -Turkey, 30, 39, 45, 46, 48, 49, 72, 96, 97, 150, 160, 162, 181 - -Twain, Mark, 82, 83, 84 - -Tyndall, 60 - - - -_Unsterblichkeítslehre nach der Bibel_, 60 - - - -Vatican, the, 57 - -_Vatican, The_, by Mr. Gladstone, 57 - -Verestchagin, Vassily, 84-88 - -Verneuil, M. de, 89 - -Victoria, Queen, 50, 54, 55, 108 - -Vienna, 104 - -Viennese aristocracy, the, 66 - -Villiers, Charles, 39, 82, 291 - -Volnys, Madame, 73 - -Voronoff, Miss Helen, 226-228 - - - -Warsaw, 196 - -Watson, Mr. William, 157 - -Witte, Count, 178 - - - -Zaitschar, 37 - - - - - - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Russian Memories, by Olga Novikoff - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK RUSSIAN MEMORIES *** - -***** This file should be named 54507-8.txt or 54507-8.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/4/5/0/54507/ - -Produced by Al Haines -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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